critical mass - simulated value and urban space
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Critical Mass: Simulated Value and Urban Space
In 1963, Baltimore Mayor Theodore R. McKeldin announced the governments
plan to redevelop the citys downtown area. He described its shoreline as a sorry scene
of rotting piers, parking lots, and derelict industrial buildings, which detracted from the
revival of downtown (Hayward 286). The plan was to make use of combined city and
federal investment, and the developers would strictly acquisition of downtown land and
the uses to which that land could be put. Designs during this first period of urban
renewal in Baltimore followed the modernist tradition of sacrificing aesthetic in favor of
social organization; they subordinated individual buildings to the total composition.
Figure 1: Baltimore's Inner Harbor
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Structures did not fight with one another for attention. In general, the forms of new
buildings reflected greater concern for siting, mass, proportion, and scale than for stylistic
trends. That way planners could create a pleasing and cohesive environment without
needing every building to be a masterpiece (Hayward 286). Examples included the John
F. Deaton Medical Nursing Center (1972), each side of the collagelike building designed
to respond to the scale and materials of the area it faced, and I.M. Peis monolithic
World Trade Center, which utilized a pentagonal shape to provide more office space in
less visible mass (Hayward 288).
The 1968 riots following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., prompted a
reevaluation of the architectural planning of downtown Baltimore, in particular that of the
waterfront space. A small group of influential politicians, professionals, and business
leaders got together to see if there was some way to bring the city together; they sought
a symbol around which to build the idea of the city as a community, a city which could
believe in itself sufficiently to overcome the divisions and the siege mentality with which
the common citizenry approached downtown and its public spaces (Harvey 88-9).
What resulted was a massive, motivationally conflicted overhaul of the purpose and
design ofBaltimores harbor. The urban planners touted the social goals of modernism
while also claiming to be building an environment sensitive to the eclecticism and
diversity valued by the emerging postmodern thought of the era. Neither purpose won
out, though, as Inner Harbor became a preeminently postmodern space that simulates the
aspirations of modernism and postmodernism while insteadpromoting the rather
complex domestic organization with its dozens of technical slaves to the urban estate
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with all the machinery of communication and professional activity that defines late
capitalism (Baudrillard 29).
Examining the shift from modernist to postmodernist urban planning, Leon Krier
noted that the former primarily utilized mono-functional zoning that necessitated
complex transportation infrastructure and segmented cultural activity in unnatural ways.
He imagined, alternatively, a city in which the totality of urban functions are provided
within compatible and pleasant walking distancesa city made up of complete and
finite urban communities (Harvey 67). This is the myth that the Baltimore developers
hoped to promote in their renewal of Inner Harbor. As this analysis will show, they
rather created an illusion of Kriers good city, an isolated space providing for a wealth
of functions and needs that all serve the common goal of promoting commercial activity,
with little concern for the surrounding community and urban space.
After the Second World War, rapid and weakly controlled suburbanization [in
the United States] (the answer to every demobilized soldiers dream, as the rhetoric of the
time had it) was privately developed but heavily subsidized by government-backed
housing finance and direct public investments in highway construction and other
infrastructures (Harvey 69). As people, jobs, and capital flowed out of urban centers,
those spaces began to disintegrate, provoking a powerful and again government-
subsidized strategy of urban renewal through massive clearance and reconstruction of
older city centers (Harvey 69). This reinvestment had several important effects on the
design and function of contemporary urban space. First, it naturally encouraged a
postmodern fragmentation of uses, incorporating and renovating old buildings while
reimagining the types of people and commercial needs that could be served in the various
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districts and locations being redeveloped. Second, it replaced the single core of the
traditional city with the multiple nucleii of a Los Angelesized urban environment
(Teaford 152). No longer mono-functional in the way that Krier had lamented, these
spaces were meant to provide for vibrant and self-sustaining communities marked by
organizedrather than disorganized complexity, a vitality and energy of social interaction
that [depends] crucially upon diversity, intricacy, and the capacity to handle the
unexpected in controlled but creative ways (Jacobs, Harvey 73).
However, the third consequence in some sense nullified those effects.
Postmodern architecture and urban design tends to be shamelessly market-oriented
because that is the primary language of communication in our societymarket
integration plainly carries with the it the danger of pandering to the rich and the private
consumer rather than to the power and to public needs (Harvey 77). Urban planning
with the ambition of recapturing public space and drawing people back into the cities
would inevitably become a commercial endeavor, the temptations of the material
conditions of happiness being the most efficient tool for effecting such a change.
Work, leisure, nature, and culture, all previously dispersed, separate, and more or less
irreducible activities that produced anxiety and complexity in our real life, and in our
anarchic and archaic cities, have finally become mixed, massaged, climate controlled,
and domesticated into the simple activity of perpetual shopping (Baudrillard 34). The
good city became a good consumer city, its finite communities distinguished by the
boundaries of the their commercial functions.
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The boundaries of the Inner Harbor, therefore, were a primary focus in designing
the space. Low buildings were constructed around the outer edge with the occasional
tower, such as the United States Fidelity and Guaranty Life Insurance Company building,
to mark the intersection of the central business district and the waterfront. A height limit
of about 10 stories was set for buildings along Pratt and Light streetsboth
distinguishing the harbor developments from their corporate neighbors and ensuring
beautiful views from the skyscrapers further inlandand a planted promenade now
separates pedestrians from
automobile traffic and the
rest of the city (Figure 2).
This border helps accent the
more sculptural foreground
buildings, which generally
[contain] public attractions
and [help] to define and
enliven the waters edge
(Hayward 287). Even the
parking lots in the area were distanced from the waterfront, promoting the illusion of an
enclosed space that can meet all ofits occupants needs. Former chief executive of
Charles Center-Inner Harbor Management, Inc., Martin Millspaugh remarked, I am
convinced that this frame is a primary cause of the feeling of well-being that everyone
enjoys along the shoreline (Hayward 287).
Figure 2: Skyscrapers in the business district loom across the street
from the Inner Harbor.
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As Harvey notes, such environmental isolation is symptomatic of free-market
populism, which puts the middle classes into the enclosed and protected spaces of
shopping malls and atria, butdoes nothing for the poor except to eject them into a new
and quite nightmarish postmodern landscape of homelessness (77). Indeed, the
shopping mall as an architectural concept informs the entire design of Inner Harbor, not
just its actual mall spaces. Baudrillard comments on the significance of providing a
variety of purchasing options within a commercial space:
The display no longer exhibits an overabundance of wealth but a range of
select and complementary objects which are offered for the choosing. But
this arrangement also invokes a psychological chain reaction in theconsumer who peruses it, inventories it, and grasps it as a total category.
Few objects today are offered alone, without a context of objects to speak
for them. And the relation of the consumer to the object has consequently
changed: the object is no longer referred to in relation to a specific utility,but as a collection of objects in their total meaningWe can observe that
objects are never offered for consumption in an absolute disarray. In
certain cases they can mimic disorder to better seduce, but they are alwaysarranged to trace out directive paths. The arrangement directs the
purchasing impulse towards networks of objects in order to seduce it and
elicit, in accordance with its own logic, a maximal investment, reaching
the limits of economic potential. (31)
Inner Harbor, with its malls, aquarium, science museum, convention center, waterfront
activities, ice-skating rink, visitors center, and more, provides just such a network of
commercial offerings. The value of the space comes from the presentation of its diversity
as a unified environmental whole, a place to get lost in for an entire day, or more.
Buildings that failed to promote that unity have been renovated and restyled to
better suit the needs of the Inner Harbor. The Maryland Science Center, built by Edward
Durrell Stone, originally resembled a pavilion that looked inward rather than outward
and supplied exotic interior spaces (Hayward 288). It was mistaken for a classified
research center which offered no welcoming face toward the crowds of people
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thronging the waters edge (Millspaugh, Science Center). The building would have
been a celebrated postmodern creation were it not for the goal of establishing the same
sort of inward facing exotic interior effect for the Inner Harbor as a whole. Therefore,
administratorsworked to correct its flaws. In 1988, a new entrance lobby and IMAX
theater improved the buildings demeanor and usefulness by reorienting it to the harbor
(Figure 3) (Hayward 288). The modernist concept of a broader social purposemaking
the space open and inviting to the publicmerged with postmodern urban design
technique, while both served
the commercial interests of the
Inner Harbor as an
entertainment destination. The
IMAX theater would also
become symbolic of the
artificial creation of ambiance
so central to the Inner Harbors
success (as I will discussbelow): The IMAXis the large-screen special-effects movie
house where spectators are made to actually experience the sensation of flying, or space
travel, or undersea movement (Millspaugh, Science Center). Best of all, from the
developers perspective, the IMAX theater filled a new niche and increased revenues
enough to help pay for its own construction as well as future expansions.
Despite the initial aim to provide a wide array of specialty shops, including
merchants featuring fresh produce and other foods found in the citys municipal markets,
with restaurants as larger attractions, the Inner Harbor shopping pavilions (known as
Figure 3: The Maryland Science Center now offers a more invitingfacade toward the promenade.
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Harborplace) have become lackluster imitations of standardized suburban chain-store
shopping, filled almost exclusively with international chains (Harvey 71). Harvey
identifies the evolving Baltimore City Fair as the harbinger of this decline in diversity
and local, eclectic emphasis, as over the years the fairbecame inexorably less
neighbourly and more commercialthe fair became the lead item in drawing larger and
larger crowds to the downtown area on a regular basis, to see all manner of staged
spectacles. It was a short step from that to an institutionalized commercialization in the
form of the various entertainment and shopping centers that now populate the Inner
Harbor (Harvey 89-90).
Media coverage of the opening of Harborplace was optimistic about the
motivation for building the shopping centers and the effects they would have on the Inner
Harbor space:
When Harborplace opens tomorrow, it seems sure to be celebrated with
real feeling and enthusiasm that surpasses any other event in the rebirth of
the Inner Harbor. Its appeal reaches deep into the spiritual sources of
Baltimoreana, but what may be just as important in the long run: it isexpected to lift the whole amalgam of other attractions around the
shoreline to form a critical mass, where the total appeal is greater than the
sum of the parts (Millspaugh, Critical Mass A11).
Even on the brink of the opening of the most commercial construction yet seen in
the harbor, Millspaugh spoke against people who still consider Harborplace to be
a crasscreation, or destructive of the peaceful contemplation of the water
(Critical Mass A11). His and the citys optimism were not born from blissful
ignorance, but from a unique correlating feature of initiatives undertaken for the
good of the public and for private benefit: the mobilization of the masses.
Millspaugh continued, We all hope such doubts will be dispelled after tomorrow,
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but in any case it cannot be denied that the largest missing ingredient in the Inner
Harbor has been the capacity for large numbers of people to eat and drink, or go
shopping for fun (Critical Mass A11). Inner Harbor, both as a public service
and a commercial endeavor, was and is dependent upon the generation of
sufficient interest to justify its plethora of entertainment offerings and to fund its
business occupants, neither being able to sustain itself without the conservation of
the other.
To maintain the illusion of the Inner Harbor as sensitive to vernacular traditions,
local histories, particular, wants, needs, and fancies, historical architecture and artifacts
are preserved and highlighted throughout, whether in the form of a renovated warehouse
building, the retired Constellation warship docked along the shore, an inconspicuous sign
offering visitors some historical background on the space and its development, or the
recent addition of a mangled piece of metal from the New York City World Trade Center
brought down on September
11, 2001 (Figure 4). The 35-
foot-wide promenade that
encircles the water was
constructed of brick to reflect
the historic building material of
the city itself (Millspaugh,
Critical Mass A12). Many
old buildings were repurposed,
including the decrepit Pratt
Figure 4: The NYC World Trade Center memorial outside the
Baltimore World Trade Center
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Street Power Plant, which was transformed into a Barnes and Noble, Hard Rock Caf,
and other restaurants and shops, exemplifying postmodern appropriation of historical
ambiance. As Baudrillard puts it, Even the smallest ski resort is organized on the
universalist model of the drugstore, one where all activities are summarized,
systematically combined, and centered around the fundamental concept of ambiance
(Baudrillard 33). The brick walls and towers within the Barnes and Noble are
incorporated into and mimicked by the design of the entryway, escalators, checkout
counters, and shelving units, obliterating the distinctions between timeworn architecture
and contemporary commercial renovation (Figure 5). Likewise, Scarlett Place of
Baltimore, a condominium development, brings together historical preservation (the
nineteenth-century Scarllet
Seed Warehouse is
incorporated into the far left-
hand corner) and the
postmodernist urge for
quotation, in this case from a
Mediterranean hilltop village
(Harvey 95).
One of the harbors
biggest historical tourist
attractions was discovered by accident. When the Tall Ships, large sailboats used in
celebrations of the nations heritage and built and rigged in emulation of those used
around 1776, came to the Public Wharf in Baltimore in 1976, the city and its residents
Figure 5: Barnes & Noble seamlessly blends the architecture of the
former Pratt Street Power Plant power plant with contemporary
commercial design.
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were electrified by their towering sails and rigging; hundreds of thousands of spectators
came to the Inner Harbor to visit and go on board the Tall Shipsincluding many
suburbanites who had been in the habit of bragging that they hadnt been downtown for
years (Millspaugh, Critical Mass A13). This unprecedented popularity was crucial in
convincing the Rouse Company (designers of Bostons Faneuil Hall Market Place) to join
the Inner Harbor development team, the ships historical value instantly converting into a
signal of the economic potential of the harbor space. As Millspaugh put it, from that
moment forward the future of the Inner Harbor as a regional complex of attractions was
assured (Critical Mass A13).
Nowhere in the harbor is the construction of ambiance more apparent than at the
National Aquarium. Considered now to be the sculptural centerpiece of the Inner
Harbor, and the most successful aquarium in the United States, the National Aquarium
is notable for its striking haphazard and angled forms, which were not constrained by
stylistic limitations such as
those the architects of the New
England Aquarium faced in
accommodating Bostons
smaller and older waterfront
(Hayward 293). It features an
indoor simulation of a journey
around the world, from the
bottom of the Atlantic Ocean to
the top of an Amazon rain
Figure 6: The National Aquarium features a complete indoor rain
forest ecosystem, visible here through the shining glass exterior.
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forest (Hayward 293). Upon entering, visitors are met with an enormous rock face
juxtaposed with the shimmering glass surfaces of the aquariums outer walls, a
remarkable natural element inserted into the artificial space (Figure 6). Following a one-
way circulation sequence, visitors move through dark spaces accented by the neon glow
of backlit tanks and signs before eventually boarding an escalator to reach the rain forest
area. The artificiality of the spaces ambiance is powerfully and literally felt as the
humidity slowly builds on the ride up to the top. Architect Peter Chermayeff claimed that
the aquariums design and experience are symbolic of the Inner Harbor project as a
whole: Its not just a token exhibit stuck in the cornerIt makes the point that all life is
dependent on water, and in fact, unified by water (Hayward 293).
The aquariums ambiance is not limited to the building itself, and in recent years
it has been at the forefront of a gradual spilling out of consumer environments onto the
walkways and plazas of the Inner Harbor. The entire area surrounding the aquarium is
filled with plants from all around the world, and hidden speakers loop the ambient music
that accompanies the indoor aquatic exhibits. Outdoor space, ostensibly the last vestige
of public domain, is subsumed by the styles and purposes of the institutions surrounding
it. An enormous dragon sculpture marks the recently built Ripleys Believe-It-Or-Not
museum, arching outward from the shopping center to overshadow the promenade
(Figure 7). Each year, more and more outdoor stores and restaurants such as the new
Ritas Italian Ice move commercial functions outbeyond the boundaries of the shopping
centers. Though the Inner Harbor has hardly been viewed as anything but a consumer
space, these changes seem to make official its conception as one gigantic indoor and
outdoor mall.
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Complicating these
developments in the harbor is a
tension between the need to
cater to contemporary fashions
and the desire to build lasting
monuments that can serve a
function beyond their
immediate implementation.
Aldo Rossi illuminates the
conflict between ephemerality and permanence in urban spaces:
Destruction and demolition, expropriation and rapid changes in use as aresult of speculation and obsolescence, are the most recognizable signs of
urban dynamics. But beyond all else, the images suggest the interrupted
destiny of the individual, of his often sad and difficult participation in thedestiny of the collective. This vision in its entirety seems to be reflected
with a quality of permanence in urban monuments. Monuments, signs of
the collective will as expressed through the principles of architecture, offer
themselves as primary elements, fixed points in the urban dynamic(Harvey 83)
Many structures in the Inner Harbor have maintained the permanence of urban
monuments in spite of their remarkably dated designs, most notably the two
Harborplace buildings occupying the north and west shores. They are essential fixtures
of the central artery along which all foot traffic in the harbor must travel, and yet they are
often filled with closed and unoccupied stores, and their architectural structure mirrors
the isolated shopping environment of their suburban counterparts, blocking out natural
light and betraying the aesthetic theme of the Inner Harbor space. Andy Warhol once
commented, My ideal city would be completely new. No antiques. All the buildings
Figure 7: The dragon marking the entrance to Ripley's Believe-It-Or-
Not at Harbor Places spills out over the promenade.
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would be new. Old buildings are unnatural spaces. Buildings should be built to last for a
short time. And if theyre older than ten years, I say get rid of them. Id build new
buildings every fourteen years (157). Harbor Place is stuck between the function of
Andy Warhols ideal city, constantly renewing to meet consumer needs (hence the
abandoning of local merchants in favor of popular chains) and the permanence of Rossis
signs of the collective, attempting to establish a sort of material historyeven the
efficient and quasi-temporary mall structures take on historical significance in the context
of an artificially enclosed environment like the Inner Harbor.
Over the years, the corporate presence around the perimeter has encroached on
the harbor area. Several buildings now break the original height limits; the shining ring
of modern skyscrapers appears to loom over the waterfront. The recently renovated
Visitor Center stands sentry at the end of Conway Street, seeking to preserve the harbors
connections to the Convention
Center and Camden Yards,
which are gradually being
swallowed up by the
surrounding business
developments (Figure 8). As
the harbors stylized consumer
space evolves, it grows more
appealing to the businesses surrounding it that would lay claim to its ambiance and
cultural capital. The distinctions between professional and consumer roles are
diminished: We have reached the point where consumption has grasped the whole of
Figure 8: The Baltimore Visitor Center at Inner Harbor
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life; where all activities are sequenced in the same combinatorial mode; where the
schedule of gratification is outlined in advance, one hour at a time; and where the
environment is complete, completely climatized, furnished, and culturalized
(Baudrillard 33). The Inner Harbor seems destined eventually to function as both a
professional and commercial hub, equal parts office and store space, with the boundaries
between the two becoming harder and harder to determine for the visiting tourist and
native worker alike.
This is the final, hidden result of the great illusion created by the Inner Harbors
developers. They espoused an innovative blend of the modern and the postmodern in
architecture and function, their designs both serving the larger social goal of affirming the
waterfront as a common good of the peoplea concern to explore pure form and space
with a mind to public needsand allowing for diverse uses, a symbolic richness of
traditional urban forms based on the propinquity and dialogue of the greatest possible
variety and hence on the expression of true variety as evidenced by the meaningful and
truthful articulation of public spaces, urban fabric, and skyline (Harvey 97, 67-8).
Instead, this conception of the planning of Inner Harbor served as a postmodern meta-
creation, a third-ordersimulation of both modern social purpose and postmodern
eclecticism (Baudrillard 172). If, as Roland Barthes opined, the city is a discourse and
this discourse is truly a language, then Baltimores Inner Harbor is a masterful
marketing campaign, touting social benefits while subliminally promoting a reliable flow
of commercial activity (Harvey 67).
The image of the Inner Harbor as a unifying public reclamation project is, in
Baudrillards words, neither true nor false: it is a deterrence machine set up in order to
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rejuvenate in reverse the fiction of the real (172). The harbor is in fact the quintessential
and hyperreal embodiment of the late capitalist urban space: serving a variety of
consumer-oriented needs in an aesthetically pleasing environment that encourages
visitors to forget their external concerns and their awareness of the spaces constructed
and artificial nature. At the same time, to simulate is not simply to feign; in the process
of simulating a larger social goal, the Inner Harbor has achieved some of the true
symptoms of urban renewal for the public good (Baudrillard 167). However, that public
good is not the imagined reality of diverse local communities and institutions, but the
hyperreality of commercial experience, with a whole range of gadgets [that] magnetizes
the crowd into direct flows (Baudrillard 171). It is unsurprising, then, to hear that for
nearly 30 years the Inner Harbor has consistently drawn more visitors than what many
would consider the considerably more artificial fantasy world of Disneyland, about which
Baudrillard is writing.
That level of attraction is difficult to sustain, and so the Waterfront Partnership of
Baltimore remains intent on finding new ways to reinvent and monetize the space.
President Laurie Schwartz noted, The harbor has several terrific anchors, especially in
the Science Center and the Aquarium. In addition, it needs new free or low-cost
activities and attractions for people. It needs to have a plan where, every two to three
years, were adding new features, new amenities, new reasons for people to visit the
harbor (Serpick). Thus the cycle continues: no doubt new stores, events, and activities
will appear, but their differences will be more in appearance and illusion than in
motivation and structure. To maintain interest both from tourists and from the growing
population of families in downtown Baltimore, the Inner Harbor must adapt its goods and
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images, but its purpose will remain the same. Baltimores organization of spectacular
urban spaces [as] a means to attract capital and people must be undertaken with as much
attention given to the simulated projection of public value as to the actual construction of
centers of entertainment and consumption (Harvey 92).
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CODA
Situated just outside the heavily crowded shopping and entertainment areas of the
Inner Harbor is Pierces Park, opened in 2012. Created in memory of businessman Pierce
John Flanigan, III, the park consists of a small green space populated by various
playful works of art that prompt aural interaction: xylophones with mallets, an
intonated musical fence, a sound cone sculpture, and two massive metallic drum faces.
The park is an outlier amidst the commercial hubbub of its neighboring environment, a
peaceful, reflective space made almost entirely of natural or recycled materials and
featuring a pathway covered by arched bamboo. It provides a unique perspective on
Baltimores waterfront projects of the past 40 years, one that empowers the individual
and turns the determination of value and significance over to the public.
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Engraved in the brick paths that wind through the park are groups of homophones,
underfoot and easily missed when overwhelmed by the frenetic pace of the Inner Harbor.
These linguistic groupings highlight the destabilization of language in the postmodern
era. In The Postmodern Turn, Ihab Hassan notes the ambiguity, discontinuity,
heterodoxy, pluralism, randomness, revolt, perversion, [and] deformation which define
postmodernism and which, in doing so, effectively undermine any such overarching
definitions (7). These varied meanings, he writes designate the capacity of mind to
generalize itself in symbols, intervene more and more into nature, act upon itself through
its own abstractions and so become, increasingly, immediately, its own environment
(Hassan 7). The artificial ambiance and commercial infrastructure of the Inner Harbor
resist such symbolic mental action, desiring the visitor to engage the space as a pure
consumer deprived of alternative motives and submissive to the totality of its design and
purpose.
In Pierces Park, though, we find the first hint as to what the creation of Kriers
good city would entail. A good city, as a start, can provide for the needs induced by
the market-oriented language of contemporary communication, but also for the diverse
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and antagonistic voices that complicate and weaken that languages hegemony. True, the
establishment of a completely non-commercial reflective haven so near to a vibrant
consumer space could be viewed as one more feature of the late capitalist isolated and
total environment. Nevertheless, its presence indicates a subtle resistance, a willingness
to acknowledge the fiction, fragmentation, collage, and eclecticism which make up the
modern urban space (Harvey 98).
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Works Cited
Baudrillard, Jean. Selected Writings. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2002. Print.
Harvey, David. The Condition of Postmodernity. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishing,1990. Print.
Hassan, Ihab. The Postmodern Turn: Essays in Postmodern Theory and Culture.
Columbus: Ohio State University, 1987. Print.
Hayward, Marry Ellen and Frank R. Shivers, Jr. The Architecture of Baltimore: An
Illustrated History. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004. Print.
Millspaugh, Martin L. Critical Mass. The Evening Sun 1 Jul. 1980: A11-A13. Print.
Millspaugh, Martin L. Science Center, Booming at Last, Will Expand. The EveningSun 22 Apr. 1982. Print.
Serpick, Evan. The New Inner Harbor. Baltimore. Rosebud Entertainment, Jul. 2011.
Web. 1 May 2013.
Teaford, Jon C. The Twentieth-Century American City: Problem, Promise, and Reality
(The American Moment). Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993.Print.
Warhol, Andy. The Philosophy of Andy Warhol. Orlando: Harcourt, Inc., 1975. Print.