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  • 7/30/2019 Critical Mass - Simulated Value and Urban Space

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    Critical Mass: Simulated Value and Urban Space

    In 1963, Baltimore Mayor Theodore R. McKeldin announced the governments

    plan to redevelop the citys downtown area. He described its shoreline as a sorry scene

    of rotting piers, parking lots, and derelict industrial buildings, which detracted from the

    revival of downtown (Hayward 286). The plan was to make use of combined city and

    federal investment, and the developers would strictly acquisition of downtown land and

    the uses to which that land could be put. Designs during this first period of urban

    renewal in Baltimore followed the modernist tradition of sacrificing aesthetic in favor of

    social organization; they subordinated individual buildings to the total composition.

    Figure 1: Baltimore's Inner Harbor

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    Structures did not fight with one another for attention. In general, the forms of new

    buildings reflected greater concern for siting, mass, proportion, and scale than for stylistic

    trends. That way planners could create a pleasing and cohesive environment without

    needing every building to be a masterpiece (Hayward 286). Examples included the John

    F. Deaton Medical Nursing Center (1972), each side of the collagelike building designed

    to respond to the scale and materials of the area it faced, and I.M. Peis monolithic

    World Trade Center, which utilized a pentagonal shape to provide more office space in

    less visible mass (Hayward 288).

    The 1968 riots following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., prompted a

    reevaluation of the architectural planning of downtown Baltimore, in particular that of the

    waterfront space. A small group of influential politicians, professionals, and business

    leaders got together to see if there was some way to bring the city together; they sought

    a symbol around which to build the idea of the city as a community, a city which could

    believe in itself sufficiently to overcome the divisions and the siege mentality with which

    the common citizenry approached downtown and its public spaces (Harvey 88-9).

    What resulted was a massive, motivationally conflicted overhaul of the purpose and

    design ofBaltimores harbor. The urban planners touted the social goals of modernism

    while also claiming to be building an environment sensitive to the eclecticism and

    diversity valued by the emerging postmodern thought of the era. Neither purpose won

    out, though, as Inner Harbor became a preeminently postmodern space that simulates the

    aspirations of modernism and postmodernism while insteadpromoting the rather

    complex domestic organization with its dozens of technical slaves to the urban estate

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    with all the machinery of communication and professional activity that defines late

    capitalism (Baudrillard 29).

    Examining the shift from modernist to postmodernist urban planning, Leon Krier

    noted that the former primarily utilized mono-functional zoning that necessitated

    complex transportation infrastructure and segmented cultural activity in unnatural ways.

    He imagined, alternatively, a city in which the totality of urban functions are provided

    within compatible and pleasant walking distancesa city made up of complete and

    finite urban communities (Harvey 67). This is the myth that the Baltimore developers

    hoped to promote in their renewal of Inner Harbor. As this analysis will show, they

    rather created an illusion of Kriers good city, an isolated space providing for a wealth

    of functions and needs that all serve the common goal of promoting commercial activity,

    with little concern for the surrounding community and urban space.

    After the Second World War, rapid and weakly controlled suburbanization [in

    the United States] (the answer to every demobilized soldiers dream, as the rhetoric of the

    time had it) was privately developed but heavily subsidized by government-backed

    housing finance and direct public investments in highway construction and other

    infrastructures (Harvey 69). As people, jobs, and capital flowed out of urban centers,

    those spaces began to disintegrate, provoking a powerful and again government-

    subsidized strategy of urban renewal through massive clearance and reconstruction of

    older city centers (Harvey 69). This reinvestment had several important effects on the

    design and function of contemporary urban space. First, it naturally encouraged a

    postmodern fragmentation of uses, incorporating and renovating old buildings while

    reimagining the types of people and commercial needs that could be served in the various

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    districts and locations being redeveloped. Second, it replaced the single core of the

    traditional city with the multiple nucleii of a Los Angelesized urban environment

    (Teaford 152). No longer mono-functional in the way that Krier had lamented, these

    spaces were meant to provide for vibrant and self-sustaining communities marked by

    organizedrather than disorganized complexity, a vitality and energy of social interaction

    that [depends] crucially upon diversity, intricacy, and the capacity to handle the

    unexpected in controlled but creative ways (Jacobs, Harvey 73).

    However, the third consequence in some sense nullified those effects.

    Postmodern architecture and urban design tends to be shamelessly market-oriented

    because that is the primary language of communication in our societymarket

    integration plainly carries with the it the danger of pandering to the rich and the private

    consumer rather than to the power and to public needs (Harvey 77). Urban planning

    with the ambition of recapturing public space and drawing people back into the cities

    would inevitably become a commercial endeavor, the temptations of the material

    conditions of happiness being the most efficient tool for effecting such a change.

    Work, leisure, nature, and culture, all previously dispersed, separate, and more or less

    irreducible activities that produced anxiety and complexity in our real life, and in our

    anarchic and archaic cities, have finally become mixed, massaged, climate controlled,

    and domesticated into the simple activity of perpetual shopping (Baudrillard 34). The

    good city became a good consumer city, its finite communities distinguished by the

    boundaries of the their commercial functions.

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    The boundaries of the Inner Harbor, therefore, were a primary focus in designing

    the space. Low buildings were constructed around the outer edge with the occasional

    tower, such as the United States Fidelity and Guaranty Life Insurance Company building,

    to mark the intersection of the central business district and the waterfront. A height limit

    of about 10 stories was set for buildings along Pratt and Light streetsboth

    distinguishing the harbor developments from their corporate neighbors and ensuring

    beautiful views from the skyscrapers further inlandand a planted promenade now

    separates pedestrians from

    automobile traffic and the

    rest of the city (Figure 2).

    This border helps accent the

    more sculptural foreground

    buildings, which generally

    [contain] public attractions

    and [help] to define and

    enliven the waters edge

    (Hayward 287). Even the

    parking lots in the area were distanced from the waterfront, promoting the illusion of an

    enclosed space that can meet all ofits occupants needs. Former chief executive of

    Charles Center-Inner Harbor Management, Inc., Martin Millspaugh remarked, I am

    convinced that this frame is a primary cause of the feeling of well-being that everyone

    enjoys along the shoreline (Hayward 287).

    Figure 2: Skyscrapers in the business district loom across the street

    from the Inner Harbor.

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    As Harvey notes, such environmental isolation is symptomatic of free-market

    populism, which puts the middle classes into the enclosed and protected spaces of

    shopping malls and atria, butdoes nothing for the poor except to eject them into a new

    and quite nightmarish postmodern landscape of homelessness (77). Indeed, the

    shopping mall as an architectural concept informs the entire design of Inner Harbor, not

    just its actual mall spaces. Baudrillard comments on the significance of providing a

    variety of purchasing options within a commercial space:

    The display no longer exhibits an overabundance of wealth but a range of

    select and complementary objects which are offered for the choosing. But

    this arrangement also invokes a psychological chain reaction in theconsumer who peruses it, inventories it, and grasps it as a total category.

    Few objects today are offered alone, without a context of objects to speak

    for them. And the relation of the consumer to the object has consequently

    changed: the object is no longer referred to in relation to a specific utility,but as a collection of objects in their total meaningWe can observe that

    objects are never offered for consumption in an absolute disarray. In

    certain cases they can mimic disorder to better seduce, but they are alwaysarranged to trace out directive paths. The arrangement directs the

    purchasing impulse towards networks of objects in order to seduce it and

    elicit, in accordance with its own logic, a maximal investment, reaching

    the limits of economic potential. (31)

    Inner Harbor, with its malls, aquarium, science museum, convention center, waterfront

    activities, ice-skating rink, visitors center, and more, provides just such a network of

    commercial offerings. The value of the space comes from the presentation of its diversity

    as a unified environmental whole, a place to get lost in for an entire day, or more.

    Buildings that failed to promote that unity have been renovated and restyled to

    better suit the needs of the Inner Harbor. The Maryland Science Center, built by Edward

    Durrell Stone, originally resembled a pavilion that looked inward rather than outward

    and supplied exotic interior spaces (Hayward 288). It was mistaken for a classified

    research center which offered no welcoming face toward the crowds of people

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    thronging the waters edge (Millspaugh, Science Center). The building would have

    been a celebrated postmodern creation were it not for the goal of establishing the same

    sort of inward facing exotic interior effect for the Inner Harbor as a whole. Therefore,

    administratorsworked to correct its flaws. In 1988, a new entrance lobby and IMAX

    theater improved the buildings demeanor and usefulness by reorienting it to the harbor

    (Figure 3) (Hayward 288). The modernist concept of a broader social purposemaking

    the space open and inviting to the publicmerged with postmodern urban design

    technique, while both served

    the commercial interests of the

    Inner Harbor as an

    entertainment destination. The

    IMAX theater would also

    become symbolic of the

    artificial creation of ambiance

    so central to the Inner Harbors

    success (as I will discussbelow): The IMAXis the large-screen special-effects movie

    house where spectators are made to actually experience the sensation of flying, or space

    travel, or undersea movement (Millspaugh, Science Center). Best of all, from the

    developers perspective, the IMAX theater filled a new niche and increased revenues

    enough to help pay for its own construction as well as future expansions.

    Despite the initial aim to provide a wide array of specialty shops, including

    merchants featuring fresh produce and other foods found in the citys municipal markets,

    with restaurants as larger attractions, the Inner Harbor shopping pavilions (known as

    Figure 3: The Maryland Science Center now offers a more invitingfacade toward the promenade.

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    Harborplace) have become lackluster imitations of standardized suburban chain-store

    shopping, filled almost exclusively with international chains (Harvey 71). Harvey

    identifies the evolving Baltimore City Fair as the harbinger of this decline in diversity

    and local, eclectic emphasis, as over the years the fairbecame inexorably less

    neighbourly and more commercialthe fair became the lead item in drawing larger and

    larger crowds to the downtown area on a regular basis, to see all manner of staged

    spectacles. It was a short step from that to an institutionalized commercialization in the

    form of the various entertainment and shopping centers that now populate the Inner

    Harbor (Harvey 89-90).

    Media coverage of the opening of Harborplace was optimistic about the

    motivation for building the shopping centers and the effects they would have on the Inner

    Harbor space:

    When Harborplace opens tomorrow, it seems sure to be celebrated with

    real feeling and enthusiasm that surpasses any other event in the rebirth of

    the Inner Harbor. Its appeal reaches deep into the spiritual sources of

    Baltimoreana, but what may be just as important in the long run: it isexpected to lift the whole amalgam of other attractions around the

    shoreline to form a critical mass, where the total appeal is greater than the

    sum of the parts (Millspaugh, Critical Mass A11).

    Even on the brink of the opening of the most commercial construction yet seen in

    the harbor, Millspaugh spoke against people who still consider Harborplace to be

    a crasscreation, or destructive of the peaceful contemplation of the water

    (Critical Mass A11). His and the citys optimism were not born from blissful

    ignorance, but from a unique correlating feature of initiatives undertaken for the

    good of the public and for private benefit: the mobilization of the masses.

    Millspaugh continued, We all hope such doubts will be dispelled after tomorrow,

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    but in any case it cannot be denied that the largest missing ingredient in the Inner

    Harbor has been the capacity for large numbers of people to eat and drink, or go

    shopping for fun (Critical Mass A11). Inner Harbor, both as a public service

    and a commercial endeavor, was and is dependent upon the generation of

    sufficient interest to justify its plethora of entertainment offerings and to fund its

    business occupants, neither being able to sustain itself without the conservation of

    the other.

    To maintain the illusion of the Inner Harbor as sensitive to vernacular traditions,

    local histories, particular, wants, needs, and fancies, historical architecture and artifacts

    are preserved and highlighted throughout, whether in the form of a renovated warehouse

    building, the retired Constellation warship docked along the shore, an inconspicuous sign

    offering visitors some historical background on the space and its development, or the

    recent addition of a mangled piece of metal from the New York City World Trade Center

    brought down on September

    11, 2001 (Figure 4). The 35-

    foot-wide promenade that

    encircles the water was

    constructed of brick to reflect

    the historic building material of

    the city itself (Millspaugh,

    Critical Mass A12). Many

    old buildings were repurposed,

    including the decrepit Pratt

    Figure 4: The NYC World Trade Center memorial outside the

    Baltimore World Trade Center

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    Street Power Plant, which was transformed into a Barnes and Noble, Hard Rock Caf,

    and other restaurants and shops, exemplifying postmodern appropriation of historical

    ambiance. As Baudrillard puts it, Even the smallest ski resort is organized on the

    universalist model of the drugstore, one where all activities are summarized,

    systematically combined, and centered around the fundamental concept of ambiance

    (Baudrillard 33). The brick walls and towers within the Barnes and Noble are

    incorporated into and mimicked by the design of the entryway, escalators, checkout

    counters, and shelving units, obliterating the distinctions between timeworn architecture

    and contemporary commercial renovation (Figure 5). Likewise, Scarlett Place of

    Baltimore, a condominium development, brings together historical preservation (the

    nineteenth-century Scarllet

    Seed Warehouse is

    incorporated into the far left-

    hand corner) and the

    postmodernist urge for

    quotation, in this case from a

    Mediterranean hilltop village

    (Harvey 95).

    One of the harbors

    biggest historical tourist

    attractions was discovered by accident. When the Tall Ships, large sailboats used in

    celebrations of the nations heritage and built and rigged in emulation of those used

    around 1776, came to the Public Wharf in Baltimore in 1976, the city and its residents

    Figure 5: Barnes & Noble seamlessly blends the architecture of the

    former Pratt Street Power Plant power plant with contemporary

    commercial design.

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    were electrified by their towering sails and rigging; hundreds of thousands of spectators

    came to the Inner Harbor to visit and go on board the Tall Shipsincluding many

    suburbanites who had been in the habit of bragging that they hadnt been downtown for

    years (Millspaugh, Critical Mass A13). This unprecedented popularity was crucial in

    convincing the Rouse Company (designers of Bostons Faneuil Hall Market Place) to join

    the Inner Harbor development team, the ships historical value instantly converting into a

    signal of the economic potential of the harbor space. As Millspaugh put it, from that

    moment forward the future of the Inner Harbor as a regional complex of attractions was

    assured (Critical Mass A13).

    Nowhere in the harbor is the construction of ambiance more apparent than at the

    National Aquarium. Considered now to be the sculptural centerpiece of the Inner

    Harbor, and the most successful aquarium in the United States, the National Aquarium

    is notable for its striking haphazard and angled forms, which were not constrained by

    stylistic limitations such as

    those the architects of the New

    England Aquarium faced in

    accommodating Bostons

    smaller and older waterfront

    (Hayward 293). It features an

    indoor simulation of a journey

    around the world, from the

    bottom of the Atlantic Ocean to

    the top of an Amazon rain

    Figure 6: The National Aquarium features a complete indoor rain

    forest ecosystem, visible here through the shining glass exterior.

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    forest (Hayward 293). Upon entering, visitors are met with an enormous rock face

    juxtaposed with the shimmering glass surfaces of the aquariums outer walls, a

    remarkable natural element inserted into the artificial space (Figure 6). Following a one-

    way circulation sequence, visitors move through dark spaces accented by the neon glow

    of backlit tanks and signs before eventually boarding an escalator to reach the rain forest

    area. The artificiality of the spaces ambiance is powerfully and literally felt as the

    humidity slowly builds on the ride up to the top. Architect Peter Chermayeff claimed that

    the aquariums design and experience are symbolic of the Inner Harbor project as a

    whole: Its not just a token exhibit stuck in the cornerIt makes the point that all life is

    dependent on water, and in fact, unified by water (Hayward 293).

    The aquariums ambiance is not limited to the building itself, and in recent years

    it has been at the forefront of a gradual spilling out of consumer environments onto the

    walkways and plazas of the Inner Harbor. The entire area surrounding the aquarium is

    filled with plants from all around the world, and hidden speakers loop the ambient music

    that accompanies the indoor aquatic exhibits. Outdoor space, ostensibly the last vestige

    of public domain, is subsumed by the styles and purposes of the institutions surrounding

    it. An enormous dragon sculpture marks the recently built Ripleys Believe-It-Or-Not

    museum, arching outward from the shopping center to overshadow the promenade

    (Figure 7). Each year, more and more outdoor stores and restaurants such as the new

    Ritas Italian Ice move commercial functions outbeyond the boundaries of the shopping

    centers. Though the Inner Harbor has hardly been viewed as anything but a consumer

    space, these changes seem to make official its conception as one gigantic indoor and

    outdoor mall.

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    Complicating these

    developments in the harbor is a

    tension between the need to

    cater to contemporary fashions

    and the desire to build lasting

    monuments that can serve a

    function beyond their

    immediate implementation.

    Aldo Rossi illuminates the

    conflict between ephemerality and permanence in urban spaces:

    Destruction and demolition, expropriation and rapid changes in use as aresult of speculation and obsolescence, are the most recognizable signs of

    urban dynamics. But beyond all else, the images suggest the interrupted

    destiny of the individual, of his often sad and difficult participation in thedestiny of the collective. This vision in its entirety seems to be reflected

    with a quality of permanence in urban monuments. Monuments, signs of

    the collective will as expressed through the principles of architecture, offer

    themselves as primary elements, fixed points in the urban dynamic(Harvey 83)

    Many structures in the Inner Harbor have maintained the permanence of urban

    monuments in spite of their remarkably dated designs, most notably the two

    Harborplace buildings occupying the north and west shores. They are essential fixtures

    of the central artery along which all foot traffic in the harbor must travel, and yet they are

    often filled with closed and unoccupied stores, and their architectural structure mirrors

    the isolated shopping environment of their suburban counterparts, blocking out natural

    light and betraying the aesthetic theme of the Inner Harbor space. Andy Warhol once

    commented, My ideal city would be completely new. No antiques. All the buildings

    Figure 7: The dragon marking the entrance to Ripley's Believe-It-Or-

    Not at Harbor Places spills out over the promenade.

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    would be new. Old buildings are unnatural spaces. Buildings should be built to last for a

    short time. And if theyre older than ten years, I say get rid of them. Id build new

    buildings every fourteen years (157). Harbor Place is stuck between the function of

    Andy Warhols ideal city, constantly renewing to meet consumer needs (hence the

    abandoning of local merchants in favor of popular chains) and the permanence of Rossis

    signs of the collective, attempting to establish a sort of material historyeven the

    efficient and quasi-temporary mall structures take on historical significance in the context

    of an artificially enclosed environment like the Inner Harbor.

    Over the years, the corporate presence around the perimeter has encroached on

    the harbor area. Several buildings now break the original height limits; the shining ring

    of modern skyscrapers appears to loom over the waterfront. The recently renovated

    Visitor Center stands sentry at the end of Conway Street, seeking to preserve the harbors

    connections to the Convention

    Center and Camden Yards,

    which are gradually being

    swallowed up by the

    surrounding business

    developments (Figure 8). As

    the harbors stylized consumer

    space evolves, it grows more

    appealing to the businesses surrounding it that would lay claim to its ambiance and

    cultural capital. The distinctions between professional and consumer roles are

    diminished: We have reached the point where consumption has grasped the whole of

    Figure 8: The Baltimore Visitor Center at Inner Harbor

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    life; where all activities are sequenced in the same combinatorial mode; where the

    schedule of gratification is outlined in advance, one hour at a time; and where the

    environment is complete, completely climatized, furnished, and culturalized

    (Baudrillard 33). The Inner Harbor seems destined eventually to function as both a

    professional and commercial hub, equal parts office and store space, with the boundaries

    between the two becoming harder and harder to determine for the visiting tourist and

    native worker alike.

    This is the final, hidden result of the great illusion created by the Inner Harbors

    developers. They espoused an innovative blend of the modern and the postmodern in

    architecture and function, their designs both serving the larger social goal of affirming the

    waterfront as a common good of the peoplea concern to explore pure form and space

    with a mind to public needsand allowing for diverse uses, a symbolic richness of

    traditional urban forms based on the propinquity and dialogue of the greatest possible

    variety and hence on the expression of true variety as evidenced by the meaningful and

    truthful articulation of public spaces, urban fabric, and skyline (Harvey 97, 67-8).

    Instead, this conception of the planning of Inner Harbor served as a postmodern meta-

    creation, a third-ordersimulation of both modern social purpose and postmodern

    eclecticism (Baudrillard 172). If, as Roland Barthes opined, the city is a discourse and

    this discourse is truly a language, then Baltimores Inner Harbor is a masterful

    marketing campaign, touting social benefits while subliminally promoting a reliable flow

    of commercial activity (Harvey 67).

    The image of the Inner Harbor as a unifying public reclamation project is, in

    Baudrillards words, neither true nor false: it is a deterrence machine set up in order to

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    rejuvenate in reverse the fiction of the real (172). The harbor is in fact the quintessential

    and hyperreal embodiment of the late capitalist urban space: serving a variety of

    consumer-oriented needs in an aesthetically pleasing environment that encourages

    visitors to forget their external concerns and their awareness of the spaces constructed

    and artificial nature. At the same time, to simulate is not simply to feign; in the process

    of simulating a larger social goal, the Inner Harbor has achieved some of the true

    symptoms of urban renewal for the public good (Baudrillard 167). However, that public

    good is not the imagined reality of diverse local communities and institutions, but the

    hyperreality of commercial experience, with a whole range of gadgets [that] magnetizes

    the crowd into direct flows (Baudrillard 171). It is unsurprising, then, to hear that for

    nearly 30 years the Inner Harbor has consistently drawn more visitors than what many

    would consider the considerably more artificial fantasy world of Disneyland, about which

    Baudrillard is writing.

    That level of attraction is difficult to sustain, and so the Waterfront Partnership of

    Baltimore remains intent on finding new ways to reinvent and monetize the space.

    President Laurie Schwartz noted, The harbor has several terrific anchors, especially in

    the Science Center and the Aquarium. In addition, it needs new free or low-cost

    activities and attractions for people. It needs to have a plan where, every two to three

    years, were adding new features, new amenities, new reasons for people to visit the

    harbor (Serpick). Thus the cycle continues: no doubt new stores, events, and activities

    will appear, but their differences will be more in appearance and illusion than in

    motivation and structure. To maintain interest both from tourists and from the growing

    population of families in downtown Baltimore, the Inner Harbor must adapt its goods and

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    images, but its purpose will remain the same. Baltimores organization of spectacular

    urban spaces [as] a means to attract capital and people must be undertaken with as much

    attention given to the simulated projection of public value as to the actual construction of

    centers of entertainment and consumption (Harvey 92).

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    CODA

    Situated just outside the heavily crowded shopping and entertainment areas of the

    Inner Harbor is Pierces Park, opened in 2012. Created in memory of businessman Pierce

    John Flanigan, III, the park consists of a small green space populated by various

    playful works of art that prompt aural interaction: xylophones with mallets, an

    intonated musical fence, a sound cone sculpture, and two massive metallic drum faces.

    The park is an outlier amidst the commercial hubbub of its neighboring environment, a

    peaceful, reflective space made almost entirely of natural or recycled materials and

    featuring a pathway covered by arched bamboo. It provides a unique perspective on

    Baltimores waterfront projects of the past 40 years, one that empowers the individual

    and turns the determination of value and significance over to the public.

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    Engraved in the brick paths that wind through the park are groups of homophones,

    underfoot and easily missed when overwhelmed by the frenetic pace of the Inner Harbor.

    These linguistic groupings highlight the destabilization of language in the postmodern

    era. In The Postmodern Turn, Ihab Hassan notes the ambiguity, discontinuity,

    heterodoxy, pluralism, randomness, revolt, perversion, [and] deformation which define

    postmodernism and which, in doing so, effectively undermine any such overarching

    definitions (7). These varied meanings, he writes designate the capacity of mind to

    generalize itself in symbols, intervene more and more into nature, act upon itself through

    its own abstractions and so become, increasingly, immediately, its own environment

    (Hassan 7). The artificial ambiance and commercial infrastructure of the Inner Harbor

    resist such symbolic mental action, desiring the visitor to engage the space as a pure

    consumer deprived of alternative motives and submissive to the totality of its design and

    purpose.

    In Pierces Park, though, we find the first hint as to what the creation of Kriers

    good city would entail. A good city, as a start, can provide for the needs induced by

    the market-oriented language of contemporary communication, but also for the diverse

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    and antagonistic voices that complicate and weaken that languages hegemony. True, the

    establishment of a completely non-commercial reflective haven so near to a vibrant

    consumer space could be viewed as one more feature of the late capitalist isolated and

    total environment. Nevertheless, its presence indicates a subtle resistance, a willingness

    to acknowledge the fiction, fragmentation, collage, and eclecticism which make up the

    modern urban space (Harvey 98).

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    Works Cited

    Baudrillard, Jean. Selected Writings. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2002. Print.

    Harvey, David. The Condition of Postmodernity. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishing,1990. Print.

    Hassan, Ihab. The Postmodern Turn: Essays in Postmodern Theory and Culture.

    Columbus: Ohio State University, 1987. Print.

    Hayward, Marry Ellen and Frank R. Shivers, Jr. The Architecture of Baltimore: An

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