Order Code RL33067

Conventional Warheads for Long-Range BallisticMissiles: Background and Issues for Congress

Updated June 19, 2007

Amy F. WoolfSpecialist in National Defense

Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division

Conventional Warheads for Long-Range BallisticMissiles: Background and Issues for Congress

Summary

The United States has deployed long-range ballistic missiles in its strategicoffensive nuclear forces for more than 40 years. Recently, some have proposed thatthe United States deploy conventional warheads on these missiles. This wouldprovide the United States with the ability to strike promptly anywhere in the world,regardless of the presence of overseas bases or nearby naval forces.

The Air Force and Navy have both studied the possible deployment ofconventional warheads on their long-range ballistic missiles. The Navy soughtfunding, in FY2003 and FY2004, for research into a reentry vehicle that would beable to maneuver when approaching its target. The FY2007 Defense Budgetrequested $127 million to pursue the deployment of conventional warheads onTrident missiles, but the 109th Congress rejected most of this request. The FY2008budget requests $175.4 million. The Air Force is pursuing, with DARPA, researchinto a number of technologies that might enhance the U.S. long-range strikecapability. In particular, it is developing a hypersonic glide vehicle, known as theCommon Aero Vehicle (CAV), that could carry conventional munitions on modifiedMinuteman II or Peacekeeper missiles, or it could deploy these missiles with morefamiliar conventional warheads. This effort, now known as the Conventional StrikeMissile (CSM), could serve as a follow-on to the conventional Trident modification.The 110th Congress is likely to review these programs again when addressing theFY2008 budget request.

Many have expressed concerns about the possibility that other nations, such asRussia or China might misinterpret the launch of a conventionally-armed ballisticmissile and conclude that they are under attack with nuclear weapons. The Air Forcehas outlined a number of measures that might reduce this risk. It plans to base thesemissiles along the U.S. coast, far from bases with nuclear-armed ballistic missiles.It also would use consultations, notifications, and inspections to inform others of thedifference between conventional and nuclear ballistic missiles. But, although thesemeasures could address some of the concerns, they are not likely to eliminate therisks of misunderstandings, particularly if the United States used these missiles onshort notice in a crisis. The Navy would not segregate its conventional missiles, butwould deploy them on submarines that also carry nuclear warheads, but it could stillnotify Russia or other nations to mitigate the possibility of misunderstandings.

Long-range ballistic missiles can bring unique capabilities to the PGS mission.But these missiles are only uniquely capable if the United States must attackpromptly, or within hours, of the start of an unanticipated conflict. In any othercircumstance, the United States is likely to have the time to move its forces into theregion. Hence, when deciding to fund the development of conventional warheads forlong-range land-based or sea-based missiles, and whether to deploy conventionalICBMs, Congress may review whether the benefits brought by these systemsoutweigh the risks of misunderstandings arising from their use. This report will beupdated as needed.

Contents

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2Conventional Ballistic Missiles and Offensive Strike Forces . . . . . . . . . . . . 2Conventional Ballistic Missiles and Prompt Global Strike . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

The Prompt Global Strike Mission (PGS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3PGS and the New U.S. Strategic Command . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4Potential Targets and Weapons for the PGS Mission . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

Plans and Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7Navy Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8Air Force Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

Missile Options . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11Warhead Options . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11System Characteristics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

Legislative Activity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13FY2003 and FY2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13FY2005 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14FY2006 and FY2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14FY2008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

Issues for Congress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17Assessing the Rationale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

The Nuclear Posture Review . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17PGS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

Reviewing the Alternatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19Land-Based Ballistic Missiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23Long-Range Bombers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24Tomahawk Cruise Missiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24Hypersonic Cruise Missiles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24Submarine-Launched Intermediate-Range Ballistic Missile

(SLIRBM) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25Forward-Based Global Strike (FBGS) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

Arms Control Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26Air Force Plans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26Navy Plans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Weighing the Benefits and Risks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29

1 U.S. Department of State, START Aggregate Numbers of Strategic Offensive Arms. FactSheet. Bureau of Arms Control, April 1, 2007. These numbers reflect the counting rulesoutlined in the 1991 START Treaty, and include the warheads that could be carried on thedeactivated Peacekeeper missiles. Hence, it overstates the actual number of deployedwarheads by approximately 400-500 warheads.2 U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Armed Services. Hearing on the Nuclear PostureReview. Statement of the Honorable Douglas J. Feith. Under Secretary of Defense forPolicy. February 14, 2002. p. 4.

Conventional Warheads For Long-RangeBallistic Missiles: Background and Issues

Introduction

The United States began to deploy long-range ballistic missiles in the late 1950sand early 1960s. These missiles — land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles(ICBMs) and sea-based submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) — haveserved as the backbone of the U.S. strategic nuclear deterrent for more than 40 years.They provided the United States with the ability to threaten targets throughout theSoviet Union, and, if necessary, in other nations, from the United States or fromsubmarines patrolling at sea. When the Cold War ended in the early 1990s, thesemissiles carried more than 8,000 nuclear warheads. The United States has reducedits strategic forces during the past 15 years, but it still has approximately 4,768warheads deployed on 982 ICBMs and SLBMs.1 All the missiles still carry nuclearwarheads.

In recent years, analysts both inside and outside the government have suggestedthat the United States consider deploying conventional warheads on its long-rangeballistic missiles. The Bush Administration, in the 2001 Nuclear Posture Review,called for the integration of precision conventional weapons with strategic nuclearforces in a new category of “offensive strike” weapons.2 Ballistic missiles armed withconventional warheads are one possible option for a new type of precisionconventional weapon. In addition, the Pentagon has identified a new mission —prompt global strike (PGS) — that would allow the United States to strike targetsanywhere on earth in a matter of hours, without relying on forward based forces.Many analysts believe that long-range ballistic missiles armed with conventionalwarheads would also be an ideal weapon for this mission.

Both the Navy and Air Force have studied concepts and technologies that mightallow the deployment of conventional warheads on long-range ballistic missiles. TheAdministration has requested funding for these initiatives for the past few years.These requests have thus far received a mixed reception in Congress. In FY2007and FY2008, the Administration requested funding for both the Air Force and the

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3 U.S. Department of Defense. “Special Briefing on the Nuclear Posture Review,” NewsTranscript. January 9, 2002.4 The other two legs of the new triad are missile defenses, which the Administration hasstated will contribute to deterrence by complicating an adversary’s attack planning andundermining his confidence; and a “responsive infrastructure” which would allow theUnited States to maintain and, if necessary, expand its nuclear arsenal in response toemerging threats. These three legs are joined together by “command and control,intelligence, and planning capabilities,” which, according to the Administration, will providethe United States the ability to identify targets and plan nuclear or conventional attacks onshort notice, in response to unexpected threats. See U.S. Congress, Senate Committee onArmed Services. Statement of the Honorable Douglas J. Feith, Under Secretary of DefenseFor Policy. February 14, 2002.

Navy. It has initiated an effort in the Navy, requesting $127 million in FY2007 and$175.4 million in FY2008 to pursue efforts to deploy conventional warheads on theTrident submarine-launched ballistic missiles. Consequently, Congress is likely tocontinue to review these programs, assessing both the Administration’s rationale forthem and the potential benefits and risks of pursuing them, as it considers whetherDOD should fund the development of conventional warheads for long-range ballisticmissiles.

This report provides an overview of the Administration’s rationale for thepossible deployment of conventional warheads on long-range ballistic missiles. Itthen reviews the Air Force and Navy efforts to develop these systems. It summarizescongressional reaction to these proposals, then provides a more detailed account ofthe issues raised by these concepts and programs.

Background

Conventional Ballistic Missiles and Offensive Strike Forces

The Bush Administration’s Nuclear Posture Review (NPR), released in earlyJanuary 2002, calls for the deployment of a “new triad” of capabilities that wouldcontribute to deterrence and U.S. national security in the coming years.3 During theCold War, the United States deployed a “triad” of forces comprised of the three typesof delivery vehicles for strategic nuclear weapons — land-based intercontinentalballistic missiles (ICBMs), submarine launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), and long-range bombers. In the “new triad,” these nuclear-armed delivery vehicles wouldcombine with precision-guided conventional weapons and become known as“offensive strike” forces.4

In the Administration’s view, offensive strike weapons with conventionalwarheads could address some missions now assigned to long-range nuclear forces.While some critics claim that this concept would blur the distinction betweenconventional and nuclear weapons and increase the likelihood of a U.S. use ofnuclear weapons, the Administration has argued that the availability of precisionconventional weapons would, possibly, provide the President with more options ina crisis, and, therefore, reduce the likelihood of the use of nuclear weapons. In

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5 U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Armed Services. Subcommittee on Strategic.Testimony of Admiral James E. Cartwright, Commander, U.S. Strategic Command.Hearing, April 4, 2005.6 The war plan that outlines options for the use of nuclear weapons was known as the SIOP(Single Integrated Operational Plan) throughout the Cold War. It is now known as OPLAN8044 and it reflects changes in U.S. targeting plans and priorities that resulted from the BushAdministration’s nuclear posture Review. 7 Grossman, Elaine M. “U.S. General: Precise Long-Range Missiles may Enable BigNuclear Cuts,” Inside the Pentagon, April 28, 2005.8 Grossman, Elaine M. “U.S. General: Precise Long-Range Missiles May Enable BigNuclear Cuts,” Inside the Pentagon, April 28, 2005.

testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee in April 2005, GeneralJames Cartwright, the commander of STRATCOM, noted that “the New Triadconcept will enable more precisely tailored global strike operations.”5 Furthermore,some have argued that, by replacing some nuclear weapons with conventionalweapons in the U.S. strategic war plan6 the United States might be able to furtherreduce its number of deployed strategic nuclear weapons.7

General Cartwright and others have asserted that the substitution ofconventional warheads for nuclear warheads in the U.S. war plan would requiresignificant improvements in the accuracy of U.S. long-range ballistic missiles. Ifmissiles can deliver their payloads more precisely to their targets, then, for somecategories of targets, they may not need the explosive yield of a nuclear weapon todestroy the target. General Cartwright has sought a study that will allow him todetermine what proportion of the targets in the U.S. war plan could be attacked withconventional weapons. An industry analyst has estimated that his proportion couldbe between10% and 30% of the existing targets.8 Both the Navy and the Air Forceare exploring advanced guidance and targeting technologies, such as the use of GPSguidance, that might provide their missiles with these improvements in accuracy.This effort has been underway for more than a decade.

Conventional Ballistic Missiles and Prompt Global Strike

The Prompt Global Strike Mission (PGS). Throughout the Cold War, theUnited States maintained military bases overseas so that it could position its troopsto deter, and if necessary, respond promptly to an attack from the Soviet Union or itsallies. These forward bases were located, for the most part, in Europe and Asia —regions where conflict seemed most likely to occur. These overseas bases and forceswere believed to not only increase preparedness, but also deter conflict by their verypresence in unstable regions. However, with the demise of the Soviet Union and theend of the Cold War, analysts argue that the United States must now be prepared tofight a wider range of potential adversaries in unexpected areas who may possess agreat variety of military capabilities. And, although the United States continues todeploy its military forces at bases around the world, it can no longer be certain thatthese bases will be located close to the theater of operations if a conflict occurs. Asa result, the United States not only plans to restructure, and, in some cases, reduce,

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9 See, for example, Watts, Barry D. Long-Range Strike: Imperatives, Urgency, and Options.Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. April 2005.10 Jumper, John, General, U.S. Air Force. Final Mission Need Statement. “Prompt GlobalStrike,” May 2, 2003.

its forces based overseas, it has also sought to improve its ability to move militaryforces into a region quickly when and if a conflict occurs.

At the same time, many analysts and military officials have argued that theUnited States must maintain and enhance its long-range strike capability so that itcan strike anywhere in the world with forces that are based in or near the UnitedStates,9 or with forces that have the range to reach targets across the globe fromwherever they are deployed. This would not only allow the United States to pursuean adversary without relying on forward bases, it would also allow the United Statesto reach targets deep inside an enemy’s territory. Further, some argue that the UnitedStates must be able to attack targets, across the globe, in a matter of hours, or less,either at the start of a conflict or during ongoing operations. This is because, as somehave argued, U.S. adversaries could to adapt to the U.S. precision-strike capabilityby withholding targeting information with concealment techniques or mobility,leaving the United States with little time to attack after it identified relevant targets.Finally, many have noted that adversaries could seek to protect their assets bydeploying them in buried or hardened facilities, leading to a requirement forimprovements in the U.S. ability to defeat hardened and deeply buried targets.

The need for prompt long-range, or global, strike capabilities has been addressedboth in more general defense policy studies, such as the 2001 Quadrennial DefenseReview (QDR), which noted that the U.S. defense strategy “rests on the assumptionthat U.S. forces have the ability to project power worldwide,” and also in morespecific service reports on Air Force doctrine, which have noted that “rapid powerprojection based in the continental United States has become the predominantmilitary strategy.” In May 2003, the Air Force issued a formal Mission NeedStatement for the Prompt Global Strike (PGS) Mission. This document was writtenby Air Force Space command, coordinated with officials in the Joint Staff and theOffice of the Secretary of Defense, and validated by the Joint RequirementsOversight Council (JROC). This statement indicates that the United States needs tobe able to strike globally and rapidly with joint conventional forces against high-payoff targets. The United States should be able to plan and execute these attacks ina matter of minutes or hours, as opposed to the days or weeks needed for planningand execution with existing forces, and it should be able to execute these attacks evenwhen it had no permanent military presence in the region where the conflict wouldoccur.10 The 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review also highlighted the growing needfor global strike capabilities.

PGS and the New U.S. Strategic Command. In October 2002, the U.S.Strategic Command (STRATCOM), which was in charge of plans and operations forU.S. strategic nuclear weapons, merged with U.S. Space Command (SpaceCom),which commanded military space operations, information operations, computer

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11 U.S. Department of Defense. “DOD Announces Merger of U.S. Space and StrategicCommands,” June 26, 2002.12 According to Admiral James O. Ellis, the Commander of STRATCOM, these missionsincluded global strike planning and execution; information operations; global missiledefense integrations; and oversight of command, control, communications, computers,intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (C4ISR) in support of strategic and globaloperations. See Statement of Admiral James O. Ellis. Commander United States StrategicCommand. Before the House Armed Services Committee. March 13, 2003. p. 4.13 Kinetic energy weapons are those that destroy their targets with blast or impact; non-kinetic weapons, such as lasers, destroy their targets through electromagnetic or other formsof energy.14 Statement of Admiral James O. Ellis, Commander, U.S. Strategic Command, HouseArmed Services Committee, March 13, 2003.

network operations, and space campaign planning.11 This merger gave the newSTRATCOM the “ability to project power around the globe through space andinformation warfare.” Further, in late 2002 and early 2003, the Pentagon restructuredthe new STRATCOM so that it could take on new missions, including the planningand execution of the prompt global strike mission.12 This change in the commandstructure highlights a growing emphasis on long-range, strategic missions inconventional warfighting doctrine.

Admiral James O. Ellis, the first Commander of the new STRATCOM, statedthat the new mission “extends our long-standing and globally-focused deterrentcapabilities to the broader spectrum of conflict.” He further indicated that “theincorporation of conventional, non-kinetic13, and special operations capabilities intoa full-spectrum contingency arsenal will enable the command to deliberately andadaptively plan for and deliver rapid, limited-duration, extended-range combatpower anywhere in the world (emphasis added).” This will “provide a wider rangeof options to the President in responding to time-critical global challenges.” He alsostated that STRATCOM’s capabilities would “provide the nation an immediateability to engage a select set of targets by moving rapidly from actionableintelligence, through adaptive planning, to national-level decision-making and thedelivery of effects across thousands of miles.”14 He stated that data-gathering,decision-making, and execution must occur in minutes to support the PGS mission,a standard that is not yet possible with existing technology.

General James Cartwright, the current commander of STRATCOM, defined theglobal strike mission area by stating that “it provides to the nation the ability torapidly plan and rapidly deliver effect any place on the globe...” The capabilitywould not necessarily be nuclear, and a regional combatant commander could “tailorit for his target and deliver it very quickly, with very short time lines on the planningand delivery, any place on the face of the Earth.” General Cartwright alsoemphasized that the global strike capability involved much more than just thedelivery of a weapon to a target, stating that “it encompasses both the ability to planrapidly, to apply the precision to the intelligence and gather that intelligence in a veryrapid manner, and then to apply that intelligence to the target and understand the

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15 U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Armed Services. Subcommittee on Strategic.Testimony of Admiral James E. Cartwright, Commander, U.S. Strategic Command.Hearing, April 4, 2005.16 In the longer term, the Air Force and Navy are both exploring the use of ramjets, orscramjets, for long-range attack term. These hypersonic aircraft, which could fly at speedsof Mach 2-Mach 5, are still in the early stages of development. The are envisioned to launchfrom air bases, like aircraft, but to travel at speeds that far exceed those of U.S. aircraft andmay approach the speeds of missiles. See, for example, Pincus, Walter. “Pentagon Has Far-reaching Defense Spacecraft in Works,” Washington Post, March 16, 2005. p. 3. 17 In his testimony in 2003, Admiral Ellis specifically mentioned two systems that couldcontribute to this mission, Trident submarines reconfigured to carry Tomahawk cruisemissiles with conventional warheads and the proposed Common Aero Vehicle, which couldbe used to deploy conventional munitions on long-range ballistic missiles. See the statementof Admiral James O. Ellis, Commander, U.S. Strategic Command, House Armed ServicesCommittee, March 13, 2003.18 See, for example, U.S. Department of Defense, Office of the Under Secretary of Defensefor Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics. Report of the Defense Science Board Task

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effect we want to create.”15 The U.S. military is seeking to acquire the capabilitiesneeded to meet this standard.

Potential Targets and Weapons for the PGS Mission. The UnitedStates might need to strike several categories of targets promptly, throughout thespectrum of conflict. For example, if an adversary deployed air defense or anti-satellite weapons that could disrupt the U.S. ability to sustain an attack, the UnitedStates might choose to strike promptly at the start of a conflict with weapons thatcould penetrate and destroy the defenses. A prompt strike against an adversary’sballistic missiles or caches of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) might allow theUnited States to destroy these weapons early before an adversary could use them.Some targets could also appear quickly and remain vulnerable for short periods oftime during a conflict. These might include leadership cells that could move duringa conflict or mobile military systems that the adversary had chosen to keep hiddenprior too their use.

The United States might use a number of different weapons systems, in the nearterm, in the PGS mission.16 These could include medium- or long-range aircraft,cruise missiles launched from bombers or submarines, and ballistic missiles basedat sea or on land in the United States.17 But conventional aircraft, even if they arebased near the theater of operations, could take several hours, or more, to reach theirtargets. Aircraft may also be vulnerable to enemy air defenses, particularly if theytried to attack targets deep inside enemy territory. Similarly, aircraft or cruisemissiles based at sea may be too far from the theater of operations to strike criticaltargets in a timely manner.

Officials in the Air Force, at the Pentagon, and at STRATCOM, along withsome analysts outside government, believe that the United States could achieve theprompt global strike mission with its long-range ballistic missiles (ICBMs andSLBMs).18 The Pentagon’s Defense Science Board (DSB), in a study published in

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18 (...continued)Force on Future Strategic Strike Forces. February 2004. See, also, Eric A. Miller andWillis A. Stanley. The Future of Ballistic Missiles. National Institute for Public Policy,October 2003.19 U.S. Department of Defense, Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition,Technology, and Logistics. Report of the Defense Science Board Task Force on FutureStrategic Strike Forces. February 2004. p. 5-1.20 Grossman, Elaine M. “Pentagon Eyes Bunker-Busting Conventional Ballistic Missile forSubs.” Inside the Pentagon. June 27, 2002. p. 1.

early 2004, asserted that land-based long-range ballistic missiles have “unique, time-critical characteristics” that include “responsiveness, range, speed, precision,lethality, and freedom of maneuver.”19 With these capabilities, they could attacktargets anywhere in the world within an hour of their launch, without relying onforward bases or supporting military capabilities, such as the tanker aircraft neededto support long-range flights by bombers. They would not be at risk from airdefenses, and there would be no risk to flight crews. Further, if the warheads couldmaneuver to slow their reentry and increase their angle of attack, they might beeffective against some types of hardened and deeply buried targets. The DSB studyasserted that these weapons could provide “a reliable, low-cost force on continuousalert with a high readiness rate and the capability to immediately react under strictcontrol of the National Command Authority.” In other words, the high levels ofreliability, readiness, and command and control that were needed as a part of the U.S.strategic nuclear deterrent during the Cold War are also valuable characteristics fora long-range conventional strike system in the post-Cold War era.

However, because U.S. long-range ballistic missiles have always carried nuclearwarheads, potential adversaries might misunderstand U.S. intentions if the UnitedStates employed ballistic missiles armed with conventional warheads, possiblydeciding, if and when they detect a launch, that they are under nuclear attack from theUnited States. Accordingly, the Air Force has sought to develop a concept ofoperations for conventional ballistic missiles, discussed later, that addresses theseconcerns in an effort to mitigate the risks.

Plans and Programs

Both the Navy and the Air Force have studied the possible deployment ofconventional warheads on their long-range ballistic missiles in the past. The AirForce briefly studied the penetration capabilities of conventional ICBMs in the mid-1990s. In August 1995 it launched an ICBM armed with a “pointy” front end (andno explosive warhead) against a granite slab that had characteristics similar toreinforced concrete. Press reports indicate that the warhead entered the target at a 90degree angle and penetrated to a depth of 30 feet, which is greater than the depth ofpenetration of any existing U.S. weapon.20 The Navy also sponsored studies in the1990s that sought to develop a non-nuclear penetrating warhead for the TridentSLBM. These studies also focused on questions about whether a reentry vehiclefrom a ballistic missile could penetrate a hardened target, using only its speed and

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21 Norris, Robert S. and Hans M. Kristensen. “U.S. Nuclear Forces 2005,” Bulletin of theAtomic Scientists. January/February 2005. pp. 73-75.22 According to the Defense Science Board Task Force on Future Strategic Strike Forces,the IMU would guide the missile in its early phases, but the reentry body would receive aGPS update during its exoatmospheric flight; it would then use the IMU and control flapsto steer the warhead with GPS-like accuracy during atmospheric reentry. See U.S.Department of Defense. Report of the Defense Science Board Task Force on FutureStrategic Strike Forces. February 2004. pp. 5-7.23 Grossman, Elaine M. “Pentagon Eyes Bunker-Busting Conventional Ballistic Missile forSubs,” Inside the Pentagon, June 27, 2002. p. 1. See also, Robert S. Norris and Hans M.Kristensen. “U.S. Nuclear Forces 2005,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January/February2005, pp. 73-75.24 Krivich, David. Director, SMP Advanced Programs and Business Development. LockheedMartin Space Systems Company. Update on Precision Conventional Ballistic MissileGlobal Strike Capabilities. Briefing to the Defense Science Board Task Force on Nuclear

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angle of reentry, without a nuclear explosion. Both the Navy and the Air Forcerecognized that, without a nuclear explosion, the reentry vehicle from a ballisticmissile would have to be far more accurate than those deployed in the 1990s (and stilldeployed today) to attack and destroy a buried target.

Navy Programs

In FY2003, the Navy requested funding for research on a new type of reentryvehicle that could significantly improve the accuracy of the Trident II (D-5) missiles.This program, known as the Enhanced Effectiveness (E2) Initiative, included aninitial funding request of $30 million, a three-year study, and a full-scale flight testin early 2007.21 Congress rejected the initial funding request in FY2003 and FY2004,but Lockheed Martin Corporation, the contractor pursuing the study, has continuedwith a low level of research into this system.

The E2 reentry vehicle would integrate the existing inertial measurement unit(IMU) guidance system (the system currently used to guide long-range ballisticmissiles) with global positioning system (GPS) technologies so that the reentryvehicle could receive guidance updates during its flight.22 A standard MK4 reentryvehicle, which is the reentry vehicle deployed on many Trident SLBMs, would bemodified with flap-based steering system, allowing it to maneuver when approachingits target to improve its accuracy and increase its angle of penetration. This steeringsystem, which the Navy has referred to as a “backpack extension,” would increasethe size of the reentry vehicle, making it comparable in size to the MK5 reentryvehicle that is also deployed on Trident missiles. The E2 warhead could possiblyprovide Trident missiles with the accuracy to strike within 10 meters of theirintended, stationary, targets. This accuracy would not only improve the lethality ofthe nuclear warheads but it would also permit the missiles to destroy some types oftargets with conventional warheads.23

Lockheed Martin, has flown two reentry vehicles in test flights of Tridentmissiles.24 In a test conducted in 2002, it demonstrated that the new reentry vehicle

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24 (...continued)Capabilities. July 22, 2005.25 Grossman, Elaine. Pentagon Wants Early Start on Conventional Missiles for Subs.InsideDefense.Com, January 20, 2006. See also, Grossman, Facing Doubts, PentagonReadies Pitch for New Sub-launched Missile. Inside the Pentagon. March 9, 2006.26 Department of the Navy. Fiscal Year 2008/2009 Budget Estimates. Justification ofEstimates. February 2007. Research, Development, Test, and Evaluation, Navy BudgetActivity 4.

could steer towards a target and strike with improved accuracy. In a test conductedin early 2005, a modified version of its reentry vehicle demonstrated that it could notonly steer towards a target with improved accuracy, but also slow down and “controlthe impact conditions,” capabilities that would be needed for the delivery of sometypes of conventional warheads to their targets. Lockheed estimated that, if theprogram received funding from Congress beginning in FY2006, its reentry vehiclecould enter production in FY2010 and achieve an initial operational capability in2011. The Navy, however, did not seek funding for this program in FY2004, 2005,or 2006.

The Lockheed reentry vehicle has, however, become a part of the plan to deployconventional warheads on Trident submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and hasbeen included in the Navy’s budget request for FY2007 and FY2008. The Navybegan to speak publicly about its plans for the Conventional Trident modification(CTM) in early March 2006, in anticipation of congressional testimony by GeneralCartwright. The budget prepared for in FY2007 included a total of $503 million overfive years, with $127 million for FY2007, $225 million for FY2008, $118 million forFY2009 and $33 million for FY2010.25 As is noted below, Congress denied thefunding request in FY2007, but the Pentagon has again sought funding for theprogram, requesting a total of $175.4 million for FY2008.

The budget request for FY2008 indicates that most of the work needed to designand develop the reentry vehicle for the conventional Trident will be completed inFY2008, with an additional $20 million request planned for FY2009.26 The FY2008funding will support, among other things, efforts to finalize the guidance and flapsystem on the maneuvering body extension of the reentry body, design an interfacebetween the new guidance system and the missile system flight controls, begindevelopment of a conventional payload that could fit within the reentry body, andinitiate efforts to modify existing facilities so that they can test the CTM designs.

If it receives the requested funding in FY2008, and proceeds with the expectedwork plan, the Navy plans to conduct system development and demonstrationactivities in FY2008 and FY2009, and to begin production and deployment inFY2010. The system would reach its full operational capability by the end of 2012.

Press reports indicate that the Navy plans to deploy each of its 12 Tridentsubmarines on patrol (2 would be in overhaul at any given time) with 2 missilesequipped to carry 4 conventional warheads each. The remaining 22 missiles on eachsubmarine would continue to carry nuclear warheads, and the submarines wouldcontinue to patrol in areas that would allow them to reach targets specified in the

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27 Ibid.28 U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report. February 6, 2006 p.50.29 Grossman, Elaine M. “Conventional Strike Missile” Proposed as Midterm Global Option.Inside Defense. April 6, 2006.30 DARPA, “FALCON (Force Application and Launch from CONUS) TechnologyDemonstration Program,” Fact Sheet. November 2003.

nuclear war plan, although the patrol areas could be adjusted to accommodatetargeting requirements. In addition, only four submarines would be within range oftheir targets, with two in the Pacific Ocean and two in the Atlantic ocean.Consequently, only eight conventional missiles would be available for use at anytime, and only one or two of the submarines are likely to be within range of thetargets specified for attack with conventional ballistic missiles.27

In the near term, the Navy is considering two types of warheads for the CTMprogram. One warhead would be designed to destroy or disable soft, area targets,using a reentry vehicle loaded with tungsten rods — known as flechettes — thatwould rain down on the target and destroy everything within an area of up to 3000square feet. The other might be able to destroy hardened targets if it were accurateenough to strike very close to the target. Each would be deployed within the reentrybody developed and tested under the E2 program. The Navy is also exploring, forpossible future deployment, technologies that might be able to penetrate to destroyhardened, buried targets.

These warheads would provide the Navy with the ability to contribute to theprompt global strike mission in the near term, a goal that was identified in the 2006QDR. The report indicated that the Navy would seek to deploy an “initial capabilityto deliver precision-guided conventional warheads using long-range Trident” missileswithin two years,28 although many expect it to take four years to field the fullcomplement of 96 warheads. The capability, even when fully deployed, would belimited by the small number of available warheads. Hence, it seems likely that thePentagon would only plan to use these missiles in limited circumstances to meetspecific goals.

Air Force Programs

The Air Force is pursuing two initiatives related to the deployment ofconventional warheads on long-range ballistic missiles. The first of these is knownas the Conventional Strike Missile (CSM), or Conventional Ballistic Missile (CBM),and would serve as a mid-term follow-on to the Conventional Trident Modification(CTM) Program.29 It would draw on existing missile technologies and reentrytechnologies developed under the FALCON (Force Application and Launch FromConus [Continental United States]) program, a joint Air Force/DARPAdemonstration that is developing, among other things, both near-term and far-termcapabilities for the prompt global strike missions.30 The second is an Air ForceAnalysis of Alternatives (AOA) study that is to review technologies and programsthat could meet the requirements of the prompt global strike mission.

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31 Air Force Space Command. Common Aero Vehicle White Paper. 32 Sirak, Michael. Air Force Envisions Mid-Term, Prompt Global Strike Missile. DefenseDaily, July 7, 2006.33 Report of the Defense Science Board Task Force on Future Strategic Strike Forces.February 2004. p. 5-3.34 Schmitt, Eric. “U.S. Considers Conventional Warheads on Nuclear Missiles,” New YorkTimes, February 24, 2003.

The Air Force has outlined a notional architecture and concept of operations forthe CSM concept. Unlike the Trident plan, which would deploy nuclear andconventional warheads on the same submarines, the Air Force plan would segregatethe missiles armed with conventional warheads and deploy them far from bases withnuclear warheads. The missiles could be deployed “on mobile launchers or in semi-buried silos or berms on each coast, ready to launch on short notice.”31 The twopotential bases include Vandenberg Air Force Base on the West Coast and CapeCanaveral on the East Coast.

Missile Options. Although it could build a new missile in the future, the AirForce has indicated that it could modify both Minuteman II missiles and Peacekeeper(MX) missiles to carry conventional warheads in the near term. The Minuteman IImissile was first deployed in 1965 and was retired in the early 1990s. The Air Forcedeployed 450 of these missiles. Each carried a single nuclear warhead and had arange of over 7,000 miles. The Air Force has already modified some of thesemissiles, using five as target vehicles in tests of missile defense technologies and afew in a space-launch configuration. The Peacekeeper missile was first deployed in1986; the Air Force began to deactivate these missiles in October 2002 and is tocomplete the process by the end of FY2005. The Air Force deployed 50 of thesemissiles; each carried 10 warheads and had a range greater than 6,000 miles.

The Air Force has designated these modified missiles as the Minotaur II andMinotaur III missiles. It has stated that the modifications can be made at a relativelylow cost and low level of technical risk. They would use the missiles’ existing rocketmotors. The avionics and guidance systems could rely, primarily, on existingtechnologies, with some modifications to allow the upper stages of the missiles andtheir reentry vehicles to maneuver for improved accuracy. The Air Force has notedthat it could deploy its ballistic missiles with conventional warheads as a “mid-term”solution, between 2013 and 2015, for the PGS mission. The Air Force has indicatedthat this option, using a modified Peacekeeper missile, would be able to carry muchlarger payloads than the Trident missile. 32

Warhead Options. The modified Minuteman II missiles might each be ableto carry a single warhead that weighed between 500 and 1,000 pounds; a modifiedPeacekeeper could possibly carry between 6,000 and 8,000 pounds of payload, whichwould allow for multiple warheads or reentry vehicles.33 According to someestimates, these missiles could even destroy some targets without an explosivewarhead, using the “sheer force of impact of a reentry vehicle moving at 14,000 feetper second.”34 They could also carry a single conventional warhead with a reentrybody that had been modified to improve accuracy by allowing for the

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35 This has recently been renamed the “hypersonic glide vehicle (HGV). 36 DARPA, “FALCON (Force Application and Launch from CONUS TechnologyDemonstration Program,” Fact Sheet. November 2003. See, also, Pincus, Walter.“Pentagon has Far-Reaching Defense Spacecraft in the works. Bush AdministrationLooking to Space to Fight Threats,” Washington Post, March 16, 2005, p. 3.37 Report to Congress on the “Concept of Operations” for the Common Aero Vehicle.Submitted in response to Congressional Reporting Requirements, by Peter B. Teets, UnderSecretary of the Air Force. February 24, 2004. p. 2.38 This implies that the U.S. command and control system would have the capability toidentify potential targets, plan the mission, and prepare to launch the CAV within this timeframe. These capabilities would be needed for the PGS mission, regardless of the munitionspackage on the ballistic missile.

maneuverability of the warhead, like the maneuvering warhead the Navy hasconsidered for the Trident modification. Reports indicate that the Air Force is alsoconsidering deploying some of these missiles with specialized warheads that couldbe designed to destroy selected categories of targets.

One of the leading options for a reentry package, and a central focus of theFALCON study noted above, is the proposed Common Aero Vehicle (CAV).35 TheCAV would be an unpowered, maneuverable hypersonic glide vehicle capable ofcarrying approximately 1,000 pounds in munitions or other payload. According tothe Air Force, these payloads might include a “fuzed penetrator” warhead that wouldhit its targets with impact speeds of approximately 4,000 feet per second. With thishigh impact speed, the CAV should be able to attack and destroy some types ofhardened or buried targets. The CAV could also carry several small smart bombs todestroy facilities and infrastructure above ground, wide area autonomous searchmunitions (WAASM) to destroy dispersed targets, and unmanned aerial vehicles(UAVs) that could gather intelligence in the target area.

System Characteristics. The FALCON study indicates that the proposedCAV, based on a modified ICBM or other launch vehicle, should be able to travel at5 times the speed of sound (Mach 5) so that it can deliver a substantial payload fromthe continental United States to anywhere in on Earth in less than two hours.36 Thestudy has identified a number of objectives for the CAV system, in addition to thepossible range of munitions loadings, that would allow it to achieve these goals. Forexample, to meet the “prompt” needs of the mission, the CAV and its deliveryvehicle should achieve alert status, which would make it ready to launch, in under 24hours. Further, it should then be able to launch from this alert status in less than 2hours, once it has received an execution order. It should then be able to reach itstarget within one hour of its launch.37 These characteristics would provide it with thecapabilities needed to attack time-sensitive targets.38

To meet the “global” portion of the PGS mission, the CAV should not only havethe range to “strike throughout the depth of an adversary’s territory,” it should alsohave a cross-range capability of 3,000 nautical miles. The cross range measures theability of the CAV to maneuver and vary from a standard ballistic trajectory after itsrelease from its launch vehicle. This ability to maneuver would allow the CAV toadjust to new information so that it could attack mobile targets, if timely and accurate

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information became available and were communicated to the CAV during its flight.Further, it would provide the CAV with a high degree of accuracy, allowing it todeliver its weapons within a planned 3 meters of the intended target. The CAVwould also have to be linked to “complete, timely intelligence, surveillance, andreconnaissance information.”

Consequently, the ability of a missile armed with a CAV, or one armed with asingle conventional warhead, to deliver its weapons to targets across the globe withinhours of a decision to launch an attack presumes several interrelated capabilities.The United States would need the intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance(ISR) capability that would allow it to identify a target precisely and quickly. Itwould also need the command and control capability to review the targets, plan theattack, target the CAV vehicles, and order the launch within a short amount of time.Finally, it would need the continuing reconnaissance capability to verify that theintended target remained available and that the CAV reached and destroyed thattarget. The requirements would exist for both land-based and sea-based missiles.

Legislative Activity

Congress first considered the Administration’s plans to develop conventionalwarheads for possible deployment on long-range ballistic missiles in FY2003. Sincethen, it has demonstrated some support, and some skepticism, about the plans.

FY2003 and FY2004. As was noted above, the Navy requested $30 millionfor its E2 program in FY2003 and FY2004. In each case, this was to be the initialyear of funding in a three-year study. Congress refused the Navy’s request in bothyears; the Navy has not requested additional funds for research and development onconventional warheads for SLBMs in subsequent years.

The Bush Administration requested $12.2 million in research and developmentfunding for the CAV program in FY2004. The House, in its version of H.R. 1588,the FY2004 National Defense Authorization Bill, nearly doubled the authorizedfunding to $24.2 million. The Senate provided the requested amount, and theConference Committee split the difference, authorizing $17.025 million. AlthoughCongress supported the Administration’s request for funding, the House had shownconcerns about the possibility that U.S. launches of ballistic missiles armed withconventional warheads could be misinterpreted as non-conventional launches bynations who might monitor U.S. military activity, a concern, particularly, to Russiaand China. Hence, the House required that the Air Force submit a report on theconcept of operations for the CAV that would address questions about the potentialfor misinterpretation of the launches. This reporting requirement remained in thefinal version of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2004 (P.L.108-136).

The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2004, (P.L. 108-136,Sec. 1032) also contains a requirement for an annual report describing “an integratedplan for developing, deploying, and sustaining a prompt global strike capability.”Congress mandated that the plan should include information on, among other things,the types of targets for long-range strike assets, the capabilities desired for theseassets, an assessment of the command and control, intelligence, and surveillance

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39 U.S. Congress, House. Making Appropriations for the Department of Defense for theFiscal Year Ending September 30, 2005, and For Other Purposes. Conference Report toAccompany H.R. 4613, H.Rept. 108-622. p. 240.

capabilities necessary to support the PGS mission, integration with tactical missions,and cost and schedule for achieving the mission. In the Conference report(H.Rpt.108-354), Congress noted that its interest in these issues derived from theNuclear Posture Review and its focus on integrating nuclear and conventional strikecapabilities to reduce reliance on nuclear weapons. It indicated that it saw a need forfurther analysis of future system requirements, along with a comprehensive effort tolink planning and programs in a PGS roadmap to achieve a coherent force structure.Hence, although the Air Force considers the NPR objective of integrating nuclear andconventional strike forces as a separate mission and separate concept from PGS,Congress, initially at least, blended both into the request for a new report.

The Air Force submitted its report on the CAV concept of operations toCongress in February 2004. This report offered several suggestions for measures theUnited States could take to reduce the possibility of misinterpretation if the UnitedStates were to deploy, and employ, ballistic missiles with conventional warheads.Many of the measures discussed in this report are reviewed below, under “Issues forCongress.”

FY2005. The Bush Administration requested $16.4 million for research anddevelopment on the CAV in FY2005. Congress again increased this funding level,appropriating $21.6 million for the development of the CAV. However, in July2004, with passage of the FY2005 Defense Appropriations Act (H.R. 4613, P.L. 108-287), Congress repeated its concerns about the potential for misinterpretation. In thereport on the Defense Appropriations Bill, Congress questioned whether there weresafeguards in place to guarantee that other nuclear weapons states did notmisinterpret the intent or use of ballistic missiles armed with CAV. In response tothese concerns, the report states that funds provided for CAV could only be used fornon-weapons related research on hypersonic technologies, including studies intomicrosatellites or other satellite launch requirements. Congress specified that thefunds could not be used to “develop, integrate, or test a CAV variant that includesany nuclear or conventional weapons.” Congress also indicated that the funds couldnot be used to “develop, integrate, or test a CAV for launch on any ICBM or SLBM.”Congress would consider expanding the scope of this program in future years ifsafeguards negotiated among international partners were put into place.39

FY2006 and FY2007. The Bush Administration requested $27.2 million forCAV in FY2006. In response to the restrictions in the FY2005 DefenseAppropriations Act, it restructured the program, and redesignated the CAV as theHypersonic Technology Vehicle. This new program excludes any development ofweapons capabilities for the CAV. Congress approved the requested funding in theFY2006 Defense Appropriations Act and did not impose any new restrictions. TheBush Administration requested, and Congress appropriated, an additional $33.4million for CAV in its FY2007 budget. Congress also appropriated $12 million forthe Air Force to Conventional Ballistic Missile (CBM) program, which is exploring

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the possible use of a modified Minuteman missile as a mid-term option for the PGSmission.

The budget projections in the FY2006 budget request demonstrate how costscould increase if the Air Force continues to pursue the CAV program. The budgetrequests were projected to be between $31 and $39 million each year for the nextthree years, but they were then projected to rise to $92 million in FY2010 and $94million in FY2011. This sharp increase reflects an expected change in the programfrom research and development to production and deployment at the end of thedecade. This change would require that the Air Force address and resolvecongressional concerns about the potential for misunderstandings with the launch ofballistic missiles armed with conventional warheads. But it also indicates that theCAV would not provide a near-term solution to the PGS mission needs, as might theNavy’s CTM program.

As was noted above, the Navy’s FY2007 budget included $127 million for theconventional Trident modification. The request separated into three categories. Thebudget included $38 million for the CTM within the much larger ($957.6m) budgetfor Trident II missile modifications; $12 million for strategic missile systemsequipment to support the CTM; and $77 million for the development of an advancedstrike capability that would demonstrate the feasibility of the CTM concept.

Neither the House nor the Senate Armed Services committees authorized theAdministration’s request in their versions of the FY2007 Defense Authorization Bills(S. 2766 and S.Rept. 109-254; H.R. 5122 and H.Rept. 109-452). Both Committeesnoted their concerns about the possibility that nations, such as Russia, mightmisunderstand the launch of a conventional Trident missile and determine that it wasunder attack from U.S. nuclear weapons. Both committees requested reports fromthe Administration that would address a range of issues raised by this prospectiveprogram. The Senate Armed Services Committee withheld $95 million of theAdministration’s request, pending completion of the report. It authorized the use of$20 million for the preparation of the report and $32 million for research anddevelopment on technologies that would support the Trident modification. Itspecified that the money could not be used on the CTM program itself. The fullSenate accepted the Committee’s position. The House Armed Services Committeeeliminated the $38 million for CTM in the Trident II modification budget and the $12million for strategic missile systems equipment. It also reduced by $47 million theNavy’s request for funding for the CTM program, leaving $30 million for this effort.

The Conference Committee, in its report (H.Rept. 109-702, Sec. 219) adoptedthe reporting requirements included in the Senate Bill, but, instead of fencing thefunding pending completion of the report, accepted the House’s reduction in CTMfunding. Therefore, as was the case in the House bill, the Conference Reportincludes only $30 million for research and development into an advanced strikecapability that would support the CTM concept.

The House and Senate Appropriations Bills also rejected the Administration’srequest for funding for the CTM program. Following the HASC, the DefenseAppropriations subcommittee in the House eliminated all but $30 million in researchand development funding. It also raised questions about the feasibility of the

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proposed schedule for the program and questioned whether the decision to moveforward immediately would pre-judge the outcome of the PGS AOA study. In theSenate, the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee eliminated all funding for theCTM program, and provided $5 million for the National Academy of Sciences toanalyze the mission requirement and recommend alternatives. The ConferenceReport on the Defense Appropriations Act (H.Rept. 109-676) retained the Senateprovision that funded $5 million for a report from the National Academy of Sciences.It also included $20 million in Research, Development, Test and Evaluation fundsfor research that would focus on those “developmental items which are common toall the global strike alternatives.”

FY2008. Congress received the President’s budget for FY2008 on Monday,February 5, 2007. The request includes continued funding of $32.8 million for theCAV. It also includes a total of $175.4 million for the CTM program. This requestincludes $36 million, within the much larger budget of just over $1 billion for TridentII modifications, to begin modifying the Trident II missiles to carry conventionalwarheads. Congress had denied all funding for this purpose in FY2007. It alsoincludes $13 million in strategic systems missile equipment, which would be usedto begin modifying Trident submarines to carry the conventional missile. Congresshad also denied this funding in FY2007. Finally, the budget includes $126.4 millionto develop advanced strike capabilities under the “Hard and Deeply Buried TargetDefeat System Program area. This funding is allocated to continue research anddevelopment into reentry vehicle technologies for the conventional Tridentmodification. Congress had appropriated only $20 million for this effort in FY2007,even though the budget had requested $77 million.

The House Armed Services Committee, in its version of the FY2008 DefenseAuthorization Bill (H.R. 1585, H.Rept. 110-146), supported continued research,development, testing, and evaluation of the conventional Trident concept, butprevented funds from being obligated or expended for the operational deployment ofthe system. Specifically, it approved the request for $126.4 million for continuedresearch and development on the reentry vehicle, and authorized $16 million forprocurement, but reduced the budget request by $33 million, withholding all fundsfor long-lead procurement. The Strategic Forces Subcommittee noted that itsupported, in general, the pursuit of technologies for the Prompt Global StrikeMission, but also noted that questions remained about the concept of operations andthe possibility for misunderstandings. Hence, it sought to slow the program until theNational Academy of Sciences completed its report.

The Senate Armed Services Committee, in its version of the FY2008 DefenseAuthorization Bill (S. 1457, S.Rept. 110-77), recommended that no funding beprovided specifically for the CTM program, and that all the funding be transferredto PE 65104D8Z, to support common prompt global strike concepts. The committeespecifically indicated that this program element should support a “coordinated lookat a variety of kinetic non-nuclear concepts is necessary to address the feasibility ofa prompt global strike.” In its report, it noted that the services are exploring severalpotential options for the PGS mission, and that research funded through this programelement could support, “in a coordinated fashion,” technologies that could becommon to several of these concepts. The committee also indicated that it believedany resulting PGS capability should be clearly, and unambiguously, non-nuclear.

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Issues for Congress

During the past few years, when reviewing Administration’s request for fundingfor these programs, Congress has focused, primarily, on questions about the potentialthat misunderstandings might arise if the United States were to launch long-rangemissiles during crises or conflicts. Stepping back from the specific programs,however, Congress could review the rationales offered by the NPR and PGS missionto determine whether the threats and capabilities faced by the United States justifythe pursuit of these programs. It might also review whether other military programsand capabilities can satisfy the emerging requirements, without raising many of thequestions about the potential for misunderstandings associated with the deploymentof conventional warheads on ballistic missiles. Further, Congress could review theAir Force proposals for addressing the issues raised by the deployment of CAV orother conventional warheads on ICBMs and the more recent proposals to meet thePGS mission need with the near-term deployment of conventional warheads onTrident missiles. Finally, U.S. obligations under the 1991 Strategic Arms ReductionTreaty (START) could impinge plans for the deployment of long-range ballisticmissiles with conventional warheads.

Assessing the Rationale

The Nuclear Posture Review. Those who believe that conventional ICBMsmight contribute to this mission argue that, with improvements in accuracy,conventional warheads could substitute for nuclear warheads in attacking some sitesnow targeted by nuclear weapons. The Bush Administration and some analysts haveargued that this would provide the President with a wider range of options during acrisis and, therefore, reduce the likelihood that he would have to use a nuclearweapon. Some have questioned, however, whether the President needs more optionsor flexibility. Nuclear weapons have always been reserved for the most extremecircumstances, serving particularly as a deterrent against nuclear attack from othernations with nuclear weapons. In less extreme circumstances, the President has neverlacked for conventional options, they say, as is evidenced by the fact that the UnitedStates has not used nuclear weapons since 1945.

Many analysts have also argued that the Bush Administration’s formula forintegrating conventional and nuclear capabilities into an “offensive strike” forcecould actually increase the likelihood of nuclear war by blurring the distinctionbetween nuclear and conventional weapons. This new capability could allow thePresident to respond with conventional strikes against some types of targets, but itis not clear that the adversary would know that the incoming weapons carriedconventional warheads. It is also not clear that the United States would be able tocontrol the adversary’s reaction or the escalation of the conflict, particularly if theadversary possessed nuclear weapons. Hence, by making the start of the war “easier”the deployment of conventional warheads on ballistic missiles might, in this view,actually make the eventual use of nuclear weapons more likely.

PGS. The PGS mission’s requirements are based on the assumption that afuture conflict would take place far from existing U.S. bases overseas, and possiblyfar from ocean areas where the U.S. has deployed most of its sea-based forces. They

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40 Barry Watts, an analyst expert in this subject has stated that, “for those rare occasionswhen it really is imperative to be able to strike anywhere on the globe from the United Statesas quickly as possible, a long-range ballistic missile solution is the most sensible near-termoption in light of cost and technological risk.” But he has also asserted that it may be “farmore important to be able to dwell or loiter to await information and take advantage of

(continued...)

also assume that a future conflict could develop quickly, allowing too little time forthe United States to move its forces into the region, either by acquiring basing rightson land or by moving sea-based forces closer to the theater of conflict. Further, theconcern about hidden or relocatable targets reflects an assumption that targets couldappear with little notice and remain vulnerable for a short period of time, factors thatplace a premium on the ability to launch quickly and arrive on target quickly. Therequirements also assume that U.S. forces are likely to face an “anti-access” threat,or air defense capabilities that would impede operations by U.S. aircraft.

Many of these characteristics were present in Afghanistan in 2001, when theUnited States attacked al Qaeda training camps and the Taliban government after theSeptember 11 terrorist attacks. The attacks on the United States came withoutwarning, and, although the United States took several weeks to plan its response andacquire the needed intelligence information on target areas, speed was of the essenceif the United States hoped to trap and destroy leaders at the training camps inAfghanistan. The United States had no military bases in the region, and had to takethe time to acquire basing rights in nearby nations and to move U.S. naval forces intothe region. Further, the mountainous terrain offered the enemy areas, deep within thecountry, where it could conceal its leadership and hope to evade attack.

These characteristics, with the premium they place on prompt, long-rangeattacks, support the view that the United States should deploy long-range ballisticmissiles with conventional warheads for the PGS Mission. In this view, otherweapons systems cannot address all the characteristics at the same time; bombersmay be too slow to arrive and too vulnerable to air defense systems, sea-based or air-launched cruise missiles may also be too slow too arrive and of too short a range toreach remote targets, and sea-based systems, with the exception of long-rangeballistic missiles, may also be too far away to reach high priority targets promptly atthe sudden start of a conflict.

However, the presence of many of these characteristics in one recent conflictdoes not necessarily mean that they will all be present in most, or even many, futureconflicts. While each is certainly possible, taken together, these characteristicsdescribe a worst-case scenario that may occur rarely, or not at all, in its entirety. Thisobservation highlights several questions that Congress could consider whenreviewing the rationale for the PGS mission. How likely is it that the United Stateswould face a sudden, unanticipated conflict, with no time to build up its forces in theregion and with the requirement to strike some targets within hours of the start of theconflict? Would a delay of several hours or even days undermine the value ofattacking these targets at the start of a conflict? Could other weapons systemsprovide the United States with the ability to “loiter” near the theater of operations,allowing a prompt attack during the conflict if hidden or concealed targets arerevealed?40 A comparison of the likelihood of those scenarios that may provide the

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40 (...continued)opportunities” to attack hidden or mobile targets during a conflict. Watts, Barry D. Long-Range Strike: Imperatives, Urgency and Options. Center for Strategic and BudgetaryAssessments. April 2005.41 DARPA, “FALCON (Force Application and Launch from CONUS TechnologyDemonstration Program,” Fact Sheet. November 2003. 42 Ibid.43 For a description of ongoing problems with Russia’s early warning system for ballisticmissile attack, see Mosher, David E., et al. Beyond the Nuclear Shadow: A PhasedApproach for Improving Nuclear Safety and U.S.-Russian Relations. RAND Corporation,2003. p. 5.

most stressing environments with the likelihood of less stressful scenarios may leadto the conclusion that other weapons systems can respond to many of theserequirements in most circumstances.

Reviewing the Alternatives

Land-Based Ballistic Missiles. Long-range land-based ballistic missilesarmed with conventional warheads would likely possess many of the operationalstrengths associated with nuclear-armed ballistic missiles. They would haveextremely high rates of readiness and reliability, allowing military planners to expectmore than 90% of the missiles to be available for use at any given time; they couldto respond promptly after a decision to launch; and they have high degree of accuracyallowing for attacks across a wide range of targets. Consequently, these systemswould “free the U.S. military from reliance on forward basing and enable it to reactpromptly and decisively to destabilizing or threatening actions by hostile countriesand terrorist organizations.”41 They would allow the United States to “hold adversaryvital interests at risk at all times, counter anti-access threats, serve as a halt phaseshock force, and conduct suppression of enemy air defense and lethal strikemissions.” Further, they address the need to “defeat time-critical, high value, andhardened and deeply buried targets.”42 In other words, these weapons would addressall the potential circumstances cited in requirements for the PGS mission.

But the resemblance to nuclear-armed ballistic missiles would also raisequestions and create concerns. If the United States were to launch them during aconflict, nations with minimal launch notification systems (such as China) ordegraded launch notification systems (such as Russia) could conclude that they wereunder attack with nuclear missiles.43 Further, because many possible targets lie southof Russia and China, and the United States has historically planned to launch itsballistic missiles over the North Pole, a conventionally-armed long-range ballisticmissile would likely fly over these to nations to strike its targets. For many minutesduring their flight patterns, these missiles might appear to be headed towards targetsin these nations. The potential for misunderstanding is compounded by the shorttime of flight of these missiles, giving these nations little time to evaluate the event,assess the threat, and respond with their own forces.

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44 On the other hand, the Soviet Union, and Russia, have sought to contain U.S. cruisemissile capabilities by suggesting arms control limits on nuclear SLCMs that could alsocapture SLCMs armed with conventional warheads. Soviet and Russian analysts haveviewed these weapons as threatening to Soviet nuclear facilities, regardless of their warhead,because of their high accuracy and relatively short time of flight.

There is precedent for the United States to deploy some types of deliveryvehicles with both nuclear and conventional warheads. For example, U.S. long-rangebombers have always been able to carry conventional weapons and all three of thecurrent types of nuclear-capable bombers — B-1, B-2, and B-52 — have deliveredconventional weapons during recent conflicts. In addition, the conventional cruisemissiles carried by the B-52 bomber were initially deployed as nuclear air-launchedcruise missiles and were later (during the early 1990s) converted to carryconventional weapons. Unlike ballistic missiles however, bombers can change theircourse and return to base if necessary. Further, the Tomahawk sea-launched cruisemissiles (SLCMs) have always been deployed in both nuclear and conventionalversions. The United States has often launched the conventional SLCMs duringconflicts and has never experienced misunderstandings about whether these missilescarried nuclear or conventional warheads.44 But these have never flown over Russiain pursuit of their targets.

Long-range ballistic missiles with conventional warheads could be viewed withfar more concern than these other dual-capable systems because they were developedand deployed solely as a part of the U.S. strategic nuclear deterrent force. Even if theUnited States were to convince other nations that we had deployed some of thesemissiles with conventional warheads, they could still question whether the missileslaunched during a conflict carried conventional warheads or whether the UnitedStates had converted them back to carry nuclear warheads.

The launch of land-based long-range ballistic missiles armed with conventionalwarheads could present another type of problem for the United States and Canada.If these missiles were launched from existing ICBM bases in the northern and centralUnited States, they could drop their rocket motor stages over populated areas of theUnited States or Canada. This may have been considered a small price to pay duringa global nuclear war with the Soviet Union, but it may be far less acceptable withincivilian populations under less trying and catastrophic circumstances.

As was noted above, the Air Force has said it would rename the retiredMinuteman and Peacekeeper missiles as the Minotaur II and Minotaur III missiles ifit deploys them with the conventional warheads or the proposed CAV system. Thiswould allow the United States to differentiate between the conventional and nuclear-armed versions of its ballistic missiles in its operational plans, and possibly helpprovide other nations with a means to distinguish between the two. The Air Forcehas also identified a concept of operation for the Minotaur missiles that includes anumber of “mitigating measures” that might ease concerns about the potential formisunderstandings and damage arising from their launch. These factors fall intothree general categories: basing measures; cooperative measures; and operationalmeasures.

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45 U.S. Air Force. Common Aero Vehicle White Paper. p. 7.46 Report to Congress on the “Concept of Operations” for the Common Aero Vehicle.Submitted in response to Congressional Reporting Requirements, by Peter B. Teets, UnderSecretary of the Air Force. February 24, 2004. p. 4.47 The United States uses a similar formula with its B-1 bombers. Although they wereoriginally equipped to carry nuclear weapons, they have been deployed at bases that do nothouse nuclear weapons and redesignated as conventional bombers. Hence, their weaponsdelivery status is determined by basing and declaration, rather than by their original nuclearcapabilities. 48 Air Force Space Command. Common Aero Vehicle White Paper. p. 8.49 Ibid. p. 7.

Basing Measures. The Air Force has stated that it would deploy ballisticmissiles armed with CAVs or other conventional warheads for PGS mission at basesfar from missiles armed with nuclear warheads and far from bases with storagefacilities for nuclear warheads.45 The two potential sites include Vandenberg AirForce base in California and Cape Canaveral in Florida. According to the Air Force,“the new coastal basing sites would have no nuclear capability or association”46 asthey would lack the facilities and equipment needed to handle or store nuclearweapons. The coastal basing plan would also address concerns about debris frommissile launches falling on populated areas in the United States or Canada. If themissiles were launched from the U.S. coast, rather than from bases in northern,central states, then the debris would likely fall over the oceans rather than over land.

The Air Force has also stated that it could deploy Minotaur missiles on mobilelaunchers, horizontally in earthen berms, or above ground, rather than in thehardened, vertical silos used at nuclear ICBM bases. The United States could thendeclare, to Russia or other nations, that these new, modified launchers were equippedwith conventional-only delivery vehicles. This declaration would furtherdemonstrate that the missiles at the two coastal bases were different from nuclearICBMs, even though it would not preclude the possible covert deployment of nuclearwarheads on the missiles.47 Further, their deployment with a CAV reentry vehicle,rather than a standard post-boost vehicle and warhead present on a nuclear-armedmissile, would reinforce this designation.48

Cooperative Measures. The Air Force has proposed that the United Statesinstitute a number of cooperative measures with other nations to add confidence tothe U.S. declaration that the Minotaur missiles deployed at coastal bases would carryconventional warheads. These measures could include military-to-military contacts,high level political consultations, and ongoing discussions to keep Russia and othernations informed about U.S. plans for these missiles and to make them aware of theobservable differences between conventional and nuclear ballistic missiles. The AirForce has referred to this process as a “strategic dialogue” that might, over time,answer questions and ease concerns about the plans for and capabilities of long-rangeballistic missiles armed with conventional warheads.49

The United States could also invite other nations to observe test launches ofthese missiles or to participate in exercises that include simulations with these

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50 Report to Congress on the “Concept of Operations” for the Common Aero Vehicle.Submitted in response to Congressional Reporting Requirements, by Peter B. Teets, UnderSecretary of the Air Force. February 24, 2004. p. 4.51 Air Force Space Command. Common Aero Vehicle White Paper. p. 11.

missiles. This might allow nations such as Russia to become familiar with theoperational procedures associated with ballistic missiles armed with conventionalwarheads and to distinguish between these procedures and those associated withnuclear-armed missiles. Further, the United States could allow Russia to conductshort-notice inspections at the Minotaur bases, similar to, or even more intrusivethan, the inspections permitted at nuclear missile bases under the START Treaty, toconfirm the absence of nuclear weapons either on the missiles or in the storagefacilities.50 Over time, these measures would not only provide information about themissiles and their missions, but might also build confidence and understandingbetween the parties. The increased level of cooperation, and possibly decreased levelof suspicion, might then reduce the likelihood of misinterpretation if the UnitedStates were to launch ballistic missiles with conventional warheads.

The United States could also provide Russia with prior notification of plannedlaunches of ballistic missiles with conventional warheads, or the two nations couldset up a dedicated “hot line” for use after a launch, so the United States could informRussia of the launch and assure it that the missile did not carry a nuclear warhead andwas not headed for targets in Russia. Further, as has been discussed on manyoccasions over the years, the United States and Russia could share early-warning dataat a joint facility so that Russia would have the information it needed to distinguishbetween the launch of a nuclear-armed ballistic missile from a northern base and thelaunch of a conventional-armed ballistic missile from a coastal base.

Mission Planning and Operational Measures. The Air Force has alsoindicated that it could alter the trajectory of ballistic missiles armed withconventional warheads so that they would not resemble the trajectories that wouldbe followed by nuclear-armed ballistic missiles on course for targets in Russia orChina.51 As was noted above, CAV is have the capability to travel 3,000 milesdownrange and 3,000 miles cross-range, after release from its ballistic missiledelivery system. Hence, according to the Air Force, the missile could travel on a“shaped trajectory” or, if launched from the East Coast towards the Middle East, asouthern trajectory, so that it would not fly over Russia or China, and make up for theadded distance by using the flight range of the CAV. The missile could also launchwith a “depressed trajectory,” then use the aerodynamic lift of the CAV to achievethe range it would need to reach around the globe without flying over Russia.

Taken together, these three types of measures might help reduce the risks ofmisunderstandings. But the accumulation of information during peacetime andfrequent communications during crises may not be sufficient address problems thatcould come up in an atmosphere of confusion and incomplete information during aconflict. Specifically, the argument in favor of using long-range ballistic missiles forthe PGS mission assumes that the United States might have little warning before thestart a conflict and might need to launch its missiles promptly at that time. Thisscenario would allow little time for the United States to consult with, or even inform,

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other nations about its intentions. If other nations are caught by surprise and fearthey might be under nuclear attack, they might also decide to respond promptly,before the United States had the opportunity to convince them that the missilescarried conventional warheads.

Further, routine data exchanges and on-site inspections can provide confidencein the absence of nuclear warheads on the missiles on a day-to-day basis inpeacetime, but they cannot provide assurances that the warheads could not bechanged in a relatively short period of time or that the warheads were not actuallychanged in the days or weeks since the last inspection. In addition, changing thebasing patterns or launch patterns of missiles to draw a sharper distinction betweenconventional and nuclear-armed missiles assumes both that other nations can observethe differences and that they believe the different appearances indicate differentwarheads. Finally, these measures would do nothing to alleviate concerns amongnations that did not participate in the cooperative programs. As a result, while themeasures described above can reduce the possibility of misunderstandings, theyprobably cannot eliminate them.

Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missiles. As was noted above, DODhopes to deploy conventional warheads on Trident long-range ballistic missiles in thenext 2-4 years. Although they would be based at sea, these missiles would sharemany characteristics of land-based ballistic missiles that make them suited to thePGS mission. As nuclear delivery vehicles, they have been deployed with thecommand and control systems needed to allow for prompt decision making andprompt launch during a crisis. They have the range to reach targets around the worldand they would have the accuracy, particularly if the reentry vehicles can receive GPSupdates, to attack a wide range of targets on short notice. Congress has offeredmodest support for this effort in the past, providing an additional $10 million in theFY2005 Defense Appropriations Act for “Advanced Conventional Strike CapabilityAssessment.” And, as was noted above, the Navy requested $127 million for thiseffort in the FY2007 budget, with funding to total $503 million in the next six years,but Congress rejected this funding request, providing only $30 million for researchon the reentry vehicle. It has requested $162.4 million in FY2008.

SLBMs armed with conventional warheads could raise many of the samequestions about misunderstandings as land-based ballistic missiles, particularly ifthese warheads are deployed on the same submarines that currently carry nuclearwarheads. The Navy could not employ many of the techniques identified by the AirForce to convince potential adversaries that the missiles carried conventionalwarheads. Even if the United States did deploy SLBMs with conventional warheadson submarines that did not carry nuclear warheads, it would be extremely difficult todemonstrate these differences and assure other nations of the segregated deploymentsin a submarine that is intended to be hidden and invulnerable when at sea. Further,according to some reports, Russia’s ability to monitor U.S. SLBM launches is evenmore degraded than its ability to monitor ICBM launches, so it might conclude thatit is under nuclear attack if it observed an SLBM launch from a U.S. ballistic missilesubmarine.

On the other hand, because the submarines are mobile and the missiles are long-range, the United States could alter the patrol areas for Trident submarines so that,

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if they were to launch their conventional missiles, they could use trajectories that didnot require them to fly over these nations on their way to their intended targets.Alternatively, the submarines could move prior to launching their missiles, to avoidoverflight of Russia or China, but this presumes that the United States had the timeto move its submarines to these new launch points prior to the start of the conflict,a possibility that is inconsistent with the PGS mission’s assumption that the UnitedStates could need to launch its missiles promptly at the start of an unexpectedconflict.

The plan to deploy Trident missiles with conventional warheads on the samesubmarines as missiles with nuclear warheads could also raise questions about thecommand and control of those missiles. At the present time, submarine commanderscan not launch their missiles until they receive authorization from the NationalCommand Authority (essentially, the President). It is unclear whether the missileswith conventional warheads would be subject to the same stringent command andcontrol processes, or whether someone within the military chain of command wouldbe able to authorize their use without Presidential approval.

Long-Range Bombers. U.S. bombers — B-52s, B-2s, and B-1s — have therange and payload needed to deliver weapons to targets across the globe. But theymay not be suited to the PGS mission because they could take hours or days to reachtargets in remote areas, and they would require tanker support to refuel during theirmissions. The long flight time could contribute to crew fatigue and air defensescould deny the bombers access to some critical target areas. Conventional cruisemissiles delivered by B-52 bombers would allow the aircraft to stay out of the rangeof some air-defense systems, but they could still take too long to reach their targetsmeet the objectives of the PGS mission. On the other hand, the long time of flightcould give the United States time to review and resolve the situation without resortto military attacks.

Tomahawk Cruise Missiles. At the present time, the Navy has the capabilityto attack targets at ranges of around 1,500 nautical miles with sea-based cruisemissiles. These Tomahawk missiles have been employed often in the conflicts in thepast 15 years, providing the United States with the ability to reach targets withoutrisking aircraft or their crews. The Navy is currently modifying four of its Tridentballistic missile submarines so that they can carry cruise missiles. These submarinesare to be equipped to carry up to 7 Tomahawk missiles each in up to 22 (out of 24)of their Trident launch tubes, for a total of 154 cruise missiles per submarine. Butthese missiles may be limited in their ability to contribute to the PGS mission. Witha maximum speed of about 550 miles per hour and a range of 1,500 nautical milesthey can take 2-3 hours to reach their targets. Further, their reach is limited, even ifthe ships or submarines carrying the missiles are deployed in the region of theconflict. Consequently, the Navy has also explored alternatives that would allow itto reach its potential targets more quickly.

Hypersonic Cruise Missiles. Since the mid-1990s, the Navy has exploredseveral options for the development and deployment of an attack missile that could

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52 For a summary of these programs see Statement of Ronald O’Rourke, Specialist inNational Defense, Congressional Research Service, before the House Armed ServicesCommittee, Subcommittee on Projection Forces. Hearing on Long-Range Strike Options.March 3, 2004. pp. 10-11.53 Norris, Robert S. and Hans M. Kristensen. “U.S. Nuclear Forces 2005,” Bulletin of theAtomic Scientists, January/February 2005. pp. 73-75.54 A Trident II (D-5) missile can deliver its warheads over a range of 4,000 miles.55 Report of the Defense Science Board Task Force on Future Strategic Strike Forces.February 2004. p. 5-12.56 Koch, Andrew. “U.S. Considers Major Changes to Strategic Weapons,” Jane’s DefenceWeekly, September 27, 2003

travel at speeds of Mach 3-Mach 5.52 These hypersonic missiles would allow theNavy to attack targets within 15 minutes from ships or submarines based within 500-600 nautical miles of their targets. Hence, they would provide the capability forprompt strikes within the theater of operations, but they would not have the rangesought for the PGS mission. The United States would either need to keep its vesselson station near potential areas of conflict, which it already does in certain areas, orit would need days or weeks to move its ships or submarines into place.

Submarine-Launched Intermediate-Range Ballistic Missile(SLIRBM). The Navy is also studying the possible development and deployment ofan intermediate-range missile that could be launched from its ballistic missilesubmarines. It requested industry participation in the study in mid-2003, and plansto conduct two static test-firings of a prototype rocket engine in 2005.53 Accordingto the Defense Science Board Task Force, this missile might deliver a 2,000 poundpayload over a 1,500 mile range,54 with an accuracy of less than 5 meters. Thiswould allow the missile to reach its target in less than 15 minutes.55 Reports indicatethat this proposed missile could carry either nuclear or conventional warheads,allowing it to contribute to the missions requiring prompt, long-range strikecapabilities.56 These missiles could also be deployed on the modified Tridentsubmarines, with up to 3 missiles each in up to 22 of the submarine’s launch tubes,for a total of 66 missiles per submarine.

The proposed submarine-launched intermediate range ballistic missile wouldachieve many of the objectives necessary for the PGS mission. It could attack targetsquickly, both at the start of a conflict if the submarines were within range, and duringthe conflict if new targets emerged. Its speed and angle of attack might also makeit capable of attacking some types of hardened or buried targets. It would also beable to penetrate an adversary’s defenses without putting aircraft or crews at risk.Further, by launching from submarines based close to the theater of conflict, thesemissiles might avoid some of the overflight problems that would occur if a ballisticmissile launched from the continental United States. It would not eliminate allpossibilities of misunderstanding, however, because nations observing the launchmight not be able to tell whether the missiles carried nuclear or conventionalwarheads, and, with the short time-of-flight, they might decide to assume the worst.

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57 Report to Congress on the “Concept of Operations” for the Common Aero Vehicle.Submitted in response to Congressional Reporting Requirements, by Peter B. Teets, UnderSecretary of the Air Force. February 24, 2004. p. 4.

Congress earmarked $10 million for the SLIRBM in FY2005 and $7.2 millionin FY2006. In the House, the Defense Appropriations subcommittee has added $2million for this effort in FY2007, but the Conference Committee provided only $1.3million. Some analysts believe that, if the Pentagon requested sufficient funding, thismissile could be ready for deployment in 2012 or 2013. The Pentagon did notrequest any additional funding for this program for FY2008, but it did indicate thatprior-years funding would be used to continue funding efforts that will demonstratethe affordability and feasibility of this concept.

Forward-Based Global Strike (FBGS). Analysts have also explored theoption of deploying long-range land-based ballistic missiles at bases outside thecontinental United States. For example, it might be deployed in Guam, DiegoGarcia, or Alaska. This system would use a two-stage rocket motor, with a payloadof up to 1,000 pounds, a flight time to target of less than 25 minutes, and an accuracyof less than 5 meters. It could employ many of the same reentry vehicle and warheadoptions as the CTM and CSM systems. Because it would rely on existing rockettechnologies, it might be available for deployment by 2012, in roughly the same timeframe as the CSM system. However, because it would be launched from outside thecontinental United States, its trajectory would not resemble that of a land-basedICBM. Hence, some analysts argue that it would solve many of the questions aboutmisunderstandings and misperceptions that plague the CTM and CSM systems. TheDefense Subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee included $4 millionfor this effort in the FY2007 defense appropriations bill, but the ConferenceCommittee reduced this amount to $1.8 million.

Arms Control Issues

Air Force Plans. The Air Force has acknowledged that “depending on systemdesign” long-range ballistic missiles armed with conventional warheads could becovered by the provisions in the 1991 START Treaty.57 This treaty limits the UnitedStates to a total of 4,900 “attributed” warheads on its land-based and sea-based long-range ballistic missiles (ICBMs and SLBMs). The number of warheads attributed toeach type of missile is outlined in a memorandum of understanding that accompaniesthe treaty. The Minuteman II missile, which would serve as the base for theMinotaur II missile, is counted as carrying one warhead; the Peacekeeper, whichcould become the Minotaur III missile, is counted as carrying 10 warheads.

The treaty specifies that all ICBM launchers and submarine launch tubes thatcan hold ballistic missiles covered by the treaty will count against the treaty limits.This would presumably include launchers for Minotaur missiles. However, even ifthe Minotaur missiles count against the START limits as if they were stillMinuteman II or Peacekeeper missiles, it is unlikely that the United States wouldexceed the START limit of 4,900 warheads. This is because the United States plansto reduce its warheads to between 1,700 and 2,200 “operationally deployedwarheads”, as it is required to do under the 2002 Moscow Treaty between the United

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58 The Moscow Treaty does not define “operationally deployed warheads.” Each nation cando so on its own, and declare which systems it will count under the limit of 2,200operationally deployed warheads.59 Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republicson the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (START Treaty). Article V,para 3. Russia, Ukraine, Kazakhstan and Belarus succeeded the Soviet Union as parties tothe Treaty.60 START Treaty, Article V, para 9.61 START Treaty, Article V, para 14.62 START Treaty, Article IV, para 1(D).

States and Russia. These deeper reductions warheads on nuclear-armed ballisticmissiles will mean that the United States has the “room” to deploy missiles withconventional warheads without exceeding START limits. The United States wouldnot have to count missiles with conventional warheads against the limits in the 2003Moscow Treaty if it excludes these systems from its definition of “operationallydeployed warheads.”58

The START Treaty may, nonetheless, impinge on the Air Force plan to deployballistic missiles with conventional warheads at coastal bases. The treaty indicatesthat new types of ICBMs, or modified versions of existing ICBMs, must be deployedat ICBM bases in rail-mobile, road-mobile, or silo launchers.59 The United Statescould declare Vandenberg to be a new ICBM base, but it would have to build newsilos, or use mobile launchers for the missiles. The treaty does allow the parties tolocate “soft-site” launchers for ICBMs at test ranges or space launch facilities, whichwould include Vandenberg and Cape Canaveral.60 But the treaty states that theparties cannot flight test ICBMs equipped with reentry vehicles from space-launchfacilities, which would seem to preclude deployment at Cape Canaveral.61 The treatyfurther limits the aggregate number of ICBMs and SLBMs located at test facilities(which would include Vandenberg) to 25 and the aggregate number of test launchersto 20.62 The United States has already declared that it has 15 test launchers atVandenberg, leaving little room for the deployment of additional launchers forballistic missiles armed with conventional warheads.

The START Treaty also allows on-site inspections at bases housing deliveryvehicles limited by the treaty, notifications prior to the launch of missiles limited bythe treaty, and the provision of telemetry generated during test flights of missileslimited by the treaty. These provisions could all apply to the new Minotaur missiles,even if they are deployed with conventional warheads far from bases that housenuclear warheads or nuclear delivery vehicles. These provisions, particularly thosecalling for prior notification of missile launches, could help the United States informRussia or other nations of its intentions when it decides to use a Minotaur missile ina conflict. On the other hand, these provisions could also complicate U.S. efforts tolaunch these missiles promptly at the start of a sudden, unexpected conflict.

The United States could claim that, because the Minotaur missiles weredeployed with conventional warheads, they should not count under START or besubject to the deployment restrictions and data exchange provisions in the Treaty.

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However, it is likely that the United States would have to meet with Russia, Ukraine,Belarus, and Kazakhstan, the four former Soviet states that are parties to the Treatyto work out how the provisions of the Treaty are to apply to these missiles.Regardless, the relationship between these missiles and U.S. arms controlobligations, along with Russia’s possible reaction to U.S. proposals to either applyor avoid these obligations for the new Minotaur missiles, deserves further analysis.

Navy Plans. The Navy has not yet addressed, publicly, arms control questionsthat might arise from the deployment of conventional warheads on its Tridentmissiles. Many of the issues discussed above for the Air Force stem from the planto segregate missiles with conventional warheads from those with nuclear warheads,and to have those with conventional warheads recognized as different missiles.Because the Navy would deploy the missiles with conventional and nuclear warheadson the same submarines, the Navy would not have similar concerns. It would, in alllikelihood, simply accept that the conventional warheads on Trident missiles countunder the START Treaty. The warheads would count against the Treaty limit of4,900 ballistic missile warheads, and the missiles carrying the warheads would besubject to short-notice inspections to confirm that they did not carry more than theagreed number of 8 warheads (or 6 warheads if the missiles were declared to be“downloaded.”) Because the DOD plan appears to call for the missiles to be deployedwith only 4 warheads each, and because the Navy would be under no obligation todisplay the exact configuration of the missiles, but only to demonstrate that theycarried fewer than 8 warheads, these requirements apparently would not impinge onthe CTM program.

The Moscow Treaty provisions also probably would not constrain the CTMprogram. That Treaty limits the United States to 2,200 “operationally deployed”nuclear warheads. It does not define this term and it does not outline any countingrules that the nations must use when determining which warheads count under thelimits. The United States likely would not count the warheads on the CTM missilesunder the limits and it would be under no obligation to reveal this to Russia; it wouldsimply have to inform Russia of the total number of warheads it was counting underthe Treaty. Further, the United States could deploy more warheads on its ICBMs, oron other SLBMs, to make up for the 96 conventional warheads on the conventionalTrident missiles. An arithmetic method, multiplying deployed missiles by thenumber of warheads carried by those missiles, like the one used in START Treaty,might then put the United States over the 2,200 warhead limit, but the MoscowTreaty does not use such a method to count deployed warheads.

Russia may object to the CTM plan on arms control grounds, insisting that thewarheads on the conventional Trident missiles should count against the Treaty limitsand that the United States should have to reduce the number of warheads on othersystems to accommodate these missiles. However, this view is not consistent withthe provisions or requirements of the Moscow Treaty. Consequently, even if themissiles raised issues for bilateral discussions about arms control implementation,it is unlikely that the United States would have to alter its plans to accommodate theMoscow Treaty.

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Weighing the Benefits and Risks

The Air Force, and many analysts outside government, have argued that long-range land-based ballistic missiles armed with conventional warheads can providea low-cost, near-term solution to the meet the demands of the prompt global strikemission. They have demonstrated, during their many years on alert during the ColdWar, that they have high levels of reliability and readiness, along with a robust andresponsive command and control structure. They were also designed to perform withand a great degree of accuracy, which may improve in the future if they are deployedwith new guidance technologies. Many experts argue that these characteristics areinvaluable for a long-range conventional strike system in the post-Cold War era.

But these weapons might provide the United States with more capability thanit needs under most circumstances, while, at the same time, raising the possibility thattheir use might be misinterpreted as the launch of nuclear weapons. For example,as would be true for any weapon seeking to achieve this mission, the ability to attacktargets across the globe on short notice depends on the U.S. ability to acquire preciseinformation about the locations of potential targets and to translate that informationinto useful targeting data. If it takes longer for the United States to acquire and usethat information than it would take for it to launch and deliver a ballistic missile, or,as has often been the case, if such precise information is unavailable, then the UnitedStates may not be able to benefit from the unique characteristics of long-rangeballistic missiles. Bombers would take longer to reach their targets, but this addedtime might provide the United States with the opportunity to acquire the neededintelligence.

In addition, long-range ballistic missiles would have an advantage over sea-based systems if the United States did not have naval forces near the conflict region,or did not have time to move these forces to the area, or if the target area were out ofrange for the sea-based systems. But the U.S. Navy deploys its force around theworld and maintains capabilities near likely areas of conflict. A few targets may beout of range for these weapons, but bombers armed with cruise missiles might beable to reach them. Land-based long-range ballistic missiles would only be neededin the rare circumstance where the United States had no warning, needed a promptattack, and had to reach too far inland for sea-based systems. But even in thesecircumstances, the benefits of the use of long-range ballistic missiles might notoutweigh the risks.

Most analysts recognized, during the Cold War, that long-range land-basedballistic missiles could prove destabilizing in a crisis, when nations might haveincomplete information about the nature of an attack, and too little time to gathermore information and plan an appropriate response. Faced with these circumstances,a nation who was not an intended target, such as Russia, might choose to respondquickly, rather than to wait for more information. The same could be true for theadversaries who are the intended targets of U.S. ballistic missiles. If the UnitedStates hoped to destroy a nation’s military forces or weapons of mass destruction atthe start of a conflict, before they could be used against U.S. troops, the other nationmight choose to use these weapons even more quickly during a crisis, before it lostthem to the U.S. attack.

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Some have argued that the possible crisis instabilities associated with long-rangeballistic missiles should not eliminate them from consideration for the PGS missionbecause the United States can work with Russia, China, and other nations to reducethe risks and because no other weapons, at least in the short term, provide the UnitedStates with the ability to attack promptly anywhere on the globe, at the start of anunexpected conflict. Yet the question of whether the United States should accept therisks associated with the potential for misunderstandings and crisis instabilities canbe viewed with a broader perspective. How likely is the United States to face theneed to attack quickly at great distances at the start of an unexpected conflict? Howmuch would the United States lose if it had to wait a few hours or days to move itsforces into the region (or to await the intelligence reports and precise targeting dataneeded for an attack)?

If the risks of waiting for bombers or sea-based weapons to arrive in the theaterare high, then long-range ballistic missiles may be the preferred response, even withthe risk that other nations might misunderstanding U.S. intentions. On the otherhand, if the risks of waiting for other forces to arrive in theater are deemed to bemanageable, and the risks of potential misunderstandings and crisis instabilitiesassociated with the launch of long-range ballistic missiles are thought to be high, thenthe United States can consider a broader range of alternative weapons systems tomeet the needs of the PGS mission.