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Page 1: Content - Atlantic Initiative...Marko Attila Hoare: BO SNIA-HE RZE GO VI NA – THE CRU MBLI NG BA LKAN KE YSTO NE Edina Be}irevi}: THE THE O RY AND PRA CTI CE OF AHMET DA VU TO GLU
Page 2: Content - Atlantic Initiative...Marko Attila Hoare: BO SNIA-HE RZE GO VI NA – THE CRU MBLI NG BA LKAN KE YSTO NE Edina Be}irevi}: THE THE O RY AND PRA CTI CE OF AHMET DA VU TO GLU
Page 3: Content - Atlantic Initiative...Marko Attila Hoare: BO SNIA-HE RZE GO VI NA – THE CRU MBLI NG BA LKAN KE YSTO NE Edina Be}irevi}: THE THE O RY AND PRA CTI CE OF AHMET DA VU TO GLU

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TA N

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H T

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Content

dem

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2010

10:

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Editorial

The Lead Story

Dispatch

Inte rna ti onal Po li ti cs in BiH

Cu rre nt affa irs

In Focus

Su rplus of War Ma te ri al in BiH

Re gi onal Expe ri ences - without the

Reviews

Vlado Azinovi}

EU RO-A TLA NTIC INTE GRA TI ONOF THE WESTERN BA LKA NS

Danko Plevnik:DID NATO WIN IN THE BALKANS? Ne rzuk ]u rak:NA TO, DO YOU KNOW WHAT YOU OWE?\o r|e La ti no vi }:THE WE STE RN ALLI A NCE AND BO SNIA-HE RZE GO VI NA:THE VI EW FROM RE PU BLI KA SRPSKAVla tko Cvrti la:NA TO AND THE RE PU BLIC OF CRO A TIA Sr|an Ku so vac:MO NTE NE GRO - THE NE XT ME MBER OF THE ALLI A NCE @a rko Pe tro vi }:THE INFLU E NCE OF RU SSIA ON EVE NTS IN SE RBIA Agron Ba jra mi:“AME RI CAN CO NNE CTI ON” IN KO SO VOVla do Azi no vi }:HOW DID TI TO USE NA TO

Jasna Peki}:A VI SIT TO THE TRA I NI NG CE NTER IN BU TMIR – RE A CHI NGNA TO STA NDA RDS THROUGH TOP-CLA SS EDU CA TI ON

Marko Attila Hoare:BO SNIA-HE RZE GO VI NA – THE CRU MBLI NG BA LKAN KE YSTO NE

Edina Be}irevi}:THE THE O RY AND PRA CTI CE OF AHMET DA VU TO GLU

Muhamed Jusi}:YE MEN – BE TWE EN AL-QA E DA AND THE USA

Ulrich Heider:A CO U NTRY OF DE A DLY PO TE NTI AL

Antonio Prlenda:CRO A TI AN HE LI CO PTE RS IN KO SO VO

Sead Tur~alo:CO NSE RVA TI VE VS. PRO GRE SSI VE GE O PO LI TI CS

ORGA NI SED CRI ME IN KA KI STO CRA CY

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6

10

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Content

demokracija br 1engfinal za stampu:osnova 20.4.2010 10:12 Page 3

ContentVlado Azinović NATO’s New Strategic Concept NATO 2020: Assured Security; Dynamic Engagement

Danko PlevnikGlobal MultilateralisM versus aMerican unilateralisM

Edina Bećirevićinterview with Dr. JaMie shea: i Don’t believe there will be a new war!

John Bullarda new concePt For new challenGes

nato 2020

GrouP Portrait: DiPloMats, acaDeMics anD analYsts

biljana radevaa roaDMaP For the alliance, a roaDMaP For the reGion

Dritan Abazović coMPatible interests anD strateGies

Lidija Čehulić reGional securitY shoulD be inteGrateD into the new strateGic concePt

Nerzuk Ćurak the last balkan

Vlado Azinović eYes wiDe shut

Kurt Bassuenerstill clueless aFter all these Years?

Daniel Omeragić DeFense ProPertY – too biG a bite to chew?

Interview: Jan BraathusePteMber will brinG nothinG sPecial

Miloš Šolaja between conDitionalitY anD MeMbershiP

Erol Avdovića new bosnia in the olD securitY council

EDITORIAL

THE LEAD STORY

CURRENT AFFAIRS

IN FOCUS

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6

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Page 4: Content - Atlantic Initiative...Marko Attila Hoare: BO SNIA-HE RZE GO VI NA – THE CRU MBLI NG BA LKAN KE YSTO NE Edina Be}irevi}: THE THE O RY AND PRA CTI CE OF AHMET DA VU TO GLU

2

Edit

oria

l

The

Lea

d St

ory

Dis

patc

h

Inte

rna t

i ona

l Po l

i ti cs

in B

iH

Cu r

re nt

affa

irs

In F

ocus

Su rp

lus o

f W

ar M

a te r

i al i

n Bi

H

Re gi

onal

Exp

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- w

ithou

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Revi

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Vla

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zino

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RO

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NT

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RA

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LK

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ik:

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IN IN

TH

E BA

LKA

NS?

N

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k ]

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:N

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, DO

YO

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HAT

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\o r

|e L

a ti n

o vi }:

THE

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A:

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U BL

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TS IN

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BIA

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gron

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no vi

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OW

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CLA

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ko A

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A LK

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}irev

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TE N

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L

Ant

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A TI A

N H

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O PT

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IN K

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Tur

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A TI V

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ContentSarwar KashmeriNATO: RebOOT OR DeleTe?

George TriantafyllouNATO AND HumAN SecuRiTy: AN uNSpOKeN yeT cleAR liNK

Ado KulovićReTuRN Of THe piRATeS

Antonio prlendabOSNiAN “eAGleS”: GOiNG TO A muSeum OR STReNGTHeNiNG THe SeRbiAN ARmy?

Sead TurčaloWHO SHOulD iNTeRVeNe?

THRee pReSiDeNTS AND iNTeRNATiONAl iNSTiTuTiONS

Asim JusićKORemATSu WiTH A HumAN fAce

INTERNATIONAL SECURITY

DISPATCH

BOOK REVIEWS

84

86

92

99

104

107

109

Editorial

The Lead Story

Dispatch

Inte rna ti onal Po li ti cs in BiH

Cu rre nt affa irs

In Focus

Su rplus of War Ma te ri al in BiH

Re gi onal Expe ri ences - without the

Reviews

Vlado Azinovi}

EU RO-A TLA NTIC INTE GRA TI ONOF THE WESTERN BA LKA NS

Danko Plevnik:DID NATO WIN IN THE BALKANS? Ne rzuk ]u rak:NA TO, DO YOU KNOW WHAT YOU OWE?\o r|e La ti no vi }:THE WE STE RN ALLI A NCE AND BO SNIA-HE RZE GO VI NA:THE VI EW FROM RE PU BLI KA SRPSKAVla tko Cvrti la:NA TO AND THE RE PU BLIC OF CRO A TIA Sr|an Ku so vac:MO NTE NE GRO - THE NE XT ME MBER OF THE ALLI A NCE @a rko Pe tro vi }:THE INFLU E NCE OF RU SSIA ON EVE NTS IN SE RBIA Agron Ba jra mi:“AME RI CAN CO NNE CTI ON” IN KO SO VOVla do Azi no vi }:HOW DID TI TO USE NA TO

Jasna Peki}:A VI SIT TO THE TRA I NI NG CE NTER IN BU TMIR – RE A CHI NGNA TO STA NDA RDS THROUGH TOP-CLA SS EDU CA TI ON

Marko Attila Hoare:BO SNIA-HE RZE GO VI NA – THE CRU MBLI NG BA LKAN KE YSTO NE

Edina Be}irevi}:THE THE O RY AND PRA CTI CE OF AHMET DA VU TO GLU

Muhamed Jusi}:YE MEN – BE TWE EN AL-QA E DA AND THE USA

Ulrich Heider:A CO U NTRY OF DE A DLY PO TE NTI AL

Antonio Prlenda:CRO A TI AN HE LI CO PTE RS IN KO SO VO

Sead Tur~alo:CO NSE RVA TI VE VS. PRO GRE SSI VE GE O PO LI TI CS

ORGA NI SED CRI ME IN KA KI STO CRA CY

5

6

10

15

20

27

33

38

42

46

50

56

61

65

69

73

75

Content

demokracija br 1engfinal za stampu:osnova 20.4.2010 10:12 Page 3

Page 5: Content - Atlantic Initiative...Marko Attila Hoare: BO SNIA-HE RZE GO VI NA – THE CRU MBLI NG BA LKAN KE YSTO NE Edina Be}irevi}: THE THE O RY AND PRA CTI CE OF AHMET DA VU TO GLU

3

Edit

oria

l

The

Lea

d St

ory

Dis

patc

h

Inte

rna t

i ona

l Po l

i ti cs

in B

iH

Cu r

re nt

affa

irs

In F

ocus

Su rp

lus o

f W

ar M

a te r

i al i

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H

Re gi

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Revi

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Vla

do A

zino

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U BL

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5 6 10 15 20 27 33 38 42 46 50 56 61 65 69 73 75

Content

dem

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cija

br 1

engf

inal

za

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snov

a 2

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2010

10:

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age

3

demokracija br 1engfinal za stampu:osnova 20.4.2010 10:12 Page 4

www.atlantskainicijativa.org

Page 6: Content - Atlantic Initiative...Marko Attila Hoare: BO SNIA-HE RZE GO VI NA – THE CRU MBLI NG BA LKAN KE YSTO NE Edina Be}irevi}: THE THE O RY AND PRA CTI CE OF AHMET DA VU TO GLU

4

Edit

oria

l

The

Lea

d St

ory

Dis

patc

h

Inte

rna t

i ona

l Po l

i ti cs

in B

iH

Cu r

re nt

affa

irs

In F

ocus

Su rp

lus o

f W

ar M

a te r

i al i

n Bi

H

Re gi

onal

Exp

e ri e

nces

- w

ithou

t the

Revi

ews

Vla

do A

zino

vi}

EU

RO

-A T

LA

NT

IC I

NT

E G

RA

TI O

NO

F T

HE

WE

STE

RN

BA

LK

A N

S

Dan

ko P

levn

ik:

DID

NAT

O W

IN IN

TH

E BA

LKA

NS?

N

e rzu

k ]

u rak

:N

A TO

, DO

YO

U K

NO

W W

HAT

YO

U O

WE?

\o r

|e L

a ti n

o vi }:

THE

WE S

TE RN

ALL

I A N

CE

AN

D B

O SN

IA-H

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E GO

VI N

A:

THE

VI E

W F

ROM

RE P

U BL

I KA

SRP

SKA

Vla

tko

Cvr

ti la:

NA T

O A

ND

TH

E RE

PU BL

IC O

F C

RO A T

IA

Sr|a

n Ku

so va

c:M

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TE N

E GRO

- TH

E N

E XT

ME M

BER

OF

THE

ALL

I A N

CE

@a r

ko P

e tro

vi }:

THE

INFL

U E N

CE

OF

RU SS

IA O

N E

VE N

TS IN

SE R

BIA

A

gron

Ba j

ra m

i:“A

ME R

I CA

N C

O N

NE C

TI O

N”

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VOV

la do

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no vi

}:H

OW

DID

TI T

O U

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A TO

Jasn

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ki}:

A V

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A I N

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U TM

IR –

RE A

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I NG

NA T

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DA

RDS

THRO

UG

H T

OP-

CLA

SS E

DU

CA T

I ON

Mar

ko A

ttila

Hoa

re:

BO SN

IA-H

E RZ

E GO

VI N

A –

TH

E C

RU M

BLI N

G B

A LK

AN

KE Y

STO

NE

Edin

a Be

}irev

i}:TH

E TH

E O RY

AN

D P

RA C

TI C

E O

F A

HM

ET D

A VU

TO G

LU

Muh

amed

Jusi}

:YE

MEN

– B

E TW

E EN

AL-

QA

E DA

AN

D T

HE

USA

Ulri

ch H

eide

r:A

CO

U N

TRY

OF

DE A

DLY

PO

TE N

TI A

L

Ant

onio

Prle

nda:

CRO

A TI A

N H

E LI C

O PT

E RS

IN K

O SO

VO

Sead

Tur

~alo

:C

O N

SE RV

A TI V

E VS

. PRO

GRE

SSI V

E G

E O PO

LI TI

CS

ORG

A N

I SED

CRI

ME

IN K

A KI

STO

CRA

CY

5 6 10 15 20 27 33 38 42 46 50 56 61 65 69 73 75

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De ar re ade rs,

This is the f i rst issue of De mo cra cy and Se cu ri ty in So uthe aste rn Eu ro pe, a pu bli ca ti on de si gned to pro mo te Eu ro-Atla nticva lu es and a cu ltu re of di alo gue in Bo snia-He rze go vi na and the re gi on.

The se le cti on of the na me as we ll as the co nte nts of the ma ga zi ne re f le ct our be li ef that the tra nsi ti on pro cess to wa rdsesta bli shi ng fu ncti onal de mo cra ci es, ru le of law and hu man ri ghts pro te cti on in the re gi on is clo se ly co nne cted wi th se cu ri -ty mo de ls. We be li eve that se cu ri ty is a pre co ndi ti on for de mo cra cy.

Se cu ri ty is mo st often de f i ned as a co ndi ti on wi tho ut da nger or wi tho ut thre at, or as the pro vi si on of pro te cti on aga inst athre at. Ho we ver, it is much mo re.

Ame ri can psycho lo gi st Abra ham Ma slow pla ced se cu ri ty at the ve ry fo unda ti on of his own hi era rchi cal pyra mid of key hu -man ne eds. Imme di ate ly after the ba sic bi olo gi cal ne eds, such as the ne ed for fo od, wa ter, oxygen and sle ep, Ma slow li -sted se cu ri ty as the ba sic psycho lo gi cal ne ed. It inclu des pro te cti on aga inst vi ole nce; sa fe ty of ho me, fa mi ly and he alth;pro te cti on of pro pe rty; ha vi ng a ste ady inco me; a ne ed for order and pre di cta bi li ty of eve nts in the ne ar and di sta nt fu tu -re. Ma slow ma inta ins that the fu lf i llme nt of the se ne eds he lps a pe rson grow and de ve lop as a hu man be ing.“The fa ct is that pe ople are go od. Gi ve them ca re and sa fe ty, and they wi ll gi ve ca re ba ck and be se cu re in the ir fe eli ngsand be ha vi or,” he wro te. Only when a pe rson fu lf i lls the ir ne ed for se cu ri ty wi ll they be able to sta rt fu lf i lli ng other pri ma -ry ne eds – for be lo ngi ng, lo ve, re spe ct and se lf-actu ali za ti on.

In a po st co nf li ct so ci ety, such as in Bo snia-He rze go vi na, whe re the co nsci ous and co nti nu ous intro du cti on of inse cu ri tyand fe ar into pu blic di sco urse is unde ni ably po li ti ca lly mo ti va ted, it do es not se em pa rti cu la rly wi se or ju sti f i ed to co nti nueke epi ng the di scu ssi ons and de ci si ons on se cu ri ty so lu ti ons in the exclu si ve do ma in of lo cal po li ti cal eli tes. It is almo st unne -ce ssa ry to wa rn aga inst the po ssi ble co nse qu ences of such a mo no po ly for the de ve lo pme nt of de mo cra cy. In addi ti on, theDa yton insti tu ti ona li za ti on of Bo snia-He rze go vi na ’s sta te le gal pro vi si ons, which inco rpo ra tes the dyna mi cs of the pre vi ousco nf li ct, urges that de ba te on se cu ri ty mo de ls f i na lly be exte nded to ci vil so ci ety too.

Sta rti ng wi th this ma ga zi ne, the Atla ntic Ini ti ati ve in Bo snia-He rze go vi na wa nts to la unch a fo rum for tho ught and de ba teon the se issu es and ena ble re ade rs to de ve lop opi ni ons on the key pro ble ms of de mo cra cy and se cu ri ty, ba sed on kno wle -dge of the fa cts and unde rsta ndi ng of the re le va nt pro ce sses. In so do ing, we wa nt to co ntri bu te to the cre ati on of a so ci -ety of kno wle dge, one whe re the co mpe ti ti on of ide as re pre se nts a co mmi tme nt to pro gress, and not a co nsta nt so urceof se emi ngly unso lva ble di spu tes. 5

EDITORIALVla do Azi no vićEditor-in-Chief

demokracija br 1engfinal za stampu:osnova 20.4.2010 10:12 Page 5

Dear readers,

Several important events which could impact the dynamics and substance of processes in the region have occurred between the last and this (double) issue of Democracy and Security in Southeastern Europe.

At the end of April, at a meeting in Tallinn, foreign ministers of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member countries invited Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) to join the Membership Action Plan (MAP) on the condition that all immovable military property used for defense purposes is transferred to the state and registered as its property, i.e. as the property of the BiH Ministry of Defense. The North Atlantic Council has been authorized to accept the first Annual National Program from BiH, as stipulated by the MAP, only when this condition has been met. Given the post-Dayton construction of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the current ratio of political power in the country, meeting this condition represents a serious test. It is certain that the upcoming October elections will only make this test more challenging.

In mid-May, an expert group appointed by NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen presented its recommendations for the creation of a new Strategic Concept for the North Atlantic Alliance. Through a public debate - the scope of which was unprecedented in the Alliance’s history, and which included representatives of the civil sector, strategic partners, and international organizations and institutions, and was presided over by former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright - the expert group reached agreement on the most important recommendations for a “new NATO”. Their report noted, among other things, that NATO has a permanent obligation to guarantee security of its members, and that this goal can be reached only if the Alliance is engaged in a dynamic development of relations with states and organizations beyond its borders.

In addition, the report recommends developing partnerships with the European Union and Russia, and states that the creation of a secure environment will be supported by the continuation of NATO’s gradual enlargement policy. By inclusion of Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina in the expansion to Southeastern Europe, the North Atlantic Alliance has integrated almost the whole region, fully or significantly, with the exception of Serbia. The internal situation in Serbia, as well as NATO-Russia relations, are likely to determine whether, when, how, and to what extent Serbia will move closer to the Western military alliance.

“Together when we can, alone when we must” – this is how former U.S. President Bill Clinton summarized his administration’s attitude toward post-Cold War international crises and external challenges to U.S. national security in the mid-1990s. The succeeding George W. Bush administration believed that, following the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on September 11, 2001, it was entitled to a unilateral approach to security threats, aided by (often unwilling!) alliances with

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De ar re ade rs,

This is the f i rst issue of De mo cra cy and Se cu ri ty in So uthe aste rn Eu ro pe, a pu bli ca ti on de si gned to pro mo te Eu ro-Atla nticva lu es and a cu ltu re of di alo gue in Bo snia-He rze go vi na and the re gi on.

The se le cti on of the na me as we ll as the co nte nts of the ma ga zi ne re f le ct our be li ef that the tra nsi ti on pro cess to wa rdsesta bli shi ng fu ncti onal de mo cra ci es, ru le of law and hu man ri ghts pro te cti on in the re gi on is clo se ly co nne cted wi th se cu ri -ty mo de ls. We be li eve that se cu ri ty is a pre co ndi ti on for de mo cra cy.

Se cu ri ty is mo st often de f i ned as a co ndi ti on wi tho ut da nger or wi tho ut thre at, or as the pro vi si on of pro te cti on aga inst athre at. Ho we ver, it is much mo re.

Ame ri can psycho lo gi st Abra ham Ma slow pla ced se cu ri ty at the ve ry fo unda ti on of his own hi era rchi cal pyra mid of key hu -man ne eds. Imme di ate ly after the ba sic bi olo gi cal ne eds, such as the ne ed for fo od, wa ter, oxygen and sle ep, Ma slow li -sted se cu ri ty as the ba sic psycho lo gi cal ne ed. It inclu des pro te cti on aga inst vi ole nce; sa fe ty of ho me, fa mi ly and he alth;pro te cti on of pro pe rty; ha vi ng a ste ady inco me; a ne ed for order and pre di cta bi li ty of eve nts in the ne ar and di sta nt fu tu -re. Ma slow ma inta ins that the fu lf i llme nt of the se ne eds he lps a pe rson grow and de ve lop as a hu man be ing.“The fa ct is that pe ople are go od. Gi ve them ca re and sa fe ty, and they wi ll gi ve ca re ba ck and be se cu re in the ir fe eli ngsand be ha vi or,” he wro te. Only when a pe rson fu lf i lls the ir ne ed for se cu ri ty wi ll they be able to sta rt fu lf i lli ng other pri ma -ry ne eds – for be lo ngi ng, lo ve, re spe ct and se lf-actu ali za ti on.

In a po st co nf li ct so ci ety, such as in Bo snia-He rze go vi na, whe re the co nsci ous and co nti nu ous intro du cti on of inse cu ri tyand fe ar into pu blic di sco urse is unde ni ably po li ti ca lly mo ti va ted, it do es not se em pa rti cu la rly wi se or ju sti f i ed to co nti nueke epi ng the di scu ssi ons and de ci si ons on se cu ri ty so lu ti ons in the exclu si ve do ma in of lo cal po li ti cal eli tes. It is almo st unne -ce ssa ry to wa rn aga inst the po ssi ble co nse qu ences of such a mo no po ly for the de ve lo pme nt of de mo cra cy. In addi ti on, theDa yton insti tu ti ona li za ti on of Bo snia-He rze go vi na ’s sta te le gal pro vi si ons, which inco rpo ra tes the dyna mi cs of the pre vi ousco nf li ct, urges that de ba te on se cu ri ty mo de ls f i na lly be exte nded to ci vil so ci ety too.

Sta rti ng wi th this ma ga zi ne, the Atla ntic Ini ti ati ve in Bo snia-He rze go vi na wa nts to la unch a fo rum for tho ught and de ba teon the se issu es and ena ble re ade rs to de ve lop opi ni ons on the key pro ble ms of de mo cra cy and se cu ri ty, ba sed on kno wle -dge of the fa cts and unde rsta ndi ng of the re le va nt pro ce sses. In so do ing, we wa nt to co ntri bu te to the cre ati on of a so ci -ety of kno wle dge, one whe re the co mpe ti ti on of ide as re pre se nts a co mmi tme nt to pro gress, and not a co nsta nt so urceof se emi ngly unso lva ble di spu tes. 5

EDITORIALVla do Azi no vićEditor-in-Chief

demokracija br 1engfinal za stampu:osnova 20.4.2010 10:12 Page 5

its closest partners. To paraphrase President Clinton’s adage, the Bush approach could be summarized loosely as “Alone we must go now, others can follow us.” At the end of May 2009, President Barack Obama’s administration presented its first comprehensive U.S. National Security Strategy, announcing a departure from the previous administration’s so-called preventive war concept and suggesting better cooperation with China and India. The strategy points to the destruction of Al-Qaeda as one of its key goals, but it also discusses the threat of domestic terrorism for the first time. “We have to face the world as it is in order to succeed,” the new Obama doctrine concludes. With the Kosovo chapter closed, American opportunities to confront Southeastern Europe “as it is” are in its engagement with Bosnia and Herzegovina. The form of that engagement will partially depend on the outcome of October elections in BiH, as well as on the administration’s ability to recognize and support solutions that will encourage and strengthen genuine democratic and reform processes.

At the end of June, a powerful improvised explosive device (IED) went off in front of the Bugojno police station, representing the first act of terrorism in BiH in the so-called ‘post 9/11 context,’ a phrase that has become a frequent and simplistic moniker for the global security environment after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The attack in Bugojno resulted in myriad reactions and raised numerous questions. The key, and still unanswered, question is whether it was an isolated attack by a religiously radicalized group of multiple repeat criminals or if the Bugojno explosion has made BiH a part of the ‘global Salafi insurgence’, which is only bound to escalate. Equally important is the question of whether Bosnia and Herzegovina possesses the real internal capacities and political will to fight security threats such as terrorism, or if preserving a security illusion is the most that local political elites are able to accomplish given the way they see fit to rule the country.

At the end of July, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague delivered the discretionary but still important opinion that the Kosovo declaration of independence did not violate international law. Though the court’s opinion relates exclusively to the circumstances surrounding the Kosovo declaration of independence, there are overt secessionist ambitions in Europe – and in the region – which could, at least in short term, look to The Hague ruling for encouragement and as a basis for further activities.

In a country such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, continuation of the process of state delegitimization and flirtations with the idea to make one of its parts independent – even if only as part of the election campaign – could further encourage the internal erosion of state structures. The European Union has recognized this threat and, just a couple of days after the ICJ opinion on Kosovo became public, the British media revealed the details of EU High Commissioner for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Catherine Ashton’s new plan for BiH. The plan anticipates the introduction of mechanisms that should prevent additional weakening of the state and remove obstacles to reform processes. It is difficult and unappreciative to predict at this moment how much and in which way these events may impact security and democratic processes in Southeastern Europe, but it is certain that some of them have decisively influenced our contributors, determining the content and scope of this issue of our journal.

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The author is a journalist, publicist, and regular columnist

at Split’s daily newspaperSlobodna Dalmacija

Through engagement by Putin, russia has signed military alliances with Brazil, Argentina, Ecuador, Peru, Nicaragua, Cuba, and Venezuela. In Cuba and Venezuela, it holds part of its naval fl eet and a stealth bomber that could reach the United States

The Lead StoryNew NATO or Old Geopolitics?

global multilateralism versus American Unilateralism

By: Danko Plevnik

I will begin an analysis of NATO’s perspective by follow-ing the train of thought of Zbigniew Brzezinski, who I appreciate for his balancing of ideal political philosophy and realpolitik, and whose works represent fundamen-tal readings for anyone interested in issues of American security. I met him in 1999 when presenting him my new book, New NATO or Old Geopolitics? at the tenth anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall in Vienna.

In the book, I point to the difference between the eu-phemistic doctrine of “common values” that drove the expansion of NATO, and the tactical consequences of a military encirclement of Russia and approach toward the borders of China. The situation in the fi eld has ex-posed that old geopolitics continue despite the new rhetoric of NATO that the U.S. has a surplus of weap-ons but lacks manpower, which is what it will require from new member states. The main idea of the book, which I wrote before the war in Kosovo (1999), was that NATO will be forced to transform from a defensive alliance into an offensive one. I asked a number of still-unanswered questions, such as: What does it means to join NATO, if NATO itself does not know where it is going? Does NATO membership lead toward a defi nite eradication of war in the world or just toward control over one that occurs within the Northern hemisphere? Is NATO being developed as a global security system or as a white man’s military alliance? Or, is it being con-verted to an operational mixture of interventionist le-gitimism and penetrating transatlantic monetarism? Will NATO cease to be an exclusively European phenome-non any time soon? Does it intend to be the means of pressure in a possible geo-economic war with China? What is NATO’s macro-political perspective?1

* * *

Even laypeople understand that the United States is the heart of NATO. NATO is an instrument of U.S. geopoli-tics; after all, NATO is primarily a geopolitical – and only secondarily a military, political, and diplomatic – organi-zation. De Gaulle once argued that American hegemony was hiding under the guise of NATO integration. The world of de Gaulle is past, and these days NATO has

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Journal „DEMOCRACY AND SECURITY IN SOUTHEAST-ERN EUROPE“ is available at Central and Eastern European Online Library (C.E.E.O.L.) (http://www.ceeol.com).