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ASIA PACIFIC RESEARCH JOURNAL OF FAR EAST & SOUTH EAST ASIA

Volume 33, 2015

Publication of

Area Study Centre Far East & South East Asia

University of Sindh, Jamshoro

Sindh, Pakistan

www.fesea.org

ASIA PACIFIC Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia is

published annually by the Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Pakistan. The major object of bringing out this journal is to provide a forum for scholars engaged in the study of the Far East & South East Asia region, especially in the field of Politics, Economics, History and Sociology.

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ASIA PACIFIC, Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia University

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ISSN 1810-035X

Composed By..................... Mehmood Sharif Stenographer / Computer Operator Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, University of Sindh, Jamshoro

EDITORIAL PANEL

PATRON–IN–CHIEF

Professor Dr. Abida Taherani Vice Chancellor, University of Sindh and

Chairman, Board of Governors

Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, Sindh – Pakistan

PATRON

Professor Dr. Pervez Ahmed Pathan Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences,

University of Sindh, Jamshoro Sindh – Pakistan

EDITOR–IN–CHIEF

Professor Dr. Hamadullah Kakepoto Director, Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia,

University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh - Pakistan

EDITOR

Dr. Naima Tabassum Assistant Professor, Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia,

University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh - Pakistan

EVALUATION PANEL

INTERNATIONAL EVALUATION NATIONAL EVALUATION

Professor Dr Mohammad Aslam Faculty of Economics and Administration, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, MALAYSIA Email: [email protected]

Professor Dr Aslam Pervez Memon Department of Political Science, University of Sindh, Jamshoro Sindh – PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]

Professor R. Hiremani Naik Department of Business Administration Institute of Management Studies Kuvempu University, Jnanasahyadri, Shankaraghatta – 577451, INDIA Email: [email protected]

Professor Dr Ghulam Ali Jariko Sindh Development Studies Centre, University of Sindh, Jamshoro Sindh – PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]

Professor Dr Zuraidah Bt Mohd Zain Dean, Universiti of Malaysia Perlis, MALAYSIA Email: [email protected]

Professor Dr Phallapa Petison College of Management Mahidol University, Mahidol University College of Management, THAILAND Email: [email protected]

Dr M. Khurshed Alam Director, Bangladesh Institute of Social Research (BISR), BANGLADESH Email: [email protected]

Prof. Dr Spencer Empading Sanggin Dean, Faulty of Social Sciences, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak, MALAYSIA Email: [email protected]

Professor Dr Zhang Li Director, Centre South Asia-West China, Cooperation and Development Studies, Sichuan University, Changdu, 610064, People’s Republic of CHINA Email: [email protected]

Dr. Canan Aslan Akman Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and Public Administration Middle East Technical University, Ankara, TURKEY.

Miki Suzuki Him, PhD Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Arts and Sciences Ondokuz Mayis University Samsun, TURKEY.

Dr. Ayşe Gönüllü Atakan, Sociologist/Scholar İzmir, TURKEY.

Professor Dr Riaz Ahmed Shaikh Head of Social Sciences, Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science & Technology (SZABIST), Karachi - PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]

Dr Naima Tabbasum Assistant Professor, Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh – PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]

Professor Dr Manzoor Ali Isran Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science & Technology (SZABIST), Karachi - PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]

Dr Ahmed Ali Brohi Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Sindh, Jamshoro Sindh – PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]

Dr Naimat Ali Shah

Associate Professor, Department of Public Administration, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh – PAKISTAN Email: [email protected]

Prof. Dr. Naghma Mangrio

Chairperson, Department of International Relations, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, PAKISTAN

Dr. Kiran Sami Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Sindh , Jamshoro, PAKISTAN

ASIA PACIFIC Volume 33, 2015

RESEARCH JOURNAL OF FAR EAST & SOUTH EAST ASIA

CONTENTS

Sociological and Ethnographic Study on Sindh Pakistan: A Sociological Analysis

Dr. Hamadullah Kakepoto ....................................................................................... 01

Religious Affiliation and the Veiling Status of Women Academicians in Three Universities of Malaysia

Madeeha Shah & Dr. Naima Tabassum .................................................................. 15

Prospects of Regionalism: Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN

Rahila Asfa & Dr. Mughees Ahmed ........................................................................ 28

Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan

Dr. Basir Memon ..................................................................................................... 44

Economic Contribution of Rice Production and Food Security in Indonesia

Sadique A. Tumrani, Dr. Pervez A. Pathan & Bugti M. Suleman ........................ 62

The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear: In Context of Working Women in Pakistan

Marium Sara Minhas Bandeali & Dr. Manzoor Ali Isran ..................................... 75

Critical Analysis of the Challenges and Issues of Islam in the Modern World

Dr. Zain-ul-Abdin Sodhar, Dr. Abdul Ghani Shaikh &

Khair-un-Nisa Sodhar ............................................................................................. 96

Flow of Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers within East Asian Region

Dr. Naima Tabassum, Huma Tabassum & Tabassum Afzal ............................... 107

EDITORIAL

The Area Study Centre for Far East and South East Asia is well known for

its quality research and teaching on the region. The Asia Pacific: A Research

Journal of Far East & South East Asia is one of the important aspect of the

centre’s research culture. It publishes research from a variety of academic

disciplines for the benefit of readers and scholars.

For the present issue eight research papers were finalized after rigorous

blind peer review process. The papers included in this volume deal with a

variety of subjects and cover various disciplines such as Sociology, Gender

Studies, Migration Studies, Economics, International Relations,

Comparative Religions, Mass Communication and Journalism, and Cultural

Studies. Therefore, the present issue hopefully is of the best interest for the

readers and researchers.

I appreciate the contributors for their interest and continuous submissions

of research work in large number for publication in the journal. Further, the

editorial team wishes if the contributors may kindly submit their research

papers in the prescribed format. It may prevent delays caused by several

rounds of revisions of the research papers. The editorial team has worked

hard to manage this all work to the best of their capabilities within available

time.

I am thankful to the members of advisory and review panel of the journal

for their continuous professional and academic support for screaming of the

submitted research papers for publication. I am also grateful to Professor

Dr. Hamadullah Kakepoto, the Chief Editor for his continuous support

throughout the process of publication of the journal. I also acknowledge the

guidance and directions provided by Professor Dr. Abida Tahirani, Vice

Chancellor and the Patron in Chief of the journal.

Dr. Naima Tabassum

Editor

SOCIOLOGICAL AND ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY ON

SINDH PAKISTAN: A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

Dr Hamadullah Kakepoto*

Abstract

Pakistan is one of the countries of the world where culture is considered a

driving force for the people of the land. Sindh is the second biggest province

of Pakistan. It is rich in natural beauty. The civilization and cultural

heritages of Sindh are known throughout the Asia. Sindh inculcates the

some of the oldest cultural heritages like heritage of Moen-jo-daro which

has 5000 years’ oldest history. The culture of Sindh is rich and enriched

with multi-dimensional aspects. On one side culture is rich in religious

rituals and on the other hand it has a good flavor of secular outlook. People

of Sindh are peace loving. People rejoice on little occasions and make those

events remarkable and memorable. Therefore, the sociology and

ethnography of Sindh is full with of colours and rejoices. In the present

paper an attempt has been made discussing the culture, civilization,

customs and cultural events, and the overall sociology of the people of the

land with the help of sociological eye.

Keywords: Sindhi, Culture, Traits, Ceremonies, Customs.

Introduction

Pakistan is one of countries of the world where culture and

civilization are well practiced and respected. In other word the

land is known due to adherence of cultural values and religion

norms. People feel happy and contented when they follow their

culture. Such province is more tented towards Sufism. Poets and

Sufis like Shah Adul Latif Bhittae, Sachal Sarmast, Qalandar

Shahbaz, Abdullah Shah Ghazi, Sufi Shah Inayat and Sami and

many others are well known among the people. Their poetry is

considered important. Urrs and celebrations are celebrated since

* Director & Professor, Far East & South East Asia Study Centre, University of

Sindh, Jamshoro, Email: [email protected]

2 Sociological and Ethnographic Study on Sindh Pakistan

unknown times.

The Sindh province is one of the four provinces of Pakistan. It has a

distinct history which dates back many centuries (Allana, 1998: 1-2).

Sindh covers an area between 56,000 and 57,000 square miles

(Khuhro, 1999: XXI). The province is divided into five divisions and

21 administrative districts including 8 municipal corporations and 8

cantonments. It includes 84 talukas and 74 sub-divisions. The

districts are further divided into sub-divisions (Provincial Census

Report of Sindh, 1998: 14).

Postan (1973) is of the view that Sindh has always been divided

geographically and politically into two principle portions: Upper

and Lower, or rather Northern and Southern, distinguished by

names in Sindhi language as “Lar and Sirra”. Burton (1999)

considers three principal portions. Sourthen Sindh (or “Lar”) covers

areas South of Hyderabad. Central Sindh (or “Wicholo”) includes

areas lying immediately around Hyderabad. Northen Sindh (or

“Siro”) comprises the districts of Sehwan, Larkana, Khairpur, and

the tract which separates Sukkur from Cutch. These divisions have

their particular climate, soil and productions, and are otherwise

marked by physical peculiarities.

Religion is the core of culture of any society. Most of our cultural

patterns are taken from norms. In Sindh, Islam is dominant religion

in society. Besides Hindus, Christians, and Mehgwhar are also living

in Sindh. Sindh is the land of sufies and tranquentely. People by

nature are subtle and very much followers of peace and love. The

brotherhood and tolerance are the essence of local Sindhi culture.

They celebrate the festivals on the shrines of suffies and religious

scholars, since long time such celebrations are known as the

celebration of land. Even all over Pakistan people come to

participate on those celebrations and rejoice.

Sindh province is also known due to the people’s attachment

towards cultural traits and rituals. People here since centuries follow

Asia Pacific, Research Journal, Volume 33, 2015 3

the culture and have the firm faith that of they ignored the culture

they may face some mishappening in their life which may turn their

lives useless and adverse. As a result people of the land fully adhere

to the even small things, religions poetry and even dresses. Family

institution occupies very important place in Sindhi society. Joint

family system is mostly preferred and endogamy, the marriage

within kinship or bradaris are preferred. After the birth of child

religious education is given. For recreation, children are given

handmade clay toys. Folkways are also common in Sindh and for

elders recreation includes kachahri at night.

The another distinct thing of the land is that the civilization of the

land is among the oldest civilizations of the world. It dates back

some 5000 years back and is known as Indus valley civilization the

essence of that civilization is that it is remarkably attached with the

agriculture and cultivation. The rivers also have an important place

in the development of local culture. People rejoice and even some

dresses and foods are known due to the crops. Family is considered

the important and people of Sindh feel proud to their ancestral

assets they are proud of their castes, tribes and communities, they

originate, therefore, the culture of caste and tribalism. Within the

family elders are well respected and the culture of patriarchy is the

most dominant system of the family. The elder members of the

family are the head of family where orders of elders considered like

the order of the state. Informal social order and social control is well

adhered due to the strong attachment of the family. Likewise, the

eldest members of the caste is also considered as the most

respectable and people from that particular caste follow the order of

that elder member. Perhaps the culture of respect for the elders has

vanished from many parts but in Sindh it is well practiced.

The social life of Sindh was also affected by the settlement of Arab

Soldiers, scholars and intellectuals in different parts of Sindh. Tabari

speaks of Arab soldiers in several military colonies seeking solace

for their lost homes by marrying native women of the country, and


leaving their lands and plunder to be inherited by their Sindhi- Arab

descendants (Ali, 1957: 327). The Arab conquest of Sindh followed

by dissemination of Islamic beliefs played a significant role in

reinforcing and strengthening orientation of Sindhi culture towards

Islamic land. It also provided a new socio-economic basis for Sindhi

society giving it a distinctive Islamic look (Ansar, 1980: XXV11).

Naming habit is an example of socio-cultural influence among the

lower class, for example fisher folk, hunters, farmers, cattle breeders

etc. Indigenous names occur very commonly, which are not found

elsewhere. These include the names of flowers, trees, fruits, birds,

months, days of weeks etc. A man styled Kausar or Mohammad

Kauser or Aachar or Mohammad Aachar is immediately

recognizable as belonging to this class. In the same way one may

recognize a Sayyed by the presence of Shah among his name, e.g.

Zaman Shah etc. (Al1ana, 1998: 319). The use of Arabic names is in

accordance with certain fairly well defined practices. Any Muslim

Sindhi is like to include among his patronymics the name of

Prophet, Caliph, Imam or Saint on his offspring. Certain Hindus of

Sind' are also recognizable by a restricted range of Islamic names

which they employ e.g. 'divan' Amil' and others immediately denote

a Hindu gentleman (ibid).

Sindh is agricultural province and its land is fertile. Mostly in village

agriculture is main occupation apart from it domestication of cattle,

buffaloes, sheep, goats etc. is practiced. In Sindh business is also

source of earning for many people. Large scale division of labour is

noticed, Goldsmiths, ironsmith, brisk maker, carpenters,

government servants, politicians etc. Sindhi society is stratified here

in three major classes. Upper class consists of landlords, industrialist

and middle class consist of government employees, farmers,

shopkeeper and other businessman and lower class consist of labor

etc. In Sindh no doubt due to in wearing modernization and

globalization the dressing, food, items, mode of recreation and

changing but traditional food of Sindh is Saag, jawer, all kinds of


food, meat, mutton, fish and chicken are include in food of upper

and middle class people Ghee, butter, curds etc.

Mud and backed clay bricks are used in walls and roof is made of

sticks. Most people wear lower garments fastened round the waist

and upper garments thrown the war the shoulders. Shalwar qamees

is the dress of Sindh Women. Most of the women use veil before

going outside. Men and women even children sum or black stone

powder apply round the eyes, oil their hair with mistral oil, women

grow lengthy their hairs.

The Culture of Sindh

The culture of a nation is an aspect of ultimate values. These values

possessed by a particular society are expressed in that society's

collective institutions. Culture in a sense, is an essence, within the

boundaries of which individuals live by. They express their cultural

values in their dispositions, habits, feelings, passions, attitudes and

manners.

Basis of Sindhi Culture

The first definition of Sindhi culture emanates from that over 7,000

years old Indus civilization. This is the pre Aryan period, about

3,000 years B.C. when the urban civilization in Sindh was at its peak.

It is pure, sublime, unique and rich.

The people of Indus valley were not only great town planners,

builders, engineers, architects and' masons, but they were also

expert - potters, goldsmiths, jewelers, artists, artisans, musicians and

lapidaries. Over the centuries, this land has been the home of

various people, the breeding ground of major civilizations and

meeting place of numerous migrations. A rich and varied cultural

heritage has thus been handed down.


Sindhi Cultural Traits

(a) Ajrak

The correct pronunciation in Sindhi language is Ajrak' (Singular)

and Ajraka' (Plural). Sindh is the real and actual birthplace of this

marvellous cloth, which is predominantly used with dignity and

pride.

(b) Rilhi

Rilhi is another Sindhi icon and part of our heritage and culture.

Every Sindhi home will have a set of Rilhis. One for every member

of the family few spared for guests. It is also given as gifts to friends

and visitors. It is used as bedspread as well as a blanket.

(c) Ornaments

Ornaments used by Sindhis are a significant part of our culture,

especially for womenfolk- Sindhi Zewar-a or Ggaha' (Ornaments)

for different parts of the body. Different and varied ornaments are

used by Sindhi womenfolk for the head, ear, nose, neck, arms,

hands, feet ' and so on. The ornaments for the head are: Aali, Tiko,

Jhumar-a, Tiklo, Kundho, MuhanDanini, Sagiyoon, Chotee-a, Phul-

u, Bakal-u, Cilp-u, Taaj-u.

(d) Sindhi Cap

Sindhi cap is the most important trait of Sindhi culture. It is the item

which makes them very happy while having it. It is much loved and

revered by Sindhi people. It is beautifully weaved by interlacing

threads of different colours and ornamented with small pieces of

mirror glass. Sindhi people are proud of it as the main item of their

identity. It is also presented as a gift to the guests and visitors.


Social Ceremonies

(a) Chhatthi

As soon as a woman in a family gives birth to her first child she

becomes a proud mother. At the birth of the child, is it a boy or a

girl, rejoicing takes place in the family. If a child is male, more

rejoicing is there. The elder member of the family is called to give

Azan’ in the ears of the infant. This rejoicing continues for six days.

On the sixth night the women of kith and kin assemble. They dress

the mother and the child in new clothes. Thread bands are tied in

the arms and ankles of the child to protect him/her from any bad

omen. Sweet dishes or other delicacies are served to everyone

present there. After that the women sing songs on a "Duhul" (Small

drum) till midnight. Some kind of sugar product (Patasha, Ladoon,

and Boondi) is distributed among them when they disperse.

(b) Aqqiko

This ceremony is performed, when the child grows to the age of a

year or two. The principal part of this ceremony is the sacrifice of a

goat or sheep, free from any defect or blemish. The animal is slain

according to the Islamic rule of 'Ozuha'. The whole or major part of

the meat is distributed among the poor relatives and others. Some

Sindhi families cook it in rice and hold a feast for their kith and kin.

Rejoicing takes place on a very small scale. This ritual has religious

significance but since it requires expenses, it is perfomed by well to

do families only.

(c) Sunnat or Tohur

The ceremony of Tohur or circumcision is called "Sunnat'. It is

generally performed when a boy is five to ten years old. Although

like' Aqqiko' there is no age bar, in Sindhi families the over age

circumcision is often avoided


Almost all kith and kin, singers and dancers (Male and female) are

invited for the occasion. Rice cooked in beef or meat, and in sugar is

served to the guests.

For circumcision the boy is obliged to wear loose red pieces of cloth.

He is then asked to sit on an earthen flat pot. The elders and other

male relatives of the boy keep some money under the feet of the boy,

as an offering. The offering always goes to the family barber who

performs the operation. At the time of operation, the attention of the

boy is drawn to the sky. He is motivated to look at the golden bird

flying in the sky. By that time the operation ends. At night the group

of women sings "Sehras" and "Ladas" Thus the ceremony ends.

(d) Marriage Customs

Marriage

After the betrothal, both the families continue to exchange presents.

The wedding date is fixed by the parties in consultation with each

other. After fixation of the date of wedding, a party of “Manganhar”

is called to play drums at the door of the bride and the bridegroom.

Following are the ceremonies connected with marriage:

a) The bride is kept confined in the house for a whole month

before the wedding.

b) A week before the event, the beautifying of the bride begins.

This custom is called “Wanvah” (Mayoun).

c) During this period she is confined to a room or a corner of a

room wearing a veil sent by the bridegroom and is fed on

“Churo” an unleavened cake of wheaten flour made into

dough with butter and mixed with “Dried Molasses” brown

sugar.

d) Apply bilious mess, supposed to increase the delicacy of the

skin.


Massage

A trustworthy woman normally wife of a local barber arranges a

daily bath, she massages her with wheat flour and mustard oil,

which is called “Pithi”. She blackens her eyes with “Kajjal” dyes her

lips with “Musag” and her palms and sole with “Mehandi”.

Nikah

On the wedding day, the bridegroom is groomed by his friends and

relatives, and is dressed in clothes presented by the bride’s father.

The bride is dressed in the clothes and ornaments supplied by the

bridegroom. The bridegroom is taken on horseback in a procession

to the bride’s house where the ceremony of “Nikah Khawani” is

performed.

On the occasion of “Nikah” two of the nearest kins from the bride’s

side take part as “Vakils” or official witnesses. They come to the

bride and ask her whether she accepts to be married to the

bridegroom. When the “Vakils” return and express the willingness

of the bride, the Nkiah Khawan per-forms the “Nikah” rite. After

that the bridegroom is taken to a room where the ladies perform

other customs and ceremonies.

In the Thar area it is a custom for the bridegroom to give a small

gold ornaments to the bride as a good omen for the marriage. The

bride’s family gives a woolen or a “Khatho” i.e a light woolen

blanket in exchange.

In the same area, the bridegroom generally wears a “Godh” a kind

of “Shalwar” i.e baggy trouser, a red-colored turban is invariably

worn by every bridegroom. The bride wear a brief tight fitting

blouse and a big skirt with lots of “gather” reaching down to the

ankles.

The bridegroom in the “Menghwar” tribe keeps on his shoulder a

printed cloth called”Maleer” which has embroidered corners. This


cloth is given to him by his in –laws.

Breaking of “Dakhani”

The bridegroom is also asked to break the earthen lid of a jar with a

single kick of his heel.

“Nekheti”

After all the marriage customs have been completed, the

bridegroom takes his bride home in a procession with a local

orchestra, either on camelback or in a bullock cart decorated with

red cloth of Ajrak. This custom is called “Nekheti” which means the

departure. The scene of the bride’s departure from her home is

traditionally a sad one, and usually the bride’s mother, father, other

member of the family and relatives burst into tear as the bride sets

off for her new home.

After the marriage, the bride is expected to visit her parents every

Friday until her first child is born.

Divorced or Widowed Women

A divorced woman or a window is allowed by Sindhi Muslim

society to marry again, and there is no bar on the marriage of a

divorced woman or a widow.

(i) Manginno (Betrothal)

It is a custom or practice only formal and is not a binding by faith.

In fact the betrothal is only a preliminary to marriage. One Sindhi

proverb says that everyone has a right to throw a stone to a tree full

of ripe berries. Therefore, this custom serves the purpose of

palpable declaration binding the parents of the boy and the girl to

agreement on wedlock between the two in due course.

The ceremony of 'Manginno' is performed at a fixed date keeping in

view an auspicious night i.e. Sunday, Monday, Thursday and

Friday. On the fixed date, after sunset, 'the parents and the near


relatives of the bridegroom visit the family of the bride, along with

the presents for the bride. The presents include the golden or silver

ring, three or five suits of fine cloth, the articles of adornment,

cosmetics, sweets etc. The parents of the bride also invite the near

relatives. The males and females of both the families exchange

greetings. After that the presents brought by the parents of

bridegroom are sent to the ladies on the side of the bride. In return,

milk is offered to the guests. After the milk ceremony, the eldest of

all is requested to recite 'Dua-eKher' from the Holy Quran. The

sweets brought by the parents of bridegroom are then distributed

among all present.

Between the period of betrothal and marriage, the parents of

bridegroom send some presents, clothes and shoes, sweets, fruit,

and money to the bride, through her parents. The parents of the

bride also send some presents to the bridegroom and his parents. It's

reciprocal.

(ii) Wanwah

Wanwah is a kind of prelude to the marriage. This ceremony is

performed about a week or a few days prior to the marriage day.

The ladies- of the bridegroom visit the home of the bride. They bring

some sweetmeat, pure ghee, perfumes, perfumed oils, powder,

mehndi Hinna etc. for the bride. The bride then sits in a corner of

her home and retires of her homework. She wears a large chadar

(piece of cloth) and a colorful and decorated veil with eye-holes

(Akhyo) to hide her face from sunlight and dust in order to look

fresh and beautiful at the time of her wedding. She is also supposed

to hide it from the eyes of all the male in the family or outside. This

exercise continues till the last day of her marriage Wanwah is

considered to be the first phase of the marriage (Wihan). The other

stages are 'Buki', mehndi, 'Nikah' and Ladoon or 'mathaerr'.


(iii) Mehndi

(Hina) on the seventh night of the Wanwah, Mehndi (Hina) is

applied on the hands and feet of the boy and girl (Baloch, 1978: 121-

125). This occasion is also celebrated by singing special songs of

Mehndi and dancing by the women of the family and friends.

(iv) Mor a /Sehra Bandi

The bride groom has to wear a veil made of flowers before

proceeding to the Nikah ceremony. The Women of the family

special1y his mother and sisters tie the knots of this Sehro while

singing special songs.

(v) Nikah

Marriage ceremony on the eighth day the Nikah ceremony is held.

From the boy's side clothes are presented. They are mostly in odd in

numbers, e.g. 7, 11 or 21 suits. Generally Kangan and Chooriyon

(bangles or bracelet) Tiko and Jhumar (ornaments worn by women

on the head and which rest on the forehead); a Nath (a large nose

ring) made of gold; two pairs of shoes and a vanity box containing

make-up material are offered to the bride from bridegroom's side

(This is called Piro or dowery).

From the girl's side gifts, such as one or two suits, shoes, a

handkerchief and a ring made of gold (if financially possible) are

presented to the boy. In the village the dinner on the day of

marriage is hosted by the boy's family. Marriage is the most special

day for enjoying & eating, singing and dancing as great pomp and

shows as possible.

(vi) Laoon / Matha-merr

After the Nikah is performed the groom is brought inside the house

and is made to sit facing towards the bride, on a Sej (Special bed

spread). While singing special songs and having fun, the married

couples in the family come one by one and holding the heads of the


bride and bride groom lightly touch/ strike them with one another

this is called Laoon. This ritual accompanies a few other ' rituals

such as Arsi Mushaf (showing the brides face in the mirror) Phul

Chundan or Picking flowers and Ann mean or measuring grains all

symbolizing loving, happy and prosperous life for the new couple.

Conclusion

Sociology of Sindh traces back to old Indus civilization which is

pure, sublime and rich in all respect. In sociological perspective the

peoples of Sindh are simple, moderate in their behavior and

attitudes. By faith they are Muslims and Sufi minded and a homage

to the shrines of Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai, Sachal Sarmast, Qaladar

Shahbaz, Abdullah Shah Ghazi, Sufi Shah Inayat and Saami etc.

Sociology of Sindh is the richest and versatile. It is considered as

having one of oldest civilization of world. The culture of Sindh is

rich with flavor, the land is known as the land of Sufis and peace.

Therefore, the sociology of Sindh is the mixture of secular and

religious outlook. It includes all types of dresses, dances festivals

and religious rituals. It is also one of the cultures of World which has

maintained distinctness even it faced cultural wars during different

historical periods.

References

Ali, S. Q. (1957). Tuhfa-Tu-Kriam Sindhi Adabi Board Hyderabad.

Allana, G. A. (1998). Sociology of Sindhi Language. Jamshoro: Institute of

Sindhology,University of Sindh.

Allana, G. A. (1998). Importance of Language towards Development of Culture

and Literature. Jamshoro: Institute of Sindhology, University of

Sindh.

Allana, G. A. (1998). Sindhi Culture A Preliminary Survey. Karachi: Indus

Publications.


Ansar, Z. K. (1980). History and Culture of Sindh. Karachi: Royal Book

Company.

Baloch, N. B. (1978). Rasmoon, Riwaj Ain Sawan Satth. Indus Publication.

Burton, F. R. (1999). Sindh and the Races That Inhabit the Valley of Indus.

Lahore: Vanguard Books.

Govt. of Sindh. (1998). Provincial Census Report of Sindh. Government of

Sindh, Pakistan.

Khuhro, H. (1999). The Making of Modern Sindh. Oxford University Press.

Postan, T. (1973). Personal Observations on Sindh. Karachi: Indus Publication.

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION AND THE VEILING STATUS

OF WOMEN ACADEMICIANS IN THREE

UNIVERSITIES OF MALAYSIA Madeeha Shah*

Dr. Naima Tabassum†

Abstract

This paper focuses on the religious affiliation and the practice of using

different veiling articles (e.g. Head scarf, Turban, Telekung, Mini

Telekung, Selendung, Coats, Abaya, Niqab, etc.) among women academicians in three universities of Malaysia. The research was designed

with a quantitative approach to data and analysis. The method of data

collection was survey of online profiles of the women academicians of three universities of Malaysia. The data collected was recorded with the help of a

checklist developed by the researchers. The data collected was statistically

analysed to test the hypothesis. It is argued that 90% of women academicians in three universities are Muslims as compared to the 10%

women academicians as Non-Muslims. It is also observed that 89% women

academicians of the universities included in this study are using different articles of veiling as compared to 11% of women academicians not using

any veiling article. The chi square test used to explore the association

between the religious affiliation and the use of veiling articles by these women academicians. The test results show a statistically significant

association between the two variables. Therefore, the study accepted the

research hypothesis (H1) that the religious affiliation of women academicians in three universities of Malaysia is significantly associated

with their veiling status (as assessed by their practice of using veiling

articles observed in their online profiles). The study recommends for exploration of the similar patterns on a larger sample of population from a

large number of universities in Malaysia for more comprehensive and

authentic findings.

Keywords: Malaysia, Women Academicians, Universities, Veiling Status,

Religion.

* Ph.D Scholar, Area StudyCentre, University of Sindh, Jamshoro † Assistant Professor, Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, University of Sindh,

Jamshoro

16 Religious Affiliation and the Veiling Status of Women

Introduction

According to the dictionary definition of the word, “Veil” is a piece

of usually more or less transparent fabric attached to a women’s hat

etc. especially to conceal the face or protect against the sun, dust, etc.

(Thompson, 1997: 1553). It refers to a type of clothing which wraps

the body of women from head to ankle. The term veil is mainly

concerned to Islamic teachings but it also has special effects on

socio-economic features. Veil in itself provides protection and

feeling of security to women. It is also considered a symbol of

modesty.

The trend of using different articles for veiling among women is

increasing day by day in all over the world in general and in Muslim

societies in particular. The societies in Muslim countries having a

rising pattern of veiling seem to be strongly influenced by the Arab

world. All around the globe Muslims’ refer to Arab countries as an

ideal type of what Islam want us to live like. Therefore, in these

societies, women are increasingly returning towards veil and

acquiring style and modesty in their lives.

This paper focuses on patterns of veiling among women faculty

members of three universities of Malaysia The paper also test the

association or independence of pattern of using different veiling

articles with the religious association of these women faculty

members.

Objective of the study

The main objective of the research study is to explore the association

or independence between religious affiliation and veiling status (as

assessed by the use of veiling article observed from online profiles)

among women academicians in three universities of Malaysia.


Research Hypothesis

H1: Religious affiliation of the women academicians in universities

of Malaysia is significantly associated with their veiling status

(as assessed by their practice of using veiling articles).

Research Methodology

This research study is designed to identify the patterns in terms of

religion and veiling status of the female faculty academicians

working in three Universities of Malaysia and to explore the

association between these two variables. The three universities

selected for this research study include Malaysia University of

Science and Technology (MUST), University of Technology Malaysia

(UTM) and Tun Hussein Onn University of Malaysia (UTHM). The

universe of the study is comprises of all female faculty academicians

working in these universities.

The research is designed to be conducted with the quantitative

approach to data collection and analysis. The updated profiles of

female faculty members on official web pages of Universities of

Malaysia are used as primary data. The data was collected from

three of Malaysian Universities. The arguments are based on

primary data collected through a survey of online profiles of the

female faculty academicians available on the official websites of the

three universities. A checklist was developed by the researcher for

the recording of data on different variables from the online profiles

of the faculty members. The collected data through checklist was

coded and entered into the computer. Computer software like MS

Excel and SPSS are being used for data entry and analysis. The

frequencies and percentages were calculated. Chi square test was

applied to test the hypotheses.

The data analysis and findings are presented in the form of graphs,

tables and textual interpretations for making it easy and

understandable for the readers. The data includes analysis shows


the frequencies for the religious status of the female faculty. The

frequencies for the veiling status of these academicians are also

presented. Then the chi square test was run to explore the

independence or association between these two variables.

Literature Review

The literal meaning of veil is curtain or screen. The veil refers to the

clothing which covers and conceals the body from head to ankles,

with the exception of the face, hands and feet (Hoodfar, 1991: 7). Veil

concerned to the protection of women from being westernized and

as well as it is also considered as the symbol of true modesty. Its

main purposes, as enjoined in the Qoran, are to cover the woman

from the glance of strange men and to ensure modesty and chastity

(Beck, 1977: 195). The veil provides freedom to women from being

thought of sexual object. Therefore, women wearing hijab have

expressed that dressing modestly and covering their hair, minimize

sexual harassment in the workplace (Arshad et al., 2012: 62).

It (veil) is a religious statement supporting Islam as a way of living

(Hochel, 2013: 40). The practice of veiling in Islam is rooted in deep

devotion to being obedient to God (Doblado, 2012: 7). It is an act of

obedience that has been clearly defined in the Qur’an and Sunnah

(Latiff & Alam, 2013: 50). In the Qur’an God has revealed the verses

for the unveiled women, “O Prophet! Tell thy wives and thy

daughters and the women of the believers to draw their cloaks close

around them (when they go abroad). That will be better, that so they

may be recognized and not annoyed" (Mernissi, 1991: 186-187).


Islamization has gained visibility through the veiling of women

(Gole, 1953: 83). As when one sees Muslim woman wearing the hijab

or burqa and believes that every woman in Islam has to wear the

veil (Doblado, 2012: 5). Some Islamic group have mobilized the

Hijab to represent a traditional sense of Islamic identity (Latiff &

Alam, 2013: 51). Farhatullah, and Colleagues (2014: 109) recalls

Fedrock (2014, cited in Farhatullah et al. 2014) that wearing hijab or

covering the head identifies a woman as a socially active Muslim,

reflects her solidarity with other Muslims and publicly proclaims

her identity as a Muslim. The Hijab is to cover your private part and

adornments to maintain modesty in life (Latiff & Alam, 2013: 53).

The practice of veiling is as a form of religious piety for (Muslim)

women (Doblado, 2012: 6).

The veil has become a totalizing symbol of Muslim gendered

practices (Doblado, 2012: 5). The veil protects them against

modernism and symbolizes their loyality to Islam. The veil conceals

the departure of Muslim women to the outside world, for, although

the veiled women are in the outside world, they still remain in the

“inside,” and the veil constantly reminds them that they belong to

the mahrem sphere (Gole, 1953: 130). The wearing of distinctive

clothing or head coverings is also a way in which people observe

their religious beliefs (Human Rights Commission, 2005: 2). The veil

primarily as a sign of their devotion (Hochel, 2013: 48). Taheri (2013)

highlights an example that we often consider an appropriate

covering based on the existential value of an object and never

provide an expensive wrapping for a non-valuable object, and, vice

versa, never wrap an expensive commodity in a cheap covering (like

paper) (Taheri, 2013: 441).

Malay women cover because of fashion and convention and not

because of religious beliefs (Hochel, 2013: 52). Western inspired

clothing with immodest fabrics, colors and cuts being passed off as

Hijab fashion today (Latiff, & Alam, 2013: 50). Fashion is only a side

benefit and not the motivation for veiling (Hochel, 2013: 52). Tudung


(veil) is a symbol of devotion (Hochel, 2013: 48). The Shari’ah

Criminal Offences Act which strongly controls women’s proper

dress and behaviour is said to be in conflict with basic demonstrates

principles and fundamental liberties guaranteed by the Federal

Constitution of Malaysia (Martela, 2006: 16).

The power of clothing, particularly religious clothing, to influence

self-image and behaviour (Hochel, 2013: 54). The young women’s

standpoint, traditional people who cover their heads, but who, at the

same time, leave their hair and necks uncovered, do not practice

true veiling because they are ignorant about Islam (Gole, 1953: 91).

Signs of ostentation could appear in any dress or shape; that is, even

a person with a proper outer veil (complete covering) could be more

noticed than a person with an apparently inappropriate veil (Taheri,

2013: 441).

In South East Asian region there are several countries with large

Muslim population living there. It is observed that Muslim women

in some of these societies are influenced by the culture of using

veiling articles. Use of veiling articles like head scarf and coats to

cover different parts of the body is appearing as a cultural

expectation and customary practice for women in many Muslim

countries in East Asia. Malaysia is one such country in the region,

where women customarily use different articles for covering their

head, hair and other body part.

Malaysia is a country located in South East Asia. The country is

divided into two geographical parts: Peninsular Malaysia and East

Malaysia (Borneo). Peninsular Malaysia shares a land and maritime

border with Thailand and maritime borders with Singapore,

Vietnam, and Indonesia. East Malaysia shares land and maritime

borders with Brunei and Indonesia and a maritime border with the

Philippines. The capital city is Kuala Lumpur (Wikipedia, 2014). The

country is multi-ethnic and multi cultural where the Malays who are

primarily Muslims, comprises 50.4% of the population. The rest of


the population is Chinese 23.7%, indigenous 11%, Indians 7.1% and

other ethnicities 7.8% (CIA World Factbook, 2014). Malaysia is not

officially an Islamic state, Islam is the official religion (Yousif, n.d:

31). The majority of the population (i.e. 61.3%) is Muslim and the

rest of the religions followed are Buddhist 19.8%, Christian 9.2%,

Hindu 6.3%, Confucianism, Taoism, other traditional Chinese

religions 1.3%, other 0.4%, none 0.8% and unspecified 1% (CIA

World Factbook, 2014).

In Malaysia women used to dress modestly as it is customary in this

country. According to local culture women tend to cover themselves

from head to feet. In this country particularly women are observed

to wear long skirts, shirts with sleeves and headscarf. Women are

wearing veil particularly because of social and religious

expectations. Mostly veil is observed among females in general and

in University going females, in particular.

Accordingly, this article highlights the trend of veiling among

female faculty members in Universities of Malaysia. The study

focuses on relationship between religion of the respondent and the

practice of using veiling articles in Universities of Malaysia. The

study is done in terms of increasing trend of veiling among females,

in general, and influence of religion on use of veiling articles, in

particular.

Data Presentation and Analysis

The study was aimed to explore the association of religious

affiliation and the practice of using veiling articles among women

faculty members of three universities in Malaysia. Therefore, this

section of the paper presents data analysis on three aspects dealing

in the paper. First sub section deals with the religious affiliation of

the women faculty members of three universities of Malaysia as

studied here. Second, the paper shows the practice of either using

any veiling article by these women female faculty members or not as


their veiling status. Finally, the paper explores the association or

independence between these two variables of religious affiliation

and veiling status of women faculty members of Malaysian

universities.

Religious Status of Malaysian Women Academicians (Muslim/Non-

Muslim)

As we have already discussed in the literature review that Malaysia

has a multi-ethnic population, similarly, the women faculty members in three universities of Malaysia are also found belonging

from different ethnic and religious groups. For the easy

understanding of the reader and to best serve the purpose of this paper the data on religious status of women faculty was reduced

into two major categories of religious affiliations: 1) Muslims

Malaysian women university faculty members, and 2) Non- Muslim Malaysian women university faculty members.

As presented below in the pie chart in Figure 1, it is observed that 90% of the female faculty academicians are Muslim and 10% of

female faculty academicians are Non-Muslim among all the faculty

members of three Malaysian universities as shown in their profiles randomly selected and visited through internet. This chart shows

that majority of female faculty academicians working in the

universities included in this study are Muslim.

Figure 1: Religions Affiliation

Muslim 90%

Non-Muslim 10%

Muslim Non-Muslim


Use of Veiling Articles by Malaysian Women Academicians

(Veiled/Unveiled)

We have discussed above that it is a customary Malaysia for women

to dress modestly. This section present data analysis regarding the

use of veiling articles among women faculty members of three

Malaysian universities studied here. The use of veiling article

include the practice of wearing head scarf, Turban, Telekung, Mini

Telekung, Selendung, Coats, Abaya, Niqab, etc. For easy

understanding of the readers and to best suite the purpose of this

paper all the data collected regarding use of one, more than one, or

none of the veiling article listed above by the women faculty

members was reduced/recoded into two major categories showing

their veiling status as “veiled” and “unveiled”. The women

academicians using any one or more than one veiling articles listed

above are categorized in the status category of “veiled” while those

not using any one of these veiling articles are categorized as

“unveiled”.

According to the Pie chart presented below in Figure 2, it is

observed that 89% of female faculty academicians were found using

one or more than one of the above listed veiling articles, thus

categorized as “veiled” as compared to 11% of female faculty

academicians who are found not using any of these veiling articles

and categorized as “unveiled”. This chart shows that majority of

female faculty academicians are veiled due to their practice of using

any one or more than one articles of veiling as listed above.

Figure 2: Veiling Status

Veiled

89%

Unveiled

11%

Veiled

Unveiled


Association Between Religious Status and Veiling Status of

Malaysian Women Academicians

The study was aimed to explore the association or independence

between the religious affiliation and the practice of using veiling

articles among women academicians in three university of Malaysia

as presented in their available online profiles. The above presented

data analysis in Figure 1 and Figure 2 clearly shows that majority of

these women academicians are Muslims (90%) and are using certain

veiling articles (89%). According to the main aim of the paper a chi

square test of independence or association was used to test the

research Hypothesis. Chi-Square test results show a significant

association between religious affiliation and the veiling status (as

assed by the practice of using veiling articles) of women

academicians in Malaysian universities.

Table 1: Chi-Square Tests

Value df Asymp. Sig.(2-sided)

Exact Sig. (2-sided)

Exact Sig. (1-sided)

Pearson Chi-Square

153.835 (a) 1 .000 .000 .000

a. 1 cells (25.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum

expected count is 1.87.

Table 2: Symmetric Measures

Value Approx. Sig

Nominal by Nominal

Phi .969 .000

Cramer’s V .969 .000

Total 164

The results of data analysis done for hypothesis testing, presented in

Table 1 showing Chi-square tests results and Table 2 showing the

Symmetric Measures of the test, show the significant values. The


data analysis done to test the hypothesis show a chi square value

153.8 with df as 1 and 2 tailed sig as .000. It shows a significant

association between religious affiliation and veiling status of women

faculty members of Malaysian universities. Therefore, alternative

hypothesis (H1) is accepted and the null hypothesis is rejected.

Conclusion

The main aim of the research study was to explore the association or

independence between the religious affiliation and veiling status (as

assessed by the use of veiling articles) of women academicians in

three universities of Malaysia. The data was collected by visiting

online profiles of women Malaysian university academicians

available on university websites and recording the observations on a

checklist developed by the researchers. Malaysia is a Muslim

country and comprising 61.3% Muslims of the total population.

There are 90% Muslims and 10% Non-Muslims observed in three

universities of Malaysia included in this research. The veiled women

are 89% of observed cases.

Further, the chi square test of association and independence was

done to test the research hypothesis. The test results done to explore

the association between two variable of religious association and the

veiling status of the women Malaysian academicians in three

universities show a chi square value 153.8 with df as 1 and 2 tailed

sig as .000. It shows a significant association between the religious

affiliation and the veiling status (as asses by the practice of using

veiling articles as recorded from online profiles) of the women

academicians. The Phi value as .969 and Cramer’s V as .969 with p

value of .000 shows a strong and significant association between

religious status and veiling status of women academicians of these

universities in Malaysia.

The research has certain limitations of collecting data from a small

number of profiles, and from three universities due to availability of


limited resources and time to the independent researchers. It is

recommended to conduct this research on a larger number of

women academicians from a larger number of universities in

Malaysia for more authentic and reliable findings.

Reference

Arshad, M., Basar, S., Zafar, A. R., & Ahmad, N. (2012). Culture of Veil

among University Students in Pakistan. International Journal of

Learning and Development, 2(3), 57-67.

Beck, L. G. (1977). Behind the Veil by Eve Arnold. American Anthropologist,

79(1), 195-196.

CIA World Fact book (2014). Malaysia Demographics Profile 2014.

Retrieved from http://www.indexmundi.com/malaysia

/demographics_profile.html

CIA World Fact book (2014). Malaysia People 2014. Retrieved from

http://www.theodora.com/wfbcurrent/malaysia/malaysia_people.h

tml

Doblado, M. (n.d). The Consequences of Unveiling Muslim Women. University

of Francisco. Retrieved from https://www.usfca.edu

/uploadedFiles/Destinations/College_of_Arts_and_Sciences/Under

graduate_Programs/Theology/Students/MDoblado.FINAL.pdf

Farhatullah, A., Nizar, S., Ahmad, I., Ali, S. R., & Shah, S. (2014). Hijab: A

Sociological Analysis of the Use and Advantages of Hijab among

Female University Students in Pakhtun Society. Pakistan Journal of

Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan, 21(1), 105-124.

Gole, N. (1953). The Forbidden Modern: Civilization and Veiling. University of

Michigan Press.

Hochel, S. (2013). To Veil or Not to Veil: Voices of Malaysian Muslim Women.

USA: University of South Carolina Arken.


Hoodfar, H. (1991). The Veil in their Minds and on our Heads: The persistence of

Colonial images of Muslim Women. Québec: Department of Sociology

and Anthropology, Concordia University Montréal.

Human Rights Commission (2005). Muslim Women, Dress Codes and Human

Rights: An Introduction to Some of the Issues. Human Rights

Commission.

Latiff, Z. A., & Alam, F. N. (2013). The Roles of Media in Influencing

Women Wearing Hijab: An Analysis. Journal of Image and Graphics,

1(1), 50-54.

Martela, F. (2006). Sharia, Islamic Revival and Human Rights of Women- A Case

Study of Malaysia. Retrieved from https://www.yumpu.com/en

/document/view/20920413/sharia-islamic-revival-and-human-

rights-of-women-frank-martela

Mernissi, F. (1991). The Veil and the Male Elite: A feminist interpretation of

Women’s rights in Islam. Perseus Books Publishing L.L.C.

Taheri, M. A. (2013). Hijab from the Mystical Approach of Halqeh

Mysticism. International Journal of Social Science and Humanity, 3(5).

Thompson, Della. (Ed.) (1997). The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current

English. London: BCA

Wikipedia (2014). Malaysia. Retrieved on December 23, 2014 from

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysia.

Yousif, A. F. (n.d). Islamic Revivalism in Malaysia: An Islamic Responses to

Non-Muslim Concerns. The American Journal of Islamic Social

Sciences, 21(4).

PROSPECTS OF REGIONALISM: COMPARATIVE

ANALYSIS OF SAARC AND ASEAN

Rahila Asfa*

Dr. Mughees Ahmed†

Abstract

The purpose of this research paper is to conduct a comparative study of the

ASEAN and SAARC to highlight the prospects of regionalism in South

Asian and South East Asian region. The socio-political hindrance in the

economic development of South Asia is one of the major failures of SAARC.

ASEAN illustrate an ideal example for the South Asia to acquire economic

liberalization and regional stability. People-oriented approach of ASEAN

member states pave the way for socio-economic development in South East

Asia. Likewise, South Asian states would strive for socio-political stability

by following people oriented approach and economic liberalization in the

South Asian region. On the other hand, the increasing ties between

ASEAN member states and SAARC would be a better opportunity for

South Asian states to develop a stable regional environment.

Keywords: Regionalism, Economic Liberalization, Collective Security,

Conflict Management.

Introduction

In the globalized world, regional divisions are becoming more

prominent in the form of economic and political blocs. Regionalism

turned out to be ‘an agent of cooperation’ in many cases, for

instance, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and

European Union (EU). But it is not true for all regional

organizations, as there are certain political factors which hamper the

prospects for regional organization to be an agent of cooperation, as

in the case of South Asian Association for Regional cooperation

* Rahila Asfa, Lecturer, Department of Political Science and International Relations,

Government College University, Faisalabad. † Dr. Mughees Ahmed, Chairman/Associate Professor, Department of Political

Science and International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad.


(SAARC). ASEAN and SAARC present the prospects of regionalism

in distinct manners.

The former places regionalism at the ebb of political cohesion and

economic liberalization, while the later depicts lackadaisical patterns

of political and economic amalgamation in practicality. Since many

scholars regard ASEAN as a model for SAARC, most of the activities

of SAARC are subject to bilateral relations of Pakistan and India.

Furthermore, the uncertain behavior of the member states raises

many questions regarding SAARC and AESAN. What are the

prospects of regionalism in the world of economic liberalization?

What are the prospects of regionalism in the South Asian region

while politico-strategic rivalry between India and Pakistan is

prevailing? How SAARC is different from ASEAN? Comparatively,

what are the successes and failures of SAARC and ASEAN? This

discourse is an attempt to answer the above mentioned questions

through comparative study of ASEAN and SAARC in accordance to

regionalism perspectives.

Conceptual Framework

Regionalism

“In present times regionalism has become the

‘central concept’ for organizing world politics.

Even when regionalism accomplished little, such as

during the cold war, regional organizations

continued to proliferate. Following the end of the

cold war such regional organizations acquired a

great profile, particularly after the United Nations

(UN) eagerly partnered them in peace-building

efforts in many of the world’s conflict zone.”

(Sridharan, 2008: 1)

Even though the concept of regionalism is ambiguous in

international affairs, it can be defined through traditional lines to the

30 Prospects of Regionalism: Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN

modern connotation (Hagerty, 2006). Regionalism has been

described as a bloc set up, with political or economic motive for

development and prosperity, by member states of a certain region. It

also refers to the expression of a common sense of identity and

purpose combined with collective action and implementation. The

traditional concept of region is based on the defined geographical

lines along with cultural homogeneity. On the other hand, new

concept of regionalism includes states as ‘geopolitical units’ and

describing them as ‘socially constructed’ (Liu & Regnier, 2003). The

key features of regionalism may include strategic dynamics, political

alignments, economic interactions, and cultural commonalities.

Majority of the regional organizations in international system

started on political foundations, which later on has been

transformed into economic ones. There are varying forms of regional

organizations based on economic, political and security foundations.

Economic liberalization taking place all over the world is leaving an

immense impact on the emerging political scenarios in different

regions of the world. Likewise, the financial crises are also

hampering the economic activities making capitalism falling short.

Figuratively regionalism can be seen in Figure 1.

Figure 1

Regionalism

Economic Development Political stability Collective Security

Economic Liberalization People oriented approach Geographical Units

The emergence of regionalism can be viewed with the establishment

of European Economic Community for integration of European

states during early 1950’s. The foundations were laid on the political

gains rather than economic benefits due to cold war episode (Leigh,


2006). Consequently, a pace has been set for the other regions to

build up regional blocs on political or economic agendas. Many

developing states opened up the path for regional stability by

establishing regional blocs, including American, African and Asian

region. ASEAN has been pone of the significant example of regional

bloc established in 1967 to enhance peace and security within the

region by conflict management at one hand and to hold economic

costs and benefits for the region. Later on, in the post-cold war

period the wave of regionalism has brought liberal economic

policies based on free market economy regional blocs have shifted

regional cooperation via multilateral trading system, for instance,

North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), Asia-Pacific Economic

Cooperation (APEC) and the European Union (EU). Unfortunately,

the South Asian region remained far behind the economic

liberalization and free trade. The initiative was taken by

establishment of SAARC in 1985 for promotion of economic,

scientific and cultural cooperation.

The prospects of regionalism in South Asia and Southeast Asia are

an outcome of political crisis and, later, of globalization.

Regionalism provides an institutional structure for economic

development and prosperity of the state and citizens of South Asia

and Southeast Asia. ASEAN has achieved most of the objectives and

goals in the region but SAARC is very slow in pace to achieve the

desired objectives in the South Asian region. There is a need of

feasible implementation of strategies in the SAARC which will pave

the way for positive implication of regionalism in South Asia. The

political and economic development in the regions can only be

achieved with effective policies and their implementation.

SAARC: Intra-Regional Trade

“SAARC was created for cooperation in the socio-

economic fields, based on respect for the principles

of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, political


independence and non-interference in the internal

affairs of member states. Cooperation within the

organization was designed to compliment both

their bilateral and the multilateral relations. In

accordance with article X of its charter, all decisions

within the grouping are taken on the basis of

unanimity, while bilateral and contentious issues

are excluded from its deliberations (Inayat, 2007:

35).”

South Asia is one of the unique regions of the world with

multiethnic and multilingual identities. An effort has been made in

1985 for regional cooperation in socio-economic spheres through

establishment of a regional bloc called SAARC. It is the principal

regional organization in South Asian region aiming at economic

development through intra-regional trade. It is a unified entity

working on defined objectives, including the promotion of welfare

of the people of South Asia and socio-economic development in the

region. The sensitivities of the two dominant and rival states India

and Pakistan have had kept aside the security concerns based on

political rivalries in the SAARC charter. This organization has

developed slowly on institutional lines while building up its

programs. The political economy of the region led to the

establishment of South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement

(SAPTA) and later South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA).

SAARC has developed regional centers of different scientific and

technological fields in different cities of SAARC member states. It

includes agricultural regional centre in Dhaka, tuberculosis and HIV

Aids in Katmandu, Documentation centre in New Delhi and energy

centre in Islamabad.

SAARC provides an ideal multilateral mechanism for member states

to pursue economic gains and to attain a powerful position in the

international arena. The potential in the SAARC may lead to a

strong economic bloc in Asia but the scenario is still hampering for


such achievements. The member states of SAARC have failed to

achieve their objectives in practicality. As Manmohan Agarwal

rightly stated:

“Despite periodic hope that SAARC is progressing,

it remains more dead than alive” (Agarwal, 2004).

There are a number of challenges that SAARC is facing at the

moment. One of the significant challenges is the reluctant behaviors

of the member states for compromising on trade liberalization and

investment. Another major challenge is the deteriorated relations

between member states, specifically India and Pakistan. There has

been a politicization of the organization through mingling the

political disputes along with economic lines. Another important

challenge is the materialization of SAPTA and SAFTA in the region

through intra-regional trade.

Even though there are many challenges that SAARC has been

facing, it has full potential to work effectively and actively in the

international scenario where liberalization of economy is signifying

need of strong regional blocs. The addition of Afghanistan in

SAARC is a good initiative for South Asian regional stability. At the

same time, many states have had requested SAARC to grant

observer status including UAE, South Korea, European Union (EU),

Iran and Mauritius.

Pakistan’s Role in SAARC: Parity and Disparity

The inherent problem of asymmetry between India and other

member states of SAARC has been reflected in the economic and

technological development of SAARC since its inception. The

credentials of India and Pakistan political rivalry put both the states

as the dominant one in the South Asian organization. There are

certain agreements which have been signed between India and

Pakistan, which ultimately paved the way for peace and stability in

the region. But the historical animosities, hawkish mind set, non-


conciliatory approach of India, terrorism and water issues between

India and Pakistan became the main source of hurdle for peace and

stability in the region. The approval of MFN status to India by

Pakistan is one of the positive developments for enhancement of free

trade in the region. On the other hand, as for regional dialogue

partner, Pakistan through the platform of SAARC, Pakistan has also

attained member status in ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) as a

dialogue partner, which has enhanced the credibility of Pakistan in

both the regions, South Asia and Southeast Asia. In order to achieve

full potential as a dialogue partner Pakistan is boosting up its trade

with ASEAN member states (Luce, 2003). Pakistan has increased its

bilateral relations with Malaysia and Singapore to augment the

perspective of South Asian states on ASEAN.

ASEAN: Economic Development and Integration

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) came into

existence with the Bangkok Declaration in 1967 for cooperation and

integration of member states as a single entity representing common

objectives and principles in the international world politics. The ten

founding member states of ASEAN had been in conflict with each

other and political rivalries, on the other hand cold war and spread

of communism was at its peak. Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia were a

part of the cold war theater. The Bangkok Declaration or ASEAN

Declaration focused on the cooperation in economic, socio-cultural

and scientific spheres and the promotion of peace and stability in the

region by following the international law in the region. ASEAN is

basically a development-oriented organization working for single

market and production base. In the mean time another important

objective of the organization is to provide political security and

response to common threats. The organization has established

ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) in 2003 for intra-regional trade.

Likewise, ASEAN has also established ASEAN Regional Forum

(ARF) in 1994 for regional peace and stability in the challenging

environment of globalized world. The objectives of ARF are to


promote confidence building measures, preventive diplomacy and

effective approaches to conflict management. India has been a

member of ARF in 1996 to achieve its increasing engagement in

Asia-Pacific region. As India has been progressing on its “Look

East” Policy in political, security and economic spheres, she has

been developing stronger ties with ASEAN. But China’s presence in

the ASEAN market has not led Indian ambitions grow stronger.

The major development stages of ASEAN include its establishment

in the first ten years of the establishment of organization along with

solidarity and dialogue for resolution of political conflicts between

the member states. In the next twenty years an expansion in the

members of ASEAN can be observed. Later, they formulated their

vision of the organization which is based on ‘ASEAN Community’

(vision 2015). ASEAN vision community is based on political-

security, economic liberalization and socio-cultural development

with ‘oneness’.

Analytical Note

Comparative Analysis of SAARC and ASEAN

While comparing SAARC with ASEAN presents a very interesting

picture of both the organizations. The development progress of

SAARC is slow because of certain political and economic factors

within the region. On the other hand, ASEAN stems to resolve the

political conflicts between the member states for economic

development and regional well being.

Table 1: Basic Information about ASEAN and SAARC

ASEAN SAARC

Establishment August 8th, 1967

(40 Years)

December 8th, 1985

(26 years)

Member 10 States 08 States

Charter 15 December, 2008 08 December, 1985


ASEAN SAARC

1st Formal Summit Indonesia (Bali)

23-24 February, 1967

Bangladesh (Dhaka)

7-8 December, 1985

Secretariat Jakarta (Indonesia) Kathmandu (Nepal)

Population 530 Million 1.5 Billion

Area 44,79,210.5 Km Sq. 4,637,496 Km Sq.

Religion Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu, Christian

Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist, Christian

Government Democratic, Monarchy, Autocracy

Autocracy

Nature of Economy Manufacturing and agriculture, Single market and community is expected by 2020

Agriculture and Manufacturing, Single market and community are future targets

Attitude towards new technology

Technology adoption rather than innovation

Technology adoption rather than innovation

Spending on research and development

About 0.5 per cent of GDP

About 0.5 Per cent of GDP

Compiled by author, information from www.asean.org, www.saarc-

sec.org

Political Issues and Conflict Management

“Also, unlike SAARC, ASEAN has largely

managed to keep problematic bilateral issues

between its members from derailing regional

initiatives. SAARC’s regional initiatives have been

sidelined when bilateral disputes flared up in the

region” (Dash, 1996).

The political issues, which were prevailing in Southeast Asian

region when ASEAN was established, range from claims on certain

territories to terrorist attacks on major cities of the region. Despite


the conflictual situations among member states, like Malaysia-

Indonesia, Philippines-Malaysia and secession of Singapore from

Malaysia, the expansion of ASEAN members took place from five to

ten in the 21st century. Both SAARC and ASEAN member states

maintain distinct religious, cultural and linguistic communities,

likewise, territorial issues are part and parcel of both the regions

along with insurgencies and separatist movements at common

border areas. As both the states share commonalities in the sphere of

political security, there are differences as well. The geographical

location of ASEAN member states provide distinct leverage in the

geopolitics of the Southeast Asian region, while the South Asian

States are more close and connected to each other but due to trust

deficit they are unable to have coherent security policies regarding

the region. Another significant difference between ASEAN and

SAARC member states is on the issue of nuclearization. ASEAN

preserves the policy of nuclear weapons free zone while in SAARC

the two major member states India and Pakistan are nuclearized

states. The issue of nuclear proliferation in the South Asian region

makes clear distinction between SAARC and ASEAN.

The case history of SAARC describes that the bilateral conflicts are

hampering the economic development through intra-regional trade.

The comparison of SAARC and ASEAN depict the presence of

political conflicts among the member states. But the ASEAN

member states put aside all the political conflicts for socio-economic

development in the region. On the contrary, the SAARC member

states have a different approach towards conflict management. The

member states do not intend to resolve the political issue at one

hand. On the other hand, member states do not even put aside their

conflicts while considering economic prosperity in the region. India

does not give political weight to smaller states like Myanmar in the

region. Likewise, the historical conflicts between India and Pakistan

do not allow them for conflict management and conflict resolution.

The SAARC member states must envision the ASEAN for putting


aside the political conflicts to foster economic development in the

region. ASEAN member states put in their best efforts to keep aside

the bilateral conflicts between the member states. Eventually, this

led to the economic development and prosperity in the Southeast

Asian region.

Economic integration: Successes and Failures

“Regional cooperation among countries is subject

to economic costs and benefits, either through

effects on price, competition or on patterns of trade,

mainly manufactures or industrial (dis)location or

investment or diversion. These economic aspects

are crucial in influencing the survival of any

economic integration” (Aslam, 2009: 63).

The member states of ASEAN are eager for economic partnership

and in order to avoid any drawback or loss they have maintain a

policy of non-intervention in the internal political or economic

matter of each member state. On the other hand, ASEAN is facing

certain problems as well, for instance, arms confrontation among

certain members states with minor problems at borders. Sometimes,

such issues do effect the economic cooperation but it is not

hampering the economic activities at large scale in the region. One

can observe the compromising behavior among the member states

through foundation of PTA, AFTA, and the latest ASEAN

community.

The SAARC has not yet been able to achieve its economic goals

because of the political concerns between India and Pakistan.

Majority of SAARC member states are developing. Even though,

there has been an increase in trade with other states and economic

blocs but the intra-regional trade has not been fully sprouting in the

region of South Asia (Raipuria, 2001). However, there are certain

initiatives taken by India and Pakistan for free trade at intra-regional

level. India has granted “zero duty” access to Afghanistan,


Bangladesh, Maldives and Bhutan in 2007. On the other hand as

Pakistan has recently granted Most Favored Nation (MFN) status to

India, this will help Pakistan to capture a big market in the region

and to save some of its imports from around the world through

India, as India is considered to have a second giant economy in Asia

after China (Qamar, 2005). Historical records show that the graph of

intra-regional trade in South Asia is not up to the expectations.

Table 2: Intra-regional Trade Share of South Asia’s

Total Trade, 1985-2004 (%)

Country 1985 1990 1995 2000 2004

Afghanistan 11.4 14.5 11.1 29.7 35.3

Bangladesh 4.7 6.0 12.8 7.9 10.5

Bhutan n.a n.a n.a n.a n.a

India 1.7 1.6 2.7 2.5 3.0

Maldives 12.5 12.7 14.3 22.2 19.8

Nepal 34.3 11.9 14.8 22.3 47.2

Pakistan 3.1 2.7 2.3 3.6 5.0

Sri Lanka 5.5 5.6 7.8 7.4 15.1

South Asia 3.0 2.7 4.2 4.0 5.3

Source: Saroj Rani (2009)

What lies distinct in the case of ASEAN and SAARC in struggle for

economic liberalization is the gap between intra-regional trade

growths. The focus should be on filling the existing gaps in

economic liberalization in South Asian region. In SAARC the tariff

cuts were subject to the trade liberalization while this was not the

case in ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). In AFTA the tariff level is

0-5 per cent in all the goods which came into force in 2003. The

ASEAN member states are interdependent on each other in


economic terms, whereas SAARC member states are tied in the web

of complex historical conflictual situations, particularly India and

Pakistan.

Table 3: International Trade by Region (2006-2007)

($ million)

Region

2006 2007

Exports Imports Exports Imports

Amount %Share Amount %Share Amount %Share Amount %Share

ASEAN 12,604 9.98 18,090 9.75 16,384 10.05 22,675 9.01

CIS 1,286 1.02 3,717 2.00 1,506 0.92 3,668 1.46

EU 26,785 21.21 29,809 16.06 34,507 21.17 38,432 15.28

SAARC 6,464 5.12 1,506 0.81 9,622 5.90 2,112 0.84

Source: Department of Commerce (2008), Development Partnership

Programme for South Asia, Asian Development Bank.

Social and Cultural Programs and their Implementation

A social structure of the societies in a particular region fabricates the

wide picture of their cultural, ethnic, religious and linguistic

background. Consequently, this amalgamation of the social fabric

provides a better holistic view of the region in general. ASEAN has

put a particular emphasis on the promotion of social and cultural

development in the region through Socio-cultural community in the

community vision of ASEAN for 2015. The vision of socio-cultural

community includes human development, social welfare and

protection of the citizens, social justice and rights, endurance of

environmental stability and building a common ASEAN identity.

The ‘oneness’ and sense of belongingness among the member states

has been paving the way for further development in the ASEAN,

unlike SAARC.

The problem with SAARC is the ineffective implementation of the

objectives related to socio-economic development of the


communities in the region. As the only actor which is relevant to the

relationship between nations is the state, state must play an effective

role through the platform of SAARC to develop oneness among the

nations of South Asian region. On the other hand, it is the

multilingual and multiethnic societies of the South Asian region,

which are a hindrance to socio-cultural community vision of

SAARC. The absence of socio-cultural ties in South Asian region has

widened the gap among different societies of the region. This is also

hindered the corridor of community building in the region. Other

than the lack of social ties another element which may not be wiped

out is mistrust among South Asian societies. The need is to bring

the vision of ASEAN community in the South Asian region for the

better development.

Conclusion and Recommendations

The true meaning of regionalism in terms of economic integration

can only be achieved with effective strategies in practicality. ASEAN

would play a role of model organization for SAARC to implement

the policies effectively.

South Asia has not developed its community vision yet and it is still

in consideration phases. Right over here, there is a gap which needs

to be removed through emergence of ‘SAARC community stage’.

South Asian states must develop itself as a community following the

model of ASEAN. The peace and stability will be achieved through

people to people interaction and free market economy.

SAARC has taken initiatives through establishment of SAPTA and

SAFTA for free trade and economic development, but the picture is

still bleak due to other factors becoming a major impediment in the

economic development and prosperity of the region. The urgent

need for better regional prospects is to minimize the problematic

elements. In addition to this, SAARC must unlock the opportunities

for better communication between inter-state and regional level, at


socio-economic level. The political mistrust and lack of

infrastructure, physically, financially and institutionally will be

solved through community vision and its implementation in

practicality. Likewise, it would also be achieved through increased

bilateral dialogues and economic ties with ASEAN member states.

The state of Pakistan must give the transit trade facility to India and

Afghanistan and other Central Asian states. Pakistan’s geo-political

location has been describing the economic opportunities which will

allow the South Asian region to be economically stronger. Pakistan

has been following its ‘look east policy’ towards Southeast Asian

states, which will further make the bright prospects of strong

economy in the South Asian region. The political and bilateral

animosities must also be kept aside from SAARC platform and must

be dealt with conflict resolution techniques. The two dominant

states of SAARC, i.e. Pakistan and India, must pave the way for

economic well being of the region and the citizens of the region

through economic liberalization and intra-regional trade

investments. As MFN status has been granted by Pakistan to India, a

path for economic development can be achieved through this

initiative. It would be most beneficial for the betterment of South

Asian member states and citizens of the states.

As for ASEAN the vision of ASEAN community 2015 has broadened

and strengthened the future prospects of regionalism in Southeast

Asia. On the other hand, the ASEAN has achieved much due to its

people-oriented policies, along with political disputes. Southeast

Asia can develop the strong connection with South Asian states

through free trade and people-friendly bilateral ties. The

communication between two regions can give better platform for

economic development and scientific and technological growth at

the intra-state level as well as inter-regional level. If the level of

communication and economic ties between ASEAN and SAARC

member states would be achieved, it will open the gateway for an

outcome based regional association among the two.


References

Agarwal, M. (2004). Regional Trading Arrangements in the Era of

Globalization: An Indian Perspective. International Studies, 41(4),

411-423.

Aslam, M. (2009). New Regionalism in East Asia: Lessons for Pakistan”. In

Nuri, M. H. & Hussain, A. (Eds.). Regional Cooperation in Asia:

Options for Pakistan. Islamabad: Islamabad Policy Research

Institute.

Dash, K. C. (1996). The Political Economy of Regional Cooperation in South

Asia. Pacific Affairs, 69(2).

Hagerty, D. T. (Ed.). (2006). South Asia in World Politics. Karachi: Oxford

University Press.

Inayat, M. (2007). The Broadening Horizon of SAARC. Regional Studies,

XXV(3), 35-45.

Leigh, A. W. (2006). Towrads a Conceptual Framework of Regionalization:

Bridging ‘New Regionalism’ and ‘Integration Theory’. Review of

International Political Economy, 13(5), 750-771.

Liu, F. & Regnier, P. (Eds.). (2003). Regionalism in East Asia: Paradigm

Shifting?. London: Routledge Curzon.

Luce, E. (2003). India Forsakes World Trade Organization for Bilateral

Trade Deals with Neighbors, Financial Times, 16 October 2003.

Qamar, A. (2005). Trade between India and Pakistan: Potential Items and

the MFN Status. State Bank of Pakistan-Research Bulletin, 1(1), 45-57.

Rani, S. (2009). Regional Economic Integration: A Comparative study of Central

Asian and South Asian Regions. New Delhi: Kalpaz Publication.

Raipuria, K. (2001). SAARC in the New Millennium: Need for Financial

Vision. South Asian Survey, 8(1).

Sridharan, K. (2008). Regional Organizations and Conflict Management:

Comparing ASEAN and SAARC. Singapore: Crisi State Research

Centre.

PRESS CLUB PROFILE AND VALUES OF THE SINDH

JOURNALISTS IN PAKISTAN

Dr. Bashir Memon*

Abstract

This paper provides some insights regarding a few features of press clubs in

Sindh province, Pakistan; because membership of the journalistic

organizations is considered by media researchers as one of the indicators of

the level of professionalization. Hence, this research reveals not only the

membership level but also that what type of journalists are more members of

press clubs in Sindh province, either news reporting or newsroom

journalists. Further, this study highlights about what perceptions Sindh

journalists have developed regarding the press clubs in Sindh province,

Pakistan and as well about the practice of sharing individually collected news

information with each other by the Sindh journalists at press clubs.

Keywords: Press Club Perception, Sindh Journalists, Sharing News-

Information

Introduction

By previewing the existing related literature it was found in the view

of Pintak L. and Nazir J. Syed (2013) that Pakistan is home to one of

the most vibrant emerging media sectors in the Muslim world.

However, it has been depicted as the most dangerous place in the

world for journalists (See Committee to Protect Journalists, 2010).

Therefore, journalists in Pakistan face huge challenges; however the

sense of professionalism within Pakistani journalism is clearly

growing (see Pintak L. and Nazir J. Syed, 2013). Further regarding

journalistic professionalism it was known according to the views of

journalism and media researchers that (See Lo 1998: 83; Kirat 1998:

337; Robinson & Saint-Jean 1998: 369) participation or membership of

news workers in journalistic organisations is one of the indicators of

a degree of professionalism among media workers. In this way, this

* Assistant Professor, Department of Media and Communication Studies, University

of Sindh, Jamshoro, E-mail: [email protected]


paper provides some insights about the press club membership, how

journalists perceive press clubs, and the trend of sharing news

information by journalists with each other, and the rejection of press

club membership of the journalists in Sindh province, Pakistan.

Method

A self-completion questionnaire was administered to all accessible

print and electronic media organizations, and news agencies in Sindh

province, Pakistan and all district-level press clubs. The sampling was

purposive and opportunistic. The survey included only those

journalists who were regularly employed to work for newspapers,

magazines, news agencies, public and private television and radio

stations. Their professional role statuses were reporters, sub-editors

or editors. The survey questionnaire ranged widely about journalists’

careers, their, training and experience, the media organizations they

worked for, their political affiliations, their attitudes to and use of new

technologies their membership of press clubs and other

organizations, educational backgrounds, and financial and working

conditions. A total of 576 journalists filled questionnaires. Further,

almost three fifths (59 percent) of the sampled journalists were

surveyed at press clubs, and remaining 38 per cent at workplaces and

3 per cent at their homes.

Findings

Demographic Profile

See table 1 the typical Sindh journalist is male (98.1%), speaking the

Sindhi language (70.9%) and by religion Muslim (96.7%).

Academically, the majority (63.8%) was a university graduate, and

the remaining got their final degree from colleges (28.5%) and schools

(7.7%). Additionally, it was found that the majority (63.7%) had

sought education as a regular student and the remaining (36.3%) as a

private student. About the name of the academic institute, the

46 Press Club Profile and Values of the Sindh Journalists in Pakistan

sampled journalists who had sought their final degree from

university (365), among them the majority (54.4%) studied from

University of Sindh, Jamshoro and the remaining from Shah Abdul

Latif University, Khairpur (27.2%), University of Karachi (13.2%) and

other various universities (5.2%). Moreover, the first highest

proportion (42.1%) of them was young - up to 30 years old -, and the

second highest proportion (37.5%) between 31 to 40 years old. In

terms of salary, the highest proportion (37.7%) had monthly income

less than 10,000 (ten thousand) PK rupees, and the second highest

proportion (33.3%) either made no answer (13.2%), put a cross symbol

(X) (0.9%), or put horrific comments regarding their monthly

remuneration (19.1%). And regarding their geographic affiliation it

was found that the majority of the surveyed Sindh journalists

belonged to rural areas (57.5%), whereas the remaining proportion

(42.5%) was geographically affiliated with the urban part of Sindh

province.

TABLE 1: Composition of the Sindh Journalists by

Demographic Variables

Gender Number Percentage (%)

Male 565 (98.1)

Female 11 (1.9)

Ethnicity/Mother language

Sindhi 405 (70.9)

Urdu 104 (18.2)

Siraiki 24 (4.2)

Other 38 (6.7)

Religion

Muslim 551 (96.7)

Hindu 14 (2.5)

Other 5 (.9)

Level of education


Gender Number Percentage (%)

School 44 (7.7)

College 163 (28.5)

University 365 (63.8)

Mode of education

As a private student 197 (36.3)

As a regular student 346 (63.7)

Name of academic institute

University of Sindh, Jamshoro 198 (54.4)

Shah Abdul Latif University,

Khairpur

99 (27.2)

University of Karachi, Karachi 48 (13.2)

Other 19 (5.2)

Age

0-30 years (Young) 239 (42.1)

31-40 years (Mature 213 (37.5)

Over 40 years (Old) 116 (20.4)

Monthly Income

Less than 10,000 Rs. 217 (37.7)

Above 10,000 Rs. 168 (29.2)

No answer 76 (13.2)

Put (X) cross symbol 5 (.9)

Commented instead of revealing

Income

110 (19.1)

Geographic Affiliation

Rural journalists 331 57.5

Urban journalists 245 42.5

Professional Description

In the context of some professional specifications as mentioned in

table 2 it was found that the majority of the Sindh journalists (68.4%)

worked as news-reporters whereas the remaining proportion (31.6%)

were newsroom workers having various roles mainly related to news


editing and controlling the flow of news. When analysed in the regard

of media organisation type it was observed that the majority (61.3%)

worked in print media and the news-workforce worked in broadcast

(32.5%) and wire-service (6.3%) media organisations. Finally in the

perspective of professional seniority it was known that the majority

of the Sindh journalists (68.2%) enjoyed above 5 years journalistic

experience; and the remaining proportion of the sampled journalists

had professional experience of about 3 years (20.1%) and about 5

years (11.6%).

TABLE 2: Composition of the Journalists by Profession-Related

Variables

Profession Related variables Number Percentage (%)

Journalist type

Newsroom 182 (31.6)

News-reporting 394 (68.4)

Total 576 (100)

Organisation type

Print 353 (61.3)

Broadcast 187 (32.5)

Wire-service 36 (6.3)

Total 576 (100)

Job seniority

About 3 years 116 (20.1)

About 5 years 67 (11.6)

Above 5 years 393 68.2

Total 576 (100)

Press Club Membership

As shown in table 3 out of 567 respondents the overwhelming

majority (71.1%) said that they were members of press clubs

established in their district areas; however, the remaining proportion

(28.9%) reported that they were not members of any press club or


other journalistic organisation. So this finding indicates towards a

characteristic of professionalism existing among the Sindh journalists

in Pakistan. However, when this finding regarding press club

membership of the journalists in Sindh was compared with the

findings of the journalists in the following countries in this context

the journalists in Sindh were by this measure, more professional;

because the percentage figures of Hong Kong 18% (Chan, Lee, & Lee,

1998: 41), France 37% (McMane, 1998: 199), Brazil 28% (Herscovitz &

Cardoso, 1998: 424), Algeria 48% (Kirat, 1998: 337), Canada 48%

female and 40% male (Robinson & Saint-Jean, 1998: 369), Taiwan 65%

(Lo, 1998: 83) and West Germany 56% (Schoenbach, Stuerzebecher, &

Schneider, 1998: 221) were lower than the percentage figure of

journalists in Sindh (71.1%). In contrast, the membership figure

(71.1%) of the journalists in Sindh was almost equal to the

membership figure of the journalists in East Germany 69%

(Schoenbach et al., 1998: 221) and less than that of journalists in

Australia, 86% (Henningham 1998: 100) and particularly Finland

where all journalists of the print as well as broadcast media were

members of the Union of Journalists in Finland (Heinonen, 1998: 173).

TABLE 3: Composition of the Journalists by Press Club-Related

Variables

Press Club Related variables Number Percentage (%)

Press club/organisation Membership

Yes 403 (71.1)

No 164 (28.9)

Total 567 (100)

Perception about press clubs in

Sindh

Social club 130 (23.3)

Newsgathering organisations 177 (31.8)

Both 250 (44.9)

Total 557 (100)


Press Club Related variables Number Percentage (%)

Share information with colleagues?

Yes 298 (55.6)

No 62 (11.6)

Sometimes 176 (32.8)

Total 536 (100)

Is membership rejected at press

clubs?

Yes 246 (45.5)

No 174 (32.2)

I do not know 121 (22.4)

Total 541 (100)

As table 4 indicates, there were some very interesting findings

regarding the press club membership of journalists in Sindh. Firstly,

from the perspective of journalist type it was found that the

proportion of newsroom workers who were not members of press

clubs was much bigger (73.8%) than the percentage of those who were

members (13.9%). In contrast, the percentage of news-reporting

journalists who were press club members was higher (86.1%) than

that of non-members (26.2%). In this way it seems that press club

culture in Sindh is dominated by news-reporting journalists rather

than their newsroom colleagues who seem to have comparatively less

representation in the press clubs. Secondly, in regard to organisation

type, in print media the proportion of press club members was higher

(65.8%) than that of non-members (50.6%) However, in broadcast and

wire-service media the proportions of press club member journalists

(29.0% and 5.2% respectively) were less than the proportion of non-

member news professionals (40.9% and 8.5% respectively). In other

words this finding indicates that among print journalists the

dominant proportion is of those who are press club members whereas

among broadcast and wire-service journalists the greater proportions

are of those who were not members of press clubs. Thirdly, in terms

of job seniority it was observed that among cubs and junior journalists

the proportion of those who were members (10.2% and 9.4%


respectively) was on average less than the proportion of non-

members (43.9% and 17.1% respectively). Conversely, among seniors

the proportion of those who were press club members (80.4%) was

two times bigger than that of non-members (39.0%). This finding

serves as a very strong indicator of the fact that senior journalists have

high representation in the press clubs of Sindh. Fourthly, in regard to

age in the “young” age category the proportion of non-members was

much bigger (68.5%) than press club members (30.9%). However, the

proportions of member journalists who were in the “mature” and

“above 40 years old” categories (43.1% and 25.9% respectively) were

comparatively greater than the proportions of non-members in these

categories (24.7% and 6.8% respectively). That shows that young

journalists have little representation in the press clubs of Sindh. These

findings support a complaint commonly heard from young

journalists in almost every district of Sindh, that senior journalists

have established a monopoly over the press clubs and that they do

not easily let the newcomers become a member of these

organisations. Finally, analysing press club membership in terms of

geographical affiliation, in rural areas the proportion of press club

members was much higher (73.7%) than that of non-members

(19.5%); in urban areas, the proportion of non-members (80.5%) was

greater than that of members (26.3%). Such findings suggest that it is

harder to get press club membership in urban areas than in rural,

particularly, due to the monopoly established upon the press clubs by

the senior cadre of journalists, a complaint heard from junior

journalists both in discussions as well personal conversations and

focus group.


TABLE 4: Distribution of the Journalists by Press Club

Membership

Press club membership

Selected variables Yes

(%)

No

(%)

Total

(%)

Type of journalist*

Newsroom 56(13.9) 121(73.8) 177(31.2)

News-reporting 347(86.1) 43(26.2) 390(68.8)

Total 403(100) 164(100) 567(100)

Organisation type†

Print 265(65.8) 83(50.6) 348(61.4)

Broadcast 117(29.0) 67(40.9) 184(32.5)

Wire-service 21(5.2) 14(8.5) 35(6.2)

Total 403(100) 164(100) 567(100)

Job seniority‡

About 3 years (Cub) 41(10.2) 72(43.9) 113(19.9)

About 5 years

(Juniors)

38(9.4) 28(17.1) 66(11.6)

Above 5 years

(Seniors)

324(80.4) 64(39.0) 66(68.4)

Total 403(100) 164(100) 567(100)

Age category§

0-30 years (Young) 124(30.9) 111(68.5) 235(41.7)

31-40 years (Mature) 173(43.1) 40(24.7) 213(37.8)

Above 40 years (Old) 104(25.9) 11(6.8) 115(20.4)

Total 401(100) 162(100) 563(100)

Geographical

affiliation ǁ

Rural journalist 297(73.7) 32(19.5) 329(58.0)

Urban journalist 106(26.3) 132(80.5) 238(42.0)

Total 403(100) 164(100) 567(100)

*Χ2 = 191.90, p = 000, df = 1: †Χ2 = 11.46, p = 003, df = 2: ‡Χ2 = 101.54, p

= 000, df = 2; §Χ2 = 70.16, p = 000, df = 2; ǁΧ2 = 138.29, p = 000, df = 1.


Perception Regarding Press Clubs in Pakistan

The local press clubs which have been established in every district

and almost every sub-division of Sindh seem more organised than

any other journalistic organisations in Sindh. Generally all those who

join the news media as a profession appear to aspire to be members

of the press club of their district. In this regard when it was enquired

from the journalists in the sample as to how they perceive the

phenomenon of press clubs in Sindh province, the response was (See

table 3) that out of a total of 557 the highest proportion (44.9%) termed

the press clubs not only ‘news gathering organisations’ but also

‘social clubs’. However, the other proportion of slightly lower than

one third (31.8%) of the journalists reported that they deemed press

clubs just ‘news gathering organisations’, and on the contrary the

remaining proportion of over one fifth (23.3%) said that press clubs in

Sindh are like ‘social clubs’. In conclusion, the survey indicates that

the highest number of Sindh journalists perceived the press clubs as

social clubs as well as newsgathering organisations.

TABLE 5: Distribution of the Journalists by Press Club Perception

Perception regarding press clubs in Sindh

Selected variables Social

clubs

(%)

News-

gathering

organisations

(%)

Both

(%)

Total

(%)

Journalist type*

Newsroom 24(18.5) 70(39.5) 79(31.6) 173(31.1)

News-reporting 106(81.5) 107(60.5) 171(68.4) 385(68.9)

Total 130(100) 177(100) 250(100) 557(100)

Geographic

affiliation†

Rural 99(76.2) 91(51.4) 134(53.6) 324(58.2)

Urban 31(23.8) 86(48.6) 116(46.4) 233(41.8)

Total 130(100) 177(100) 250(100) 557(100)

*Χ2 = 15.62, p = 000, df = 2: †Χ2 = 22.74, p = 000, df = 2.


Other interesting variations among the journalists in Sindh regarding

the press club perception were that, (see table 5) first, from the

perspective of journalist type among newsroom workers the

proportion of those who considered the press clubs in Sindh to be

news-gathering organisations (39.5%) was higher than those who

deemed the press clubs to be social clubs (18.5%) and ‘both’ (31.6%).

However, in contrast, among news-reporting professionals the

proportion of those who perceived the press clubs as just social clubs

(81.5%) was much greater than those who called the club a news-

gathering organisation (60.5%) or ‘both’ (68.4%). Thus the findings

indicate that there is a clear-cut difference in opinion of newsroom

and news-reporting journalists regarding press clubs in Sindh. For the

newsroom staffers, the press clubs are more news-gathering

organisations, but in the consideration of news-reporting

professionals they are more social clubs. Secondly, in regard to the

geographic affiliation it was observed that among rural journalists the

highest proportion (76.2%) was of those to whom the press clubs

seemed to be social clubs; among urban journalists the biggest

proportion (48.6%) was of those who considered the press clubs

news-gathering organisations. In summary, the findings point out

that rural journalists make more use of press clubs as social clubs,

whereas the urban journalists use press clubs as news-gathering

organisations.

Sharing News Information

As presented earlier (See table 3) 31.8% of the journalists surveyed

reported that press clubs in Sindh are exclusively ‘newsgathering

organisations’; an additional proportion of more than two fifths

(44.9%) said that press clubs are not only ‘newsgathering

organisations’ but also ‘social clubs’. A further function of Sindh press

clubs is as a place where journalists can share information with each

other. Out of a total of 536 the considerable majority of the journalists

(55.6%) responded ‘yes’ they shared news information with other

journalists at their press clubs (See table 3). Almost one third (32.8%)


said they share, ‘sometimes’. The remaining proportion of slightly

over a tenth (11.6%) responded ‘no’ they do not share news

information with other journalists. Hence, the findings regarding the

sharing of news information with each other by journalists clarifies

the concept of press clubs in Sindh more as ‘newsgathering

organisations’ and less as ‘social organisations’.

TABLE 0: Distribution of the Journalists by

Sharing–News-Information

News-Information-Sharing


(%)

No

(%)

Sometimes

(%)

Total

(%)

Job seniority*

About 3 years

(cubs)

46(15.4) 16(25.8) 41(23.3) 103(19.2)

About 5 years

(juniors)

28(9.4) 11(17.7) 20(11.4) 59(11.0)

Above 5 years

(seniors)

224(75.2) 35(56.5) 115(65.3) 374(69.8)

Total 298(100) 62(100) 176(100) 536(100)

Age category†

0 – 30 years

(young)

111(37.4) 34(54.8) 77(44.3) 222(41.7)

31 – 40 years

(mature)

117(39.4) 14(22.6) 68(39.1) 199(37.3)

Above 40 years

(Old)

69(23.2) 14(22.6) 29(16.7) 112(21.0)

Total 297(100) 62(100) 174(100) 533(100)

Geographic

affiliation‡

Rural 205(68.8) 21(33.9) 102(58.0) 328(61.2)

Urban 93(31.2) 41(66.1) 74(42.0) 208(38.8)

Total 298(100) 62(100) 176(100) 536(100)

*Χ2=11.73, p=019, df=4: †Χ2=10.60, p=031, df=4: ‡Χ2=27.51, p=000, df=2.


Additionally, very striking variations were found in the responses of

journalists subject to sharing news information with other journalists

(See table 6). Firstly from the perspective of job seniority among cubs,

the higher proportions were of those who do not share (25.8%) and

share-sometimes (23.3%) compared with those who shared-fully

(15.4%). In a similar vein among juniors as well, the higher

proportions were of those who reported not sharing (17.7%) and only

share-sometimes (11.4%) compared with those who shared-fully

(9.4%). In contrast, however, among senior journalists the bigger

proportion was of those who mentioned that they shared news

information fully (75.2%) compared with those who did not share

(56.5%) and shared-sometimes (65.3%).

In conclusion, the findings showed that the trend of sharing news

information with other colleagues is found more among senior

professionals compared with juniors and cubs. Secondly, with regard

to age categories it was observed that among the young category of

news-workers the bigger proportions were of those who did not share

(54.8%) and shared-sometimes (44.3%) compared with those who

shared-fully (37.4%). And among the mature category of journalists

the proportions of those who shared-fully (39.4%) and sometimes

(39.1%) were equal, however, higher than those who did not share

(22.6%); whereas, among the old age category the proportion of those

who shared-fully (23.2%) was greater than those who shared-not

(22.6%) and shared-sometimes (16.7%). In this way again the above

results indicate that in the context of age the trend of sharing news

information is more stable among old and mature news professionals

compared with their young age colleagues. Thirdly, subject to

geographic affiliation it was observed that among rural journalists the

proportion of those who shared-fully (68.8%) was bigger than those

who did not share (33.9%) and shared-sometimes (58.0%); inversely,

whereas among urban journalists the proportion of those who did not

share (66.1%) was greater than those who shared-fully (31.2%) and

sometimes (42.0%). Thus the findings made clear that news


information sharing is found more among rural journalists compared

with their urban counterparts.

Membership Rejection in Sindh Press Clubs

As discussed earlier in Sindh the young age and new-comers in news

media, for the most part, grumbled in personal conversations with the

researcher that they have difficulty in getting press club membership.

This practice of not allowing press club membership to new-comers

was one of the core reasons for the trend of establishing more than

one press club. To assess this trend further, it was asked whether any

journalist gets rejected from membership of the press club due to a

violation of press club constitution or journalistic ethics. In response

as presented in table 3 out of a total of 541 the highest proportion of

over two fifths (45.5%) reported ‘yes’ the press club membership of

the journalists is rejected whereas in contrast a proportion of around

one third (32.2%) said ‘no’. However, the remainder proportion of

over one fifth (22.4%) responded that they ‘Do not know’. Thus the

findings pinpoint that, to some extent, in the press clubs of Sindh the

action of membership rejection is practiced, because the highest

proportion of journalists endorse to such a practice.

TABLE 7: Distribution of the Journalists by Membership

Rejection in Sindh press clubs

Membership rejection in press club?


(%)

No

(%)

Do not know

(%)

Total

(%)

Job seniority*

About 3 years

(cubs)

25(10.2) 28(16.1) 50(41.3) 103(19.0)

About 5 years

(juniors)

26(10.6) 16(9.2) 21(17.4) 63(11.6)

Above 5 years

(seniors)

195(79.3) 130(74.7) 50(41.3) 375(69.3)

Total 246(100) 174(100) 121(100) 541(100)


Membership rejection in press club?


(%)

No

(%)

Do not know

(%)

Total

(%)

Age category†

0 – 30 years (young) 68(27.8) 73(42.4) 83(68.6) 224(41.6)

31 – 40 years

(mature)

112(45.7) 60(34.9) 29(24.0) 201(37.4)

Above 40 years

(Old)

65(26.5) 39(22.7) 9(7.4) 113(21.0)

Total 245(100) 172(100) 121(100) 538(100)

Geographic

affiliation‡

Rural 186(75.6) 117(67.2) 22(18.2) 325(60.1)

Urban 60(24.4) 57(32.8) 99(81.8) 216(39.9)

Total 246(100) 174(100) 121(100) 541(100)

*Χ2 = 64.98, p = 000, df = 4: †Χ2 = 57.54, p = 000, df = 4: ‡Χ2 = 1.17, p =

000, df = 2.

Moreover, regarding the rejection of press club membership some

significant differences were found among journalists (See table 7).

Firstly, in regard to job experience, among both the cubs and the

junior category of the journalists the highest proportions (41.3% and

17.4% respectively) were of those who said that they know nothing

about press club membership rejection. In contrast, among the senior

news professionals the biggest proportion (79.3%) was of those who

responded ‘yes’ that press club membership of journalists is rejected

in some situations. That finding highlights the fact that compared

with cubs and junior journalists, senior journalists are well aware of

press club matters because they are more dominant in the clubs.

Secondly, from the perspective of age category, the highest

proportion of the young reported that they know nothing regarding

membership rejection from the press clubs; the biggest proportions of

those in the mature and old age category (45.7% and 26.5%

respectively) were aware of the fact that the press club takes action to

reject membership of journalists from the club. Again this finding is


consistent with the idea that older journalists tend to dominate what

happens in the press clubs and these journalists are “in the know”

about the inner workings of the clubs. However, the majority of cubs

and junior news-workers mentioned that they did not know about the

membership rejection of journalists from press clubs; because due to

not being allowed by senior journalists to become members of the

press club they remain unaware of such things. Finally, in

consideration of geographic affiliation it was also significant to know

that among rural journalists the highest proportion (75.6%)

mentioned that press club membership of the journalists gets rejected;

however, among urban journalists the biggest proportion (81.8%) was

of those who said that they know nothing about press club

membership rejection. In summary, the finding indicates that it is

more likely that newcomers to journalism in urban areas tend to be

kept from entering the press club by senior colleagues more than

those in rural areas.

Discussion and Conclusion

As put in the beginning that participation of journalists in journalistic

organisations is one of the indicators of a degree of professionalism

among journalistic corp. So by analysing the above mentioned

empirical data it was found about some press club features that the

majority of the Sindh journalists are members of the press clubs.

However those who reported news and worked for print media on

average were more press club members than those who worked in

newsroom and were employed by broadcast and wire-service media.

Moreover analysed in the context of job experience and age the data

mentioned that senior and those who aged between 30 to 40 years

were more members of the press clubs those who were junior and less

than 30 years.

Regarding press club perception it was observed that Sindh

journalists perceive and use to press clubs both as newsgathering

organisations and social clubs. But the perception of press clubs as


social clubs on average was higher among those who reported news;

whereas the perception of press clubs as newsgathering organisations

was larger among those who worked in newsrooms. Additionally the

majority of the journalists also mentioned that they share individually

collected news information with each other at press clubs. However

the trend of sharing news information on average was found higher

among rural journalists compared with their urban counterparts.

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ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTION OF RICE PRODUCTION

AND FOOD SECURITY IN INDONESIA

Sadique A. Tumrani*

Pervez A. Pathan†

Bugti M. Suleman‡

Abstract

This paper analyzes how Indonesia has achieved the food security and

allocated targets of economic development. Whereas rice is the staple food of

Indonesia, the share of Indonesia is about 10% in the world rice production

but known as until importer country because rice is being used by 93% of

its population. To cope with this situation, Indonesia pays heavy amount

on importing of rice that imbalances its economy. To get rid of related

problems, Indonesia has adopted the economic and sustainable policy of rice

production to make sure the self sufficiency in food grains. The study

estimates rice import’s responses in food security conditions along with

addressing its economic impact in Indonesia during the period of 1960 to

2010.

This research has pursued a descriptive choice of method and in this regard

the relevant data has been collected from the secondary source and analysed

by mathematical process. The results indicate that Indonesia has adopted

the green revolution policy in 1970 that improved production of Rice by

allowing the subsidy on fertilizers, seeds, irrigational assistance, and

machinery essential that has played a pivotal role in Indonesian economy.

The study also concentrated to draw some do able example that could be

used as policy in the context of agriculture sector.

Keywords: Rice Production, Food Security, Economic Growth, Indonesia.

Introduction

Rice is a cereal grain grown in marshy areas and a tropical crop

which developed by three main types such as Indica, Japonica and

* Ph.D Student, Area Study Centre (FESEA), University of Sindh, Jamshoro † Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Sindh, Jamshoro ‡ Assistant Professor, Government Degree College D. M Jamali, Baluchistan


Javanica with the taste of aromatic and non-aromatic. Rice provides

more than 80 percent of daily caloric intake of 3 billion people that is

nearly half of the world’s population. Rice cultivation suited in the

areas where the climate is hots, humid. It grows on the large number

of deltas across Asia’s tropical and subtropical areas. Rice occupies

about 11 percent of world’s agricultural land and ranks second in

terms of cultivation area Asia is responsible for more than 90% of

rice production and consumption (Virk, 2004).

Rice is dominant staple food of Indonesia where about 12 million

hectors arable land is devoted for rice production out of total

agriculture land. Indonesia was a major rice importer country

during 1960-70s, to strive for self-sufficiency by mid of 1980s. The

total production of rice in Indonesia between the periods of 1984 to

1996 was higher than domestic consumption; this shows self

sufficiency in serial food, in response of this achievement FAO has

given “self sufficiency” award to Indonesian President Suharto in

1984 (FAO, 2010).

In the first decade of 21st century a remarkable growth in rice

production was recorded with the production of 57.05 million tons

in 2007 which reached at level of 60.33 million tons in 2008.

Indonesia has declared, the self-sufficiency on rice again in 2008, this

was great achievement in rice production in 2007-08 mainly due to

high yield and favorable climate (Sudaryanto, 2009).

Indonesia is 7th largest rice importer although it is among top ten

global rice producing nations, but its annual consumption of per

capita was more than 150 kg as recorded in 2010. Rice production in

Indonesia has crossed from 72 million tons of paddies 48 million

tons of milled rice in 2013. Yield of per hectare in Indonesia has

increased to 90 percent during 1970 to 2010; it was 2.35 tons hectors

in 1970 and rise up at the level of 4.9 tons hectors in 2010, (USDA,

2011).

64 Economic Contribution of Rice Production & Food Security in Indonesia

Literature Review

Achmad (1996) has publicized that Indonesia is a developing

country todays but 25 years ago Indonesia was a poorest country

with 50 US $ per capita of Indonesia. Now Indonesia’s per capita

income is 4200 US $ with the 5 percent growth rate. Indonesia has

implemented several basic elements in development strategy such

as: (i). Substantial Investment (ii). Improve the productivity. (iii).

Reforms in trade (iv). Capital Intensive Activity.

Ngu (2007) presented a brief summary that Rice is the staple food of

3000 million people and the global rice production become unstable

in 1999, the surge in rice price since 2007 has affected food security

in several rice food based countries. Global rice production was 215

million tons in 1961, after 45 years it was 644 million tons in 2006,

Global rice production was decreased in 1999-2002 because of sharp

decreased in global rice harvested but rice production has recovered

since 2003.

The environmental and socio-economic condition of rice production

vary greatly from location to location, rice is grown under different

climates including different temperature, sub-tropical and tropical,

based on soil-water conditions, and in the different ecosystem. The

top most rice producing countries in the world are: China (with 33

percent), India (with 26 percent), Indonesia (with 10.2 percent),

Bangladesh (with 7.5 percent), and Vietnam (with 7 percent) of rice

total production.

Muterr and Fairhurst (2010) presented the situation of rice in

ASEAN as following: Production 123.5 m/t, Supply 150 m/t,

Domestic Utilization: 106.7 m/t, Imports 2.71 m/t, and Exports 15.7

m/t. ASEAN has increased 7% in 2009-10 and Indonesia, Malaysia

and Philippine are improved 22% food security. Indonesia has per

hectare yield is better than other countries. Indonesia is known as 2nd

largest per hectare yield producer in ASEAN.


Erna (2006) has publicized various food plan through which

Indonesia used to stimulate the farmers: System of Rice

Intensification (SRI), (OPSUS), INSUS and INMUM, in 1979. High

yielding rice varieties by the use of chemicals, subsidies have been

one of the keystones of Indonesia’s rice development program: The

strategies of “High Yield Verities (HYVs) “Modern varieties” (MVs)

that has released IR-8 and IR-5 through BIMAS 1960.

Indonesian agriculture minister (2006) presented report, in

international conference on co-operation on agrarian reform and

rural development (ICCARD) at Brazil. Indonesia is the largest

archipelago country offers 120.2 million hectares of territorial land

as farm jungle and rest of land with coverage (i.e. 70.8 million

hectares). Its 37 percent is terrestrially utilized for farms cultivation

such as paddy crops to poverty alleviation as well as food security.

Main paddy field use based on areas of irrigation and rainfed such

as: Sumatra has produced 30 Percent, as 997060 hectares Irrigated

Paddy and 1,332,040 hectares Rain fed; Java & Bali have produced

44 percent as 2,442,100 hectares irrigated paddy and 3,430,698

hectares Rainfed and Kalimantan 13 percent as 228,850 hectares

irrigated paddy and 772,890 hectares Rainfed paddy.

Research Methodology

The study has pursued a descriptive choice of method in which

inductive technique has been applied on objectives, resources and

choice of method with a two tier approach which was comprising of

collecting information from secondary sources on pre-determined

indicators for example surfacing through math collecting, published

information and etc. The second tier, however, will be synchronized

between structured and un-structured data collective modes. The

data has collected according to parameters through the secondary

source based on published, books, reports and surfacing through

internet. Research concentrated on the economic impact of rice


imports along with addressing of food security in Indonesia. The

results provide base to plan the deployment of modern technology

for the farm management, and to follow Indonesian agriculture

policy approach to this end for the enhancement of rice production.

The main key indicators used are Rice Production, Rice Self-

sufficiency, Employment, and Economic Stability. The analytical

tools used is the measurements of parameters done by the statistical

methods of inferential trends along with descriptive methods.

Result and Discussion

A) Rice Production

The literature review has represented the global position of rice

production that human consumption accounts for 85 percent of total

production for rice, compared with 72 percent % for wheat and 19

percent for maize. Rice provides 21 percent of global human per

capita energy and 15 percent of per capita protein. The world

average consumption of rice in 1999 was 58 kg, with the highest

intake in some Asian countries; such as Bangladesh, Vietnam,

Indonesia and Myanmar, with annual average consumes of

residents as 150 to 200 kg, which accounts for two thirds of caloric

intake and about 60 percent of daily protein consumption (UNDP,

1997).

The data shows that global rice production was 215 million tons in

1961 after 45 years it was 644 million tons in 2006 and first time

global rice was decreased during 1999-2002 because of sharp

decrease in global rice harvested area but rice production has

recovered since 2003. Milled rice production is 463.9 million tons:

China 140.7 million tons, India 103.4 and Indonesia 36.3 million tons

milled rice produced in 2012. Rice production in Indonesia was 72

million tons in 2012 that is about 10 percent of total world rice

production and it made Indonesia included in top ten rice producer

countries in the world (FAO, 2012).


Rice is the main staple food for more than 95 percent of the

Indonesian population. Indonesian government has intervened

heavily on rice production, marketing, trade, and pricing policies.

During the green revolution of the 1970-1990, production grew

significantly at the rate of 4.3 percent per year. During the period of

2000 to 2010, rice production was grew with the rate of 2.51 percent

per year, and the production has increased with an impressive

growth of 5.04 percent in 2011-12 and it has key importance to

Indonesia’s national and household level of food security.

Indonesian Archipelago has used 60 percent arable area for the rice

growing and produced 68 million tons rice with 5 percent to 8

percent annual increase by the cultivating 12 million hectors of land

Rice production had increased from 12 million to over 40 million

tons. Bellow Table 1 has represented the statistical figures of

population trend and rice development.

Table 1: Descriptive Analysis of Rice Production in Indonesia

Year Analysis Population

(Mill) Area (Mill)

Production (Mil/ton)

1961-70

Mean 102.11 7745.89 17053.78

Min 92.20 7285 14953

Max 112.80 8155 19012

Variance 50.68 74895.36 1909056.20

Std. deviation 7.12 273.67 1381.69


Year Analysis Population

(Mill) Area (Mill)

Production (Mil/ton)

1971-80

Mean 129.42 8721.30 24866.30

Min 114.10 8135 19324

Max 143.20 9262 31780

Variance 102.49 128118.45 16209166.90

Std. deviation 10.12 357.94 4026.06

1981-90

Mean 163.20 9860.40 38762.70

Min 145.50 9382 31774

Max 178.60 10200 44005

Variance 138.37 72566.26 19802299.34

Std. deviation 11.76 269.38 4449.98

1991-2000

Mean 191.57 10840.44 57581.67

Min 181.10 10282 44680

Max 201.60 11400 50873

Variance 49.03 169708.03 4111776.75

Std. deviation 7.00 411.95 2027.75

2000-2010

Mean 219.25 11882.50 53673.08

Min 203.4 11476 50973

Max 240.20 12075 56349

Variance 189.88 44243.54 3143242.99

Std. deviation 13.78 210.34 1772.92

Source: FOA and Study Result, 2013.

B. Increased the Yield to Secure the Self-Sufficiency

Rice is important food crop in the country with cultivated area about

12.2 million hectares accounting for 30 percent of total agricultural

land, per acre rice yields had increased from 2.14 tons of paddy per

hectare to 4.23 tons per hectare in 2010 (USDA 2011).

The below Table 2 has indicated the difference in the yield of rice

over the past five decades. It is observed that the change of yield per

hectare has remain same specially after 1990; whereas during 1960-

1980 it was more than 20 percent increased. This is due to green

revolution programme introduced in 1960s aiming at addressing

famine and straw wish issues in developing countries as Indonesia.


Table 2 highlights the population trend, per capita intake and

consumption of rice in Indonesia, from 1960 to 2012. It should be

remembered that the era of 1960s was the period of best agro policy

shift whereas Indonesia has adopted green revolution late in 1970s.

Indonesia was a major rice importer with about 10 percent in the

decade of 1960 which has covered after 1980s but the standard

position was not same; Indonesia has slipped back in to importer

dependence because of natural catastrophes and diversification of

other commodities and subsidy was gradually reduced and finally

discontinued that has affected the standard level of rice production.

But now a days Indonesia has covered the gap of rice production to

meet with population need of food grain for that Indonesia is again

near to achieve self-sufficiency position in rice.

IRRI estimates that Indonesia will need 38 percent more rice in the

next 25 years; the average yield of 4.6 tons per hectare must rise to

more than 6 tons per hectare to fill the gap. The yield of Asia was

Table 2: Indonesia Secure to Self-Sufficiency in Rice

since 1960 to 2012, (Million tons)

Year Population

(Mill)

Milled rice production

Yield

Per/hec

Total Consumed

Per capita intake (kg)

Consumption

Change

Import (MT)

Import Change

1960 90.6 10168 2 11204 154 .65% 1064 9.5%

1970 114.1 13140 2 13634 155 .65% 516 3.8%

1980 145.5 22286 3 21504 156 .64% 543 2.5%

1990 181.1 29042 4 30121 156. 5 .32% 192 .64%

2000 205.9 32960 4 35877 157 .32% 1500 4.2%

2010 240.2 35500 5 39000 160 1.9% 3098 7.9%

2011 242.9 36500 5 39550 160.5 .31% 1960 4. 9%

2012 245.6 36900 5 40000 161 .31% 800 2.0%

Source: Indexmundi & FAO, 2012.


1.86 ton in 1961 has that increased to 4.22 tons per hectare;

Indonesia’s rice yield has been raised 90 percent, from 2.35 to 4.6

tons per hectare between 1970 and 2006 (FAO, 2013).

C) Indonesian Economic Stability Trends

The figures of economic development depict that in past decades

Indonesia has begun to emerge as an economic power in Southeast

Asia. Rice crop production has increased that boosted the

Indonesian economy to the level of 4.2 percent in 1983, and

continued to maintain the average of 5.0 percent during the period

of 1984 to 1988, and 7.5 percent in 1989. However, the growth of

GDP gradually decreased to 7.2 percent in 1990, 6.9 percent in 1991

and stopped at the level of 6.4 percent in 1992 – 1993. During the

Asian financial crises of 1997-98, GDP growth declined and reached

backward -13.1 percent, after that, special focus has been given to

return back at the previous level. In response of the special focus

that the growth rate of GDP reached at 6.3 percent in 2007 and 6.1

percent growth in 2008 and 6.2 percent to 6.5 percent in 2011. This

trend has been shown in Table No. 3

Table 3: Economical Maturity in Indonesia by Sector wise during 2001-10

Economic Indicators

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

GDP Growth 3.6% 4.5% 4.8% 5.1% 5.7% 5.5% 6.3% 6.0% 4.5% 6.1%

Labour Force (Mill)

88.0 99.0 105.7 111.5 94.2 108.2 109.9 112.0 113.7 116.5

Unemployment 8.1% 10.6% 8.7% 9.2% 11.8% 12.5% 9.1% 8.4% 8.1% 7.1%

Per Capita Income

3000 3100 3200 3500 3600 3900 3600 3900 4000 4200

Below to Poverty

23% 22% 19.3% 16.7% 17.3% 17.8% 15% 15.4% 14.5% 13.3%


Economic Indicators

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

Imports (Bill) 40.4 38.1 32.1 40.22 45.07 62.02 77.73 116 84.35 111.1

Exports (Bill) 64.7 56.5 52.3 63.89 69.86 83.64 102.3 139.3 119.5 146.3

Foreign Exchange Reserves (Bill)

321.0 331.7 355.6 358.2 345.8 430.4 569.2 516.4 661.2 962.1

Source: Indonesia Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS).

D) Employment

The trends of employment in the agriculture sector shows ups and

downs, the share of food crops accounted for 62 percent, tree crops

for 16 percent, livestock 10 percent, and fisheries and forestry

equally for the remaining 12 percent in 1988. The Employment has

been reduced from 46.4 percent to 38.3 percent recorded from the

total employments in Indonesia during 2002 to 2010 as it was

previously 68 percent during 1971-1980 and further decreased to 40

percent to 38 percent in 1996 and 2001. In contrast of that the current

open unemployment rate in Indonesia was 6.14 percent in 2012 and

to reach 5.3 percent in 2014. Indonesian unemployment rate

recorded on average of 6.17 percent from 1982 to 2013 (CBS

Indonesia, 2013).

Conclusions

The result of the study discussed in the manuscript show that the

green revolution left good signs on Indonesian economy and

resulted to creep from importing country to self sufficient state for

rice in the mid of 1980s by using land extensive method as well as

land intensive method that has improved and increased production

of Rice by allowing the subsidy on fertilizers and irrigational

assistance. The production of rice has increased from 12 million tons

to 40 million tons within 50 years span of time and improved per

hectare yield from 2.14 in 1960 to 4.23 tons of paddy in 2010.


Indonesia has also maintained economic growth at the level of 7

percent per annum and increased per capita income from 50 US

dollars in 1993 to 4200 US dollars in 2010.

The analysis offered in this research paper pointed out that

Indonesia has slipped back into the status importing country for rice

because of natural catastrophes and diversification of other

commodities which has affected the standard level of rice

production.

It is recommended that Indonesian government should have retain

and develop a policy framework by providing subsidy on rice

farming, and give much focus on land intensive method because the

country will need 38 percent more rice with 6 tons per hectare yields

in coming 25 years.

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THE CHANGING PATTERNS IN FAMILY SYSTEM FROM

EXTENDED TO NUCLEAR: IN CONTEXT OF WORKING

WOMEN IN PAKISTAN

Marium Sara Minhas Bandeali*

Dr. Manzoor Ali Isran†

Abstract

Family plays an integral part in person’s life. Whether nuclear, extended or single parent system, the primary socialization and bonding have always been essential element in one’s life. The shift in the family system from extended to nuclear, is evident nowadays due to number of reasons. Moreover, working women face number of problems in handling both work as well as household. At times it becomes difficult to adjust or live in particular family system. The working women in many cases contribute a lot in looking and satisfying the needs of the family members. However, the gap between the working women and family could be filled by looking at the way both can cooperate with each other. The problems working women are facing in extended family system are different from what they encounter in nuclear or single parent family system. Hence the gap between the working women and the family could result in changing their preference of a certain family system over the other. The change in the family system is thus evident from extended to nuclear family system. The data collection techniques involved mixed method. Both closed ended questionnaires and open ended interviews were conducted for data collection. The results obtained from primary research showed that most of the women preferred nuclear family over extended family system. Therefore, changing the family system or the family, as an institution as was common before. Therefore, the conclusion showed that most of the working women are living in nuclear family system and want to live in nuclear family system. Very few belonged to extended family system or single parent family. The problems prevailing in accepting working women or working mothers a major reason for shift from extended to nuclear family system.

Keywords: Nuclear Family, Extended Family, single parent family, working mothers, social institution, problems in family.

* Adjunct Faculty, Faculty of Social Science, SZABIST, Karachi, Email: [email protected] † Author works as Professor in the faculty of Management Sciences. Email: [email protected]

76 The Changing Patterns in Family System from Extended to Nuclear

Introduction

The family plays an integral role in the lives of Pakistanis. There are

many social changes that have affected the overall family systems in

Pakistan. When we look into the family system Pakistan has enjoyed

all cultural heritages being part of family system. It is the culture

where joint family system is being replaced with nuclear family

system. In case of working women, the preference of a particular

family system differs from extended or being in nuclear family

system. A working woman plays different role being part of society

as a mother, daughter in law, mother in law and a wife. A family is a

system where individual share emotional bonding and kinship ties. It

is the most important social organization that socializes children and

helps them to form their identities. The working women have a lot of

responsibilities to look upon therefore need helping hands towards

looking after the children. Moreover, type of family system is an

important issue nowadays particularly in case of working women, the

household, work, children , in laws and multiple needs are necessitate

to be managed properly. The paper has been divided into four

sections. First section presents literature review which discusses

different studies focusing on different family structures in different

cultural settings. Second section discusses the impact of culture on the

family systems. Third section analysis data and presents results. Final

section draws conclusion and findings.

Literature Review

The two most important approaches that are of functionalist writers

who have focused on the consensus approach the family are centering

the whole society. The primary focus of “family system” is to see how

one is socializing including the children, adults bonding particularly

at the emotional level. Moreover, it also includes providing basic

facilities that are being shared by the family together (food, shelter

and clothing). The advent of technology, peer pressure has led to most

of the societies following and accepting the change that have taken


place in family (Kakepoto, 2008).

According to Macionis (2005: 462) social conflict, do arise, when It

comes to working women who leave their children at home with

grandparents in case of extended family. Moreover, in case of nuclear

family the working women might face problems in leaving children

home or daycare. The conflict might arise in the family system if all

members are not cooperating and sharing responsibilities. Moreover

women are preferred to look after the family and rearing children. In

case of working women the roles are segregated in looking towards

home as well as work. The traditional family system believed in the

role of women as being a housewife. However the economic crisis and

capitalism make revolutionary reform as present Marxist view look

at the women as being oppressed and their rights being subjugated.

The question that arises is therefore why there is a shift in the family

system when one would talk about nuclear or extended family

system. What is the preference of working women in choosing

between the family systems?

Austen and Birch (2000), consider that the structural change evident

require both parents to work. According to Brown (2005) the working

women face a lot of problems in family systems. Hence their choice

of a particular family system depends on how they can handle both

ends. However children could be nurtured in family when they are

able to follow the norms and values and culturally belong to a

particular society. There are many differences in altering family

structures. There are differences between cultures when it comes in

explaining the decision making or character dependence where they

define the basic needs of individuals and stress on having private life.

Whereas compared to collectivist culture they have a view on having

group or family view as the primary source in order to express the

process of decision making. Moreover the sight they observe in case

of the collectivist culture the concept of “private life” does not exist

(Brown, 2003).


It has been observed that the working women face a lot of problems

in daily life. Therefore, it is one of the most important issues

nowadays which relates to the preference of a particular family

system. The main stakeholders for the research will include working

women in any organization working. The reason behind research is

to know what are the problems working women and their children

can face living in extended family or nuclear family system.

Moreover, the results obtained will help to find the solution of the

problems and what could be done instead. As it has been observed,

the divorce rates or single parent family system has been increasing

since past many years.

The research only focuses on the issues of the working women in a

particular family system. Moreover the research will be done keeping

in the mind the role of women played in nuclear family, extended

family and single parent family. The research will not include any

other groups of society apart from married or unmarried working

women of 25 to 45 years relating to their family problems in a

particular household. The data obtained will be limited to the

objectives stated above due to the limited time frame.

The research was conducted in Karachi targeting different

organizations where women are working including the health,

education, financial or industrial sector.

The following assumptions have been taken into account for the

research:

Women are facing a lot problems in extended family system

when it comes to work outside their house

Women are facing a lot of problems in nuclear family system

when they leave their children at home.

The type of design used is mixed method, including the qualitative

approaches; as well as quantitative as the topic of the research

requires deeper understanding of the topic objectives stated above.


Moreover, the quantitative (questionnaires) and qualitative (open

ended interviews) will be the research design for the study

undertaken. As the topic of the research requires in depth knowledge

(exploratory research) to know the shift in family system from

extended to nuclear.

The overall population of the study includes working women

enrolled in different organizations in Karachi including health,

education, banking and small industrial sector. Hence women aging

25 to 46 belonging to any family system will be part of research. The

questionnaires were distributed in Aga Khan Hospital health

department, City School, Soneri Bank, SZABIST, CAP and

Foundation Public School. Secondly, the interviews were taken from

working women that included 2 doctors, 2 teachers, 2 bankers, 2

psychologist and 2 nurses.

The total of 130 questionnaires were distributed to the working

women in Aga Khan Hospital, Soneri Bank, SZABIST, The Citizens

Foundation and CAP (Citizens Archive of Pakistan). Whereas 10

interviews were taken interviewing working Women working

enrolled in different professions. The sampling method used was

snow ball sampling with the reference given by other respondents.

The data collection includes both primary as well as secondary

sources. The data collection tool will be open ended interviews. The

reason for in depth interviews is to collect more relevant data and to

know the issues pertaining in families of working women. The

dependent variable is working women in Karachi whereas the

independent variable is nuclear, extended and single parent family

system. According to Shriver, the population of the world consists of

more women as compared to men. Her report comprises of the three

segments of the society that are important including the family

household, at work place and in society. Moreover, woman are

breadwinners, most of the family members now have working

mothers that are primary breadwinners and contribute quarter of


their income at home. The shift, increase in the number of working

woman in 1960s could be evident in various parts of the world

including the developed as well as the developing countries. In 1970

the women were breadwinners and co breadwinners of their family

(Soilen, 1998).

Hence, the transformation is evident when we see woman in

twentieth century is working outside their homes and also looking

after the family. There are many issues that are evident has to

contribute a lot. There are many issues that are evident in the family

system where working woman is working outside their homes. There

is a movement of woman in the employment sector and increasing

family size that has resulted in the increase in overall problems

(Shriver, 2001).

The transformation according to Mc Crosky was evident when family

system could create conflicts in terms of working mothers. At many

cases it is evident that the violence or when women are pressurized

at work could result in many problems. The hindrance that the family

workload could have on women affects family system in return (Mc

Crosky, 1995)

Working women do have multiple roles to look after at home as well

as at work place. This is the main issue that the every woman is facing.

The situations of working women professionally as well as morally

have improved in making them more acceptable. The traditional

women concept is no longer prevailing in our society where women

used to work in different fields and look after the house. The concept

of modern women includes a professional educated mother looking

at the family, work and thus managing things very well. The typical

family thus comprises of a dual earner where both the parents are

working and contributing their share of income for the family (Jacobs,

2008)

According to Lin (1992) conducted a survey which targeted 444 Taipei

women working as well as house makers. It was concluded that the


working women are able to enjoy more freedom as compared to

house makers. The Taipei working women agreed that they had

husband support therefore they were satisfied working outside their

house. The family relatives all support working women. Moreover

the research conducted also showed that there are more working

women who are married, no matter how developed (unrestricted) a

society is; most of the work is expected to be done by women. The

major responsibilities of women thus include childcare and

household work. The dichotomy arisen between the conventional

family and the promising roles including many problems faced like

leaving children at home. The survey conducted asked several

questions including the helping hand in most of the cases at home i.e.

social or daily demands. The working women in most of the cases

leave their children outside their house and spent most of the hours

outside home in most of the cases it is evident that the major problem

among the working women in single parent family system includes

depression, anxiety as at home there is no one to look after the

children (Levitan, 2008).

Nuclear family system is thought to be acceptable in case of working

women but in case of children this couldn’t be the preference of

working mothers. In case of Pakistan, the concept of child centre is

much unknown. This fact might prevent working women to leave

their jobs and rear children. Moreover like all family systems joint

family systems expects women to stay at home give cultural values to

all the children including the role of the elder people.

Another important benefit that cannot be ignored, if mother father

both are working they can develop the career of children including

socialization at their workplace, with peers and family. Family is

always there to help share their cultural values, norms, bonds, help in

case of members being sick and financial help. The working women

also prefer joint family if they have children as it’s better that someone

is there to look after the children (Levitan, 2008)


In some family systems the conflict may occur especially in joint

family system where women are dependent on others in decision

making. In case of working women the life could be in more hardship

if she doesn’t cooperate with her in laws and works. The division of

labour is evident in case of number of family, with families where

both husband and wife are working comes under the category of

Neotraditional. Most importantly the joint family system is thus

considered to be supportive for working women as the relatives that

are living together can look after the house children including all the

needs (Baylan, 2011).

The way the family nurtures, culture plays a significant role in

making individuals better able to live by sharing values and living

under a roof or shelter. Sometimes a culture may create gender

biasness. Some may also resist in that cultural change. In case of

working women it also depends on different culture if the family is

small the choice is different as in the case of western countries this

system is not regarded as so much important (Hollander, 2011).

As the joint family is consisting of at least three generations that are

living together, includes grandmother, grandfather, children and a

head of family. Like every family system extended family has its

advantages and disadvantages. Within extended families there could

be conflicts in terms of siblings’ rivalries, conflict among family

members. In case of working women the extended family system can

be best option to support the women and children. The way the

family nurtures, culture plays a significant role in making individuals

better able to live by sharing values and living under a roof or shelter.

The time women usually spent outside house for work also matters

when it comes to the gap between working time and family time

(OECD, 2004).

Sometimes a culture may create gender biasness. Some may also resist

in that cultural change. In case of working women it also depends on

different culture if the family is small the choice is different as in the


case of western countries this system is not regarded as so much

important (Hollander, 2011).

In a research conducted by Itrat et al in 2008 it is culture heritage a

sense of pride when an individual is living happily. A strong support

of family could make individuals better socialize in their culture. It is

common that most of the Asians prefer to be and live with elderly

people. There are certain changes which could be seen when we look

into changing trends. The structure of family system does influence

the way each individual is playing a certain role.

Hussain (2008) describes how working women face problems as

compared to men belonging to any class of society. The structural

changes in family system both at social and cultural ends have bound

women to work and look after the family. However, it could be

believed that in both the rural as well as the urban areas the working

women face the problems differently. The socio economic conditions

under which the women work also matters the way she looks after

the family. The type of job and profession also matters when it comes

to efficiently looking after the children. In rural areas the situation

might be reverse; the family set up includes children, grandparents,

and siblings living together. Where the men are not employed or have

small business of farming to look after and the fact that the rest of the

time they are at home defined as being ‘lazy’. They either work as

laborers on the basis of contract or either they have vendors (Baylan,

2011).

This is the type of family system where the women are expected to

earn as the spouse or the husband’s income is not sufficient to run the

entire family.

According to Jacobs, working women nowadays work as nurses,

teachers, doctors, bankers thus being more professional. They have

given up the traditional thought where mothers used to be housewife

and just worked for family. The conflict arises when the working

woman is expected to run the house as well as her work efficiently.


The role of women is changing having multitasking and expects work

to be done efficiently. Extended, and the nuclear family expects

women to be supporter of the entire family unit. Many of the

researches show that the employment of women has a positive impact

on the family in this way they are able to contribute at home as well

as running the entire family. The women are giving extended hours

at family and this might result in so many problems that she faces

(Linda, 2003).

In western society there are many problems society is facing the

increased divorce rates, increasing in single parent family system, and

decrease in the fertility. The fact many tasks are to be performed in

case of joint of family system. The word family means wife children

and husband living together this could be denoted as a nuclear family

while parents, grandparents living together could portray a picture of

an extended family system. In extended family system whether

children being married or not they are counted a part of household

and their income is further used in family. In extended family system

the working women is expected to look after the children she faces

problem if the spouse or heads in the family take care of the children

and allow the working mothers to step out of their house and work

in case of nuclear family system the situation could thus be reverse

(Hussain, 2008).

The caretaker in case of the nuclear family system is mother or a

father to look at the household.

Moreover when it comes to having kids at home, need someone to

look after the house. Moreover in many cases the working women

look for the easy solution to leave children in daycare centers to

provide them with food and sufficient needs. In case of developing

countries the daycare units are not established or successful in

catering needs of so many children in society (Linda, 2003)

In most of the cases the daycare centers are afforded by rich people

but the matter of fact that the working women mostly belong to the


middle class working sector where both the parents share the income

they earn to run the household. In most of the cases it’s true that the

joint family system have many family members to look after the

children at home. Moreover in case of single parent and joint family

system there is a problem to have an adult or someone to look after

the kids (Dorfler, 2004)

Impact of Culture on Family Systems

The culture impact could be seen in societies where family as an

institution plays an integral role in primary socialization. Often there

are many evidences, showing that some of the family members do not

allow their daughters or in most of the cases mother to work outside

their houses. In most of the cases the family expects working women

to be at home and work in order to satisfy the needs of the citizens.

Most of the eastern societies do expect mothers or their daughters to

stay at home and satisfy needs of the citizens (Mc Closkey, 2008).

Often many of the husbands keep their wives at home in isolation and

not allowing them to work or go out for any other employment

practices. Sometimes in extended family systems this becomes a very

rigid problem when working mothers are domestically violated if

they work outside their homes (Gewirlz, 1992).

There are many problems that working women face in a particular

family system when it comes to looking after the kin. Moreover the

problems which were mostly common among the interviewees

include looking after children, large number of family members,

earnings as well as handling house work. Most of the interview

responses showed that the working women in nuclear family system

face fewer problems as compared to extended family system.

However, the only problem that was defined by the majority of the

working women was looking after the kids. The more number of

family members in family, the more the income required to run house

hold. Despite, the fact structural changes require both men as well


women, to contribute in terms of looking after the kin. Moreover,

many shared the problems of unacceptability women outside the

house. The working mothers at many times are pressurized to leave

their work and fully concentrate at home.

Data Analysis

The questionnaires responses showed, most of the working women

(78%) think that there are many problems that they face in looking

after the family. Whereas, 27% and 2% think that they don’t face any

problem in looking after the family respectively

The cross tabulations results comparing the type of family system

working women belonged to and the problems they face looking after

the family. Table 1.2 shows the cross tabulations results of the

working women in nuclear family system encounter a lot of problems

in looking after the family. Whereas the women who belong to

extended family system agreed that they don’t face a lot of problems.

The interview responses showed that problems in extended family

system are comparatively more as compared to nuclear family

system.

One of the interview responses Sara (teacher) said, “In nuclear family

we have mother, father and children like my family. I believe in

nuclear family system women have less responsibilities as compared

to extended family system, sometimes working mothers are not

allowed to work for longer period of hours. In nuclear family

husbands in most of the cases agrees that the wife is working outside.

Moreover, in laws could object and degrade working women from

working outside.”

The overall questionnaire results showed that 71% of the women who

belong to nuclear family system agreed that they face fewer problems

while 25% of the women think that in extended family systems they

face fewer problems. The figure below 1.2A shows the bar chart cross

tabulations results. Most of the interviewees agreed that in extended


family, the presence of elders, mother in law, sister in law or any other

member can make working women less burdened at least when it

comes to looking after the children. The difficulty is in upbringing

children and also fulfilling the needs of each individual in household.

However, in single parent family the working woman alone handles

household and work. The problems in extended family system

includes: lack of understanding, more family members, shared

incomes, children being ignored at certain circumstances, lack of

support and no mutual understanding in family unit. But many of

them agreed that every family system has its own benefits like in

extended family system you share and a lot of problems are also

shared.

Table 1.2: The Type of Family System of Working Women

*Problems Faced by Working Women Cross Tabulation

Figure 1.2 A:


The working women as compared to house makers face a different

experience in handling home as well as the work. Most importantly

at workplace women has to manage the timings as she has

responsibilities to look upon. Moreover, the working women from

washing, cooking, cleaning, looking after house, work as well as

satisfying every need of the kin. Most of the interviewees agree that

the contribution of working women in household is more as

compared to the house makers.

The questionnaires responses showed in table 1.3 (84%) of the

working women agreed that they contribute a lot at home. Moreover

16% of them think working women contribute less at home.

According to the questionnaire results, most of the respondents

agreed that working women do look at both the ends work as well as

running house hold. At most cases this data could also show that the

working women alone contribute a lot at home. She is responsible in

looking at the household and needs of spouse including every other

at home.

The pie chart (Figure 1.3A) below shows the result. Hence, working

women contribute a lot in looking after the family as well as her work.

Table 1.3: The Contributions of Working Women in Looking at

the Household


Figure 1.3 A

The responsibility of women in a particular family system is to look

after the house efficiently. Every society expects women to be in

charge of running the house chores including the total housework to

be done proficiently. Most of the working women agreed that

whether they belong to extended or nuclear family system the

number of responsibilities towards family is more or less same. Most

of the working women agreed that in nuclear family system the

working women alone has to do total work, food and preparation,

laundry (washing clothes), home maintenance, cooking, rearing

children and also looking after the husband.

Whereas, if you are working women in nuclear family system or

single parent family the roles you have is less as compared to other

family system. You are just a mother and a wife.”

Thus it could be concluded from the above findings from the primary

data collection that number of roles working women conform in

extended family system is more as compared to other family systems.


Table 1.4: The Number of Roles Working Women Plays

in Joint Family System

The most common perception of every working woman in looking

towards the family involves children and their daycare facilities. In

child rearing, there are many problems that the working women do

encounter. Whether nuclear, extended or single parent family system

requires someone to look after the children at home. Moreover,

according to the interview responses the major problem or the

dilemma comes when the family system having working parents and

requires adult to look after the young children. Most of the working

women agreed that there is a need for daycare and they do send their

children for better socialization. The problem arises when there is no

proper daycare system available to keep children.

The problem that was discusses while giving interview was lack of

daycare systems in Karachi. Though many of the working women

agreed that they do send their children at school but as they work full

time or perhaps some working part time requires the best facilities to

look after children. However, the interview responses showed that

working women in nuclear family system need daycare or early

childhood. However, Rubina (Nurse) in her interview said, “In

nuclear family system, like I belong too we have young children I

send them to daycare. Previously I was living in joint family system,

I felt my mother in law used to look after the children.


Table 1.5: Need for Daycare (Looking after the Kids)

Family is a strong institution a means of interaction, socialization and

bonding. Whether, it’s nuclear, extended or single parent family

system the attachment one gets by connecting makes lives easier.

Many working women shared their experience while interviewing

that family plays an important role in case of women. The preference

of a family system depends on the environment; bonding one has

belonging to a family. Most of the working women agreed that in

nuclear family system things are easy manageable. The interview

responses showed that mostly working women prefer nuclear family

system over extended family system.

Hence, nuclear family is controllable, privacy maintained,

manageable, convenient and suitable in case of working women. The

extended family system, on the other hand becomes more difficult to

manage as there are more number of members living together. The

bonding at times becomes difficult due to the differences in the

mentality, rigid behavior, age difference and differences of opinion.

The preference could perhaps show the change in the family system

from extended to nuclear. Due to the problems that are stated above

like privacy, close bonding, association with each other where

extended could thus create gap within the family members.

The interview responses showed that almost all women preferred

nuclear family over joint family system. The questionnaire results

below, table (1.6) and figure (1.6A) shows that 75% of the working


women preferred nuclear family system. Whereas, 22% prefer

extended family system while 3% favor single parent family.

Moreover, the primary data collection shows that working women

prefers nuclear family system. Hence, this data collected can also

show the change in the family as an institution from the extended to

nuclear.

Table 1.6: Preference of a Family System of Working Women

Though the working women look after the household as well work, it

is believed that it is responsibility of the working women to look after

the family. Whether, nuclear or extended family system, the family

expects women to fulfill all the needs of the members efficiently.

Despite of the fact, working women works more than anyone and

family. The expectation one has is comparatively more from a women

as compared to men. The family system thus expects women to work

for the entire family whether nuclear extended or single parent

family. Most of the respondents agree that the working women look

after the household as a responsibility. The family problems at time

hinder working hours. Mostly in the case of nuclear family system the

working women alone has to handle all the ends. Whereas in

extended family system things has to be done keeping in the mind the

time management done efficiently. Most of the working women

agreed that family problems hinder their working hours. Almost all

shared their experience that sometimes it’s difficult to manage work

and even they have to compromise their recreational time. The

working hours or the nature of job directly impacts the family system.


However, part time full time work impacts the way the working

women look at the house. The interview responses showed that the

working women is able to give more time it the type of profession

they opt for is teacher, receptionist, blogger, whereas compared to

doctor, banker that requires full time working hours, life of working

women mostly working mothers becomes difficult. The working

women in case of part time or comparatively less number 0f working

hours could help her to run the house more efficiently. Often, in the

case of less number of hours it’s easy.

In extended family system there are fewer objections if the working

women are working less number of hours in a profession which is

easy to handle. The interview responses showed that the highly

prevailing patriarchy have made working women alone responsible

to handle family problems. Moreover, the table 1.9 below shows that

79% of working women think, due to patriarchy prevailing the

working women are overburdened in all family systems. Whereas

19% think that patriarchy in society doesn’t impact on working

women in looking towards their family problems.

Conclusion

The data analysis and findings showed that the working women face

a lot of problems whether they belong to nuclear, extended or single

parent family system. The problems ranging from looking after the

family as well as handling work becomes more challenging for a

working women thus being more difficult for working mothers at

certain circumstances. However, at times the extended family system

encourages and supports the working women to work for the benefit

of the family by sharing the amount of income earned. Moreover, at

times things are different in extended family system, the in laws or

other members may not cooperate with the working women and their

working hours do clash with family hours. The findings and data

analysis showed that most of the women face problems in extended

family system due to more number of family members that thus


sometimes results in lack of mutual understanding. The

misunderstandings, workload, more family members, more working

hours etc were the reasons given by the working women.

The few recommendations that were suggested by the working

women included that the number of hours should be flexible so that

they can manage time with family. Moreover, the daycare systems in

Karachi are not very established which parents could rely on leaving

children. Hence, more Daycare schools should be made by the

government. By providing flexible hours for women at work could be

another solution to make her handling both house as well as

household efficiently. Moreover there is no family system which can

be regarded as best over the other. It depends on how each and every

member is cooperative enough with each other. The segregation of

tasks between the family members can also create lesser problems or

lessen the burden of working women.

References

Baylan L. D. R. (2011). Integrating Work and Family Life. A Holistic Approach.

Work Family Policy Worker.

Brown. (2003). An Introduction to Sociology. London:

Dorfler, S. D. W (2004). The effects of working conditions for better reconciliation

of family and work, working time and working place.

Gewirlz, A. G. (1992). Daily Life Demands, Social Support, Life Satisfaction

and Health of Working Women and Houswives. Humanities and

Social Sciences , 119 - 127.

Hollander, S. B. (2011). Women, Family Culture and Family Business. 42- 52.

Hussain, I. (2008). Problems of Working Women in Karachi, Pakistan. Britain:

Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

Itrat, A. T. Q. (2008). Family Systems: Perceptions of Elderly Patients and

Their Attendants Presenting at a University Hospital in Karachi,

Pakistan . 1 - 15.


Jacobs, P. (2005). Professional Women: The Continuous Struggle for

Acceptance and Reality. Journal of Academic and Business Ethics, 98.

Kakepoto, H. (2001). Sociological Impact of Social Change upon Institutions

of Family with Special Focus to Pakistan “International Conference on

Business and Social Science Research. http://www.wbiconpro.com

/table_of_contents_socialscience_dubai_dec2010.htm

Levitan A. S. B. S. (1981). Working Wives and Mothers What Happens To

Family Life? Social Policy Journal, 1 - 5 .

Lin, J. M. (1992). Daily Life Demands, Social Support, Life Satisfaction and

Healthof Working Women and Housewives. Humanities and Social

Sciences, 119-127.

Linda, J. P. (2003). Professional Women: The Continuing Sturuggle for

Accetance and Equality . Journal of Academics and Business Ethics, 98

- 101.

Louri. (2006). Women and their family problems. Journal of Psychology, 3 - 8

Mc Closkey, L. A. (2008). Family Structyre and Family Violence , Peace and

Conflict. Encylopedia of Violence, Peace and Conflict, 1 - 6.

Mc Crosky, L.A. (1995). The Effects of Family System Violence on Children

Mental Health. Child Development, 11 – 15.

OECD. (2004). Babies and Bosses Reconciling Work and Family Life. New

Zealand

Perista, H. (2003). Time Paid and Unpaid Work in Portugal – Agenda Issue.

Europe.

CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CHALLENGES AND

ISSUES OF ISLAM IN THE MODERN WORLD

Dr. Zain-ul-Abdin Sodhar*

Dr. Abdul Ghani Shaikh†

Khair-un-Nisa Sodhar‡

Abstract

Islam being the universal religion of peace and prosperity is facing many

challenges and issues both externally as well internally. In the globalization

Islam has to face the challenges and resolve the issues like external pressure

of western countries- calling Muslims as terrorists, inter-religious conflicts

(sects), social issues, socio economic issues, political issues at local and

international level and individual issues of Muslims relating to their

career.

Western countries through media trial and false propaganda have presented

the negative picture of Islam all over the world and tried to prove Muslims

as terrorists. Until and unless all the Muslims, all over the world, do not

unite and face the western propaganda, the resolution of such issues will

not be possible. The internal sectarian conflicts of Muslims have not only

divided them but also weakened them to face the global challenges. As a

result social and economical issues are being emerging making Muslims

even weaker. Political disputes of Muslims and Muslim countries based on

sectarian conflicts at national and internal level have added fuel into fire

and made the Western propaganda against Islam even stronger.

In the presence of such unfavorable conditions, Muslim individuals are

seeking their career in modern science and technology and paying more

attention on western knowledge and culture. If this process remained

continue for several years, it will be very difficult for Muslim families to

* Assistant Professor, Institute of Languages University of Sindh, Jamshoro-76080,

Sindh, Pakistan, email: [email protected] † Professor, Institute of Languages, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan ‡ Ph.D Scholar, Institute of Languages, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh,

Pakistan


survive and face the challenges and issues of Islam and Muslim especially

living in western countries or even Muslim countries where one Muslim

kills another Muslim due to sectarian conflict. The Muslims scholars and

intellectuals should have to realize the internal threats to Islam in the shape

of sectarian conflicts and take some measure and initiates to unite the

Muslims before it is too late. The survival, growth and development of

Muslims is not possible without making Muslims united.

Keywords: Islam, Modern World, Challenges, Issues.

Introduction

Islam, being the religion of peace and complete code of life, is facing

many challenges and issues all over the world. After nine eleven

incident Islam is being openly criticized directly or indirectly from

all corners of the world especially European countries has called the

Muslims as terrorists. The wave of tension between Christian and

Muslims is not a recent issue. It is as old as Islam. In this regard

Schantz (1993) affirms that “there have been tensions between

Christians and Muslims since Islam emerged on the world scene

1400 years ago” (p. 443). However, challenges confronted to Islam

from outside world (non-Muslims) can be justified by saying hostile

attitude of the enemies of Islam but the issues within Islam

(sectarian conflicts) has created real tension for Muslims round the

world. On one side the image of Muslims is declining on

international level and on other side social and economical issues

are emerging making the condition of Muslims even more

miserable.

The world is becoming a global village and moving towards

secularism under the influence of science and technology. The

growth and development has become very difficult without science

and technology. People all over the world are shifting to science and

technology. Even some Muslim countries have adapted secularism

and some other countries are thinking about it for the economic

98 Critical Analysis of the Challenges and Issues of Islam in the Modern World

growth and development. Watson (1997) describes that “the Muslim

communities with an emphasis on the secular ideology of politics,

such as Turkey and Egypt, the general welfare is slightly better”

(p. 2). He further adds that “the majority of Muslims live under

governments with a qualified acceptance of a secular ideology”

(p.2).

The Muslims countries following the western economic models,

following European ideology and imparting education on the

pattern of western world are making progress comparatively faster

than other Muslim countries. The countries like Malaysia, Saudi

Arabia, Indonesia, Philippines, Thailand and Brunei etc following

the western ideology are not only appreciated but also supported by

western countries in different areas of growth and development. As

a result they are in the race of growth and development. The living

standard of people of these countries is also comparatively better

than other Muslim countries.

On the contrary, the Islamic countries like Iran, Yemen, Iraq and

Libya etc that do not follow western ideology are criticized harshly.

They are neither appreciated nor supported at any level. Many

Muslim countries are even sanctioned for their Islamic ideology.

They are considered terrorists and are targeted on international level

not only by European countries but the countries favoring secular

ideology also oppose them. Such countries following Islamic

ideology are by whom economically and politically poor and

backward on international grounds.

In such circumstance, where Islamic countries are divided, more

possibly due to sectarian difference, the growth and development of

Muslims is not possible. Khatimi (1997) suggests that “Islamic

countries ‘should’ undertake a comprehensive, precise, and

scientific assessment and evaluation of their capabilities and

capacities, and help create through utilization of their respective

comparative advantages a ring of interconnected links of


complementary developmental undertakings across the Islamic

world” (p. 4). It is usually said that united we stand separated we

fall, so until and unless all the Muslim countries all over the world

do not unite, the issues and challenges of Islam and Muslims will

not be resolved.

Islam as a Religion of Peace or Violence

Is Islam a religion of peace or violent has ever been questioned

throughout the history. Fuller (2010) describes that “is Islam

inherently in conflict with democracy, with liberalism, with ‘the

West’? Or is Islam just a façade for the real issues that are at stake?

This question has been asked and answered so many times in the

past” (p. 336). He further asserts that the most answers of the

intellectuals were in favour of Islam as a religion of peace. Yahya, H.

(2002) argues that “in America, where there are some six million

Muslims, Islam is said to be the nation's fastest growing religion,

despite there being no systematic form of missionary work” (p.8).

Islam did not have conflict with democracy, liberalization or West.

Ahmad (2007) describes that “Islam is portrayed today as a religion

of violence. To call Islam a religion of violence is a contradiction in

terms, for Islam means peace” (p. 19). Haddad (1997) adds that it is

only “Islam's inherent flexibility, which has historically helped it to

flourish and expand, has assured its survival in the very different

social and cultural environment of the United States” (p.7).

Similarly, many intellectuals and scholars quoting the verses of holy

Quran and saying of prophet (PBUH) believe that Islam promotes

peace, brotherhood and prosperity.

However the opponent also giving the reference of Quran, Hadith

and history argue that Islam promotes violence. In this regard

Azumbah (2010) describes that “the question however remains, as to

whether Islam as a religion is intrinsically violent. There are lots of

ambiguities in the Quran as well as Muslim tradition and history on

the issue of violence” (p. 85). He further says that those who believe


that Islam promotes violence quote this verse of holy Quran “so

when you meet those who disbelieve smite at their necks till you

have killed and wounded many of them” (Al-Quran, Surah,

Muhammad, verse, 4). Landscheidt and Wollny (2004) add that the

majority of the people are unable to understand Islam properly due

to its ambiguity. At one place “the Islamic law includes the cut of

extremities as punishment for committing. On the other hand Islam

means peace and submission to God” (p.1).

Additionally, Azumbah (2010) asserts that all Muslims are not peace

loving. No doubt “there are Muslims who assert and genuinely

believe that Islam is a religion of peace, while there are others whose

discourse and activities proclaim the opposite” (p. 85). Islam is being

targeted because of the adverse actions of such fundamentalists.

Contrary to this, Schantz (1993) describes that “Islam is a holistic

religion, a complete way of life, which encompasses not only

religion, but also business, politics, law, education, human

relationships, and family” (p. 447). To sum up, Islam, being the

universal religion of peace and complete code of life, covers all the

areas of life. For the sustainable peace and justice, Islam commands

to crush the cruelty and promote sympathy to all.

Islam and Terrorism

Islam is a religion of peace. Yahya (2002) describes that “Islam

forbids terrorism and aims to bring peace and security to the world”

(p. 17). He further states that “terror ‘is’ murder of innocent people

‘and’ in Islam it is a great sin, and Muslims are responsible for

preventing these acts and bringing peace and justice to the world”

(p. 18). Naik (2008) adds that Islam has not any connection with

terrorism. It is only a false propaganda and misinformation against

Islam. Islam keeps peace and justice at top priority. The people who

disturb peace and justice for their own material interests are strictly

disliked and punished in Islam. Allah commands in Holy Quran

that “and what is wrong with you that you fight not in the cause of


Allah and for those weak, ill-treated and oppressed among men,

women and children, whose cry is: “Our Lord! Rescue us from this

town whose people are oppressors” (Al-Quran, Surah Nisa, verse,

75). Muslims always fight against injustice and cruelty for the sake

of peace and prosperity. Describing nine eleven terrorist crime

Yahya (2002) affirms that it “may have been the work of some

misled individuals, it was certainly not the product of Islam. Islam is

a religion that preaches peace, compassion, justice, and frowns upon

suicide” (p. 9). There is misconception about Jihad in Western

countries. Yahya (2002) further adds that “in the West, the term

jihad has come to be known as something wholly negative” (p. 11).

They connect jihad with terrorism. But fact is that jihad is nothing

but a war against those who disturb peace and justice. Jihad is not

against innocent. Islam does not allow any body to threaten the

others irrespective of caste, creed or religion. Holy prophet (PBUH)

says "A Muslim is the one who avoids harming others with his

tongue or his hands” (Ibin-Ismail, 2000).

Islam strictly forbids Muslims to spread terror or hurt anybody. It is

nothing more than an absurd myth repeated by historians that Islam

is spread by sword (Leary, 1923: 8). Islam does not allow Muslims to

change the religion of others through force. Allah says in Holy

Quran that “let there be no compulsion in religion” (Al-Quran,

Surah, Al-Bakarh, verse, 256). However, the misconception

propagated by western media which connects Islam with terrorism

is an issue that needs to be resolved for the progress of Muslims all

over the world.

Islam and Different Sects

One of the greatest internal issues of Islam is sectarianism. Muslims

are divided into sects and each sect has its own contradictory

thinking. Sectarianism is an act against Islam. It is a process of

supporting one’s ideology on account of violating everything like

law, justice and peace. Islam has strictly forbidden Sectarianism.


When their Allah, the prophet and Quran are same, then how could

they be opponent to each other. In some cases they behave like

enemies. Irrespective of the fact that Allah and His Prophet (PBUH)

have commanded Muslims to be united, yet the division of Muslims

into sects is beyond understanding. Allah say in Quran, “and hold

fast, all together, by the Rope which Allah (stretches out for you),

and be not divided among yourselves” (Al-Quran, Sura Al-e-Imran,

verse, 103). In Sura Hugurat of Quran, Allah says that “the believers

are but a single brotherhood: so make peace and reconciliation

between your two (contending) brothers; and fear Allah, that you

may receive mercy” (Al-Quran, Surah Hugurat, verse 10). Similarly

the Prophet (PBUH) says in a Hadith “the Muslims are like a body;

if one limb aches, the whole body aches” (Ibin-Ismail, 2000). At other

place the messenger of Allah says that “the Muslims are like the

teeth of a comb” ” (Ibin-Ismail, 2000).

The history shows that philosopher may have different views

regarding social or economical issues. Even teachers and students in

past had opponent views on different issues and they hold different

schools of thought but they did not hate each other. They were

respecting each other irrespective of having opposite arguments on

the theory. There was intellectual difference between Plato and

Aristotle, Bergson and Hegel and so on but they did not say

anything personal against each other. Furthermore idealism,

realism, functionalism, rationalism, progressivism and Marxism also

differed from each other but there was no dispute among the

followers of these philosophies.

Then why do Muslims, following same religion, having one God,

prophet and book not only hate each other but also indulge and

promote violence against each other. By doing so, they not only

defame Islam but also destroy their social, economical and moral

values. Rather than to make growth and development they move in

reverse direction. Now a day, a Muslim does not tell “I am Muslim”

but he tells directly his sect. if anybody tells that he is Muslim, none


believes until he tells about his sect. In this way, once a very strong

nation in past – Muslim nation has been divided and became very

weak and miserable.

Islam, Science and Technology

It is doubtless that Islam is a complete code of life and Quran is a

complete revealed book, covering all the aspects of life. The solution

of all the issues and challenges of mankind is available in Quran.

Quran is equally beneficial for all people of all the ages (periods)

living in any area of the world. But now the question raises, how

many people understand Islam and Quran. Allah says in Quran that

“and the messenger (Muhammad) will say: O my Lord! Verily, my

people deserted this Quran (neither listened to it nor acted on its

laws and teachings).” Al-Quran, Surah Furqan, verse 30).

Quran is in Arabic language and majority of Muslims are non-

Arabs. Furthermore, non-Arab majority have been misguided that

reading of Quran is obligatory whether they understand or not. In

this regards Desai (2001) describes that “many people read Quran

without translation and know ‘nothing’ of what Allah is saying to

them. They insist that there is a special effect of the words and that

the recitation of Quran and its virtue is unmatchable” (para. 2).

Reading Quran without understanding is common in most of

countries of the world. As a result majority of Muslims read or

memorize Quran like a parrot but having not understood, the real

benefits of Quran are not availed.

Now a day, Quran is only the authentic source of Islam and when

majority do not understand Quran, how can it be possible that they

may understand Islam. In that case, Muslims always follow few

learned people who for the sake of their own material benefits make

the misuse of their knowledge. As a result, rather than to unite

Muslims at one platform, those learned people try to influence and

dominate different groups according to their own understanding

and benefits. They often propagate against other groups of Islam by


saying that they are right while all the other groups are wrong. They

often dispute and fight on minor human problems making the

dogmas of Islam contradictory. The differences, created by those few

learned people, based on the ignorance of majority of Muslims, due

to reading Quran without understanding, have caused the Muslims

divided into different sects. These differences are made so rigid and

inflexible that Muslims of different sects rather than to face external

issues and challenges fight with each other.

On one side, Majority of Muslims does not understand Islam and

Quran properly. On the other side progress of science and

technology has attracted the Muslims for their better future and

living standard. The people equipped with science and technologies

lead a life comparatively better than others. In such circumstance,

parents rather than to send their children to a religious institution

prefer to send their children to an organization imparting secular

education.

To sum up, Muslims have closed their doors leading to Islam and

Quran. Rather than to read Quran with understanding and making

their routine decisions in the light of Islam and Quran by

themselves, they depend upon few religious clerks and practitioners

(scholars) that make the misuse of Muslims for their own material

benefits. The progress of science and technology has also attracted

many Muslims for better future and living standard.

Conclusion

Muslims, once being very strong and united, are becoming weak

and neglected due to their internal conflicts and external pressures.

The division of Muslims into sects has provided an opportunity to

enemies of Islam to defame the noble religion through media trial

and false propaganda. Islam is being criticized all over the world

due to indefensible misdeed of Muslims who do not follow the


commands of God and teaching of His prophet (PBUH) regarding

universal unity and brotherhood.

Majority of Muslims neither understand Islam nor Quran. They

often recite Quran without understanding. The reciting of Quran

without understanding is not beneficial for Muslims regarding

understanding of Islam. In such circumstance, majority of Muslims

are at the mercy of few religious clerks who disobeying Allah and

His prophet divide Muslims into sects. Until and unless Muslims do

not recite Quran with understanding, gain complete knowledge

about Islam and follow what is commanded in Quran, facing of

challenges and solution of issues of Islam is not possible.

References

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Surrey: Islam International Publications Ltd.

Al-Quran. (2000). Surah Hugurat, verse 10, Surah Nisa, verse 75, Surah

Muhammad, verse 4, Surah Al-e-Imran, verse 103, Surah Furqan, verse

30 and Surah Al-Bakarh, vers, 256. Karachi: Taj Company

Azumbah, J. (2010). Christian Responses to Islam: A Struggle for the Soul of

Christianity. Church and Society in Asia Today, 13(2), pp. 83-94.

Desai, M. E. (2001). Is Reciting Qur'an Without Understanding Useless?

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Fuller, G. (2010). A World without Islam. London: Little, Brown and

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Haddad, Y. Y. (1997). A Century of Islam in America. Hamdard Islamicus,

21(4), pp, 1-12

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Landscheidt, D. & Wollny, S. (2004). The Conflict between Western World and

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Leary, D. L. O. (1923). Islam at Cross Road. London: Institute of Islamic

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Naik, Z. (2008). Islam and Terrorism. Retrieved from

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10.1177/009182969302100407

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http://www.iera.org.uk/downloads/Islam_war_on_Terror.pdf

http://ireland.iol.ie/~afifi/Articles/challenge.htm

http://ireland.iol.ie/~afifi/Articles/challenge.htm

FLOW OF FILIPINO WOMEN MIGRANT DOMESTIC

WORKERS WITHIN EAST ASIAN REGION

Dr. Naima Tabassum*

Huma Tabassum†

Tabassum Afzal‡

Abstract

This paper is aimed to review the patterns of Filipino women migrant domestic worker’s movement as first hires to the other countries within East Asia region. The paper is based on the data collected from the annual official records maintained by and taken from online data base of the Philippines Overseas Employment Administration. The major contribution of the paper is that with the help of data analysis it has established a typology of the four categories of the countries in East Asian region according to the number of Filipino women migrant domestic workers each of these countries received. The first category of country included Hong Kong as a country receiving more than tens of thousands of the women domestic workers from Philippines. Second category includes Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan as countries receiving few thousand to few hundreds of the women domestic workers from Philippines. Third category including South Korea, China, Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea, and East Timor as countries receiving less than hundred women domestic workers. Fourth category includes Mayanmar and Laos as countries not receiving any women throughout the period as shown in official record. The overall trend of Filipino women migrant domestic workers migrating within East Asian region is declining.

Keywords: Filipinos, Women, Migration, Domestic workers, East Asian Countries.

Introduction

Migration is a sociological fact that is changing the demographic,

social and political dynamics of the world very rapidly. In developing

and underdeveloped economies people are finding it difficult with

* Assistant Professor, Area Study Centre, Far East & South East Asia, University of

Sindh, Jamshoro, Pakistan † Assistant Professor, Govt. Girls Degree College, Latifabad, Hyderabad, Pakistan. ‡ Lecturer, Government College of Education, Karachi, Pakistan.

108 Flow of Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers within East Asian Region

each and every passing day to find good employment and livings.

The socio-political conditions are also forcing people out of several

regions and countries. These poor countries with a lower level of

socio-economic development also has a large number of youth facing

such hardships there and searching for better socio-economic

opportunities for themselves and their families.

On the other hand, the developed economies of the West and East

Asia have achieved high level of socio-economic development

leading to low fertility rates, high life expectancy and better social

security. Still these countries are facing demographic changes of

ageing and women’s labor for participation, that are creating vacuum

of young labor and those attending elders and children at home. This

demographic change has caused a global demand of domestic

workers and especially women to migrate in there and fill these

vacuums in developed societies.

The dynamic and changes occurring in both the developed and

developing economies are coordinating to create large streams of

young women migrating from developing economies to the

developed one to join the reproductive and domestic work sector for

finding better economic livings for themselves and their families. The

Philippines is a country from where a large number of young

educated women moved to other better and developed economies in

search of employment as domestic worker. This paper is an effort to

track the patterns of Filipino women migrant domestic workers

migrating to different countries within East Asian region.

Review of Literature

Migration is defined as movement of individuals from a geographical

location to another one on a relatively permanent basis (Bryjak &

Soroka, 1997). This movement is usually done for social economic

reasons (Tabassum, Tabassum & Afzal, 2013). Economic reasons may

include better employment or livelihood (Tabassum, Tabassum &


Afzal, 2013). Adverse social and environmental conditions can also be

a reason behind such movement of people across globe.

Asia is a region that holds a prominent position in global and regional

migratory flows. It has both source and destination countries in this

regard (Siddiqui, 2008). The two major migratory streams of female

labour force are being observed in Asia: one is from South Asia and

the South East Asia to the Gulf countries in Middle East, and the other

one is from developing Asian economies to the more developed East

Asian economies (Thimothy & Sasikumar, 2012).

The changing patterns of labor force participation of women have

created a vacuum in the household wanting those who can perform

the domestic work (Piper, 2005). Not much of the people are even

ready to pay much for this less valued domestic work. In this situation

, the cheap labor of migrant women is best suitable for this purpose

(Erdogdu & Toksoz, 2013). The reproductive and domestic work is

now becoming an established work sector at international level. This

international demand of reproductive work done by migrant women

has emerged as gendered division of reproductive labor at

international level (Parrenas, 2001).

In this international division of reproductive labor certain countries

of Asia are serving a major role as suppliers of migrant domestic

workers to fill this gap of domestic work across the world. Majority

of these women migrants are coming from the Philippines, Indonesia,

and Sri Lanka (Piper, 2009; Siddiqui, 2008). From East Asian region,

the Philippines, Indonesia, Cambodia, Laos and Mayanmar are major

sending countries (Siddiqui, 2008).

Filipino women are forming a major part of these women performing

reproductive domestic labor across the world. A large part of

Philippines population (i.e. 9% of the total population of the country)

lives and works outside its territorial borders (IOM, 2005: 239). Fifty

percent of these Filipino worker living outside its borders are women

and two third of them are serving in domestic work sector (Parrenas,


2001).

Middle East is the region attracting largest number of these Filipino

migrants. Following it is the East Asian region, where the Philippines

is also located, as the second largest attraction to Filipino domestic

workers. Tabassum and her fellows (2014) claimed that Hong Kong,

Singapore, Malaysia and Taiwan has remained the destination

countries of the region for Filipino women migrant domestic workers

during the year 2001 to 2009. They further claim Hong Kong as the

most attractive destination for Filipino women migrant at global level

as well as regional level (Tabassum, Tabassum, & Afzal, 2014).

It is not sufficient to discuss one or two most attractive destinations

for Filipino women migrant domestic workers in East Asian region.

There is need to study the region in a comprehensive manner for the

patters of flow in which these women moved to other countries as

well. Accordingly, this paper is aimed to review the patterns of

Filipino women migrant domestic workers migration as first hires to

different East Asian Countries.

Method

This paper aims to identify the patterns of Filipino women migrant

domestic workers’ movement to its neighboring countries

throughout East Asian region. The paper is based on the data

collected from the annual official records maintained by and taken

from online data base of the Philippines Overseas Employment

Administration (The Philippine Overseas Employment

Administration 2013). The statistics taken from the source was

statistically analyzed to identify the patterns of the women migrating

to different countries in East Asia. On the basis of the data analysis,

all the countries of East Asian region are divivided into four broader

categories regarding the number of Filipino women domestic

workers they received during the year 2001 to 2009. The data

analyzed was presented in the forms of graphs for the easy


understanding of the reader.

Migration of Filipino Women Domestic Workers in Far East &

South East Asian Region

Middle East is the region to which largest number of Filipino women

migrant domestic workers moved to join the service sector industry.

Following the Middle East, East Asian region is ranks second as

welcoming the largest number of Filipino women migrant domestic

workers. The most important most important destinations for Filipino

women labour migrant in East Asian region are Hong Kong,

Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan. While they also

move to other countries of the region e.g. South Korea, China,

Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea, and East

Timor in less numbers. Figure 1 shows the number of Filipino women

migrant hired for the first time during 2001 to 2009 for these different

countries of the East Asian region.

Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013).

Figure 1 clearly shows a wide difference in the proportion of the

Filipino women migrant domestic workers moving to work in Hong


Kong as domestic workers as compared to any other country in the

region. The graph presented in Figure 1 is showing that there is

substantial difference in the number of Filipino women migrant

domestic workers moving to Hong Kong as compared to a lesser

number of their counterparts migrating to join domestic work in

Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan. While it is difficult

to show the larger difference in the number the women migrant

domestic worker moving to Cambodia, North Korea, Eat Timore, as

compared to the large number of their counterparts moving to Hong

during the period studied in this paper.

Table 1: Four Categories of Countries in East Asia Receiving

Filipino Women Migrant Domestic Workers.

Categories Criteria Countries included

1st category This category includes the countries receiving tens of thousands of first hired migrant women domestic workers from Philippines

Hong Kong

2nd category This category includes countries where the number of new hired Filipino women domestic workers during the year 2001 to 2009 ranges from few hundreds to few thousand

Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan

3rd category This category includes the countries that have received few (average less than hundred) women migrant domestic workers from Philippines during the period studied

South Korea, China, Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea, and East Timor

4th category This category included the countries that have not received any new hire Filipino women migrant domestic worker during the period studied here

Mayanmar and Laos

On the basis of the data analysis presented in the graph above, it is

visible that the East Asian countries can be classified into three main

categories in respect of receiving new hired Filipino women migrant

domestic workers. First category includes the countries that received

tens of thousands of first hired migrant women domestic workers

from Philippines during the years 2001 to 2009 (e.g. Hong Kong). The

second category includes countries where the number of new hired

Filipino women domestic workers during the year 2001 to 2009


ranges from few hundreds to few thousand (e.g. Singapore, Malaysia,

Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan). Third category includes the countries

that have received few, average less than hundred, women migrant

domestic workers from Philippines during the period studied (e.g.

South Korea, China, Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North

Korea, and East Timor). While fourth category included the countries

that have not received any new hire Filipino women migrant

domestic worker during the period studied here (e.g. Mayanmar and

Laos).

Source: (The Philippine Overseas Employment Administration 2013)

Figure 2 shows a clearer picture of the patterns of first hire Filipino

women migrant domestic workers’ movement toward the different

East Asian countries except Hong Kong. It more clearly highlight the

number of women moving to the countries that fall in the later three

categories as mentioned above. The patterns of Filipino women

migrant domestic workers moving to all the countries falling these

different categories is discussed in detail in the following sections.


1st Category Country: Migration of Filipino Women Domestic

Workers to Hong Kong

Tabassum and her fellows (2014) while studying in detail the patterns

of Filipino women migrant domestic workers to Hong Kong claimed

that the place is the most attractive destination for these women

workers around the world in general and within East Asia in

particular. They claim that Hong Kong receives the largest number of

these women domestic workers as compared to any other country.

The data analysis presented in Figure 1 and Figure 3 also confirms

that Hong Kong is the country that attracts the largest number of

Filipino women domestic workers in East Asian region. It is the only

country that falls in the first category of the countries as prescribed

above for better understanding. The first category of the countries as

defined

Still Hong Kong appears to receive the largest number of Filipino

women migrant domestic workers as compared to any other country

around the world. It also absorbs most of the Filipino women

migrating to the countries in East Asian region as domestic workers.



In East Asian region, Hong Kong appears to be the one country

attracting most of the Filipino women migrant domestic workers.

During the period from 2001 to 2009 total 180567 Filipino women

migrated to join domestic work in Hong Kong.

The year wise data analysis of number of Filipino women migrant

domestic workers shows that the number of women migrating to

Hong Kong as domestic workers remain high throughout the period

from 2001 to 2009. The highest number of Filipino women domestic

workers migrated to Hong Kong during 2001 (i.e. 27,303 women).

Since then the overall number of the women worker moving to this

destination is found declining. But due to receiving the highest

number of tens of thousands women migrant domestic workers from

Philippines Hong Kong is considered the only country included in

First category as mentioned above.

Migration of Filipino Women Domestic Workers to 2nd Category

of Countries

The second category countries include Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan,

Brunei, and Japan. All These countries received only few thousands

to few hundreds of new hires Filipino Women Migrant Domestic

Workers. Singapore received new hires of these women ranging from

1000 to 3000. After the year 2006 Singapore is also witnessing an

overall declining trend in receiving these women workers from

Philippines.



It is observed that 7.11% (14831 out of 208543) of the total Filipino

women migrant domestic workers moving to 16 East Asian countries

only moved to Singapore during the period studies here. While at the

same time it is observed that only 3.352% (6991 out 208543) of total

Filipino women migrant domestic workers moved to 16 East Asian

countries moved to Malaysia during the same period.



Malaysia as part of second category received less than 1600 of these

women each year. The number of the women domestic workers

migrating to Malaysia range between around 1500 to less than 200.

The overall trend of Malaysia in respect of receiving Filipino women

migrant domestic workers is declining.

Taiwan is also showing the same situation. It is observed that 1.57%

(6991 out of 208543) of the total Filipino migrant domestic workers

moving to 16 East Asian countries moved to Taiwan. The number of

these women Taiwan received each year ranged between 1200 to less

than one hundred. The overall trend in receiving of Filipino women

workers in Taiwan is also declining.


Only 1% (2109 out of 208543) of the total Filipino women domestic

workers moving to 16 East Asian countries migrated to Brunei during

this period. The number of women moved to Brunei each year ranged

from 450 to one hundred. The overall trend in the case of Brunei is

also of declining number of the migrant women domestic workers.



Japan is standing at the lowest edge of second category countries.

Only (0.272%) 568 Filipino women domestic workers moved to Japan

during the year 2001 to 2009. The number of the women moving to

Japan ranged from 130 to only 20. The overall trend is also declining

in this stream of migration to Japan.



Migration of Filipino Women Domestic Workers to Third & Fourth

Categories of Countries

It is observed that only a marginal number of Filipino women

migrated as domestic workers to other countries like South Korea,

China, Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea, East

Timor. All these countries are included into third category of

countries as mentioned above. South Korea Received less than 25 of

these women each year. The number of women received ranged from

24 to 5. Only 144 Filipino women domestic workers migrated to work

in South Korea. It is only 0.069% of total Filipino women migrant

domestic workers moving to East Asian Countries.


Similarly, only few women Filipino migrant domestic workers

migrate to China. From 2001 to 2009, only 32 women that is (0.015%)

of the total Filipino women domestic workers moving to East Asian

countries migrated as domestic workers to China.



The other countries of the region either received a very marginal

number of Filipino women domestic workers. Such as during the

years from 2001 to 2009 Thailand received only 8 Filipino women

domestic workers, Indonesia received 5, Vietnam received 4,

Cambodia received 3, North Korea and East Timor received 1 each.

The Fourth category of the countries only included Myanmar and

Laos, as no Filipino women moved was found to move to these

countries a domestic workers in the official records of the years

studied here.

Conclusion

This paper aimed to review the patterns of Filipino women migrant

domestic workers migration as new hires to different countries of East

Asia. The paper is based on the statistics taken from official records

of the Philippines Overseas Employment Administration. The data

analysis shows that there are four categories of the countries

according to the number of the women migrant these countries

received from Philippines as domestic workers. The first category

includes only one country that is Hong Kong. Hong Kong receives


more than tens of thousands of the women domestic workers from

Philippines during the year 2001 to 2009. Second category includes

Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, and Japan. These countries

have received few thousand to few hundreds of the women domestic

workers from Philippines. Third category includes a relatively large

number of countries. In this category, South Korea, China, Thailand,

Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, North Korea, and East Timor as

countries receiving less than hundred women domestic workers each

year. Fourth category includes only two countries that are Myanmar

and Laos. These two countries did not receive any Filipino women

migrant domestic worker throughout the period studies as shown in

official records. The overall trend of Filipino women migrant

domestic workers migrating within East Asian region is declining.

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