christopher walter. pictures of the clergy in the theodore psalter. revue des études byzantines,...

8/3/2019 Christopher Walter. Pictures of the clergy in the Theodore Psalter. Revue des tudes byzantines, tome 31, 1973. pp

1/19

Christopher Walter

Pictures of the clergy in the Theodore PsalterIn: Revue des tudes byzantines, tome 31, 1973. pp. 229-242.

Abstract

REB 31 1973Francep. 229-242

Ch. Walter, Pictures of the clergy in the Theodore Psalter. The way of representing clerical dress and attributes in Londin. Add.

19352 is first considered analytically. Comparison with Vatican, gr. 1613 shows that the artist has a more precise and

standardized way of representing the different ranks of the hierarchy in Londin. Add. 19352. In consequence details of dress and

attributes have become for him a means of communication, such that an addition or omission may modify the significance of a

miniature.

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Walter Christopher. Pictures of the clergy in the Theodore Psalter. In: Revue des tudes byzantines, tome 31, 1973. pp. 229-

242.

doi : 10.3406/rebyz.1973.1467

http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/rebyz_0766-5598_1973_num_31_1_1467
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_rebyz_98http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rebyz.1973.1467http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/rebyz_0766-5598_1973_num_31_1_1467http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/rebyz_0766-5598_1973_num_31_1_1467http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rebyz.1973.1467http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_rebyz_98


2/19

PICTURES OF THE CLERGYIN THE THEODORE PSALTER

Christopher WALTERFour years ago I published in this review an article concerned with therepresentation of Lazarus, the friend of Christ, as a bishop1. 1 was concernedparticularly with his appearance in the scene of the Supper at Bethany in theTetraevangelion Paris, gr. 14, f. 199, and in its derivatives2. In passing I notedthat this was not the only representation of a bishop in the Tetraevangelion ;it is, however, the most striking. As is well-known the illuminators of thismanuscript were given to copying clichs without correcting the anomalies3 ;thus may be explained the presence of bishops in the two Last Judgmentscenes (f. 51 v and 93*), of a bishop swinging a thurible at the obsequies ofJohn the Baptist (f. 76 ) and even of a bishop venerating an idol (f. 135V).

There seemed also to be ideological reasons, connected with the liturgicalrevival of the xith century, for members of the clergy figuring in illustrationsof the New Testament. A far more striking case was that of the sistermanuscript in the British Museum, the Theodore Psalter (Londin. Add.19352), illustrated in the Studios scriptorium in 1066. Pre Maris speaks of1. Lazarus a Bishop, REB 27 , 1969, p. 197-208. The painting, dated 1192, in the churchof the Panagia tou Arakou at Lagoudera (A. and Judith A. Stylianou, Th e PaintedChurches of Cyprus, Stourbridge 1964, p. 86 and 93 , fig. 39) should be added to my repertoireof this subject.2. I have since been able to establish that Lazarus is represented in the same way inSucevitza 24 , g. 267V (the version executed in Moldavia, 1595-1606), bu t not in Sucevitza23 (executed for Alexander II after 1468), the illustration of which is very much abridged.It is fitting to correct a gross error in my article, p. 199, n. 9. It is quite untrue to say thatJohn 12, the text concerning the Supper at Bethany, is omitted from the Lectionary cycle.It occurs in the Dionysiou Lectionary (Athos, Dionys. 587, f. 50), and is illustrated by aminiature comparable to that in the Florence Tetraevangelion ; Lazarus does not appearas a bishop (cf. fig. 41 illustrating H. Buchthal's article, Early xrvth-century illuminations from Palermo, DOP 20 , 1966, p. 103-118).3. Suzy Dufrenne, Deux chefs-d'uvre de la miniature du xie sicle, CA 17, 1967,p. 178, . 6.


3/19

230 CHR. WALTERan irruption of saints into this Psalter4. Mile Sirarpie Der Nersessianprovides evidence for the process being more gradual5. Among the saintswho figure in the miniatures of the Theodore Psalter a considerable numberare bishops ; a small number are hieromonachoi, while, in liturgical scenes,there also occur deacons and priests. It seemed worthwhile to subjectthese pictures of the clergy to a more detailed examination, a project whichhas been rendered much easier by Mile Der Nersessian s excellent edition ofthe manuscript6.In my previous article I mentioned a further anomaly, which I did notattempt to explain. Lazarus seems to be dressed in the miniature illustratingParis, gr. 74, f. 199, in a way that is unusual for a bishop. He has an omopho-rion but no phelonion, nor, apparently, any other of the distinctive elementsof clerical dress. One wonders whether this anomaly is important. Did theartist have a reason for omitting the other elements ? An answer to thisquestion is possible, but perhaps more convincing if it follows the detailedexamination of clerical dress in the related Studios manuscript that I undertake ere.It might be well at this point to recapitulate for the benefit of the readerwho is less familiar with the subject the constituent elements of liturgicalcostume as worn in the xith century in the Byzantine rite7. Adapted itseems in most cases from lay costume, whether for ordinary wear or forceremonial occasions, the different items of clerical dress are attested inliterary sources before they are known to have been represented in painting.Thus the Patriarch Nicephorus (806-815) sends Pope Leo as presents,enumerated in an accompanying letter : a white sticharion and a brown

A. L. Maris, L'irruption des saints dans l'illustration du psautier byzantin, An . Boll.68 , 1950, p. 153-162.5. Sirarpie Der Nersessian, L'illustration des psautiers grecs du Moyen Age, II, Paris1970, p. 89 (hereafter cited as Der Nersessian). References to the miniatures are given bythe folio and figure numbers only.6. A review of Mile Der Nersessian's work appeared in REB 30 , 1972, p. 368-370.I take the opportunity for thanking Mile Der Nersessian not only for reading andcriticizing the first draft of this article, but also for her generous and ready help onmany other occasions. I also thank the staff of the Department of Manuscripts at theBritish Museum for having allowed me such frequent access to the Theodore Psalter. Allmy observations concerning the detail of clerical dress have been controlled by firsthandstudy of the manuscript.7. T. Papas, Studien zur Geschichte der Messgewnder im byzantinischen Ritus, Munich1965, is the best general study. P. Bernau akis, Les ornements liturgiques chez les Grecs,EO 5, 1902, p. 129-139, is still useful for nomenclature. T. Papas gives full bibliographicalindications.


4/19

PICTURES OF THE CLERGY IN THE THEODORE PSALTER 231phelonion, both seamless, together with an epitrachelion and enchiriondecorated with gold8.1. Sticharion. This garment, of great antiquity, is merely a tuniccommon to both civil and clerical dress. Specialisation for a liturgical function can only have been in terms of an archaic stylisation, of colour andof ornamentation9.2. Phelonion. The paenula, a thick upper garment, is also of greatantiquity, and is again common to both civil and clerical dress. Specialisation must have been in the same terms, particularly in the case of thepolystaurion with its pattern of crosses10.3. Epitrachelion. The adjective is given by Liddell andScott as meaning on the neck11. A noun also exists, meaninga gorget or neckpiece12. A clarification for clerical use is provided by theliturgical commentaries. So we read in the Historia mystagogica that theepitrachelion is the faciale (towel) with which Christ, tied by the neck,was dragged along by [to] the High Priest13. The epitrachelion seems tohave been the badge of office of the , of the priest empowered tocelebrate the liturgy. So in a Nomocanon published by Cotelier we read thatthe priest who celebrated without an epitrachelion was a heretic14. Symeonof Thessalonika also insists upon the sacerdotal quality of the epitrachelion15.4. Enchirion. The fourth item of clerical dress sent by Nicephorus toLeo II was apparently, from its etymology, intended to be held in the hand.It is in this sense a handkerchief that the word was used by Proclusof Constantinople (died 446)16. But in ecclesiastical use, according to the

8. , , - (Letter of Nicephorus to Leo III : PG 100, 200). Cf . Grumel, Regestes, 382.9. LSJ, p. 1646 ; Lampe, p. 1260 ; Ducange, col. 1449-1451. Cf. G. Soteriou, , in 3, 1919, . 239-240.10. J. WiCKHAM Legg, Church Ornaments and Their Civil Antecedents, Cambridge 1917,p. 23 et seq. ; G. Soteriou, art. cit. note 9, p. 241.11. LSJ, p. 667. The noun form seems to be of Christian origin. Cf. Lampe, p. 538.12. LSJ, p. 139.13. To ' (Historia mystagogica : F. E. Brightmah, Journal of Theological Studies 9, 1908, p. 262). Cf. Historia ecclesiastica : PG 98 , 39 3 ; S. Petrides,Traits liturgiques de saint Maxime et de saint Germain traduits par Anastase le Bibliothcaire, ROC 10, 1905, p. 350. For the date of this text (the visit of Anastasius toConstantinople in 869-870 provides a terminus ante quern), cf. R. Bornert, Les com

mentaires byzantins de la divine liturgie, Paris 1966, p. 12 5 et seq.14 . J. B. Cotelier, Ecclesiae graecae monumenta, Paris 1677, p. 129.15. Symeont of Thessalonika, Expositio de Sacro Templo, 59 : PG 155, 712-713.16. Homily on the Annunciation (attributed to Basil of Seleucis) : PG 85 , 448C.


5/19

232 CHR. WALTERHistoria ecclesiastica, the enchirion was tucked in the girdle and used forwiping the hands. Although it was later to change in form into a stiff squareobject, it would seem that originally the word epigonation was synonymous,for both symbolize mystagogically the cloth used by Christ to wipe theApostles' feet17.Literary testimonies also exist for the other constituents of clerical dress.So in a letter addressed to Michael Cerularius (1043-1058) Peter of Antiochpoints out that the Latins also wear the enchirion, epimanikia and epitra-chelion. This seems to be the earliest literary reference to the epimanikia18.5. Epimanikia. This hybrid word (the Latin term manica with aGreek prefix -) means literally on the sleeve and hence a kind of cuff.In the text cited above Balsamon reserved the use of epimanikia togetherwith the enchirion to bishops. But in the xiith- or xmth-century Euchologionin the National Library of Athens it is not specified whether the celebrant,who puts on the epimanikia in preparation for the liturgy, is a priest orbishop19.A curious text in the Encomium of Anastasius the Persian, dating fromthe vnth century, gives an account of a vision in which there appeared acircle of men in shining robes. When the spectator saw that they wore theomophorion, he understood that that they were bishops20.6. Omophorion. Once again etymology makes it clear how thisgarment was worn. It was borne on the shoulders. One thinks of the mapho-

17 . To (PG 98 , 396). Theodore Balsamon, Responsa, n 37 : Rhalli-Potli, Syntagma 4, Athens1854, p. 478 (= PG 138, 988-989). The Response dates from 1193. By this date, therefore,the term epigonation had superseded enchirion, although the epigonation had not yet theform of stiff square board which it was later to assume. In the Commentarius liturgicusattributed to Sophronius of Jerusalem the term enchirion is used (PG 873, 3988e). Bornerthesitates between Sophronius II (before 1059 till after 1064) and Sophronius III (before1235 to after 1273) as author of this commentary (op. cit. note 13, p. 211). It seems unlikely that at the later date the term enchirion would have still been in use. We have, then,an argument, albeit slight, in favour of an attribution of the commentary to Sophronius II.18 . , (PG 120, 800^). Cf. Grumel, Regestes, n 867. The letter datesfrom 1054.19 . P. N. Trempelas, ' ,Athens 1935, . 1-2. The right to wear epimanikia seems here to be attached to the celebration of the liturgy rather than to the order of priesthood in the hierarchy. It seems thatthe sense of is ambiguous ; sometimes it means celebrant and sometimes it is equivalent to .20. , (. Pertusi, L'encomio di S. Anastasio martire persiano,An. Boll. 76 , 1958, p. 529"11 ; text dating from 631-632 : ibidem, p. 24). Cf. PG 92 , 1708^.


6/19

Fig. 1. Peter of Alexandria. Athos Dochiariou 5, f. 204v.

16


7/19

Fg2TuJhCyomGgyoNan

znCmanDmian?Vcnbrg3f.4

Fg3A

maryV


8/19

Fg4an5MranpbyranonmoothGChV

WatrAGery5f.6


9/19

Fg6SmonaononMqAtg1f.6V

Fg7nn


10/19

PICTURES OF THE CLERGY IN THE THEODORE PSALTER 233rion, the mantle worn by women over the shoulders and round the head21.It is perhaps a simple error that Palladius uses the word omophoiion inthis sense in his Lausiac History22. The Historia ecclesiastica, after developing the analogy between this woollen garment and the lost sheep borne onhis shoulders by Christ, also draws attention to the fact that the omophorionwas embroidered with crosses23. There are numerous literary testimoniesto the fact that the omophorion was the sign par excellence of the episcopalstate24.

As for deacons the Testamentum Domini, translated into Syriac in 6872 5,indicates that the normal dress of deacons was the sticharion and the ora-rion26.7. Orarion. In the vth century Isidore of Pelusium was alreadycomparing the linen cloth borne by deacons in the liturgy with the towelused by Christ to wipe the Apostles' feet27. But this was not, it seems, heldin the hand nor tucked in the girdle like the enchirion. It was rather theattribute of a servant and laid over one shoulder. As such it bad figured inpagan liturgies28.

That a person be dressed in a sticharion alone may indicate that he is amember of the clergy. For example in the Theodore Psalter f. 80 (fig. 129)two persons are so dressed ; an epigraph specifies that they are .The addition of the phelonion may increase the probability but does notgive certainty. The distinguishing marks belong rather to the different ranksof those in orders : the orarion which is worn only by the deacon ; theepitrachelion which seems to be the sign of the rather than the -

21. Lampe, p. 83 4 ; Ducange, col. 891-892.22. So the edition of Cotelier and Fronton du Duc {PG 34 , 1236), followed by Ducange(col. 1789) and Lampe (p. 1556). But Butler gives (C. Butler, The LausiacHistory of Palladius, Cambridge 1904, p. 15318).23. PG 98 , 393-396 : [ ] .24. T. Papas, op . cit. note 7, p. 218-222.25. A. Franzen, Kirchenordnungen, LTK2 6, p. 239.26. Testamentum Domini, edited by I. E. Rahmani, Mainz 1899, p. 83. For other texts,cf. G. de Jerphanion, La plus ancienne reprsentation de l'oraison du diacre, La Voixdes Monuments (nouvelle srie), Rome/Paris 1938, p. 280.27. Isidore of Pelusium, Letter 13 6 : PG 78 , 272e. Cf. R. Bornert, op . cit. note 13,p. 76.28. The orarion seems to be the liturgical vestment whose origins have been the mostthoroughly explored. Cf. G. Soteriou, To , in 1, 1926, . 405-449 ; G. de Jerphanion, art. cit. note 26 , p. 279-282 ; D. Pallas, -. . , EEBS 24 , 1954,. 158-193.

17


11/19

234 CHR. WALTER and is hence common to both priest and bishop ; the omophorionworn only by the bishop together with the epitrachelion, epimanikia andenchirion.

Members of the clergy (and here I exclude all monks except the hiero-monachos) figure in some forty of the miniatures which illustrate theTheodore Psalter. In fifteen of these scenes a member of the clergy, whosename is specified, is represented at prayer ; five scenes represent a liturgicalceremony ; thirteen are concerned with the biography or the typical actionsof a saint, whose name is again specified ; three scenes represent the just atprayer, one scene is allegorical and two are portraits.The first consideration is whether the dress of the different members ofthe clergy has been standardized in these miniatures. In the first group twelveof the clerics named are bishops. Nine are represented similarly not onlyas to their actual vestments but also as to the style and shape : sticharion,phelonion, epitrachelion, omophorion and epimanikia, but in no case anenchirion29. Three times, however, the bishop has no epimanikia30. Threeother members of the clergy are hieromonachoi31. Each of them is dressedin the same fashion : sticharion, phelonion, epitrachelion ; it is worthmentioning that this priestly rank is each time clearly attested in the hagio-graphical sources32.We may speak therefore of a relative standardization, which is true alsoof the liturgical scenes. In four of them the bishop is represented in the sameway : sticharion, phelonion, epitrachelion, omophorion and epimanikia33.The fifth case is that of a simoniac ordination ; there the bishop wears neitherepitrachelion nor epimanikia34. In one of these scenes there occur also twopriests, correctly dressed with sticharion, phelonion and epitrachelionunlike the same scene in the Barberini Psalter (fig. 7) . In this same scenethere is a deacon with a sticharion and orarion, as in two others35.

29. Athanasius f. 15 (fig. 27), Basil f. 20 (fig. 36), Abercius f. 32V (fig. 55), GregoryThaumaturge f. 79V (fig. 127), Spyridon f. 107v (fig. 176), Amphilocius f. 10 9 (fig. 179),Blasius f. 11 2 (fig. 185), Epiphanius f. 149V (fig. 239), Clement f. 16 3 (fig. 262).30. Patricius f. 76 (fig. 123), Gregory of Nyssa f. 90 (fig. 147), Abercius f. 95V (fig. 155).31. Theodore Studite f. 88V (fig. 144), Modus f. 94 (fig. 153), Hermolaius f. 178V (fig.281).32. Theodore Studite (Syn. CP, 214-215) ;Modus (Syn. CP, 674) ; Hermolaius (Syn. CP, 843).33. Basil reading at a lectern f. 3V (fig. 6), Peter of Alexandria (?) distributing communion. 37V (fig. 64), Invention of relics f. 8 (fig. 131), Exaltation of the Cross f. 13(fig. 212).34. F. 88 (fig. 143).35. Invention of relics f. 8 (fig. 131).


12/19

PICTURES OF THE CLERGY IN THE THEODORE PSALTER 235The same relative standardization occurs in the scenes which I haveclassified as biographical or typical. In nine of them the bishops are dressedin sticharion, phelonion, epitrachelion, omophorion and epimanikia36.

In three, however, the epimanikia are missing37.It is worth singling out as a special case the biographical cycle of Gregoryof Agrigentum (f. 29 0- Here not only Gregory but also one of his accusers,Sabinus, is represented in the standard way for a bishop. According to theLife by Leontius, Sabinus was in fact a presbyter while the other accuser,Crescentius, was a deacon38. In the Life by Symeon Metaphrastes, Sabinusis also called a presbyter39. The miniatures in the Theodore Psalter attributeno specific clerical status to Crescentius. They are, moreover, as MileSirarpie Der Nersessian has observed, out of their correct order40. Theanomalies in clerical dress increase one's conviction that something curioushas happened here. The artist must have been working from models and notcopying directly from an illustrated text. The changes in the details of thevestments must have been due to his own initiative.In one of these scenes there also appears Theodore Studite pleadingfor icons (f. 27 v)41. He is dressed again as a hieromonachos in sticharion,phelonion and epitrachelion. Similarly in the Expulsion scene (f. 37*)Arius is correctly dressed as a presbyter42.In the groups of scenes where the just are represented in prayer thereseems, however, to have been less interest in correct or standard represen

tationf vestments43. In all these scenes dress seems to be defective insome respect44. The only clearly identifiable bishop (f. 187*) has a patternedsleeve but no epimanikia.36 . John the Almoner distributing alms f. 23V (fig. 42), Nicephorus and TheodoreStudite pleading for icons f. 27V (fig. 48), Gregory of Agrigentum dragged from his cell,falsely accused and confronted with the prostitute f. 29V (fig. 51), Gregory Illuminatorleads the King of Armenia towards a church, hauled from a pit f. 48 (fig. 82), John Chrysos-tom teaching f. 124y (fig. 202), Martyrdom of Ignatius f. 12 7 (fig. 203).37. Iconoclasts obliterating icons f 27V (fig. 48), Martyrdom of Eleutherius f 40 fig. 69),John Chrysostom teaching f. 60 (fig. 97).38. Leontius, Life : PG 98 , 641s.39. Symeon Metaphrastes, Life : PG 116, 236B.40. Der Nersessian, p. 25 and 95-96.41. Fig. 48.42. Fig. 64. Mile Der Nersessian says en habits piscopaux (p. 27), bu t it seems thatArius was ordained only a presbyter (Theodoret, Historia ecclesiastica, : Parmentier,p. 6 = PG 92 , 885).43. The Lord's bounty f. 53 (fig. 88), the just in prayer f. 82 (fig. 132), the just in prayerf. 89 (fig. 145), Praising the Lord f. 187V (fig. 293).44. F. 53, left hand person of lower group wears apparently an omophorion but nocrosses are visible ; f. 82 , a similar figure. Mostly the persons in these scenes who seemto make up a group of clerics, wear only the sticharion and phelonion.


13/19

236 CHR. WALTERThe scene of the hierarch at prayer before the City of God (f. 57 v) doesnot enter easily into the previous categories. It is one of the group whichexpresses most openly the ideology of Saint John Studios, the identification

of Constantinople with the City of God45. The hierarch, however, is notrepresented as a bishop ; he is a priest dressed in sticharion, phelonion andepitrachelion.Finally there are the two portrait scenes, distinguished from the rest bythe fact that the figures are represented frontally and immobile. Nicephorusas a bishop and Theodore Studite appear together (f. *)*6. Theodore,as usual, is correctly dressed as a hieromonachos. Nicephorus has the standard vestments of a bishop, with, possibly, the addition of an enchirion.For the three hierarchs, however, the enchirion is sure, together with theother vestments usual for a bishop (f. 35V)47.

For the majority of the miniatures of the Theodore Psalter in whichmembers of the clergy figure we may reasonably speak of standardisation.This is evident not only for the relatively few representations of priestsand deacons, for whom, in any case, there was not much possibility ofvariation, but also for the bishops. However in the case of the bishopsthere are a number of minor variations ; it is necessary to decide whetheror not these variations were deliberate. Before considering them in detailit would perhaps be as well to ask whether it was traditional in Byzantinemanuscript illumination to standardize the dress of members of the clergy,particularly of bishops.Two earlier manuscripts contain representations of members of the clergyon the same scale as the Theodore Psalter. The Paris Gregory containsnumerous portraits as well as liturgical and biographical scenes. In allthese the bishops are dressed the same way : sticharion, phelonion andomophorion48. No bishop wears epimanikia nor an enchirion. Moreover,although the omophorion may sometimes hang forward and sometimes be

45. Fig. 94. Cf. Der Nersessian, p. 31 , 71-73, 107.46. Fig. 48. We have here an adaptation of a portrait type much in vogue after theTriumph of Orthodoxy, itself an adaptation of an Antique prototype (cf. A. Grabar,Viconodasme byzantin, Paris 1957, p. 218-219 and fig. 143, 144, 15 2 ; Der Nersessian,P. 74).47. Fig. 60.48. H. Omont, Fac-simils des miniatures des plus anciens manuscrits grecs de la Bibliothque Nationale, Paris 1902, f. 43V pi . 23 , f. 7 pi . 27 (portraits) ; f. 43V pi . 23 , f. 52Vpi. 24, f. 67V pi . 25, f. 87V pi . 30 , f. 332 pi . 47, f. 452 pi . 60 (liturgy) ; f. 10 4 pi . 31 , f. 236pi. 51 , f. 355 pi . 50 , f. 367V pi . 52 , f. 409v pi . 54 , f. 452 pi . 60 (biography). Cf. Nicole Thierry,Le costume episcopal byzantin, REB 24 , 1966, p. 309. Unfortunately Mme Thierrydoes not distinguish between portraits and other pictures in which bishops are represented. Had she done so her conclusions would have been even more valuable.


14/19

PICTURES OF THE CLERGY IN THE THEODORE PSALTER 237folded over the arm, it hardly differs from one miniature to another. Theimpression which one forms is certainly of standardisation.However the case is very different in the Menologion ofBasil II. The scenesin this manuscript are much closer in theme to those in the Theodore Psalter.The same types recur : saints in prayer, martyrdoms, liturgical scenes andportraits. However, although the same saints recur too, there are no evidentsigns of a direct relationship between the two manuscripts.When one examines the actual dress of the members of the clergy in theMenologion, one is aware that it is far from being standardized49. To imitour consideration only to saints recurring in both the Menologion and thePsalter, of three represented at prayer Abercius (129) has neither epitrachelion nor enchirion ; Gregory of Agrigentum (203) has an epitrachelionbut no enchirion; Theodore Studite (175) has no epitrachelion. Fivesaints common to both manuscripts are represented in the Menologion asmartyrs : Anthimus (7) alone has an epitiachelion; Eleutherius (246),Ignatius (258), Clement (346) and Blasius (390) have no epitrachelion;none of the five has an enchirion. Eight of the saints common to bothmanuscripts are represented in the form of a frontal portrait, each one holding book : Gregory the Illuminator (74), Amphilocius (123) and Basil(288) have neither epitrachelion nor enchirion ; Gregory of Nyssa (305),Athanasius (329) and Gregory of Nazianzen (349) have an epitrachelionbut no enchirion; Gregory the Thaumaturge (188) and Spyridon (239)have both epitrachelion and enchirion; Spyridon also wears his bonnet.Striking as this diversity may seem, that in a picture of five of the seventyapostles (160) is yet more striking. This series of portraits has all the air of aclerical fashion parade : three bishops pose as orants ; one holds a scrolland one a book ; two have a long hanging omophorion ; three have theomophorion folded over the arm; only two have an epitrachelion.Professor Weitzmann has explained certain anomalies of style in thisMenologion by the hypothesis that the artists used models from differentepochs without attempting to render them uniform50. This explanation isgenerally accepted, but it does not entirely dispose of the difficulties raisedby variety of ecclesiastical dress. It seems that these pictures reflect anactual diversity of fashions. From the standard costume reflected in theminiatures of the Paris Gregory the Byzantine Church has passed into aperiod of experiment, characteristic as one realises today of liturgical

49. // Menologio di Basilio II, edited by C. StorNajolo, Vatican/Milan 1907. Thenumbers which follow in the text refer both to the manuscript and to this edition.50. K. Weitzmann, Illustrations in Roll and Codex, Princeton 1947 (reprinted 1970),p. 200-205.


15/19

238 CHR. WALTERrenewal. But at the same time it seems that the artists were more concernedin the Menologion with the aesthetic aspects of diversity than with itssignificative possibilities. This is more evident in the case of priests. TheodoreStudite (175), as I have already noted, has no epitrachelion, although thetext refers explicitly to his ordination by Tarasius51. Faustus (19), presbyterof the church of Alexandria, has been given not only an epitrachelion butalso epimanikia. On the other hand Marcianus (307), presbyter and oecono-mos of the Great Church, has been represented with, apparently, an epitrachelion visible around his neck, although the artist has not shown it fallingbelow the phelonion. The artists were therefore at no pains either to represent riests consistently or to assure that it was evident from his vestmentsin each case that the saint was a priest (Fig. 4).The Theodore Psalter witnesses to a return to consistency in the representation of clerical dress corresponding probably to a uniformisation ofpractice. This practice, however, had changed in the period between theexecution of the Paris Gregory in the ixth century and that of the Psalterin 1066. There are signs that this search for consistency was fairly widespreadin late xith-century miniature painting. It is true that the illustrations to thePsalter Vatican, gr. 752, dated approximately to 1059 by its Paschal Tables,is not consistent in its representation of bishops52. But in other liturgicalmanuscripts we find that the predominant pattern for representing a bishopis that of the Theodore Psalter53. On the other hand in the Leningradliturgical roll, which is normally associated with the Studios scriptorium,Basil is represented without an epitracbelion54.

51. PG 117, 156.52 . E. T. De Wald, The Illustrations in the Manuscripts of the Septuagint. III.Psalms and Odes. 2. Vaticanus graecus 752, Princeton 1942. Members of the clergyfigure in some twenty-five of the miniatures in this manuscript. Ordinarily the bishopshave an epitrachelion and an omophorion, although the epimanikia are less certain.The bishop most often represented is Sylvester, who figures, however, sometimes withan epitrachelion bu t no omophorion (f. 51, 142V). Once a bishop has an enchirion (f. 88V).Two named bishops, Arethas (f. 51) and Amphilocius (f. 50v), are also represented withoutan omophorion. K. Weitzman associates this Psalter with the Lectionary Athos Dionys.587 (An imperial lectionary in the Monastery of Dionysiou, Revue des tudes sud-esteuropennes 7, 1969, p. 247).53. For example tw o liturgical editions of Gregory's Homilies, Mosq. 14 6 (G. Gala-varis, Illustrations of the Liturgical Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus, Princeton 1969.fig. 1, 2, 14, 16, 17), Jerusalem Patriarch, taphou 14 (ibidem, fig. 99-101, 111, 114, 117-122) ;a Lectionary and calendar, Vatican, gr. 1156 (cf. K. Weitzmann, Byzantine miniatureand icon painting, Studies in Classical and Byzantine Manuscript Illumination, Chicago1971, fig. 298 and 299) ; a liturgical roll, Jerusalem Patriarch, staurou 109 (cf. A. Grabar,Van de la fin de VAntiquit et du Moyen Age, III, Paris 1968, fig. 121, 125-127, 132).54. . V. Farmakovskij, Vizantijskij pergamennyi rukopisnyi svitok s miniatujurami,


16/19

PICTURES OF THE CLERGY IN THE THEODORE PSALTER 239There are signs too that the single broadish epitrachelion hanging belowthe phelonion had become accepted as the conventional way of representinga priest or presbyter. Thus in the January volume of an imperial Menologion

now in the Walters Art Gallery, Marcianus, presbyter and oeconomos ofthe Great Church, has been given the epitrachelion which is lacking in hisportrait in the Vatican Menologion55. In Vatican, gr. 1156, f. 268 v, Sisin-nius, the hieromartyr, is represented as a priest. We may now perhapsunderstand why in the Theodore Psalter, f. 57 v, the is representedwith an epitrachelion, as a priest and not a bishop (Fig. 3-5).Having established the general consistency of the Theodore Psalter in itsrepresentations of clerical dress it would be as well to try to explain theinconsistencies. For the absence or presence of epimanikia in episcopalcostume there does not seem to be a general explanation. It may be, forexample, in the picture of John Chrysostom (f. 60, fig. 97), that the artistomitted the epimanikia because they would have clashed with the gold ofhis book. On the other hand there seems to have been a deliberate intentionto render their dress defective in the case of heretic bishops. The Arians(f. 107v, fig. 176) and the iconoclasts (f. 27V, fig. 48 ; f. 88, fig. 143) arerepresented with bare arms. Omission was a general practice, it seems, toindicate a defective state. The artist might also omit the epitrachelion, asis the case with these two representations of iconoclast bishops, or the crosseson the omophorion, as in the case of the Arians.There was also the possibility of addition. We have noticed that in onecase three bishops wear an enchirion. The representation of bishops withan enchirion was no innovation ; there are numerous examples in the Vatican

Menologion. It seems to be particularly common in frontal portraits ofIRAIK 6, 1900, fig. 2 (This roll, formerly in the collection of the Russian ArchaeologicalInstitute in Constantinople and believed to have been lost at the time of the Revolution,is now in the Library of the Academy of Sciences at Leningrad ; cf. V. Lazarev, Storiadella pittura bizantina, Turin 1967, p. 253, n. 51) ; cf. Suzy Dufrenne, art. cit. note 3,p. 190-191.

55. Th. D. Mosconas, Histoire trange d'un manuscrit enlumin alexandrin du xiesicle, perdu et retrouv, Publications de V nstitut d'tudes orientales de la BibliothquePatriarcale d'Alexandrie \2, Alexandria 1963, fig. 8. Mlle Der Nersessian attributes thismanuscript to the reign of Michael IV (1034-1041) ; cf. Early Christian and ByzantineArt, Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore 1947, p. 139. K. Weitzmann points out the familyrelationship between this manuscript, the Lectionary Athos Dionys. 587 and Vatican gr .1613 {art. cit. note 53 , p. 278, fig. 16 6 and Narrative and Liturgical Gospel illustrations,ibidem, p. 258, fig. 246). However the artist responsible for the Dionysiou Lectionary alsotends to standardize his vestments, and in this respect is closer to the artist responsiblefor the Theodore Psalter. Cf. especially the portraits of Nicolas and Gregory of Nazianzen,f. 124V and 143.


17/19

240 CHR. WALTERsaints. A fine example of such a portrait occurs in the Menologion AthosDochiariou 5, f. 204 v56 (Fig. 1). Peter of Alexandria's epitrachelion isportrayed clearly above and below the phelonion ; one epimanikia is visible,and a particularly large enchirion hangs from his right side. Portraits of thiskind are rare in the Theodore Psalter, and this is perhaps why it is onlyin the group of Three Hierarchs (f. 35 v, fig. 60) that the enchirion is surelyportrayed.The choice of this group is perhaps interesting for itself. The ThreeHierarchs represent the just and illustrate Psalm 32, 1. They thereforereplace the anonymous inconsistently represented just of other miniatures.But in the Barberini Psalter, Vatican. Barb. gr. 372, f. 49 (Fig. 2), four namedsaints have also replaced the anonymous just. They are, however, not exactlythe same. In fact they are four saints, none portrait types. Three are named :John Chrysostom, Gregory Theologos, Cosmas. The fourth is presumablyDamian. Possibly this choice had already been made in the model since theBarberini Psalter seems to reflect an earlier state of the illuminations thandoes the Theodore Psalter. Why, then, the change in the Theodore Psalter ?It seems that the office of the Three Hierarchs, composed by John Mauropous, ad recently been instituted, possibly about 1046 57. We have, then,here in this portrait group one of the earliest examples of the representationtogether of the Three Hierarchs.Each of the hierarchs holds in his hands a book. This, in the presentcontext, is to be considered an attribute58. As such it has a venerable historyin iconography. Used first in representations of pagan philosophers, it istaken up in Christian iconography as an attribute of a doctor, whether

56. V. Lazarev, op. cit. note 54 , p. 212, 260 n. 127.57. P. Lamerand, La fte des trois hirarques dans l'glise grecque, Bessarione 4,1898, p. 170. The earliest reference given to this feast by H. Delehaye is that in theVenetian Menaea of 1595 (Syn. CP 433-43452~55). A. Ehrhard accepts the xith-centurydate for this feast and the attribution of the offices to John Mauropous (berlieferungun d Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur der griechischen Kirche, I, 2,Leipzig 1936, p. 551). However the earliest Metaphrastian Menologia in which JohnMauropous's Encomium is included date from the xivth century (Vatican, gr. 453 dated1381/2, ibidem, p. 552 and Oxford Bodleian. Barocci 192, ibidem, p. 550).58. The significance of attributes in iconography has hardly been discussed. Themanuals are, to put it mildly, summary (K. Knstle, Ikonographie der Heiligen, Freiburg im Breisgau 1926, p. 605 ; L. Rau, Iconographie de Vart chrtien, I, Paris 1955,p. 425). Three articles by G. de Jerphanion, reprinted in La Voix des Monuments (nouvelle srie), Rome/Paris 1938, remain the essential work : Le thorakion, caractristiqueconographique du onzime sicle, p. 263-278 ; L'attribut des diacres dans l'artdu Moyen Age en Orient, p. 283-296 ; Les caractristiques et attributs des saints dans lapeinture cappadocienne, p. 297-322. Unfortunately Pre de Jerphanion's use of thisterminology, caractristique and attribut, varies from one article to the other.


18/19

PICTURES OF THE CLERGY IN THE THEODORE PSALTER 241Christ, an Evangelist, an Apostle or a bishop59. Its significance is thereforeclear in a portrait, but is this the case in other scenes ?When a bishop is represented in prayer, he does not hold a book. Obviouslye cannot at once hold a book and extend both arms. In liturgical scenes,whether distributing communion (f. 37 v, fig. 64) or presiding at the invention f relics (f. 81 v, fig. 131), the bishop does hold a book ; it may be regarded s part of the liturgical dcor. But in other scenes it is possible that thebook is attributed with a particular intention of underlining the orthodoxyof the person who holds it . Thus John the Almoner (f. 23 v, fig. 42) wasrenowned not only for his generosity but also for his assiduity in bringinginfidels to the Lord60. Gregory of Agrigentum (f. 29 v, fig. 51) is the justman slandered61. Finally Nicephorus and Theodore Studite (f. 27 v, fig. 48)were the patrons par excellence of orthodoxy. Since Theodore Studitewas not a bishop, the book in his hand can only signify his orthodoxy.Moreover, even the scene mentioned above of a bishop distributing communion is contrasted with the expulsion of Arius the heretic from thechurch.If this interpretation is right, it is clear why the simoniac bishop (f. 88,fig. 143) does not hold a book. In fact it has been replaced by a dish ofcoins. The inference must be that in his spirit avarice has replaced orthodoxy62 (Fig. 6) .

The analysis and discussion in these pages may seem trivial, but it isnevertheless necessary if serious progress is to be made in the discipline oficonography. Relative to linguistics iconography is an underdevelopedscience. Its claim to be treated as a department of semiology has not yetbeen established63. It is clear in what I have said above that iconographyhas its special problems. Art is ambivalent ; it is at once aesthetic and signi-

59. A. Grabar, Christian Iconography, A Study of its Origins, New York 1968, p. 32 ,fig. 21 and 22.60. (Syn. CP, 216-217).61. Cf. above.62. This iconographical subject has, of course, a long history, appearing in the ChludovPsalter (f. 67V) as well as the Barberini Psalter (f. 110v).63. For example : Les syntagmes iconiques, fonds sur une reprsentation plus oumoins analogique de la scne relle sont infiniment plus difficiles dcouper... (R.Barthes, Elments de smiologie, in Le degr zro de rcriture2, Paris 1964, p. 137) ; Parler de grammaire picturale et de smantique publicitaire, dcrter que les arts plastiques sont apriori des langages, risque... d'enfermer les chercheurs dans l'impressionnismeet la mtaphore littraires... (G. Mounin, Linguistique et smiologie, in Introduction la smiologie, Paris 1970, p. 71) ; Lies aux gestes, aux attitudes corporelles commeaux usages sociaux de la couleur et des rapports spatiaux, les formes expressives de la


19/19

242 CHR. WALTERficative. The artist has the constant possibility of passing from one registerto the other. Nevertheless, when he chooses to be significative, it seems thathe submits to rules which may be established. It has been maintained thatthe pictorial arts do not lend themselves to linguistic analysis becausethere is not a temporal sequence in the message which they communicate64.uch a sequence does, however, exist in the beholder's mind. Heis required first to seize a general idea by means of a topos65. This may beexemplified in the present manuscript by the prayer scenes. An analyticaldevelopment of the topos follows ; this is exemplified by the details of clericaldress. There may then follow a synthetical development, if, for example,the cleric in question is holding a book.It is, of course, difficult to establish unities of expression for a meansof communication which was always liable to lapse into the aesthetic.On the other hand it seems that a case can be argued for a greater and alesser sensitivity to the correspondence between a picture sign and the corresponding reality ; this is exemplified by the use of the epitrachelion to signifya hieromonachos or a priest. It is also possible to define with some precisionthe significance of an addition or an om ission. The artist retained, however,even in the rigorous tradition of Byzantine iconography a certain libertyof expression. This is exemplified by the example with which I began :the representation of Lazarus with an omophorion but no other episcopalvestment. Lazarus, it must be recalled, was primarily the friend of Christ,and therefore a New Testament character. Consequently he is dressed in asimple tunic. To have hidden this tunic would have been equivalent to theelimination of one point of reference for Lazarus. Therefore, rather thanadd a phelonion, the artist was content to give him only the essential signof episcopal rank, the omophorion66. Can we deny that he was an adeptat the art of communication ?peinture pure se laissent difficilement codifier en un lexique, ou dans une lgende analogue celle de la cartographie... (R. Passeront, Clefs pour la peinture, Paris 1969, p. 133).64. G. Mounin, op . cit. note 63 , p. 66 .65. For the significance in iconography of this word topos, cf. the article by A. Grabar,Les illustrations de la Chronique de Jean Skylitzs la Bibliothque Nationale de Madrid,CA 21 , 1971, p. 197-200.66. Since this article went to press I have noticed some further examples of figures inapostolic dress wearing also, as the unique sign of their episcopal status, an omophorion.The most striking are the tw o series of the Seventy Apostles at Mistra (Suzy Dufrenne,Les programmes iconographiques des glises byzantines de Mistra, Paris 1970, p. 10 ,43-44, 61 ; schmas X, XVII). To these should be added the enamel of James, Brotherof the Lord, incorporated in an icon at the Hermitage (Alice Banck, Byzantine Ar t inthe Collections of the USSR, fig. 186, 188).

christopher walter. pictures of the clergy in the theodore psalter. revue des études byzantines,...

Documents