chou yi-liang_tantrism in china

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Harvard-Yenching Institute

Tantrism in ChinaAuthor(s): Chou Yi-liangSource: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 8, No. 3/4 (Mar., 1945), pp. 241-332Published by: Harvard-Yenching InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2717819 .

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TANTRISM IN CHINA

CHOU YI-LIANG

HARVARD UNIVERSITY

TABLE OF CONTENTSINTRODUCTION: PAGE

1. Tantrism in Early Chinese Buddhism . . . . . . . . . . 241

2. Tsan-ningand His Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248BIOGRAPHY OF SHAN-WU-WEI AND NOTES . . . . . . . . . . . . 251BIOGRAPHY OF VAJRABODHIAND NOTES . . . . . . . . . . . . . 272BIOGRAPHY OF AMOGHAVAJRA ND NOTES . . . . . . . . . . . .. 284

APPENDICES:

A ..... . 307 F ..... . 313 K .319 P 325B ..... . 309 G .... . 314 L .320 Q 326C ..... . 309 H.315 M . M21 R .327D . 311 I.317 ... 317N . 322 S 329E 313 J...... . 318 0 . 324 T 331

INTRODUCTION

1. Tantrismn Early ChineseBuddhism

The age of the T'ang dynasty (618-907A. D.) was a periodwhenvarious foreign eligionswereflourishingn China. Amongthese the most important y far was Buddhism. As a resultof

thedevelopment fBuddhist philosophynd theology uring heSix Dynasties,therearose in the early part of the T'ang perioddifferentects such as Ch'an and T'ien-t'ai. These representedthe higher orm fBuddhismthe value ofwhichwas not easilyappreciatedby ordinary eople. On the otherhand, the tantricformofBuddhism, n which magicplayed a principalrole,wasquitepopular mong he upperclassesduring he eighth nd ninthcenturies. t was during he seventhcentury hat tantricBud-dhismbegan to be systematized nd reducedto a philosophicalbasis in India.' Nevertheless,venbefore his time thereexisted

1Cf. B. BHATTACHARYYA, Buddhist Esoterism32-42.

241



242 CHOU YI-LIANG

latent tantricelements n China, although t was not untiltheeighth entury hatthe sectwas officiallyntroduced here. This

thesis s devotedto the studyofthe biographies f three ndianmonkswhobrought antricBuddhismto China. Beforedealingwiththem,however,t willbe profitableo examinethe workoftheirmoreobscurepredecessors, hoseefforts,n translatingndteaching, eft heearliestvestiges f this doctrine n Chinesesoil.

CHU Lu-yen , a monkfromCentral ndia, translatedn230 A. D. a text called Mo-teng-ch'iehhting ,rA . Besidesdirectionsforthe worshipof stars and some simplerites for

sacrificingo them,2 his sfitra ontainssix dha-raniswhichallbeginwith he wordom and end with vaha, ncludingnstructionsfor necessary eremonies uringthe recitation f the dhdranis.Oneof theserites s performedylighting greatfire nd throw-ingflowersnto it at the end of the recitation.4 his ceremony,most ikelynfluenced y Brahmanism,eemsto be a linkbetweenit and the homa ritetaught n later tantric fitras.Amongthe

translations f CHIH Ch'ien Ad (d. after253 A. D.) severaltexts consistof dharanis,but no rites accompanyinghemaredescribed.

In the earlyfourth entury he greatMaster DharmaraksaiMA (d. after313 A. D.) made many translations.Quite a fewofhis sfitras onsistofdhdranis.6t is characteristic f Dharma-raksato translate hemeaning fdhdran nsteadof transcribingthe sound. Examplesmay be found n two dharanis n theHai-

lung-wang hingMROUE.2' In the fourth entury wo othermasters from Central Asia were particularly amous fortheirmagic, whichthey used effectivelyo strengthenhe people'sfaith. The first, o-t'u-ch'eng 1'R (d. 348 A. D.), is the sub-ject of many egends.8He was said to be particularlyroficientndhdranis nd could employ pirits s he wished.By applying il

2T 21.404b25 (T = Taish6?).

3T21.400b2, 400c16, 404a24-b7. For this text also cf. S. LE'Vi; TP 7(1907).118;IHQ 12 1936) . 2. 204-205.' T 21.400a27.5E.g., T14, No. 427; T21, Nos. 1351, 1356.6T 14, No. 428; T 21, No. 1301.7 T 15.141b6,156c20. 8 T 50.383b-387a.



TANTRISM IN CHINA 9243

to his palm he was able to see what was happening thousandmiles way. Another f his accomplishments hichno latermonk

possessedwas theability o tell fortunes y listeningo thesoundof bellshanging rom heeaves ofthetemples.9 rimitraWP 1t: (d. between 335 and 342 A. D.) was anothermonkwhopractised the art of dhliran with brilliantresults whereverhewent.'0He translated ome dhlranis in a textnow lost, calledK'ung-ch'iieh-wanghing3LL3E8."

She-kung 912 (d. 380 A.D.), a monk fromCentralAsia,obtainedFu Chien'sfavorbecause he could summon ragons nd

make rain."2 This is one of the earliest occasions on which aBuddhistmonkin China prays for rain. Later masters of theesoteric ect were ll supposed o be able to do this. T'an-wu-ch'anXS (*Dharmaksema,d. 433 A. D.) was learned in dhdranIl

and showedhis magic power by causing water to spring romrock.'3 n the Ta-chiching ktf- whichhe translated, ne pas-sagedeclares hat a bodhisattva asfour inds fornaments,mong

which hdran ankswith Ila,samadhi, nd prajM.'4

Suvarnapra-bhasa , also translatedby T'an-wu-ch'an, ives nstruc-tions for makingofferings uringprayersfor worldlybenefits,'5but the riteis by no means so elaborate as those practised nlater days.

T'an-yao * , themonkwho suggested he buildingof stonecave-templesnTa-t'ung, ranslated he Ta-chi-i hen-chou hing

fi n in 462 A. D. with the collaboration of Indian

monks.'6 It describes the method of makingan arena whereBuddhist magesarrangedn a circlereceive heofferingsftheirvotaries.'7The arena seems to be a rudiment fthemandala,oraltar, heconstructionf which s taught n latertexts. The samesfitra lso teachesall kindsof siddhis. There are siddhisto wina war,to stopa storm,o obtainrain, o concealone's form, rtosecure wish-jewel. or differenturposesdifferenteities s well

9'T 50.383bl8.10T 50.328all. 14 T 13.5c28.11T 50.328al2. 16 Cf. T 16.345a5-c6.12 T 50.389b25. 16 Cf. T 55.838a28.13T 50.336a5. 17 T 21.579bi.



9.44 CHOU YI-LIANG

as different ays of worshippingre assigned."8The sfitraonsiddhis ranslated yShan-wu-weiAdd in the timeoftheT'ang

dynasty apparentlys a more elaborate text of the same type.EmperorYuan x' of the Liang dynasty, on ofEmperorWu iwho was the mostfamousBuddhistemperorn Chinesehistory,saysthathe had learnedseveraldharanis n his childhood,20ndi-cating hatat thattime heywerepopular mong heupperclasses.Atext alledMo-li-chih-t'ienhing J considered trans-lationofthe Liang dynasty 502-556A. D.), specifieshemethodof cleaningthe hall of the temple and making offeringso the

deityMdric .2`A considerablemount fthis fltras also devotedto the benefitwhichone wouldreceivefrom ecitinghis dhdrani.A later version f the text translatedby Amoghavajra 4 'Iadds some new elementswhich re not found n this one. It saysthat n reciting he worshipperhould make the propermudrds,22and carry mall magesofthe deityon the head or on the armsasamulets.23Amoghavajra'sversionalso mentions he buildingof

a mandala during he recitation f the dhdrarn-.24hese additionswould suggestthat duringthe two hundredyears between theearly ixth entury nd the earlyeighth entury antric uddhismgradually ook its final hape in India.

In the early T'ang dynasty Chinese monk,Chih-t'ungVagtranslated everal texts withdhdran-is. is biography ays thathe studiedzealously the esoteric eaching.25 tigupta IFKJAOI3who arrived n China in 652 A. D., translated he T'o-lo-ni chi

chingMHOPUM9,which consistsof many rites similar o thosetaught n sfttrasranslated y Shan-wu-wei nd Vajrabodhi l; *26 PunyodayaMA,,whocame to China in 655 A. D., triedtointroduce ome texts of the tantricBuddhism then popular inIndia. But,becauseHiisan-tsang, hepromulgatorfthe dealistic

18 T 21.579c2.

19 See note 88 in Shan-wu-wei's iography.20 Cf. the Tzfs-hsl X , in Chin-lou-tzDt

a ,T gMN ed., 6.20b)21 T 021.2692a6.22 T 21.260c920. 24 T 21.261bl2.23 T 21.261b8 25 T 50.719c20,720al.28 Cf.OMURA Seigai*j4J fj), Mikkyd attatsuhi A 5.710-55.For

Atiguptaalso see AppendixK.




Schoolin China,was so influentialt that time,Punyodayawasunsuccessful.27ccording o his biographyby Tao-hsiian,when

he returned rom tripto theSouth Seas," les textes acresqu'il

avait [precedemment]pportes avaient tous ete emportesparHiuan-tsangvers le Nord. I1 avait bien l'intention e traduire[quelques extes] our convertirlesChinois],maiscomme ln'avaitplusde materiaux sa disposition,l ne traduisit ue troisSfttra:F'OctupleMandala A*,* la Mlethode ouradorer esBuddhaOilmiJ, t l'AtrnaitiyaIPfESA; ses traductionsontexactes, on-cises, tminutieuses,tparfaitementptes aetre oujours tudiees

etmisesen pratique."8I-chingwas also interestedn the tantricformof Buddhism

whenhe studied n Nalanda; 29 buthe could notdevotemuchtimeto it,as he had manyother ccupations.Nevertheless,monghistranslations he Ta k'ung-ch'iieh-chou-wanghing kTWrTIUENwith its appendix on methodsfor makingaltars and paintingimages, s a well-developedextof thetantric chool. It is in thissultrahatthedhdrani s first eified nd called a vidyaraja.30

There, then,were the earliest eachers ftantricBuddhism nChina. Their work, hough t achieved ome degree fpopularity,cannotbe said tohave established hecult as such. Besidesthesetherewereother monkswho,we know, wentto India to studytheesotericdoctrine; ut theyall died in India before heycouldreturn o China to promulgatet."1 Thus, it was not until thearrivalofthethreefamousmonksofthe eighth entury hat this

doctrinebegan to form a distinct and even dominantsect ofChineseBuddhism.

27 JA 227.1.88.28JA 227.1.88-89. For the "Octuple Mandala" cf. ibid. 90-97, forAtdndtiya, ts

Pali and Sanskritversions, f. ibid. 100, A. F. RudolfHOERNLE, Manuscript Remiainsof Buddhist Literaturefound in Eastern Turkestan1.024-27.

29 E. CHAVANNES,Meinoire compose a l'epoque de la grandedynastieT'ang sur lesreligieuxerminentsui allerent chercher a loi dans les pays d'occident par I-tsing

104-105.30 T 19.476b25477b3.31 Such as Shih-pien Ji and Tao-lin ; cf. CHAVANNES,eligieux erminents

31-32,101-102. For the relationbetween ndian tantric chools and China, cf. S. LE'VI,IHQ 12(1936).02.0207-208.



246 CHOU YI-LIANG

Shan-wu-weirrived n Ch'ang-an n 716 A. D. Later he wasallowedto translate he textswhichhe had brought longwith

him. Hence he became the firstgreatmasterof this school inChina. Soon after han-wu-weiameVajrabodhiand his discipleAmoghavajrawho in lateryearsmade this schoolone of the im-portant ectsofthe T'ang dynasty.Although hisschoolofBud-dhism did not have greatinfluence n Chinese thought, t wascloselyassociatedwiththe courtas well as the ordinary eoplewho were nterestedn prayingfor theirown welfare n presentand futureifebut notso keenon thediscussion f profound oc-

trine.After moghavajra's eath n 774A. D. this choolgraduallydeclined. No more eminentmasterswere knownto us exceptafewnamesmentionedn thediariesofJapanesepilgrims.Duringthe earlypartof theSungdynasty ome ndianmonks lso trans-lated quite a fewtextsof this school 2 and performedsotericrites.3WhenJojin W*, a Japanesemonk,visitedthepalace ofEmperorShen-tsungn 1073 A. D., he foundmany images of

deitieswhobelonged o this ect xclusively.34his sectas a whole,however, id not prosper nymore ndwas evenheld n contemptbytheworld.35 herefore,twouldbe safeto saythattheEsotericSchool ofBuddhism, bout two and one-half enturies fter tsintroductionntoChina and about onehundred nd eightyyearsafter ts most flourishing eriod,died out in China before twas revivedthrough amaism in the Yuan dynasty omethreecenturiesater.

This article onsists n thetranslationnd studyofthebiogra-phiesofShan-wu-wei, ajrabodhi, ndAmoghavajra,who are theonlymastersof thissect, n its propersense, ncluded n Tsan-ning'sR$ Sung kao-sengchuan thyf My first im is tocheckTsan-ning's ccountswith he scanty vailablesourceswhichhe failedto use or used erroneously. he second aim is to find

32 For these masters nd their ranslations f.P. C. BAGCHI, e canon bouddhiqueen

Chine, les traducteurs t les traductions2.585-610.Cf. Sung hui-yao kao T-eX , tao-shih Em 2. 6a.

34 Cf. Dainihon bukky5zensho 115.456b-457a.3 See Tsan-ning's comment n the end of Vajrabodhi's Biography and Chih-p'an's

statement n the Fo-tsu t'ung-chi T 49.296al2).




some nformationnIndianand Chinese iterature hichmay helpus to understand he Indian background n these biographies.

Although o referenceo the threemonks s foundn

anyIndian

books,a few facts such as the Turkish rule in Northernndia,thecenter f educationn Ka fcipura,KingNarasihhapotavarmanofthat country, nd thetamingof the elephants, re provedbyIndian sources. Thus we understandthese biographiesmorethoroughlynd can distinguishetweenhistorical actsandfanci-ful egends ontained herein.

The third aim of this thesis s to use thesebiographies s a

frame-workround which to gathersome material relevanttovariousphasesofthissect, uchas itsrites, ts relationshipo thecourt, nd its popularity mongthemasses. It is hopedthat theposition fthis sect n thetimeof theT'ang dynastywill thusbemade clear. Neitherthe dynastichistorynor the two huge col-lections fthe prose and verseof the T'ang dynasty, heCh'iian-T'ang-wen kit and theCh'ilan-T'ang-shihd, contain smuch material as one would expect. A fairly arge amountofmaterial s found n the T'ai-p'ingkuang-chi k*"-e, an indis-pensable collection n studying he historyof this period,theChin-shih s'ui-pien kWWG and the Pa-ch'iung-shihhin-shihpu-cheAngAit 1E, two large collectionsof inscriptions,andtheJapanesemonks' tinerariesontainedn Dainihonbukky&zensho k H *% Tk. Above all mustbe mentioned he textstranslated y thesethreemasters hemselves nd various histori-

cal works, ncludingTsan-ning'sbook, contained n the Taish6Tripitaka. The findsn Tun-huangprovided nvaluablematerialsto the studyofthe history f theT'ang dynasty.ProfessorHuShih MAJAnd Mr. TSUKAMOTOZenryfi W have made im-portantcontributionso the history fthe Ch'an and Ching-t'usectsby usingthesenewmaterials.36 evertheless, o faras theEsotericSect is concerned, am notparticularlyenefitedy anyavailable Tun-huangmanuscripts,xceptfor a few pictures ndsheetsofpaperon whichdhlraniswerewritten.As for herefer-enceworks,t is regrettablehata few rticles y Japanese cholars

" Cf. Hu-shihlun-hsileh hin-chu 1. 198-319;TSUKAMOTO Zenryfi,To chidki o odoky6Jftpit:J if?&k.



248 CHOU YI-LIANG

published n some less importantJapaneseperiodicalsare notavailablehere n Cambridge n accountofthe war.

2. Tsan-ningndhis sourcesTsan-ning 919-1001A.D.) 37was bornto a family amedKAO

A; which emigrated romPo-hai MMbi o Wu-hsingRA in theendof the Sui dynasty.38 ccording o WANGY -ch'eng Ints

he becamea monk n the T'ien-ch'eng -ka period (926 A.D.)and in theearlyyearsof the Ch'ing-t'aiAd period (934-5A. D.)he enteredntoMt. T'ien-t'aiwhere e wasfully rdained.39 eing

particularly roficientn theVinaya texts,he earnedhimself henicknameTiger of Vinaya Au. In 978 A. D. whenWu-YiiehAMi was incorporatednto the Sungempire, san-ningwas sentbythekingto theSungcourtwherehe was honoredbyEmperorT'ai-tsungwith purplerobeand thetitleT'ung-huiX.X At thesametimehewas appointed o the Han-lin SPt which ervedasthe emperor'secretariat.n 991 A. D. he becamean editor f the

NationalArchives.40n 998 A. D. he was appointedthe s'ng-luWfAof theRightRoad -tfi whichwas in chargeofhalfof themonks n the capital.41 He held bothpositionsuntilhe died in1001A.D.

S" I follow Chih-p'anwho says that Tsan-ningdied in 1001 A. D. at the age ofeighty-two T 49.402bl). In his preface o Tsan-ning'swork (Hsiao-ch'u chi/J'SPTK ed., 21.9a), WANG Yii-ch'eng says that the master was still in sound healthat the age of eighty-two.t seemsthat thisprefacewas writtennot very ong before

the master died. WANG Yfi-ch'enggives the date of Tsan-ning'sbirth as the yearchi-maoor the sixteenthyear of T'ien-yu ikii of the T'ang dynastywhich actuallywas the fifthyear of Ch'eng-ming A" of the Liang dynasty (919 A. D), becausethe T'ang dynastyhad already fallen n 907 A. D. If Tsan-ningwas born in 919 A. D.,he would have been eighty-twoyears old in 1001 A.D. WANG also says that thesixteenth year of T'ien-yu correspondsto the seventh year of Cheng-mingwhichseems to be a miscalculation.Nien-ch'ang Hi (T 49.659b22) givesthe date of Tsan-ning's death as 996 A. D. which is evidentlywrong. Wen-ying's 9 Hsiang-shanyeh-lu tjlj V ts'e 76) 3.5b says that he died at the age of eighty-fourwhich also contradicts he date given by WANG Yfl-ch'eng nd Chih-p'an.

38 Hsiao-ch'u chi 20.7b.39Ibid. The text has Il#rpIII Since he was only about

fifteen ears old at that time,the full ordination robablytook place some time later,but WANG did not give precise date.

40 Cf. T 49.400c17. " For these facts cf. Hsiao-ch'u chi 20.8a-b.




It is said that he was widelyread in bothBuddhist and non-Buddhistbooks. Scholarssuch as Mst Hsian Gil~, WANG u-

ch'eng, ndLiu K'ai SIJP werehis goodfriends.42n WANG'S orkwe find preface o Tsan-ning'sWen-chi at ,3 and threepoemspresented o him in all of whichWANGreferred o Tsan-ning'sscholastic chievments, articularlyhe contribution ftheKao-sengchuan. In HsP Hsijan's Wen-chi here s also a poempre-sented to Tsan-ningwhen he was returning o his home in theSouth. SinceHsuSwas famousforhis studyofpalaeography,tis interestingo noticethat in thispoem he asked Tsan-ning o

find orhim thesteleerectedbyShih-huang f theCh'in dynastyand inscribed y hisrenowned rimeminister i Ssi.45 OU-YANG

Hsiu IRl1I9i* ecords story fTsan-ningwhichwould showhowtactfulhe was. When he, as a seng-lu, ccompaniedEmperorT'ai-tsu 6 to the Hsiang-kuoTemple VW* in the capital, thelatterwas hesitating f he shouldkneeldownto pay obeisancetoa Buddha's image. ThereuponTsan-ningsaid, "The presentBuddha would not pay obeisance

before past Buddha." Theemperorwas highlypleased and it thusbecame a rule that theemperorhouldnotkneelbefore nyBuddhist mages. Liu-i shih-hua alsohas a story evealing hatTsan-ningwaswitty nd quickinreply.

In the year982A. D. he received he mperial rder o compilethe Sung kao-sengchuan. He obtainedpermission o return othetemple nHang-chou*ti41wherehe came from nd therehe

worked n thebookwhichhe completedn 988A.D.48 The book42 Cf.Hsiang-shaneh-lu .5b,Liu-ishih-hua*-ffi JJIJ[I ts'e27) 2b,

T49.397c5. For the biographiesof HsuT Hsiuan,WANG Yui-ch'eng nd Liu K'ai cf.S&-shih-ch'i-chung ung-tai chuan-chi tsung-hoyin-te -1j 164,59,170.4 Hsiao-ch'u chi 20.7b-9b. 44 Ibid. 7.13a, 15a, 10.6a.45Hsii-kungwen-chi Zt (SPTK ed.) 22.3a.46Cf.Kuei-t'ienu g@[fII RTRM t_{. series 7,ts'e9) 1.1a. It is very oubt-

ful that the readingT'ai-tsu is correctbecause Tsan-ningcame to the North andbecamethe seng-lu n T'ai-tsung'sreignwhenT'ai-tsuhad already died. Othereditionsof theKuei-t'ien u, such as Pei-haiJ4jU (tJKg ed., ts'e 24, 1.la), Shuo-fu3,l(Yu V ed.,ts'e42, l.la) and theHan-fen-lou j t (l.la) all readT'ai-tsu.

47 Cf.Liu-ishih-huab.48 Cf.Tsan-ning's emorialn presentinghisbook (T 50.709a4) ndFo-tsu 'ung-

2



250 CHOU YI-LIANG

is divided ntothirty hapters, nd composedof 533 biographies.There are also 130 monkswhohave no biographies f theirown

but their ives are briefly ecorded n thebiographies f others.49As for the sourcesof thisbook,he acknowledgesn his prefacethathe hasmade use ofthebiographiess well as the tomb nscrip-tionswritten y former eople.50 t is also affirmedy Chih-p'anHAi> in his Fo-tsu t'ung-chi AI .51 This accountsfor thedifferencen style, ven within ne biography.

The first alfof Shan-wu-wei's iographys veryelaborate nstyle and languagebecause it is entirely aken with very few

changes nwording rom he workof Li Hua 4x, whowas con-sidereda good prosewriter.52 he latterhalfof the biographydealingwith han-wu-wei'segend s based chiefly n theYu-yangtsa-tsuAFfA-ftand hence the style s clearlydifferentrom hefirsthalf. For Vajrabodhi's biographyYiian-chao's 1 111workprobably s the chief ourcebut Tsan-ningdid not make use ofall the informationn his Cheng-yiianhih-chiaou JATMt

The chief ourcesforAmoghavajra's iography re CHAO Ch'ien'sXX hsing-chuang:YR and Fei-hsi'sAd pei-ming RA. Thestyleof thebiographies f Vajrabodhiand Amoghavajra s moreunified han that of Shou-wu-wei's iography.WhenTsan-ningstarted he compilation f this book,he was alreadyan old man.His preface ays that besideshimself everal others ookpart inthiswork.53 t is most ikely hatTsan-ning nlyacted as a chiefeditorwhileothermonksreallydid the compilation.This is why

the style was consideredpoor, and HUANG T'ing-chienRAMbeven triedto revise t.54

AmongotherbookswhichTsan-ningwrote only two are still

chi (T 49.400a13). Hsiao-ch'u chi (20.8b) and Fo-tsu t'ung-chi (T 49.398c16) give983 A. D. as the year whenhe received the order.

49 Cf. his preface (T 50.710a3).90Cf. T 50.709c22. 51T 49. 400a23.52 For these sources see notes in respectivebiographies.1s T 50.709c20. 54"T49. 400a26." For a list of these books cf. Ku Huai-san , , Pu wu-tai-shih-wen chih

;WI~ki-

i=> 12a, 18a; Sung-shih k(3 1- -d. All the d-

astic histories sed in the presentworkare citedfrom his edition). 205.10a,22a, 25a,206.4b,5b.




preservedoday.The firstne s the eng-shih-liehl'k* inthreechapters6 which s a generalhistory fthesangha n China. The

second book is a short reatise n one chapter alledSun-p'uFidealingwithbamboo shoots. It has five headings: the variousnamesof bambooshoots, he placeswhere ambooshoots repro-duced,the wayofcooking hem, hestories bout bambooshoots,and miscellaneous otes.57Probably it was due to this kind ofknowledgehatLiu K'ai called Tsan-ning he CHANG Hua58 WVof theday as CHANG was a well-knowncholarwith ncyclopaedicknowledge.

THE BIOGRAPHY OF SHAN-WU-WEI OF THE SHENG-SHAN TEMPLE

OF LO-YANG OF THE T'ANG DYNASTY

(Taish6 Tripitaka50.714bl-716al7)

Themonk han-wu-wei asby origin nativeof Central ndia'and a descendant fAmrtodana,2akyamuni's ncle. His Sanskritnamewas SubhakarasiihhaA% % fT , in Chinese,Ching-shih-

tzu Dit, whichwas translated s Shan-wu-wei. By anothertraditionhis name was Subhakara *WNS which also meansWu-wei n Chinese.3

56 T 54, No. 2126. The numberof chaptersof the book as it is preservedtodayagrees with the number given in Sung-shih (205.10a). Hsiang-shanyeh-lu (3.5a)says that T'ai-tsungwanted to knowthe lifeof the eminentmonks in former imes,so Tsan-ningcompiled the Seng-shih-lfiehn ten chaptersto presentto the emperor.Apparentlyhe had confusedthe Kao-seng chuan with the Seng-shih-lfiehnd the

numbergivenby him agreeswithneitherwork.s This book is included n theP'ai-ch'uan hsfieh-haits'e 37).58 Hsiang-shaneh-lu .5b.'Li Hua's Shan-wu-weihsing-chuangXX1iEIk (abbreviated below as hsing-

chuang) gives Magadha as the countrywhere Shan-wu-wei'sfamilyoriginally ived(T 50.290a6). Li Hua died in theearlyyears of theTa-li k)f period (766-779A. D.)and was particularly nown s a writer fbiographiesnd monumentalnscriptions. f.his biography n T'ang-shu I 203.1b. His biography ays that he was convertedto Buddhism n his later days. For his associationwithmonkscf. the biographies fYen-chfinAx (T 50.798al7) and Lang-jan Ax (T

50.800all) in Tsan-ning'swork.According o the former e was still alive in the fourthyear of Ta-li (769 A. D.).2 On Amrtodana cf. MOCHIZUKI Shinko's )IF Bukkyd daijitenf|f}*

of2 (abbreviatedbelow as MOCHIZUKI), 1.476b-c, nd E. J. THOMAS,The Life ofBuddha 24.

' There is no way to derivesuch a meaningas A (literally,good without



9252 CHOU YI-LIANG

Because of unrestin theirown country,Central India, hisancestors ad left t and goneto reign ver [the country f]Odra

,W.4

Shan-wu-wei's ather'sname was Fo-shou wang'f-IE

[King*Buddhakara].Fromhis birthhe appeared ikea divinityand was endowedwith virtuesand accomplishments. hereforehisfather estedhim n a successivevariety fpositions.

fear) from itherSubhakara or Subhakarasimha. This biography s mainlybased onLi Hua's Shan-wu-wei ei-mingping hsil (abbreviatedbelow aspei) which for the monk's name says only " [his] hao R was Shan-wu-wei"(T 50.290b16). It might mplythat besides this hao or stylehe also had a ming4;

or name. Hsing-chuang (T 50.290a4) says: " Subhakara's complete Sanskrit nameshould be Subhakarasimha of which the correctChinese translationis Ching-shih-tzUliterally ure lion]. A free translation f his name would be Shan-wu-wei." TERAMOTO Enga FUZZ in his Zemmui sanz6 no myogi wa tohangono

onyakuka ; g (Shfzkyokenkyf7Rnew series, 8.4.93-104) suggeststhat Shan-wu-weimight be a Chinese transliterationof the Tibetan translation f Subhakara: bZanfByed. Among the sfltrashe translatedthe name* }/ is used in fiveworks while G is used in twenty f them.

AMflptRMI never occurs.It seems to me that Shan-wu-wei s simplyanother name which has no relation

with the Sanskritname Subhakara. Six stages of 'fearlessness' (abhaya) or freedomfromfear n a bodhisattva'sspiritualprogress re described n the P'i-lu-che-na hingtranslatedby this master. The first bhaya among them is su-abhaya (svabhaya)(cf. T 18.3c5 and I-hsing's-4 commentary, 39.605c16). Subhakara mighthaveadopted this word as his Chinese name, or hao, as it is stated in the pei. Since heis called by the hao Shan-wu-wei n this biography, also use it in my translation.

4 It is generally greednow that this countrywas located in the presentOrissa. Cf.T. WATTERS, On Yuan Chwang's Travels, 2.193-6; S. BEAL, Life of Hiuen-tsiang134;HORIKentoku 1 Kaisetsu seiikiki - 781-785;MOCHIZUKI, 1. 214c;

R. D. BANERJI, Historyof Orissa (Calcutta, 1930) 1. 136-1145. The familyhistory fthe kingof Odra is not found n Hsiian-tsang'srecord. But according o this pilgrim(WATTERS, 1. 238) and Tao-Hlsian (T 50.432a20), the king of UdyAna was said tohave been an exiled Sakya. Since Udyana was transliteratedn many ways, amongwhich re or,j1$ (HORI, 05-206), his tory f Shan-wu-wei'samilyouldhave beena confusionetween he , : forOdraand the , forUdyana.Peialready as this radition.n the astquarter fthe eighth entury,here xistednOdra a dynasty f which he kings ll bore thename kara.' Therewas evenoneking alledSubhakara.They werebelieversn Buddhism. he date of theseKarakingswas worked ut on the basis ofthe nscriptionsn the copper latesdiscovered

inOrissa nd the Chinese ources cf.S. LE'vi,KingSubhakaraf Orissa, pigraphiaIndica, 5.8.363-4; . D. BANERJI,Historyf Orissa, . 146-160).As Shan-wu-weiascalled Subhakara nd his father's amecould be restored s *Buddhakara, aminclinedo suspect hattheymight avebeenthepredecessorsftheseKara kings.

6Pei readst4IMfc instead ffim$ (T50.290h18).




At the age of ten he was in commandof the army;and atthirteen e succeeded o thethrone.He won the affectionfbothsoldiers nd civilians;but his brothers,eing ealous ofhisability,organizedn armed ebellion.The resultingratricidaltruggle asso severe hat Shan-wu-wei imself ad to take active command.He was struckby a stray arrow and a flying6 iscus' bruisedthe top ofhis head. [Even so] when, n accordancewithmartiallaw his brothers pon their defeathad incurred he penaltyofdeath,he indulgently orgave hem,despitethe requirementsfstrict ustice. Then,withtears n his eyes,he said to hismother

and ministers: When led myarmy againstmybrothers]hatwas theendofany ove[between s]. In order, owever, o perfectmyduty as a brother],mustnow abdicate." [714bl5] He there-upongave the throne o his elderbrother nd earnestly equestedthat he might ecomea monk.9Sadly his mother ave consent.10

She secretly ave Shan-wu-wei he pearl withoutpricewhichwas theemblem f inheritancefthe throne,ust as [correspond-ingly] he vesselsdistributed mong the feudallords [identified

'The text reads 4- which means 'to swing' or 'to whirl.'- L

in this sensematchesbetterwithbl1Q. Pei reads (T 50.290b20) fV meaning to protect.'

'The discusis a kindofweapon. Hsi-yii hi (T 51877bl9) ")L- ;D>ffQ.

fif-M - s. WATTERS (1.171)omits the enumeration f theseweapons. S. JULUEN in his translation f Hsfian-tsang'swork (1.82) uses ' fronde to renderE BEAL (1.83) says "various kinds ofslings." Both are incorrect.X (cakra) and$ (pdsa) are twoweapons that Buddhistand Hindu gods are frequently epresented s bearing in their hands. Cf. T. A.

Gopinatha Rao, ElementsofHindu Iconography Madras, 1914) 1, part 1, Descriptionof Terms, 4; P. C. BAGCHI, Deux lexiques sanskrit-chinois3.8The textreads IP:Wl-E, .W>;0 .fI ,ag 4. Pei reads

AAiu M1EI*0iE IIL. 1/I [Ji1 AS T i (Tm5O.290b21). Itmeans When led my army against hem],t was righteousnesshich upersededlove. Now desire o abdicate ecause should iketo carry ut my plan."

9 Chung-pen-ch'ihing p jigM (tr. byT'an-kuo 8 andK'ANG Meng-hsiang,in Oin07A.D.) "INdJ* * FEJk . . .SePC M JU EA[X]J" (T 4.148b26).Theword ao s a legacy f he arly ayswhen uddhismasfirstintroducednto China andwas calledfo-tao IM after he fashion f Taoism.Cf.

T'ANG Yung-t'ungMJMJW,an Wei iang-Chinan-pei-ch'aoo-chiaohihRkfAM1iMk fet 87-95. Later on came to mean to become monk.'Also

ef.J.R. WARE, TP 30(1933).113, 153.10One has to obtainhis parent'spermission eforehe can be ordained. Cf.

Mahavagga SBE 13.1.54.5), s&-fe'n-liiT22.810a18), Shih-sung-liT23.152c23).



254 CHOIUYI-LIANG

them].He went outhward o thesea wherehe came to a superbmonastery and there btained hesaddharmapundarikasamddhi

~~35~jug$12 He piledup sand to form tfipas, o the numberofalmostten thousand, nd evenwhen a black snakebit his finger,he wouldnot giveup.

He thenfound ccommodationn a merchanthip,13 y travel-lingon whichhe visted severalcountries,nd [while n board]herecited sfitras]nd meditated n secret,14mittingthewhile]awhite ight rom ismouth.Therewere hreedays when hewinddidnotblow andyettheshipsailed onwards vast distance.The

merchants' ives were [once] in dangerwhen they encounteredpirates. Filled with compassionfor his comrades,Shan-wu-weiwhispered dhdran n silence. Sevenkotis5 ofdeities ppearedinfull lory,ndfinallyhepiratesweredestroyedyother andits[who ppeared].These bandits hen onfessedheir inand becamehis disciples.

Theybecamehisguidesoverthe country,whichwas noweasy

andnowdifficult. nlyafter assing hroughmany wearywilder-ness and crossing tinking iversdid theyreach CentralIndia,'where han-wu-weimeta kingwho wasmarried o his elder ister.[The king]asked Shan-wu-weiwhyhe had abdicated and couldnot represshis admiration.They walkedinto [thepalace] handinhand. Like shelteringlouds, han-wu-wei'sresence omfortedthe whole ountry.

Shan-wu-wei ad grace of personand surpassing ntelligence.

11Pei as edited n Ch'i-an-T'ang-wten319.9b and T 50.290b24) reads f* -

which would mean ' obtained a superbmonastery.'This text reads A for R whichis better. Pei in TV'n-yiian ing-hua 3,j (Hu and., 861.lb) has neithernor jf. Cf. Hsilan-tsang WATTERS, 2.193194).

12 A kind of meditationpractisedby Mahlydnists,throughwhichone endeavors tosee Samantabhadrabodhisattvand to confessone's sinswiththe hope of becomingbodhisattva. This meditation s to be brought bout by reciting he Lotus Siitra fortwenty-one ays. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 5.4578b.

13In describingOdra Hsiian-tsang WATTERS, 2.193-194) says that "near the shore

of the ocean in the southeastof this countrywas the cityof Che-li-ta-lo Charitra?),above twenty i in circuit,whichwas a thoroughfarend restingplace forsea-goingtraders nd strangers romdistant ands."

"4The text has - 1g, which literallywould mean "practisingin secret thedhydnarecitation."I am not certain of my interpretation.

16 Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 1.687b.




He understood heFive Ways 6 [of Buddhism] 714b27]and theThree Disciplines.'7He plumbed he meaning fboththedharanis

and meditations ndwas an artistand expertcraftsman in the

makingof Buddhistimagesand stfipas].When he first isitedNdlandaMonastery8 (meaning untiringenerosity in Chinese)fromwhich the counterfeit octrine9 was derived,and whichwas thepole of all the saints,Shan-wu-wei resented he pearlofinheritance o be set20 n the foreheadof the great statue [ofBuddha]. By day it was like themoon, t night, ike the sun.2'

Therewasa certainmonk amed]Dharmagupta $-V inthe

monastery.He heldthe mystic ey to the Gate of Meditation ndpossessed the secretseal of Tathdgata. He appearedover fortyyearsold, but was really eight centuries ld. Hsiian-tsanghadoncemethim.22Withgreat everence,han-wu-wei adeobeisanceat [Dharmagupta's]feet23 nd recognizedhim as his Master.24

16Manusyaydna,deva-, srdvaka-, ratyekabuddha-,nd bodhisattva-. The first woare used to denote the careerof lay Buddhistswho observethe fiveprecepts, tc. Thesecondgroupof two ydnasrefers o Hinayana,while the last one refers o Mahdyana.There are three other lists of the fiveydnas which differ lightlyfromthis set andwhich also regard hebodhisattvaydnar buddhaydna s thehighestway for alvation.Cf. MOCHIZUKI, .1227a.

17 The Three Disciplines = AW r SiksAsre Sila, dhydna nd prajfii. Cf.MOCHIZUKu,2.1472c.

1 For NAlanda cf.WATTERS, 2.165-169;TAKAKUSU Junjir6 4;nqkA A Re-cordof the Buddhist Religionas Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago, 54; E.CHAVANNES, Les religieux minents 4-98.

19 Buddha's teaching s divided nto threeperiodsof which theperiodof the counter-

feitdoctrine4j or pratirfipaka s the second one. Cf. Saddharmapundarika .28,saizyuttanikdya 6.13 (Mrs.RHYS DAVIDS' ranslation .152), also cf. T 2.226c7,419b25.The length feach periodvaries n accordancewithdifferentraditions.Cf.MOCHIZUKI,2.1517b. Buddha's teaching s thereforelso called hsiang-chiaof*; cf. TP 30.135.

20 In Hsi-yil chi the characterS is used in many cases to mean ' to set or ' tostud.' The examples are found n T 51.870b18, 872c8, 876b7,934a5, 934a20.

21 This similesounds ratherqueer. Pei reads1AuJil IJ31MI-. It meansliterally in the daytime t is like a moon, at night t shines." It is an Indian figureof speech to compare a good person to the moon because it is brightbut does nothurt the eyes as the sun does when you look at it. This, however, till does not

explainthe simileverywell.22 This name is not mentioned n the Hsi-yil chi or Hsuan-tsang's biographyby

Yen-tsung tr2 It was the Indian custom to touch and kiss the feet of the man whom one

reveres. Cf. WATTERS, 1.173; TAKAKUSU, 99.24The biography f YUEH I in Shih-chi a (80, 8b) says that "Yiueh_



256 CHOU YI-LIANG

One day whenShan-wu-weiwas actingas attendantfora meal,therewas a monkfromChina present. Shan-wu-weihowedhim

the [Master's]bowl,and [the monk] aw in it a fried ake25 andboiledmilletwhichwere tillwarm. Beingastonished,eexclaimed," But China is an uncountablenumber f milesaway fromhere,and yet this Chinesefood]was cooked this morningnd broughthere " WhereuponDharmaguptasaid [to Shan-wu-wei]: Sinceyouhavemadeno remark, ouarereallyqualified o learn." 6

Then Dharmagupta impartedto Shan-wu-wei he dhdranls,27yoga,28 nd the doctrines f the Three Secrets.29 urrounded y

ch'eng-kungWA studied [the doctrineof] Huang-ti Pi& and Lao-tzii jand his originalmaster 4.iWwasHo-shanghang-jen if Ho-shangchang-jen taughtAn-ch'i-shengVW4L An-ch'i-sheng aughtMao-i-kungE#,YMao-i-kung aughtYiieh-hsia-kungGil, YUeh-hsia-kungaughtYiieh-ch'eng-kung."In this text theword * N is used to mean a teacher by whom one is directly aught.

2"The text has "Aof, whichseems to be a kind of food made of flour nd friedwithoil. It is to be served hot as TUANCh'6ng-shih Pt has a passage in Yu-yang tsa-tsu (SPTK ed., 14.11b) whichmentionsthe hot fried cake Go.

26 This story s it is givenin our textdoes not make sense. Pei providesa different

version on which I base the above translation. Pei (T 50.290c14) says "When theupadhydya i. e. Shan-wu-wei] aw that what was contained n his Master's bowl wasnot the food of their own country,he showed it to a monk who was a Chinese.Having seen that both the fried ake and the boiledmillet were still warm,the monkwas surprised nd said in admiration: 'But China is an unaccountable number ofmilesaway fromhere,and thesefoodswere cooked there n the morning nd broughthere at noon. How miraculouslyfast it is ' All the monks in the assemblywereastonished,only the upAdhyayakept silent. [Then] the Master told the upadhyiyasecretly: A two-storied avillionwas recentlybuilt in the Pai-ma Temple J3in China, and I have just returnedfromthere afterreceivingofferings.As you canrefrain rom alking,you are really qualifiedto learn."

27For dhdran cf.TOGANQOShounif , Shingondaranino kenkyfi

;Ald CDofO (Mandara noKenky2, 429-687). Alsosee AppendixN.28 The word yoga comes from the root yuj which originallymeans 'to join' and

later comes to mean ' to suit.' In Esoteric Buddhism the termyoga means to con-centrateone's mind in orderto harmonizewiththe supremedoctrine nd to identifyoneselfwiththe deityone worships cf. Mikky5daijitenfti* R,( 2201a). Henceall the ritesperformed y the monksof this sect,whether impleor complicated, recalled yoga,because theserites re the meansto identifyneselfwiththe deity. I-hsing

in his P'i-lu-che-naching =u (T 39.613c14) says: " To be versed in yoga means toperformwell the method of joining. It refers o one who can thoroughly nderstandthe dharanisof the threedivisions nd the siddhis of thehigh,middle, nd low grades,and know that these agree with the highestdoctrine. [Then he is] regardedas ableto perform oga well." The Chin-kang-ting ii-ch'ieh-chungiieh-ch'unien-sung king*"IZaJ]gff translated by Vajrabodhi is a sfitradealing with all




dragonsand divinitiesn a circleabout him,he learnedat onesittingo make hemudras.30 n thatvery ayhereceived bhiseka

and was made a Masterof menand devas, and received hetitle

of Tripitaka.31The Tripitaka deal withmoral conduct,medi-tation,and wisdom,while formally hey are known as suttra,

kinds of rites both for individualmonksto practisein daily life and for groupstoperformn monasteries,nd these rites are called yoga. Cf. T 18.223c12.

29 The Three Secrets are the secret of body (kayaguhya), of speech (vAgguhya),and of mind (manoguhya). In MahAyana Buddhism these three secrets belong toBuddha. For instance, ome listenern the assemblymay see Buddha's body in goldencolor, anotherone may see it in silvercolor,while a third one may see it in colorsof various jewelry. This is Buddha's secretof body (cf. Ta-chih-tu un t;r3J-,T 25.127c12). In Esoteric Buddhism a differentmeaning is attached to the ThreeSecrets. Amoghavajrain his P'u-t'i-hsin un 9N (T32.574bl3) gives a tersebut clear interpretations follows: "Among the Three Secrets the firstone is thesecret of body: the makingof mudrdswhen inviting he saints. The second is thesecret of speech: the secretof recitationof dhAranIs f which [the words]should be[uttered] istinctly nd faultlessly.The third secret s the secret of mind: to performthe joining method literally: to dwell in yoga] and to meditate on the Bodhicitta[while] magining n one's mind a white, pure, round moon." The whitemoon is a

favorite ubject formeditationtaught in the P'i-lu-che'na ching (T 18.17b22, 20c3).Also cf. J-hsing's ommentary T 39.688c22). The Wu-weisan-tsang ch'an-yaoa=: Q W (T 18.945b6) gives the reason why a moon is fit to be a subject formeditation.

30In Esoteric Buddhism a mudra means a figuremade with fingers.Each deityhas his ownparticularmudrA,which s to be imitatedby a worshipper.Different itesare also to be accompanied by different udras. Variousnames are givento the twohands (such as 'sun,' ' wisdom,' tc. for the righthand, and 'moon,' ' meditation,' tc.,forthe left hand) and the ten fingers such as ten 'paramitas,' ten 'wheels,' ten'dhatus,' etc.) For the different udrAs f. the chapter Method ofMakingMudrds"

'f 3FpJj in J-hsing's ommentary o the P'i-lu-che-na ching (T 39.714a-772c); S.KAWAMOURAtr.), Si-Do-In-Dzou 9at FPN Annales uMuseeGuimet, ibliothequed'Etudes ); MOCHIZUKI, 1.176-177;TOGANOO,Mandarano kenkyii, 69-489. In non-Esoteric Buddhismmudra means a gesture f Buddha's hands such as that of preaching,meditation, omforting,alling the earth to witness, tc., as we oftensee in Buddhistart (A. GETTY, The Gods of NorthernBuddhismn91). The numberof mudris, how-ever, s rather imited. Hinduismmade extensiveuse ofmudras (cf. Tyra DE KLEEN,

Mudrds,London, 1924, 29-42), and they playedan evenmore mportant ole n EsotericBuddhism.

31 T. W. RHYSDAVIDS, ali-EnglishDictionary, . v. pitaka, says:

"The knowledgeof the 3 Pitakas as an accomplishment f the bhikkhu s stated in the termtepitaka

one who is familiarwith the 3 P.'" Some varied formsof the same title such astipetaki, tipetaka, and tipitaka-dhara re also listed under this heading. The earliestoccurrence f this title n Chinese that I can find s in the biography f Safrghavarman

f~'JpRMl (arrived n China in 433 A. D.), cf. T 50.342bl4, 19.



258 CHOU YI-LIANG

vinaya, nd sAstra.The dhdranis re usedto epitomize hem; heyare the short-cut o enlightenment714c15]and the luckysea to

release. The Buddhas of the threeworldswereborn through hisgate [method?].The illumination f [Buddha's] intelligence e-queathedonlyone[source f] ight.[Butlitwas forever ndevery-where ufficiento meet theneedsof diversified umannature."Therefore herehave been nnumerable uddhas,andmeditationsas numerous s grains f sand. A bodhisattva, avingepitomizedall themeditationsn one string3 [i. e. dharani],would suddenlybe elevated n rank and approachsupreme nlightenment.his

was the essence of Dharmagupta'sdoctrine].Then Shan-wu-wei earlessly andered hrough he wild plains

andmade pilgrimageso all the sacred pots. If he went o a placeonce,he went threetimes. He enteredKukkutapada Mountain,where e cut the rhat]Mahdkdsyapa's air34andAvalokitesvaralaid handson his head. Once whenhe spent the rainyseasonatGrdhrakiitaMountain,a wild animal5 guided him into a deep

mountain ave in which t was as lightas day. Therehe saw avisionofSakyamuniwith ttendants n both sides as if theywerebodilypresent.

32 The text has . A xe. & jett . Anotherex-ample of this word referring o Buddha is found in a memorialof Amoghavajra'sdisciple" " (T 52.840c11). The term hui-tengV, or lamp of intelli-

gence is also used by Amoghavajra's disciples to designate their Master, such as; jffJm, (T 52.836b20) nd ' M (T 502.849b922).

33The text has f I am not certainof my interpretation.Pei reads JkJ or (T 50.290c26).34Mahdkdsyapa is said to have entered ntonirvanain Kukkutapada Mountain and

preservedhis body thereuntilthe descentof Maitreya,who will show his body to theAravakas nd enlighten hem. Cf. the Ken-pen shuo-i-ch'ieh-yu-pu'i-na-ya tsa-shih4;%;*--Qtg4 fi,1tgt (T 24.409al5), Hsi-yiichi (T 51.919c11), Fa-hsienchuan (T 51.863c27), the Fu-fa-tsang in-yiian hutan ;gM3R;f.% (T 50.300c11),and Divyavadana 61. The storyof Shan-wu-wei's uttinghair forMahakisyapa is

apparently legend;but to cut hairforthe monks n prolonged amadhi in theircaveswas a commonpractice. Cf. S. BEAL, The Life of Hiuen-tsiang (202), Tao-hsfian's

biography f Jfianagupta T 50.434b3)3 Tsan-ningfollowsLi Hua's pei which has MM nstead of Em; (T50.291a1)

on account of the tabu of the T'ang dynasty. Both KS and 7;k are used assubstitutesorthe charactert. Cf. CH'ENYuan ;4fH, YCHP 4.563, 567, 635,Ch'iian-T'ang-wr'n 7.3ab.




Central ndia once sufferedrom everedrought nd Shan-wu-weiwas askedto prayforrain. In a shortwhileAvalokitesvara

was seen in the sun's disk,36 itha water ar 37 n hand pouringwater ntheground.The peopleweredelightednddeeplymovedas theyhad neverbeen before.He cast gold into the shape ofpattraleaves on whichhe wrotetheMahdprajniipdramitdsiitra.He also melted ilver 8to make a stfipa s tall as Buddha.39Be-causehe had wandered orquitea longtime,hismother houghthe mightbe dead. She weptday and night o that she losthereyesight; ut whenhe senta letter0 to inquireafterherhealth,

hereyesrecovered heirfunction s before.Since the death of Buddha, hereticshad prevailed n India.

[714c29]Ninety-sixchools ' heldtheir espective articular iews.Withhisopponents' wnviewpointss basis [of argument],han-wu-weiattacked theirmistakesand analyzedtheirdoubts. Hecaused [theheretics] o free themselves]ftheirmentalfetters2

and also to abandon chaos forthe road of enlightenment.he

Law, liketheclouds,benefitsll peopleevenlywithout istinction,

36Pei in T (50.291a3) readsJA . It must be a mistake,as pei in We'n-yuianying-hua (861.2b) and Ch'fian-T'ang-wen 319.10b) both read E|"

3 For differentransliterationsf the wordkundika cf.MOCHIZUKI, 1.725b.38 The texthas qpi, whilepei (T 50.291a6) reads , which supportsmy trans-

lation." The Buddha was said to have been sixteen feet tall, twice the stature of an

ordinaryman,MOCHIZUKI, 5.4463c. Pei readsf*, whichprobablymeans that theimage is sixteenfeethigh and possessesall the thirty-twoignsof Buddha.

40 The texthasR4-n. It means the same thing as |}Jt which s a verycommonphrase. Cf. Tu-shih in-tg 1#J4 3.813-814. This {- can not be translated smessenger ecause pei reads Xjj (T 50.291a7). But in pre-T'angtexts the character

{ri is generally sed to mean the messengernsteadof the message.41 The ninety-six chools are frequentlymentioned n Buddhist books, but it is

doubtfulwhether ll of them existedat the same time. According o I-ching," Enoutre, pour ce qui est des doctrinesheretiques, l y en avait autrefoisquatre-vingt-seize; maintenant l n'en subsiste plus qu'une dizaine. S'il y a des assemblies depurificationt des r6unionsgenerales, haque secte demeuredans un lieu qui lui estparticulier.Les religieux t les nonnesne contestent ucunemententre eux pour la

pres6ance. Comme leurs lois sont differentest que leurs doctrinesne s'accordentpas, chacun s'est accoutumea ce qu'il adore; ils restent hez eux et ne se melentpointles uns aux autres CHAVANNES, Les religieux eminents90-91. Also cf. LEGGE'S

translation f Fa-hsien (62) and MOCEIZUKI, 1.671c.42The texthas N$fim3CP'1. For ,j:L, pei reads (T 50.291a9) t 3



260 CHOU YI-LIANG

and meditationsgoodfor ll.43The banners f theheterodoxwereoverturned,nd the victorious tandard ofVairocanaBuddha 4

was set up.He caused the heretics o free hemselves ftheir wn

bewildermenty concentration,nd [taught hem] o lookfor heBuddha within hemselves.

Dharmaguptasaid to him: "[You] good man You have apre-destinedall to China. Now you may go." Shan-wu-wei henreverently ade him farewell and left. When he arrived inKashmir,45e came at dusk to a riveroverwhichno bridgewasbuilt. He crossed t byfloating hrough he air. One day he was

invited o dine n a richman's 6 home. In a shortwhile an arhatdescended, aying: " I belongto Hlinaydna.You 47 are a bodhi-sattva who is traversing he bhfimis.";8 Thereupon the arhatyieldedthe [higher] eat to himand honoredhim. Shan-wu-weipresented n excellent obe to the arhat,whothen departed ntothe sky.

Later Shan-wu-weirrived n Udyana *. White mice ran

43 The texthas - IJtI i ii3 . Pei reads X (T 50.291alO).

"The text has;W ;Ei`1*. The termjbE is the translationof citta incontrast ith jb1Wr jtjk, i. e. caitta. Here,however,he terms not used n itsoriginalmeaning,ut as an epithet orVairocana uddha, he preacherf the P'i-lu-che-na hing nd the chiefdeityworshippedn EsotericBuddhism.Cf. I-hsing'scommentaryo the abovementionedfitra T 39.580b15).

45 For Kashmir f.WATTERS, 1.258-264;HAVANNES,Documentsur les Tou-Kiue,166-168;W.FUCHS,Huei-ch'ao'sM PilgerreiseurchNordwest-IndienndZentral-

Asienum726,SPAW (1938) 441-442.46The texthas-, whichs thetranslationfthe Sanskrit ord resthin. orthedistinctionetween heusageofthisword nBuddhistexts ndChinese lassicscf. Fan-iming-ihi Mft t (T 54.1083b) and MOCHIZUKI, 4.3706b.

'7 Thetexthas *I which s a translationf theSanskrit ord hadanta. n theT'ang dynasty hiswordwas also used as a monk's itle, s AltarBhadantaEm*jE, Preachinghadanta ; etc. Cf.Seng-shih-liehT54.249b).

48 texthas i The characteritstands or hfimi.or the enbhfimisin a bodhisattva'sareer f. Har Dayal,Bodhisattva octrinen Buddhist anskritLiterature70-291;N. DUTT, Aspects f MahaydnaBuddhism nd its Relation o

Hinaycna 38-289.4 Udyanacomprisedoughlyhe present istrict fPangkora, ijdwar, wat, nd

Bunir.Cf. WVATTERS, 1.225-239;HAVANNES, Documents 28-129.Thiscountrys alsodescribedy Fa-hsien J.LEGGE,A Recordof Buddhist ingdoms8-29) and SUNGYiin (S. BEAL, Records f the WesternWorld . xciii) in theirtineraries.




up to him each day and broughtpresents fgoldcoins. He lec-tured on the P'i-lu [che-nach'eng-fo hen-pien hia-ch'ih hing]A [ Xgl@;ffi~g~kt"4,$ffI ] 50 in the court of a Turkish khan]and meditated1 under hekhatun's JR 52tree. The Law appearedin golden ettersdisplayed n the sky. At that time a femaleattendant n the Turkish khan's]palace pressedher hand to herbreastfromwhich hree treams fmilkflew ut and poured ntoShan-wu-wei'smouth.He, claspinghishands, aid solemnly: Shewas mymothern a former irth."

On hisway,he met banditswho struck t him three imeswith

a sword,yethe was not hurt. The man who wieldedthe swordheard onlythe sound of copper being truck]. 715al5] He wenton and climbed he Snow Mountain.53 here he fell ll [on reach-ing] large ake. Dharmagupta ame fromhe sky aying:" Whilein the world a bodhisattvadoes not escape transmigration;utyou have long understood he world.54How can you be sicknow?" After e had said this Dharmaguptaascendedto the skyand Shan-wu-wei ecovered his strength ompletely] s thoughwashed.55

Whenhepassed through ibet,he stayedwith ome merchants.The barbarians, eing greedyformoney, ame in largenumbers

50 See below, note 84.61The text has %T1t, Pei reads

(T 50.291a18), whichwould mean "As the Khatun asked forthe Law, he performedan afijali under a tree." Pei in We'n-yuan ing-hua (86.3a) reads j

meaning"the son of the khatun asked for the Law." Ait is a termcomposedofa transliterationnd a translation f the worddhyana,but ,T1if s a transliterationof the word afijali,meaning to make reverencewith both hands clasped. This con-fusion of usage is frequently ound. TING Fu-pao's fTJiMgjo-hsileh ta-tz'ft-tienf#tiK),4 (980b) defines itg (afijali)as 'Alt or concentration,uthe doesnot cite any Buddhist texts except the work of CHANG Tsan I (d. 548 A.D.)and WANGWei _EI (d. 759 A. D.).

52 See Appendix .See AppendixB.

54The text has 'AMff;, which literally would mean "your separation from

laksanas."" The text. eads Ajtjt. This expressions found n the biography f CHANG

Chia-chenqK A in T'ang-shu (127.1a), where it seems to mean ' clear.' HuSan-hsingJI in his commentaryo Tzii-chih 'ung-chien' A (*r ked., 207.5a) defines MM1, s or terrified.This meaning,however,does notfit here.



262 CHOU YI-LIANG

to surround and waylay]them. Shan-wu-wei ecretly ppliedmudrdsby heart,so that the chiefof the Tibetan [robberswas

defeatedby his magicpowerand]beggedforpardon. Whenhe

reachedthe western orderofthe greatT'ang [country], godtoldhim one night:" Eastwardfrom ere the country]s notmydomain;Manijusr1s guarding hat heavenly and." The godvanished fterhavingmade obeisanceat his feet.58 his was likeKapila's protectionf Master]Joined-browsJM 9 [i.e. Dharma-mitra]. Shan-wu-weioaded his books on the back of a camel,which,whencrossing he river at Hsi-chou fi+f,16Owas pulled

down nto theriverbythedragon. Shan-wu-weilso fell ntothewater ndstayed hreedays n thepalace ofthe dragon ndpropa-gandized them n]theLaw, so thatmanywereconverted.Whenhe led thecameloutto the shore, he bookswerestillnot damp.

While Shan-wu-weiwas still n the regionof North ndia, hisfamealreadyhad spread as far as China. EmperorJui-tsung1ordered idna5If3 62 andGeneral HIHHsien W`63 to go out

6The texthas "k ibs .6 For the relationbetweenMafijusr and China, cf. Sir Charles ELIOT, Hinduism

and Buddhismr .20-21,MocrizuKI, 5.4877c-4878a.5 See above, note 23.9 For Kapila cf. Shih-shihyao-lan f*,, (T 54.304al6), MOCHIZUKI, .460b.

The story of Kapila's accompanyingDharmamitra is found in Kao-seng chuan(T 50.343a22). Joined-browss probablythe translation f sarhgatabhrfi,ne of theminor marks of Buddha. Cf. Lalitavistara 122.1.15 (RAjendralAlaMitra ed.) andDharmasamgraha59. It is also a favoritedescription f a hero in Sanskrit Buddhist

literature.Cf. Divydvaddna 2.1.27, 26.1.4, 58.1.4.60 Hsi-chou roughly orresponds o the presentTurfan n SinkiangProvince. For afragmentary 'ang manuscriptof a gazetteer of this region, cf. Hsi-chou chih inTun-huang hih-shih -shu q .

61Jui-tsung eignedonce in 684 A. D. and was dethronedby Empress Wu. Thenhe reigned gain from710 to 713 A.D.

62 Jfidnamust be an Indian monk who is not attested elsewhere. A monk namedDevendrajfina 4 ,;S (T 50.719bl9) came to China fromKhotan in 689 A.D.The date ofhis death is not known. Jfina could be a simplified orm fDevendrajiilna,but it is not certainwhetherhe was still alive about 716 A. D.

" Pei reads k X (T 50.291b2). It seems more likely that this general wasoriginally tationed on the westernborder. The Turks of the royal familywho cameto serve the T'ang Emperor usuallyadopted the Chinese surnameShih J whichwasan abridged form of the Turkish name A-SHIH-NA FckM (such as SHIH Ta-nai

k. kc and SHIH Chung V, cf. CHAVANNES, Documents 23; Chiu T'ang-shu




theJade Gate HUi 64 to welcomehim. In the early yearsof theK'ai-yiian Afx period [713-741A. D.] EmperorHsiian-tsung65

dreamed hathehad metan eminentmonkofunusualappearance.The Emperor, pplying he paintshimself, ortrayedthedreammonk] n the wallofhishall. When Shan-wu-weirrived, e was[found o be] identicalwith [themonk]of the dream. [715a29]Rejoicingat thismiraculousmeeting,heEmperordecorated hetemple n the palace Ng-3J 6 [for han-wu-wei]ndhonoredhimas Master. Beginningwith the princes of Ning $ and Hsiieh

67 all knelt downbeforehimand waitedon him. As a bodhi-

sattva mightbe received n the celestialpalace, so this Indian[monk]was seated nextto theEmperorwhohonoredhimas theTeacher oftheCountry,68justas] Huang-tihonoredKuang-ch'engWiA."69 [Shan-wu-wei,n his part],causedtheEmperor o [enter]thewayofTathdgata. This sublimedoctrinewas then t thepeakof its popularity.

At that time therewas an astrologerwho could manipulate

supernaturalpirits nd was learned nthemechanism f cosmic]changes.When Shan-wu-weind theastrologer] ereordered oengage n a testoftheir rival]miraculous owers n thepresenceof the Emperor,he was calm, but the astrologerwho tried toworsthim]was at a lossto knowwhat to do.

In the fourthyear of K'ai-yiian,the year of ping-ch'en 716A. D.] Shan-wu-wei irst rrived n Ch'ang-an,70,ringingwith

109.4a). The general SFIH Hsien of our textmightbe a simplified orm f A-SHIH-NAHsien F JJJ3j of T'ang-shu. Cf. CHAVANNES, Documents77, 81-82;Chiu T'ang-shu98.15b. The headquarters of the chieh-tu-shih f Chi-hsi #AN If was inKarashar ; (cf. MATSUDA Hisao Sj I1H MSekisei setsudoshik6 WKS AVX4, Shich3 P4 3.2.25-51,3.3.48-68).

" The JadeGate Pass was located in the northwesternart of Kansu Province. Cf.CYYY 11.295-6.

Hsuan-tsungreignedfrom713 to 755 A. D. See AppendixC.e Both were Hsfian-tsung'sbrothers. For their biographiescf. Chiu T'ang-shu

)|:95.1a-7a, 10a-11a.68 For the termkuo-shih f. PELLIOT, TP 12.671-676." The storyofHuang-tiand Kuang-ch'eng-tzfis found n Chuang-tzii.Cf. LEGGE'S

translationn SBE 39.297-300.70 The exact date of Shan-wu-wei's rrival in Ch'ang-an is not given in the text

or pei,but anothermonk'sbiographywritten y Li Hua givesthe date as the fifteenthof the fifthmoon (Ch'ilan-T'ang-wen319.7b).



9264 CHOU YI-LIANG

him omeSanskrit exts.He wasstationednthesouthernuarterof theHsing-fu emple MTiMA' by theEmperor'sorder.Later

onhe was ordered o stay n theHsi-ming emple f"JJ+72

Mes-sengerswere sent]repeatedlyfrom heEmperor] o inquire fterhishealth nd thepresentsgivenhim]wereunusual. In the fifthyear,the year ting-ssiu717 A. D.], by imperialorder he madetranslationsn P'u-t'i-yuan . He asked the Emperortoinvitenotedmonkswhoshoulddiscuss withhim]boththe Chineseand the Sanskrit exts. He first4 translated n one chaptertheHsii-k'ung-tsangh'iu-wen-ch'iha &2ig 4iQ.75 Themonk

*Siddhartha 76 e anoraltranslation.Wu-chu 77wrote71 The Hsing-fuTemple was located in Hsiu-te-fang HS4* in the northwestern

partofCh'ang-an, f.Hs-& ung t, T'angliang-chingh'eng-fang'ao J 4i9tj4 (t~gt : ed.) 4.8b. Hsiian-tsangnceworkednthistemple.

72 The K'ai-yuian hih-chiaou P , (T 55.572al2) says: " later an imperialedict ordered him to stay in the Hsi-ming Temple]." This temple was located inYen-k'ang-fang I; in thewesternpart of Ch'ang-an, cf. Ch'eng-fang 'ao 4.13b,Ch'eng-fangk'ao pu-i 14a. It was also famous for its peony flowers, f. ISHIDA

Mikinosuke

f M *;t Toto ch6an ni okerubotan no kansh6Jftw5*-Lt) 1[?)iM in Ichimura hakase koki kinentoyoshi rons5t I t A83-94.

3 The P'u-t'i-yu-anmust be a part of the Hsi-mingTemple. Hsing-chuangmentionsit as an individualtemple (T 50. 290a13), which must be a mistake. A large templeusually consistedof manyyuan, whichmightbe occupied by monksof differentects.Cf. YABUKI Keiki y t , Sangaikyo no kenkyfi=W O , 89, 119, 122-126; T 54.240a23; CHANG Yen-yuan - g, Li-tai ming-hua chi Mft;,9MR(it51:j ed.) 3.10b; Ch'eng-fangk'ao 2.4a. Some Japanesebooks say that Shan-wu-wei n the year 716 A. D. visitedJapan which s completely roundless. Cf. Fus6

ryakki I-1j, 6 (A K g ed., 107); Genko hakushoCZ fg 1}IU| +?g t: 101.144b); MOCHIZUKI, 3.3005c."' The textreadsD t f is a termused sincethe Six Dynasties o

mean the introductoryemarkson the title of a sudtra hen it was expounded. Herethe word is not used in the original ense, but only means " to beginwith."

7 T 20, No. 1145. The full title of this work is found in the text below. Thissuitra ontains dharanito be recitedwith omerites o invokeAkkAagarbhabodhisattva,whowould help thesuppliant n gainingworldly rofit.For the cult ofthisbodhisattvain the Far East, cf. M. W. DE VISSER, The BodhisattvaAkkaagarbha (Kokuz5) inChina and Japan, Verhandelingen er KoninklijkeAkademic van Wetenschappen e

Amsterdam,Afdeelingetter-kunde, ieuwereeks, deel 30.1.1-47.76 This Indian monk is not attestedelsewhere.77 It is not certainwhether his monk was an Indian or Chinese, since the name

can be a translation fAsamga. But the one who composed the textmust be familiarwithboth languages; usually a Chinesewas chosen. Cf. W. FUCHS,Zur technischen




downand composed hetext. It was copiedand presented o the

Emperor,who accorded t high praise. Thereuponan edictwas

issuedthatShan-wu-weihouldpresent to the Emperor]ll the

Sanskrit extshehad brought long.78Previously hemonkWu-hsingBy 79 had goneto visit ndia.

After ehad finished is studies, e [tried o]return o China,but

unfortunatelyiedon reachingNorth ndia. All the eavesofthe

SanskrittextswhichWu-hsinghad obtainedwerepreserved n

theHua-yenTemple Ad 80 in the capital. FromtheseShan-wu-weiand Master I-hsing 1 [715bl5] selected[fortranslation]

several exts nd dhdraniswhichhad neverbeentranslated efore.In the twelfth ear [724 A. D.] he accompanied heEmperorto

Lo-yangb.82 There he receivedthe edict orderinghim to

-translatehe Ta-p'i-lu-cheh-nahing n the Fu-hsienTemple If

X *.83 The completeanskritextofthatsiltra ontainedne

Organisation erLUbersetzungenuddhistischerchriftenns Chinesische, M 6 (1930).

84-103.

78K'ai-yiian shih-chiao u (T 55.572a14), in relatingthis event, says "On accountof this,he could not translate ll the suftras."Hsiian-tsung'swarmwelcometo Shan-

wu-wei as described n this text is very doubtful,because in his early years this

Emperorwas not favorableto Buddhism. The confiscation f Shan-wu-wei'sbooks

suggests hat I-siian-tsungmay have so dislikedthisform fBuddhismas not to wish

its textsto become popularlyknown. For this problem ee AppendixL.

7 For Wu-hsing f. his biographyby I-ching (CHAVANNES,Les religieuxeminents

138-157).80 This is the templewhere I-hsingonce stayed. Cf. T 50.733cl.81 For I-hsing's biographycf. T 50.732c8ff. Hle studied under several teachersof

the T'ien-t'ai, Ch'an, and Vinaya Sects. Since he is said to have been learned inastrology nd mathematics,manyfanciful tories re told about himin the biography.

He died in 727 A. D.82According o Chiu T'ang-shu (8.21a) Hsfian-tsung isitedLo-yangin the eleventh

moon of thisyear and returned o Ch'ang-an afternineteendays. Here pei has " the

emperor rderedhimto live in the Sheng-shanTemple. " (T 50.291b13). He

must have passed his last years in this temple and died there,because the title of

his pei is "Eg ~ ...." Tsan-ningomitted his sentence n thisbiography,

so the name Sheng-shan-ssuin the title of his biography s not accounted for. This

templewas built in 705 A. D. in Chang-shan-fang t (southeasternpart of

Lo-yang), and its name was changed to " Sheng-shan the following ear. Cf. T'anghui-yao A ' ed.), 48.8a. Hst Sung failed to include this temple

underChang-shan-fang.83 The Fu-hsienTemple was located in Yen-fu-fang )JI;M; in the easternpart

of Lo-yang. Cf. Hst Sung, Ch'eng-fangkao 5.26a.

3



266 CHOU YI-LIANG

hundred housand tanzas,and whatShan-wu-weiranslatedwasonly a summary fessentials. t was [putin] sevenchapters nd

calledTa-p'i-lu-che-nah'eng-fohen-pien hia-ch'ih hing.84 hemonkPao-yuehJ- 85 made the oral translation. -hsingwrotedownand composed the ext]with omeomissionsndadditions.86It was [writtenn a style]well balancedbetweenornamental ndsimple language],nd wasin exquisiteharmonywith he profounddoctrine it contained]. On the one hand, it befits he Buddha'sintention,nd, on the otherhand,it suitsthe inclination f thepeople. This textwas themostessentialmeansfor he benefitof

all the people].He also translatedthe Su-p'o-hut'ung-tzii hing BP84=T

Ad" in threechapters, nd theSu-hsi-ti hieh-lo hing JIIM%

I ' 8,AS8 in three hapters. othsfitraswere omplete inayas ortheDharani [Sect]. The prohibitionsftheSecret Sect]are foundtherein. Those who had not entered the mandala89 were notallowedto read them, ust as those who had not received full

84 T 18, No. 848. Also cf. Bussho kaisetsudaijiten f:EJ f9 AiBJ 7.446d. Forthe Tibetan translationof this text cf. No. 126 in Otani Kanjur Catalogue, 1930-32,which is based on the Peking editionof the Tibetan Tripitaka and gives referencesto othereditions. This catalogue will be abbreviatedbelow as OTANI. The Sanskrittitle of this text as it is preservedn the Tibetan translation s Mahavairocandbhisain-bodhivikurvati-adhisthanavaipulyasiutra-indrardja-nama-dharmaparydya.he first hap-ter of thissfitrawas translated nto Frenchby R. TAJIMA in Etude sur le Mahavairo-cana Sfitra-Dainichikyo,avec la traductioncommenteedu premierchapitre (Paris,1936). The Snarthafi dition of this textwas edited by HATTORI YfitaiBRP(Saitama jW3i, 1931) with notes of collation and a Tibetan-Japaneseglossary.85 The name of thismonk is not attestedelsewhere.

86I-hsing compiled a commentary o this sfitra (T 39, No. 1796) which is indis-pensable in reading the text. He, however,died beforehe could finish he work. AKorean monknamed Pu-k'o-ssfi-i ATV', wrotea commentaryo the last chapter(T 39, No. 1799).

87 T 18, No. 895. Also cf. Bussho kaisetsu daijiten 7.17c, OTANI No. 428. TheSanskritname is Arya-Subdhupariprcchd-ndma-tantra.his text was also translatedby Fa-t'ien jW (*Dharmadeva) under the Sung dynasty (T 18, No. 896). A fewpassages of which the meanings are not clear in Shan-wu-wei's ranslation re more

intelligiblen Fa-t'ien's version.88 T 18, No. 893. Also cf.Bussho kaisetsudaijiten 7.8d. OTANI No. 431. The Sanskrit

name is Susiddhikaramahatantra-sadhanopayika-patala. he chief preacher in thissuitra s Chih-chin-kanga-pei p'u-sa Ap f,-

89 See Appendix .




ordination0shouldnot]overhear the ectures n]discipline.TheHsii-k'ung-tsang'u-saneng-manhu-yiian sui-sheng-hsin'o-lo-nich'iu-we'n-ch'ih

aJM~i fiii$@pGJ JR

which han-wu-weienderedn onechapter,was simply bstractedand translatedfromthe Ch'eng-chiu -ch'ieh-i 'u [p'in] WUU-A ["R 91 part oftheSanskrit extoftheChin-kang-tinghing

iTRlM_ 92

Beingfond fquietandsimplicity,han-wu-wei as accustomedto tranquillizing is mind and calminghis thoughts.Fromtimeto time he withdrew romhis meditations to encouragethe

initiates.Thosewho saw him felt s if] lotus flowerwerebloom-ingbefore 715b29]their yes. Those to whomhe talked[felt sif] weet dews weremoistening heirhearts. Every day someonewas unexpectedly nlightened y him. When his fellowmonksasked for n audience,he addressedhimselfnlytothe eldermonkRatnacinta 8'9.9' All othershonoredhim[with hehumility]suitableto disciples. MasterJ-hsing as greatly steemedbytheEmperor nd admiredby the scholars fthe day. In addition o[questions bout]meditationnd wisdom, I-hsing] lso consulted[Shan-wu-wei]n the profunditiesf Yin fW nd Yang KAsi. e.astrology] eforehe made decisions.

Once, in his own quarters, han-wu-wei ast a bronze stilpa.He himself esigned he model,which urpassed n technique ny

The text reads *1,^_M . A is an abridgedform of Byij whichmeansthe ordinationof upasarhpadd. Upasainpadd is also translated literallyas E ffi

or 'nearly full.' Cf. TAKAKUSU, A Record of Buddhist Religion 100.91 This text (see note 75 above) has the sub-titleMlk1J p

whichsuggeststhat the characterf is a mistakefor t3 meaninga chapter.92 An abridgedversionof this text was translatedby Vajrabodhi. Cf. T 18, No. 866.

The textreadsn MA UFor Ratnacinta's biographycf. T 50.720a15-b2. He arrived at Lo-yang from

Kashmir in 693 A. D. and died in 721 A. D. Several tantrictextswere translatedbyhim. His biography ays that he was learnedin both Vinaya and magic spells. After705 A. D. he ceased to work on translation, ut stayed in a templewherehe hadeverythingmade after the Indian fashion. This temple was called T'ien-chu-ssfi

e and the inscription f a stele erectedthere in memory f him is preservedin Ch'ilan-T'ang-wen257.5a-7a. It is also recordedthat he gave his belongingsgen-erouslyand held himselfunder strictdiscipline n his daily life. Nevertheless, n asfitratranslatedby him, there is a siddhi to cause a dead body to steal hiddentreasures,nd othersiddhis to sneak into a woman'sroom (T 20.425b-6a).



268 CHOU YI-LIANG

[previouswork] fmenorgods. Since the place required or melt-ing was extremelyarge, nd the yard[ofhis quarters]was deep

and narrow, hemonksof the templeworried est a windmight

come up and theflamemight iseand set fire o the temple.95Hesaid with aughter:" Don't worry.You'll see soon enough." Onthe day [appointed orthe]casting, s he had predicted, eavysnow was falling.Whenthe divine stfipa6 was takenout ofthemolds, uckyflowers made of snowflakes] rewup on the mat[spread n the yard]. All thepeopleshouted n admiration.

Oncetherewas a greatdroughtnthesummernd theEmperor

sent he eunuchKAo Li-shih it1 ? 97 inhasteto ask Shan-wu-weito prayforrain. He said: " It is destiny hat there houldbe adroughtnow. If we summon he dragon by force, he rainthusinvoked will be a deluge and only cause damage.98That mustnotbe " The Emperor, rging im, aid: " The people have beensufferingromheat and are sick. Even [some]wind and thunderwould be enoughto satisfy them]."Thus Shan-wu-wei's efusalwas ineffectual. he officershowedhimthe implements sed inmakingrain: banners, tandards, onch-shells,nd cymbalswereall available. Shan-wu-weiaughedand said: " Those things an'tmakerain. Have themremoved uickly." He filled bowlwithwater, tirringtmeanwhilewith smallknife 715c15]and recit-ing Sanskrit hdran f everalhundredyllables.Soon an object,like a dragon, boutthe size ofa fingernd red n color, ifted tshead above the surface f water,but [dived] back to thebottom

of the bowl again. Shan-wu-weiwent on stirringnd reciting.After while, white mokerosefrom he bowl andwent traightup [into he air] for everalfeet, nd was slowlydissipated.Shan-

9 The text has W* whichmeans the temple. This usage is found n Li Pai's work.Cf. Ch'iian-T'ang-wen 48.2b.

96The text has JX which must be a mistake. The Chin-lingk'o-ching ch'u

XIT|M edition of Sung kao-s'ng chuan (2.5b) and pei (T 50.291b26) bothread mid: which I follow n my translation.

KAO Li-shih was a pious Buddhist. Cf. his biography n Chiu T'ang-shu184.6b.Also cf. Chiu T'ang-shu192.14b; HsU Sung, Ch'eng-fangkao 3.la.

98This story s found nLiu-shih-shihS$E*Q, ited nT'ai-p'ing uang-chi3_tted.) 396.2b. The texthere reads AVFIit while Kuang-chi has Z -S* whichis more intelligible.




wu-wei old Li-shih: " Hurryback [to thepalace]. It is goingtorain " ThereuponLi-shih rode away at full speed. When helooked back,he saw a white loud rapidlyblowingwestward romthe ecturehall, ike a long strip f white ilkflying cross hesky.Soon it became darkand a greatwind and thunder ame. Li-shihscarcely eachedT'ien-chinWM bridge9whenthe wind and raincaughtup withhishorse.100 ost of the argetreeson the streetswereuprooted.WhenLi-shihwent nto the palace to report, isclotheswere all wet. The Emperor later]welcomed han-wu-weiwithhisheadbending o theground nd thankedhimrepeatedly.

Then at Mt. Mang tI a giantserpent ppeared,101hichShan-wu-wei aw and addressed as follows]: Are you goingto floodthe cityof Lo-yang? He recited dharan1 f severalhundredsyllables n Sanskrit. n a fewdaysthe serpentdied. It was theomen [indicating]hatAN Lu-shan %Ulaglwas goingto occupyLo-yang.

One tradition ays that Shan-wu-wei nce lived in the roomofTao-hsiianAn, theMaster of Vinaya,102t Hsi-ming Temple].He behavedrather udely o that Tao-hsiiandislikedhim and hadcontempt orhim. At midnight, hen Tao-hstian masheda fleaand threw t onthe ground, han-wu-wei elledrepeatedly: TheMaster of Vinaya struck heson ofBuddha to death " Now Tao-hsuianknew that he was a great bodhisattva.The nextmorning[Tao-hsiian],holdinghis robe reverently,aid homage to Shan-wu-wei. 715c29] If we examinethis tradition closely], t was

almost fifty ears fromTao-hsiian'sdeath to the middleof theK'ai-yiian period. Shan-wu-wei's nexpected ppearanceand dis-appearance rethingshatcannotbe imagined yordinaryersons.

In the twentieth ear 732 A. D.] he askedpermissiono returnto India. The Emperor was sympathetic ut did not grant hisrequest. In the twenty-thirdear, the year of i-hai [735 A. D.],

9 This was the bridge aid over the Lo It River to the south of the imperial ity.

Cf. Ch'eng-fang ao 5.15a.The texthas Hjfi% IqiI,. Kuang-chieads forN.

"' A story ike this is found n Amoghavajra'sbiography.There mustbe a commonsource that later developed into two legends.

102 See Appendix .



270 CHOU YI-LIANG

on the seventhday of the tenthmoon, yingwithhis right idedown and two feetoverlapped,he died quietly. He was ninety-

nine yearsold,or as the religiousountedhe was eightyyearsof

age. His fellowmonksfelt ad and lonelyand the Emperorwasshockedand grieved. The title Directorof the Court of StateCeremonialR)J1kP03 wasbestowedn him. Li Hsien #,104 theFirst ecretaryf heCourt fStateCeremonial )ilTs andMasterofVinayaTing-] inM)R,1o5 themasterfritesof he emple],wereordered by the Emperor]to superintendhe funeral ere-mony. In the twentieth ear [740A. D.], on the thirdday of the

tenthmoon,he was buried n the yardoftheKuang-huaTempleJets '-106n theWestern illsofLung-menN. Becauseofhis

103 Cf. T'ang-shu48.18b, T'ang hui-yao66.9a. For the firstmonkto receive worldlytitle afterhis death cf. J. R. WARE, TP 30.129. In the T'ang dynastymonksbeganto receive official itles as well as salary,cf. T 54.250a92, 49.373al6, 50.720c4. ThisCourt of State Ceremonialtook chargeof the affairs f monks as well as of foreignguests, and this was the reasonwhy certain of the monkswere made directors f it.For the administrationf monks see AppendixP. A Taoist priestalso had the same

honor n 720A. D. Chiu T'ang-shu191.20b. Until 736 A. D. theTaoist priestsbelongedto the same office.T'ang hui-yao49.4b.

104 The text has *R, but pei has 4-r-Q (T 50.291c3), which is correct. For LiHsien's lifecf. T'ang-shu131.2a. For his genealogy f.CH'IEN Ta-hsinN7,IM , Nien-erh-shih 'ao-i t t ed.) 53.10a. Li Hsien's biographyfailsto mentionthat he once occupied this position. According o the Pai-kuan-chihj,> of T'ang-shlu 48.19b), the funeralceremonyof an official f the thirdrank

7-p is to be supervisedby the ,7. The J)@pp elongedto the sub-thirdrank,therefore i Hsien was appointed.

106 The textreads-ftBifi

-'-. Pei hasAd (T 50.291ca). iHsing-chuang (T 50.290c8) also reads eT_A PAA tgg~gffiffi$. The latter two readings are more intelligible. , is a namefor minute rites and some Vinaya texts are called by this name (T 24, Nos. 1470-1472). Here it means a monk who serves as a master of ceremony n the temple,especiallyin the ceremonyof ordination (T 40.25c21). In 755 A. D. Ganjin 4asked the JapaneseEmpress forpermission o hold the ordination eremony wice ayear and to appoint one igishiPR and two jilgishi#_ fXii fter the Chinesefashion. Cf. Todaiji zasshiirokuaik4VtA in Dainihon bukky5 zensho 121.230b. For Ganjin and the introduction f theVinaya Sect into Japan, cf. S. ELISSEEFF,

HJAS 1.85-88;J. TAKAKUSU, Le voyage de Kanshin en orient,BEFEO 28.1-41, 29.47-62. It is clear that the tZfn our textshould go withTing-pin. For thisMasterof Vinaya cf. also Ch'iian T'ang even501.8b.

106 Shan-wu-weimust have died in the Sheng-shan Temple (see note 82 above).This templewas built n 758A. D. on thepremiseswherehe was buried (T 50.291c26).




holiness,107is bodysufferedo decay. On theday of his funeralthe capitalwas thesceneof thepeople's]deepsorrow.Mountains

and rivers hanged heir olor. His disciples, othmonksnd lay-

men,DhydnaMastersPao-weiWA andMing-weiAJJA08 [of] heCHE1NG family fYing-yangV and theWANGDEfamily fLang-yehffl3G,119ereall as grieved t theloss oftheMaster110as iftheyhad losttheir wnfathersnd mothers. n thebeginningof the Ch'ien-yiian tX period[758 A. D.] the powerof T'angrose again [after he rebellion fAN Lu-shan]. The two mastersengraved verse 1 [on a memorial tone]and the lay believers

dug the [burial] ave. His discipleswent to live besideit just asConfucius'spupilshad done]to showtheir ove [for heirmaster].

Shan-wu-wei's ody,whichcan stillbe seen,has shrunkwithtime.112 he black skinhas dulled and the bones have becomevisible.Whenever drought r floodhas occurredn subsequentdynasties, eoplehave goneto prayat thecave and have gotten

"'7The texthas t ii 424f , whichmay be translated Being imbued

with meditation nd wisdom,his body did not decay." For this customof keepingamonk's dead body,which is practisedparticularlyn the Far East, but not in India,cf.KoSUGIKazuo ,Jjg-7ffNikushinzooyobi ikaiz5 no kenkyii fJR/*0jff5I', TG 24.405-436.

108 For these two monks'names pei reads * and All (T 50.291c5).109 The text as it stands is erroneous. based my emendationon pei (T 50.291c5),

which insertsthe surnamesand native localitiesof these two disciples to show thattheywere from enowned amilies. Tsan-ningmisunderstoodhis passage and separatedthe names of the two monks nto fournames. According o Li Hua, the first isciplementioned s a descendantof CHENG Shan-kuo

M

n- (Chiu T'ang-shu62.6a), theman who made a prediction bout Hsiian-tsang'sfuture (T 50.221c14). Although n

Li Hua's time I41JJnd bill|+ere he officialames,t was the habit f the ntelli-gentsia n the T'ang dynasty, aking pride in theirpedigrees, o use the old names of

M . Cf.CHAO I MX, Kai-yil ts'ung-k'aoBe, l (Ad4Lk?t ed.) 17.7b-9a.110 The text has ffiWH45? which is an allusion to what Tzfi-kung aid when

Confuciuswas about to die (Li-chiAge,, SPTK ed., 2.10b).... The verse is found at the end of pei (T 50.291.c4).112 EmperorT'ai-tsu visitedLo-yang n 975 A. D. and wentto theKuang-huaTemple

to pay his homage to Shan-wu-wei's emains. In the fourthmoon of that year, the

Emperorwishedto offer acrifices o heaven,but the rain did not stop. A messengerwas then sent to pray to the remains (T 49.396c1). Fo-tsu t'ung-chi (T 49.296b5)also records nothervisitpaid by T'ai-tsu in the ninthyear of Ch'ien-te4IAI period.The nien-hao-fwnEh'ien-t',however, nly asted six years and therecan be no ninthyear ofthat name. It must be a mistake.



272 CHOU YI-LIANG

results, o that many gifts of gratitude]were laid there. Theremains re coveredwithsheets of embroidered rocade as ifhe

wereasleep. Every timethe remains re takenout of the cave,they re placedon a lowcouch nd bathedwith fragrantnguent.The richpeople n Lo-yang 716al5] give in competitionh'an-po)fi,"113 cleaning owels, nd the toiletpeas 14 used in the bath.The presentEmperor,1"5henpropitiatingr praying orsome-thing, sually endsmessengersopresent ifts; nd [hisMajesty's]desireshave always beenfulfilled.

THE BIOGRAPHY OF VAJRABODHI OF THE KUANG-FU TEMPLE

OF LO-YANG OF THE T'ANG DYNASTY

(Taish6 Tripitaka50.711b6-712a22)

The monkVajrabodhiftH , [namely]Chin-kang-chihnChinese,was a native ofMalaya *Adg' (meaningbrightnessnChinese) in South India. It was a districtocatednearPotalakaVrZikbX Mountain,whereAvalokitesvara's alace was situated.2His father, Brahman,3was proficientn thefivekindsofknowl-

113 The text has ME, but the Chin-lingk'o-chingch'u edition has fIgIiE (2.7a),which follow. It seems to be a kind of scarfused by monks,but so far cannotfindany reference o it in other books. The monksof the Ch'an Sect in later days weara kind of hood by the name of ch'an-chin ji* J (D6chfif,, Zenrin shdki sen

jig#~t;2X 694b), but it is not knownwhether hese two garments re connected.114The toilet peas are used to wash hands, cf. Shih-shuo hsin-yiiIll r

(SPTK ed.) 3b.44a, Yu-yangtsa-tsu hsii-chi SPTK ed.) 4.6b.115For the readingcf. note 1 of the editors in the text. This refers o Emperor

T'ai-tsung,who reignedfrom976 to 977 A. D.1Malaya is an abbreviated form f the name Malayakuta in Ilsilan-tsang's ccount,

which " included the modern districtsof Tanjor and Madura on the east, withCoimbator,Cochin,and Travancoreon the west." Cf. WATTERS, 2. 228-231; A. CUN-

NINGHAM, The Ancient Geographyof India 549-552; F. HIRTH, Chau Ju-kua 12.CUNNINGHAM, basinghis work on that of the Arabs, suggests hat Malayakuta mightbe a compoundname formed y joiningthenames of two contiguousdistricts p. 551).

2For Potalaka Mountain cf. WATTERS, 2.231-232; oRiKentoku, Kaisetsu seiikiki842-844. The term s usually used to translatethe Sanskritword vimAna. It is to beunderstoodn this sense here.

3Yfian-chao's Che'ng-yiian hih-chiao u containstwo accounts of Vajrabodhi's life.The first ne (T 55.875bl-876b27) was writtenby his lay discipleLi Hsiang g],mne f the fivecommentators f Wen-hsiian,whose biography s foundin T'ang-s'hu




edge and a teacherof thekingof Kdnic1W .5 Vajrabodhiwasable to read ten thousandwordseveryday whenhe was a few

yearsold. He quickly omprehended hatever esawandretained

it throughout is life.Atthe age of sixteen he was enlightenedyBuddha's doctrine

202.10b-llb. The second one, much shorter nd apparentlybased on the first ne,was composedby a personknown as K'un-lun-weng (T 55.876b29-877a21).Both give traditionsdifferentromour text as to Vajrabodhi's family.

Lu Hsiang (abbreviatedbelowas LU) saysthat he was the third on of *Isanavarmana ksatriya king of Central India. Because he was accompanied to

China by General Mi-chun-na)jKt of a certaincountryof South India, he wasconsidered s a native of South India (T 55.875bl). S. LE'VI, Les missionsde WangHiuen-ts'edans l'Inde (JA ninthseries,15 [1900].3. 419-421) gives a resumeof LU'saccount. For this kinghe says "J'ignore quel 6trele roi Iinakarman ou 0varman;il sembledifficile e 1'identifiervec le princede ce nom mentionnedans l'inscriptiond'Aphsad (Corpus III, n? 42), comme le contemporain t le rival malheureuxdeKumaraguptade Magadha, Vajrabodhietantne en 661." (419.)

' For the fivevidyas cf. WATTERS, 1.157-159; Fan-i ming-ichi (T 54.1144c14).'P. C. BAGCHI (Le canon bouddhique en Chine 2.554) is wrong in saying that

Vajrabodhihimselfwas the king'steacher. Kafic is an abbreviatedform fKaficlipura

which is the presentConjeveramon the Palar River in South India. Cf. WATTERS,

2.227; CUNNINGHAM, 548; P. PELLIOT, BEFEO 4.359-363. It was not the name ofa country, ut of a citywhere the Pallava kingshad theircapital. The kingof Kdficin the textmust refer o one ofthesekings. According o R. SEWELL's The HistoricalInscriptions f Southern ndia and Outlines of Political History (Madras, 1932) 375,Narasimhhavarmanreigned . 630-668 and his successorMahendravarman I reignedc. 668-670A. D. Vajrabodhi's fathermighthave been a teacher of eitherone.

The Pallava kingswere famousfortheirfavorable ttitude towardsmen of learning.Mahendravarman himselfwrote a drama in which followers f different eligionsfigured.Cf. R. GOPALAN, History of the Pallavas of Kanchi (Madras, 1928) 95. Inhis reignconsiderable mpetuswas given to productionsn the fieldsof drama,music,painting, nd other arts (ibid., 88). It is said that Dandin composedthe fifthhapterof the Kavyadarsa forgiving essons in rhetoric o a royal princeat Kficlipura, andthis princewas in all probability he son of Narasiihhavarman I (ibid., 110-111).KAMcIwas a centre of learningduringthe period betweenthe seventhand the ninthcenturies. Cf. C. MINAKSHI, dministrationnd Social Life under the Pallavas (Madras,1938) 186-187. All we know of the Pallava kings and Kafic seems to agree withthe tradition bout Vajrabodhi's father s recorded n the text.

Tsan-ning makes much use of monks' stele-inscriptionssee Introduction), and

Shan-wu-wei's iography s a good example. But it is very strangethat here he doesnot use at all the two accounts contained in the Cheng-yiian hih-chiao u, whichwas doubtlessaccessible to him. Did he have any reason to reject the theorythatVajrabodhiwas bornin a ksatriyafamily?

6 Lu (T 55.875b3) says that he became a sramanera n Nalanda Monasteryat theage often and studiedunder Master *Santijfnana the sabdavidya. Whenhe



274 CHOU YI-LIANG

and [therefore]id not wish o learn hetreatises ftheNiganihas.7He cut [hishair and put on] a dyed [robe] and becamea monk.

[Thisconversion]was probably he resultof [good seeds]plantedduring formerxistence.Later he accompaniedhis teachertoNalanddMonasteryn Central ndia wherehe studied hesfitras,abhidharmas nd so on. Whenhe was fullyordained,9 e heardthe lectureson the Vinayas of the eighteen chools.10Again hewentto West India1 to studythe Hinayana treatises nd thedoctrine f yoga,'2ThreeSecrets 3 and dharan1.By thetimetenyears had passed he had become conversantwith all the three

Pitakas.Then he visited Ceylon'4 and climbed LafrkdMountain."5

Travelling astward,he visitedtwenty ountries rmore, nclud-ing Bhoja f ,'6 the countryof naked [711b15] people,17 ndothers.HavingheardthatBuddha'sLaw wasprosperingnChina,

was fifteen ears old, he went to West India, wherehe studied Dharmakirti's astra

for four years,and then returned o Ndlanda. Dharmakirti (early seventh century)

was a discipleofDfinaga and a great ogician. Cf. M. WINTERNITZ, History of IndianLiterature2.363, 632; MOCHIZUKI, 5.4613a.

7It is interesting o notice that Jaina texts are speciallymentionedhere. Jainismhad taken deep root in the southern ip of the Indian peninsula and attractedmanyfollowers. t also received the patronage of the royal families. Cf. C. MINAKSHI,

Administrationnd Social Life underthe Pallava" 227. Mahendravarman , originallya Jain,was laterconverted o Saivism. R. GOPALAN, History of the Pallavas ofKanci90. Narasiihhavarman , though not a Jain himself,was well disposed to the sect.MINAKSHI, 231.

8Cf. T54.1051b1, 269a13, and T50.800a21.

The text has h "ascend the law ofAila,"which consider ynonymouswithJ hi (T 50.712bl). Lu says that he was fullyordained when he was twentyyearsold (T 55.875b6).

1 Eighteen is the traditionalnumberof the schools in Hinayana Buddhism. Cf.Appendix II, " The Eighteen Schools," in E. J. THOMAS, The History of BuddhistThought 288-292.

See AppendixF.2 See note 28 in Shan-wu-wei'sBiography.s See note 29 in Shan-wu-wei'sBiography.4 See AppendixG.1 See Appendix .

16 Bhoja is the presentPalembang in Sumatra. It was also called Sri Bhoja F SII

fWtg Cf.PELLIOT, BEFEO 4.321-339;HIRTH, Chau Ju-Kua 63. LU says (T 55.876a29)that Vajrabodhiand the Persian merchants ook one monthforthe journeyto Bhoja.

" See AppendixJ.




he went thereby the sea route."8Because offrequentmishaps,he tookseveralyearsto getthere.' In theyearof chi-wein the

K'ai-yuan period [719 A. D.] he reached Kuang-fu fiJ' 0An

imperial dictorderedhim to be welcomed o theTz'i-e'nTemple21 in Ch'ang-an. After shortwhilehe was transferredo

theChien-fu emple l .2 Whatever emplehe stayed at,healways caused an altar 3 to be erectedforthe abhiseka cere-mony,24nwhich greatmandalawas [painted],nd he convertedthe four assemblies[of Buddhists].25Dhydna masterTa-chih

18 This seemsto mean thatVajrabodhiintended o go to China afterhe had reachedBhoja, which is quite differentromLi's account. Cf. T 55.875b22,JA ninthseries,15 (1900). 3.419.

19 According o Lu (T 55.876b4), Vajrabodhiand the Persianmerchants ncountereda storm ust twentydays before theyreached China. All the rest of the thirty-oddships were lost, but the monk's ship was safe because of his recitation f the MahJ-pratisaradhdrani. t took three years for the monk to reach China. Accordingto

Amoghavajra's record of Vajrabodhi's own description (T 39.808b16), each of thethirty-odd hips accommodated five or six hundred people. When the ships wereabout to sink, the shipmasterhad everything n board thrown nto the sea. Vajra-

bodhi in his confusion orgot o save the completetext of the Chin-kang-tinghing,of whichonly the abridgedversionwas preserved.This is the text which he translatedlater.

20PELLIOT identifiedKuang-fu with Khanfu, the Arab name of Canton (BEFEO4.215). It was so called because the Kuang-choutu-tu-fu 4J4'1INWUMas locatedin that prefecture.Cf. KUWABARAJitsuzo Hojukd no jiseki i C=FfW

g 17-18; Kanfu mondai kotoni sono kanraku nendai ni tsuite Add r

; CD0 lfARCl UIPI (Tozai kctsfishions5 9^j.I 395-414). u(T 55.876b9) says that when Vajrabodhi arrived at Canton, the militaryGovernor-

General ji){t sent two or threethousandpersons, n board several hundred mallboats, to welcome him far out at sea. Here Lu commits n anachronism, ecause thetitle F was first stablished n 757 A. D., and beforethat only the title

_?J~lM~ was used (T'ang huti-yao 8.16a).21 This was the temple where HsUan-tsang stayed. It was located in the Chin-

ch'ang-fang erm in the southwestern art of Ch'ang-an. Cf. Ch'eng-fangJao3.16a. Lu (T 55.876bll) says that Vajrabodhi arrivedat the eastern capital in themiddle of 720 A. D.

22 This templewas located in the K'ai-hua-fangfinkh o the south of imperialcity. Cf. Ch'eng-fangkao 2.3a. Special quarters for the use of translating fitras

,$MR werebuilt in this temple n 706 A. D. for -ching (T 50.710c13).23 Here the word if is not used in the sense of temple,but means much the

same as arena.24 See Appendix .25Bhiksu, bhiksun1, pasaka, upasikd; MOCHIZUKI, 2.1800a.



276 CHOU YI-LIANG

Mt26 Ta-huiJC,,27 and Amoghavajrall honored imwithcourtesybecoming o disciples.

Later he accompaniedheEmperor o Lo-yang. Sincethefirst

moonofthatyear t had notrainedforfivemonths.Prayerwasofferedt the sacred templesof mountains nd riverswithoutresult. The EmperororderedVajrabodhito set up an altar forprayer. n consequence, e adoptedthe scheme fPu-k'ungkou-ip'u-sa I .28 An altaroffourhastas ft 29 in heightwaserected n [thehall of the temple]wherehe lived. He himselfpainted 0 the imageofBodhisattvaof SevenKotis 1 and set the

28He was I-fu*ATM (d. 732 A. D.). Cf. T 50.760b and Chin-shih su'i-pien(Al4 & ed.) 81.7a-8a.

27 DhyAnaMaster Ta-hui was I-hsing. See note 81 in Shan-wu-wei'sBiography.28I cannot findout who this bodhisattva s. There is an AmoghAiikugabodhisattva

who is supposedto deliverbeingswith an afikuga.He is a figuren theGarbhadh&tu-mandala extant in Japan; MOCHIZUKI, 5.4391c4392b. Nevertheless, he character Win the name is still puzzling.

29 About eighteen nches. MOCHIZUKI, 1.153a.30 An AcAryas supposed to be able to paint a mandala himselfwithoutresorting

to lay painters. Cf. P'i-lu-che'-nahing (T 18.4a29 and T 39.613b5). Several traditionssay that Vajrabodhiwas a prominent ainter. The stele-inscriptionrittenby K'un-lun-weng T 55.876c9) says that he was " an expert n color painting*4f." CHANG

Yen-yuan's Li-tai ming-hua-chi 9.16b-17a) says that Vajrabodhi,was from Ceylonand was particularly ood at paintingBuddhist mages. The statues underthewoodenstfipa f theKuang-fuTemple are said to have been designedby Vajrabodhi. CHANG'S

accountis wrong n sayingthatVajrabodhiwas a native ofCeylon. But the statementthathe was expert n paintingBuddhist mages seemsto be true. K'un-lun-weng lsosays that Vajrabodhi designed the stuipa of Vairocana, which was consideredanexcellentpiece of work (T 55.876c20).

The text has ;4 ot-L-J]K. Vajrabodhitranslated text called Fo-shuoch'i-chui-tio-nu chun-t'i ta-mning'o-lo-nichingsa-L~A.,RM t w JU

Ajf~r. It containsa dharanii o essentialthat it is called the motherof the pastseven kotis of Tathagatas (T 20.173a6). Just as most of the dharan-is re personifiedand a deity is made out of each, there is also a chiefdeity*A: for this dhArancalled-L-%KjVf-L;T 20.175a20).Whenrecitinghisdharan-1,man4alaof fourhastas is to be built (T 20.173bll). Drought and flood are reckoned among thecalamitieswhichcan be dispelledby reciting nd performinghe correct ites n accord-ance with this text (T 20.174al7). Therefore he -L-44K is an abbreviated

form f -{, i (This bodhisattvas againidentifiedithAvalokite-svara in Ta-ch'engchuang-yen ao-wangching k* nRW3EjfW Cf. MOCHIZUKI,3.2526a.) This, however,still does not agree with the ; mentionedabove. The imageof this deity, ccording o the text (T20.178b19), is to be paintedin yellowand white color. He has eighteenarms and threeeyes and is seated on alotus flowerwhich is in the pond. Two dragon kings are painted to hold the lotusflower. Cf. OTANI, no. 188. The Sanskritname is Aryacundddevi-ndma-dhdrani.




date thatwhentheeyesof theimageshouldbe drawn it wouldrain. The Emperor entMasterI-hsingto observe t secretly. t

was still ohot n

the morningf the]seventhday thattherewas

not a single loud floatingn the sky. But in theafternoon, henthe eyesand browsofthe bodhisattvawerebarely drawn,north-west windsbegan at once to blow [so heavily]that the tiles ontheroofswere ifted nd treeswereuprooted.The cloudsdroppedtheir ain. The peoplefar and widewereastonished.A hole wastorn n the roof bove the altar and heavyrainpoured ntothehall. Next morning, eopleofhighand low degree n the capital

asserted hatVajrabodhihad seizeda dragonwhichhad jumpedup [711b29] hrough heroof f thehall], ndthousands fpeopledailysought o see theplace. Such is themiraculous ffect ftheuse ofaltars A M .

At that time the Emperor [Hsiian-tsung]was interested nTaoism andhad no timefor he[Buddhist]doctrine f Sftnyatd.33The officials,ensing the Emperor's] ntention, sked that thebarbarianmonks of foreign rigin hould be sentback to their

32 The texthas3AWJJ?.93I:XlE. In Amoghavajra'sranslationf the ame ext,mentioned bove in note 31, there is a section dealingwith the methodof paintingimages. It says (T 20.184c26): " When the image is painted, n accordance with one's[financial] bility the text has PfAJ{k, of which the last two characters re unin-telligible], one should] invite seven monks to worship t. When the 'brightness' isopened, they should make vows and recite hymns of praise.... The image is to bebrought nto a quiet room to be worshipped ecretly."R31Mf is an abbreviation f

POW2;3t",6Mr openingof the brightness f the eyes. Cf. Shih-hu'sJ.Alpj*DAna-

pala) Fo-lshuo-ch'iehu-lai an-hsiangan-mei -kuei hingfSR t4 knX-_tLjf;, T21.934c13,more ommonlyalled 3 (MocHIzuKi, .380c). Thisprobably denotes the final ouch added to the eyes of an image by which t is believedto be made holy. In Japan,when a monkopenedthe eyes of a Buddha, to the brushpen whichhe was usingwas fastened a thread which all the people attendingtheceremonyheld (cf. Mikky6 daijiten 1.202a). Later in China and Japan the openingof eyes became merelya ceremony n the worshipof a newly completed image,butotherwisehad nothingto do with the eyes. Chih-p'an in his Fo-tsu t'ung-chi,mis-understanding he meaningof our term, says that Vajrabodhi promised that whenthe image's eyes opened it shouldrain, and after three days, as expected, he image's

eyes pened IfR J[I 90 -JN E , 0 b (T 49.295b25). t is very trangethat he should so misunderstand his term as to invent such an incredible tory. Hemight have been misled by such a text as Su-p'o-hu t'ung-tziich'ing-we'n hing,which says that the eyebrows f the image worshippedwill move when a siddhi whichone prays for s obtained (T 18.727c24).

3 See AppendixL.



278 CHOU YI-LIANG

owncountries,nd the date of departurewas fixed orthwith. nattendant sked Vajrabodhi abouthis plan], ndVajrabodhi aid:

" I am an Indianmonk,nota Tibetan orCentral-Asiaticmonk].34I am not affected y the imperial order. Anyhow, shall notleave." After few days he suddenlydecidedto go to Yen-menJXF9by post-horse. When he bade the Emperorfarewell, helatterwas much surprised.An autographed rderwas issued toretainhim.

The Emperor's wenty-fifthaughter6was verymuchbeloved[bytheEmperor].She had beenill for longtime and couldnot

be cured. She was removed o rest n theHsien-iWai-kuan ATCi$ 37 [where] he lay with closed eyes,not havingspokenfor

more hantendays. Previous to Vajrabodhi'splan ofdeparture]an edictwas issued orderingVajrabodhito be her preceptor nmaking owsto observe heBuddhistordinancesslla]. This orderwas issued because [the Emperor]anticipatedthat the princesswas certainly oing o die.38 Nevertheless],ajrabodhiwent here.

Havingchosentwo girlssevenyearsof age from he palace, he

had theirfaces wrappedwithred silk and had them aid out onthe ground. He had Niu Hsien-t'ung4?{AMIJ write an edict

34For the distinctionbetween t and j ijJ, f. Hsit kao-sng chan ,ff(T50.438bl6); Fan-i ining-ichi (T54.1056bl).

3H. MASPERO, JA 223.2.249-296.36 HlsUan-tsung ad 29 daughters Nien-erh-shih 'ao-i 51.9b), five of whomare said

to have died young. They were PrincessesHsiao-ch'ang*A, Ling-chsang Ax,Shang-hsien?{ili, Huai-ssfi kJ~,M nd I-ch'un tot (T'ang-shu 83.14b-17a). It is

not knownwho this twenty-fifthaughterwas. There was a princesspossessingthetitle Hsien-i 6JJ who was a daughterof Wu hui-feibase but she died in 784A. D. (T'ang-shu 83.16a), long afterHsiUan-tsung's eath. The passage just cited inT'ang-shu has )fj; whichis a mistake, because anotherpassage in the same work(83.15a) and the pai-na jj edition both read ftA . Thoughthe titleis identicalwiththeANCg, it is still impossible o identify hisdyingprincesswithPrincessHsien-i.

3 It is not knownwhat thisplace was. There was a templeforTaoist nuns calledHsien-i Kuan )iA x in Ch'ang-an,but it was first alled by thatname in 762 A. D.(Ch'e'ng-fang ao 310a). There is a Hsien-i

Kung JAVLgin

Lo-yang (Chiu T'ang-shu 88.22b), but I cannot be surewhether heprincess ay ill in Lo-yang or Ch'ang-an.38See AppendixL.S Nu Hsien-t'ungwas a yeh-chl MA of the Bureau of Palace Attendantsrest

Ax. He was put to death in 739 A. D. because he deceived the Emperorby concealingthe defeatofCHANGShou-kueiARKY in a war with theHsi ? people. Cf. CHANG'S

biography n Chiu T'ang-shu 103.9b.




whichwas burned lsewhere,nd an incantationwas said over tby Vajrabodhi. The two girlsrecited t frommemorywithout

omitting neword. Vajrabodhithenentered nto samadhi. Withinconceivable orcehe sent the two girlswith the edictto KingYama. Within he timerequired or meal, King [Yama] orderedthe princess's ead nurseLiu GIJo accompany he princess's piritback with the two girls. Thereuponthe princess at up, openedher eyes, nd talked as usual. Havingheardofthis, he Emperorstartedfor theWai-kuanon horsebackwithoutwaiting 711c15]forhis guard. The princess aid to him: " It is veryhardto alter

destiny s fixed n the otherworld. King [Yama] has sentme backto see youonlyfor shortwhile." Abouthalf day latershedied.After hattheEmperorbegantohave faith nVajrabodhi.

Wu kuei-feiA-A4E10 whoaloneamongthequeensenjoyedtheparticularfavor of the Emperor], resented reasures o Vajra-bodhi. Vajrabodhiurged hequeento havemadeinhastea statueof Chin-kang hou-ming 'u-sa FTIU:JiK 41 He also advised

40 The title of this queen should be hui-fei s given in her biography Chiu T'ang-shu 51.18a), not kuei-fei.The titlehui-feiwas introduced y IHsian-tsung nd rankedjust below that of Empress (ibid., 51.1b). She'n-hsien an-yiichuan T1i$4{JI43 4(cited in T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi292.2a-3b) ays that this queen was a faithful iscipleof Vajrabodhi. Since she was fromthe Wu family,t would not be surprisingf shewere a pious Buddhist. CHENG Yfi *5 (chin-shihdegree in 851 A. D.), only alittle over one hundredyears later than Vajrabodhi and Wu hui-fei, ssociated thismonk with anotherqueen. In his poem Chin-yang-me'nhih 'aadP9g g he madeallusions to the fanciful toriesrecorded n the Shen-hsienkan-yii chuan, and in his

noteshe says that Hsiian-tsung elieved in the Taoist Lo Kung-yiian A whileYANG kuei-feig;CE believed in Vajrabodhi. As she was summoned nto the palacenot long afterWu hui-fei's eath in 737 A. D., therewas a periodof fouryearsbeforethe monk's death in 741 A.D. (see below, note 56) in whichthey could have met.Nevertheless, hesitate to agree with CHENG YU, since Wu hui-fei'sbelief n Vajra-bodhi is attestedby both Shen-hsienkan-yilchuan and Tsan-ning. The year of Wuhui-fei'sdeath is given in her biography n Chiu T'ang-shu as 737 A. D. (51.18a).This date is confirmed y thepen-chi n the samework (5.92b) nd Tzfi-chih'ung-chien(214.10a), which s generally eliable in chronology.The biography f YANG kuei-feiin T'ang-shu (76.926b) gives 736 A. D., which is wrong. Cf. Wu Chen - Hsin

T'ang hu chiuniuW ,. ( n i ed.) 5.4b.41A text called Chin-kang hou-ming 'o-lo-ninien-sung a AIj.M jX was translated by Amoghavajra. As the title shows, it is a dhdrani forlongevity. The chief deity s called Chin-kang hou-ming 'u-sa (T 920.275c7), ut noiconographical nformationbout this bodhisattva is given in the different ersions(T 20, Nos. 1133-1135) of this text. A bodhisattva by the name of Yen-shou-ming



280 CHOU YI-LIANG

thePrinceof Ho-tung AMI3IE2 to paintan image n the stfipaof Vairocana. He toldhis disciples:" These two personswillnotlive long." In a fewmonthsboth died as he said. All his pre-dictionswere ngeneral imilarlyxact.

Therewas no principlewithwhichhe was not conversant, ndtherewasnothing e did thatwasnoteffective. e couldanalyzeand answerquestionson sfitras,Astras, heVinaya texts,secretdhdranis, nd otherbookswhenever nyoneasked [him],ust asa bellwouldring when truck].43Whoever ame to visit, fVajra-bodhimethimonce,heneverforgot im. In speechand behavior

he was alwayssolemn.His [facial] xpression emained nchangedwhether e was glad or angry,pleased or offended.Those whointerviewed im, [even though]not knowingthe scope [of hismind],naturally xpressed heir dmiration orhim."

From the seventhyearof K'ai-yiian[719A. D.], whenhe firstarrived t P'an-yu Ad 5 and thencame to thecapital, he was]untiringnhis propagation fthe [doctrine] fthe EsotericScrip-tures nd in theerection f properly onstructedmandalas. Eacheffort as rewardedwitha divineomen of approval]. The monkI-hsingrespected his doctrine ofEsotericBuddhism]and fre-quentlyasked Vajrabodhiquestionswhichhe answered 711c29]without oncealing romitting nydetail. I-hsinghimself ad an

is frequently ound in the picturesdiscoveredat Tun-huang,but it hasnothing o do with the deityof this esoteric ext. Cf. MATSUMOTO Eiichi iTonkogano kenkyii Add t Ad, 355-358.

42 This Ho-tungchiin-wangmust refer o Li Chin431, son of the Prince of Ch'iu and nephewofHsiian-tsung.According o T'ung-tienAdAiiJiQ ed.) 31.23a, the son of a ch'in-wangW EEis made a chiin-wang.The biography f the Princeof Ch'i (T'ang-shu 81.17a) says that when he died his son Chin succeeded. Chindied early as a resultof his debauchery. Also cf. Tsung-shih hih-hsi-piao5dAft, T'ang-shu 70b.41b. Instead of Chin 3 it reads 4f which is a mistake,because all of his brothers'name are characterswith the jade radical.

'SThe text has AUM, t . A is a stand holding a bell and does not fit themeaning here. It should read A with the Sung and Yuan editions (cf. note 3 inp. 711 by the editorsof T). Cf. Li-chi, (S. CouvREUR'stranslation2.40-1) "Unmaitre qui sait repondre ux interrogationsst comme une cloche qu'on frappe (pouren tirer des sons). Une cloche frappee avec un petit marteau rend un son faible;frappee vec un gros marteau,elle rend un son fort."

"The texthas UfilI* 'FP'an-yiiwas a county n Kuang-chou wherethe jfigllg was stationed.




altarerectedwherehe received bhisekaand [madevows] to fol-low thisdoctrine.Since he recognized t to be profitable,-hsingasked [the

Master] to translate sometexts]forpromulgation. ntheeleventh ear 723A. D.] Vajrabodhi,byimperial dict, rans-lated nthe Tzu-sheng emple A the Yii-ch'ieh ien-8ungaW,t 4U1mk7 intwochapters nd theCh'i-chil-ti'o-lo-ni L{JVbmt 48 in two chapters. *Isvara VAd 4 an officer f theImperialSecretariat YPt 50 and a greatBrahmanchief fEastIndiamade the iteral ranslation.The monkWen-ku t 51 fromMt. Sung W wrote t down.

" This temple was located in the Ch'ung-jen-fangO144 n the northeasternartof Ch'ang-an. Cf. Ch'eng-fangkao 3.4b.

"This is an abbreviatedformof Chin-kang-ting fi-ch'ieh-chungfieh-ch'unien-sungfa -,tIJ fflf I f Ip which, ccording o Yiian-chao (T 55.875a6),is also called a ching,i and consistsof four hapters. The edition n T (18, No. 866)is called nien-sung hing and has fourchapters. It is said that Vajrabodhi studiedthis satra under *NAgajifhna, isciple of NAgArjuna see Appendix F) and it wasoriginally omposedof one hundred thousandMlokas.For the legend that this textwas obtained froman iron stilpa in South

India,cf.

Amoghavajra's Chin-kang-tingching a-yf-ch'iehpi-nihsin-tifa-me'n -chiieh-1,14JR** *R-%i bAm- 9Em (T 39.808a24). Japanese monksof the Shingonsect have speculatedconcerningthis legend,and one theory s that the iron stapa is a mere metaphorreferringoone's own body (cf. KAMBAYASHI J6ryfi'sT1*tffia Introduction o the Japanesetranslation fthistext nKokuyaku ssaiky5W tg fi, Mikkyobu i A 1.213-214). According o Vajrabodhi, this text is abridged fromthe firstof the eighteenchaptersof the alleged originalhuge work. The term lieh-ch'u is commonly usedin the T'ang dynastyforan abridgedversion of eitherBuddhistor lay books (alsosee note 19). It deals with rites,especially those used in making man.dalas,per-

formingbhiseka,and the homa sacrifice.This is the only text wherethe ceremonyof abhiseka is treatedin detail (cf. KAMBAYASHI'S Introduction, 23-224).48 For this text (T 20, no. 1075) see note 31 above. It is only one chapter in the

presentTripitaka. It may be that the Method of Painting Images is consideredseparate chapterby Tsan-ning.

49 *Isvara checkedthe Sanskrit extwhenI-chingwas engaged n translation n 680A. D. (T 50.710c22). In 713 A. D., when Bodhirucitranslatedsfitras,he also tookpart in the workby making iteraltranslations T 50.720b18).

" For this office f. R. DES ROTOURS, Le traite des examens,9. This officers alsocalled chih-chung-shu-shengr chung-shu-chih-sheng;f. Chiu T'ang shu 190a.11b,194

a.25b."' Wen-kuwas the monkwho wrotea preface to Chih-yen'sVW revised edition

of I-hsing'scommentary n the P'i-lu-cheu-na ching. In his preface he says that hewas acquainted with both Shan-wu-wei nd I-hsing. Cf. Ky6to sup.1.36.3, 254a.

4



282 CHOU YI-LIANG

In the eighteenth ear [730 A. D.] at the Ta-chien-fu emplehe also translated he Man-shu-shih-li u-tzit-hsin'o-lo-niQ

t4f j_WL,

L52

and theKuan-tzit-tsaiil-ch'ieha-yaoW

0 ,53 each in one chapter. The monk Chih-tsang '

54 madethe iteral ranslation. -lisingwrote t downand com-posed the text with some omissions. Vajrabodhi also noticedthat somepassages and sentenceswere acking n the old trans-lation ofthetextofthe[Mahd]pratisard[dharanfl] 1gUitJXL5 and completed t by adding [themissingpart]. All thedhdranisand mudrdstranslatedby Vajrabodhi were effective

whenever heywere applied. The mysticdoctrinewas at theheight f ts popularity.Many of thosewho studiedunderVajra-bodhi in both capitals weresaved Hi by him. Both lay andclerical disciples] ransmittedhisdoctrine] rom ne generationto another.

On thefifteenthay of theeighthmoon n thetwentieth ear,the year of jen-shen 732 A. D.],56he told his disciplesat the

52 The completetitle of this text is Chin-kang-tinghingman-shu-shih-li'u-sa wu-tzil-hsin 'o-lo-ni'in IjT MjC (T 20, no. 1173).This and the text mentioned below are both abridged translationsfromdifferentchapters of the Chin-kang-ting hing (T 55.875alO). The chief deity of this text isMafijugribodhisattva,ho is representedn the formof a child with a sword in hisrighthand and the text of Mahdprajadpdramitdsitra n his left hand. A disciplehasto receive abhiseka before he can be instructed n the dhararldsn this text (T 20.710a20). It is stated that Mafijusr will appear after one recites this text for onemonth. DhAranis nd accompanyingmudras are taught whichsummon he bodhisattva

into the reciter's wn body and send him away.The completetitle for this text is Kuan-tzt-tsai u-i-lunp'u-sa yil-ch'iehfa-yao

W a~I Et(H8WjX p j (T 20,no.1087). It contains hdranisndm-dris.At the end of the text the reciter s exhortedto read or contemplate n Mahiyanasfitras n a quiet place. The sfitras ecommendedre Lahkavatdrasftra,Avatamsaka-suitraMahdprajftparamitd, nd Adhyardhacatikdpraj-uapdramit@ t fj (T 20.215c7).

" This was the name granted to Amoghavajra by EmperorHsfian-tsung.See hisBiography. According to Cheng-yilan-lu T 55.748c14), he helped the master totranslatefourtexts.

" This must referto the translationof this text made by Ratnacinta (T 20, No.1154). For the Tibetan translation f thistextcf.OTANI, no. 179. Also see AppendixN.

" This date is wrong. Lu (T 55.876b5) says that on the twenty-sixth ay of theseventhmoon in the twenty-ninth ear (741 A. D.) an imperial edict was issued torelease him to return o his own country.On reachingLo-yang he died. CHAOCh'ien




Kuang-fuTemple WI'fMi in Lo-yang: " Whenthewhitemoonbecomesfull,5l8shallgo." Thenhemade obeisanceto [the mageof]VairocanaBuddha,59walking round t seventimes. Havingwithdrawn o his own quarters,he burnedperfume nd madevows. Afterhe paid homageto the Sanskrit extsand confidedthe new translations n the doctrine to his disciples],he diedcalmly.60 is secularage was seventy-onend [his] religious ge,fifty-one.

On the seventhday ofthe eleventhmoonof that yearhe wasburiedon theright ankoftheI v~ Riverto the southofLung-

men.[712al5] A stfipawas erected n his memory.His discipleAmoghavajra,his religiousheir,made recommendationso theEmperor,whoaccordinglyestoweduponVajrabodhitheposthu-moustitleMasteroftheCountry.6" u Hung-chien t?Ail?62the

in Amoghavajra's biography (T 50.292c13), gives the same date in connectionwiththe latter's pilgrimage o India directly fter the master'sdeath. The characterAIis not left out in Tsan-ning'sbook by a scribe,because he added the cyclic namejen-shenfor the twentiethyear, i.e., 732 A. D. H5b6girin (Fascicule annexe 143) isright n giving741 first nd mentioning 31 as a variant. It is interestingo note thatDharmacandra g)A was also allowed to returnto India on the same day (T 55.878c21).

17 This temple is not mentioned lsewhere.8The Indian calendar divides each month into two halves: the white moon and

the black moon. Cf. BEAL'S translation f Si-yu-ki.71. Li (T55.877al) also givesthe exact date as the fifteenthf the eighthmoon.

" Vairocana Buddha is the first ne of the fiveDhyAniBuddhas. He also figuresin some mahAyAnafitras, uch as Avatamsakasfztra nd *Brahmajalasgtra;but in

esotericBuddist textshe takes the place of SAkyamunind is regarded s the highestdeity. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 4.3343c3345c, .4367b-4369c;A. GETTY, The Gods ofNorthernBuddhism31-35.

60 The stele-inscriptiony Hun-lun-weng T 55.876c27) says that he died when hewas sitting, nd told his disciplesthat in accordancewith the Indian way one shoulddie lyingon the right ide.

61The title grantedto Vajrabodhi in 765 A. D. was Ta-hung-chiao an-tsangki;kg (T 55.877bll). Cf. TP 12.671-6.

62 Tu Hung-chien (d. 769 A. D.) cf. his biographies n Chiu T'ang-shu 108.8b-10b, T'ang-shu 126.10a-12a. The latter says that he became a pious Buddhist in

his later days, whereasthe former alls him [only] a faithfulBuddhist. He died in769 A. D. at the age of sixty-one.Thereforewhen Vajrabodhi died in 741 A. D. Ttwas about thirty-threeears old. His abhiseka must have taken place before then.This provesthathe had been a pious Buddhistever sincehis earlydays. The authorsof T'ang-shutook pride in the superior onciseness f their work. The additionhere,



284 CHOU YI-LIANG

Assistantecretaryfthe mperial ecretariat {1J5 363 a dis-ciplewhohad receivedbhiseka rom ajrabodhind believedn

himever ince, omposedan inscription]n thesteleto recordhisvirtue.The author ays:" Accordingo the chemeftheMandalaof

FiveDivisions,64oung oysor virgins ust eused as media osummonpirits. t was onceextremelyasyto cure llness rexorcisevils.People n modernimes,however,]se his method]to profitheir odyor mouth,hereforeittle esult s obtained.Generallythesemethods]re held in contempt y the world.

Alas hat he eteriorationfthegoodLaw hasgone o far s this "

THE BIOGRAPHY OF AMOGHAVAJRA OF THE TA-HSING-SHAN

TEMPLE OF CH'ANG-AN OF THE T'ANG DYNASTY

(Taish3Tripitaka 0.712a24-714a20)

The monkPu-k'ung'sFS Sanskrit amewas AmoghavajraJ1 I JN of which he Chinese ranslations Pu-k'ung-chin-

however, f the words later days I1j,-"' only leads to confusion. t is also recordedthatTu Hung-chien ecause ofBuddhist aw preferredot to inflict everepunishmentsand did not like to be in chargeof an army. Thus troubleswerecaused in Szechuan,where he was a governor. On his death-bed he orderedhis familyto have a monkshave his hair and buryhis remains n the Buddhistway. He was also a good friendof the monk Ta-i EkC (T.50.800b5). The Great Princess of Tai {g~F,a sister of Su-tsung,received t'o-lo-nikuan-ting AfJm , (*dhdrafyabhiseka)

fromVajrabodhi, ccording o the inscriptionn a stele erected n her memory Ch'ilan-T'ang-we'n 79.3a). Cf. also op. cit. 501.8b.

63 For this office f. T'ang-shu 47.6a; R. DES ROTOuRS, e traitedes examens9.64 The Mandala of Five Divisions refers o the mandala taught in the Chin-kang-

ting ching. The fivedivisionsor groupsof deities are Buddha, Padma, Vajra, Ratna,and Karma. The Division of Padma or Lotus symbolizes the theorythat withinhuman beings thereexists a certain ncorruptible urity, ike a lotus flower,whichcannever be polluted even though t grows out of the mud. The Division of Vajra sym-bolizes the wisdom which is everlasting nd can destroy all mental confusion. TheDivision of Buddha symbolizes he synthesis f the twomentioned bove. The Division

of Ratna symbolizesBuddha's prosperity,while the Division of Karma symbolizesBuddha's work in delivering thers. Each division has a head with a particular eatand a dominantcolor: Division of Buddha, Vairocana, lion seat, white; Division ofPadma, AmitAbha, eacock seat, red; Division of Vajra, Aksobhya, lephant seat, blue;Division of Ratna, Ratnabhava, horse seat, gold; Division of Karma, Amoghasiddhi,garuda seat, miscellaneous olor (cf. MOCHIZUKI, .1280b).




kang;buthe wasknown or hesake ofbrevity y [the bbreviatedname consistingf] wo characters.He cameof a Brahmanfamily

of North ndia

I

and his fatheried in his childhood. [Later]he

visitedChina with his uncle.2At the age of fifteen e becameVajrabodhi's disciple.' [The Master] first ntroduced o him aSanskrit extofSiddham,4nd a treatise n the ScienceofSounds

' CHAO Ch'ien,a discipleofAmoghavajra,wrotea biography f his Master: Ta-pien-chengkuang-chihu-k'ung an-tsang sing-chuangAft g~,7 -t .(T 50.292b-294c, bbreviatedbelow as hsing-chuang)which says that "the Masterwas originally rom Brahmanfamily f North ndia ofHsi-liang-fu ATJf292b7).

The charactera presumablys a mistake for and the name 1N f also appearsat the end of biography.As Kuang-chou is sometimes alled Kuang-fu (see note 20in Vajrabodhi'sbiography), his Liang-fumay refer o VyJ+}I.t is strange hat CHAO

Ch'ien should add Hsi-liang-fun frontof North India. Is it because he came toWu-weiAA in his childhood hat he ,was considered native of Liang-chou?

2Hsing-chuang T 50.292b22) says that he came to visit China with his maternaluncle Do f,, and a stele-inscriptionomposed by his disciple Fei-hsi (T 52.848b-849c,abbreviatedbelow as pei) also indicatesthat he came to Wu-weiwith his maternaluncle % jfi (T 52.848b23). Tsan-ninguses thewordW whichwouldmeanpaternaluncle.

According o hsing-chuang T 50.292b8), sinceAmoghavajra'sfatherdied early,hewas broughtup in his mother'shome and adopted his mother'ssurnameK'ANG ,.This indicates that he is from the neighborhoodof Samarkand. Cf. HSIANG TaAx, T'ang-taiCh'ang-an ii hsi-yiiwen-mingfRf Wffjl J , YCHP

monographno. 2, 12-16; KUWABARAJitsuz6, Suit6 jidai ni shina ni raijfishita eiikijinnitsuite ?)Jji * U /ffi: A. & VkPC A, Toy5bummeishi ons5

4IV ( ApJJ .) For the settlement f the people fromSamarkand in WesternChina cf. Paul PELLIOT, Le cha tcheou tou fou t'ou king et la colonie sogdiennedela regiondu Lob Nor, JA eleventh eries,7.111-123 (1916).

Both Yiian-chao (T 52.826c17) and YEN Ying (T 52.860a18) give Hsi-yiior Western

Region as Amoghavajra'snative place. He is called hu-sengMiM1fn Chiu T'ang-shu(see note 82, below), and the name hu was invariablyapplied to CentralAsia whilethe word fan was used for ndia (see note 34 in Vajrabodh's Biography). Yfian-chaoin his Cheng-yfianhih-chiao u (T 55.881all) says that Amoghavajrawas originallyfromCeylonwhich contradictshis otheraccount mentionedbefore. P. C. BAGCHI inhis Le canon bouddhiqueen Chine (2.568), OMURA Seigai in his Mikkyd hattatsushi(4.559), ONO Gemmyo ,'J'9AA4t in his Bussho kaisetsu daijiten (12.169), andMOCHIZUKI in his Bukkyd daijiten (5.4385a) all make the same mistake. TOGANOO

Shoun (Himitsu bukky6 shi fJZ% {Etk 110) rightly uggeststhat this error s

due to a misinterpretationf Liang-pen's Dojt work (T 33.430b24), which calls himchih-shih-tzfi-kuouan-ting an-tsang R meaning a monk whoreceivedabhiseka in Ceylon,not a native of Ceylon.

'See Appendix M.' For Siddham cf. WATTERS, 1.154-156; TAKAKUSA, Record of Buddhist Religion,

170-172:MOCHIZUKI, 2.1937a-1951b. According to I-ching, ndian childrenbegan to



286 CHOU YI-LIANG

[i.e., grammarlwhichhe mastered n ten days. The Masterwassurprised nd ordainedhim as a bodhisattva.6Having led [Amo-

ghavajra]totheVajradhatumandala ndtestedhimby[observingtheplacewhere]he threw floweron themandala],7 heMasterknewthat he was going o advancethedoctrine reatly.712a29]

By the time he was fullyordained,8 e became an expert nexpounding he Vinaya textsof the Sarvdstivddin chool 9 andwasconversant ith hewritingsndlanguages f several] oreigncountries.Whenthe Mastertranslated itras,he was frequentlyordered o collaborate.'0 He completed he twelveyears' course

in six monthswhenhe studiedtheScienceof Sounds. He learnedtheBhadracaripranidhcna `ffiftffN" in twoeveningswhile

learn the Siddhamwhentheyweresix yearsold and wereexpectedto finisht in sixmonths (TAKAKUSU, 172). The Chinese monks of the Tantric School, in order torecite dhdraniscorrectly, aid special attentionto Siddham. Cf. Chih-kuang'sHsi-t'an zfi-chi ~ ,(T.54.1186a7) .

6 One of thefiveVidyas. See note 4 in Vajrabodhi'sBiography.'The texthas j Hsing-chuanghas X (T.50.292b25) and pei has

W a~i (T 52.848b26). The readingsof the last two texts are better. Theso-calledP'u-ti-hsin hieh is a ceremony receding hat of abhiseka. A manual calledShou p'u-t'i-hsin-chieh < (T 18.940b6-941b26) was translated byAmoghavajra. The disciplerecites everalgdthas. n which he confesseshis sins,seeksrefuge n Buddha, makes an oath to arouse his Bodhicitta, and last of all expresseshis fivegreatdesires. They are: to deliverall beings, o collect all the gunas,to learnthe profounddoctrine, o serve the Buddha, and to achieve supremeBodhi.

TThe disciplethrows garland offlowers n themandala. He is supposed to belongto that Buddha whosedivisionthe garlandhits. Cf. T 18.250c12.

8 Both hsing-chuang T 50.292c1) and pei (T 52.848b27) say that he was fully

ordainedat the age of twenty. Yuian-chao (T.55.881a17) says that when he becamean upasamhpanna,he ceremonywas held at an altar built in accordance with theVinaya of the SarvastivadinSchool at the Kuang-fuTemple. Pei also says that he"became fullyordainedthrough he [Vinaya of] the SarvastivadinSchool."

Cf. TAKAKUSU, xxi-xxiii; MOCHIZUKI, 3.2926a-2927b.10 See note 54 in Vajrabodhi'sBiography."This mustrefer o the P'u-hsienp'u-sa hsing-yilansan :fiz later

translatedby Amoghavajra (T 10, No. 297). It is a collectionof hymns n praise ofSamantabhadra's ten greatdesires; to worship he Buddha, to praise the Tathagatas,to make offerings,o confess all one's sins, to be pleased with the merits of others,to prayforthe turning f the Dharmacakra,to pray forBuddha's stay in the world,to follow he Buddha, to transfer is own merits o others. The Sanskrittext of thissuitra aspublishedy ZUMI 6kei )% 3jy nBukky6kenkyil$RK5iJI 9.2 (1928)and Mayiira 7 --- 5 , vol. 2 (1933). Cf. MOCHIZU]KI, 5.4407b-4408a, WATANABEKaikyoku >X3*H, Fugen gy6gansan no nihon bombunni tsuite ;




otherswouldhave] spentoneyear. His quick comprehension asalways ike this.

[Amoghavajra]ad wishedforthreeyearsto learnthemethod

of theFive Divisions 2 and theThreeSecrets 3 ofthenewYoga 4

doctrine; ut sincetheMaster didnot teach t to him,he thoughtof returningo India. The Master then dreamedthat all theimagesof Buddhas andBodhisattvas fthetemples n thecapitalwentofftowardsthe east."5 When he awoke he realizedthatAmoghavajrawas a realrecipient f theLaw and gave his assentto the latter'srequest. Thereuponthe Master imparted o him

the methodof abhisekaof the Five Divisions,the homa rites6

QIOSJZ*nI5 Z,Kogetsu zenshi J J4 1.299-327. The word Bhadrain the title is an abbreviationof Samantabhadra,and thisworkis quoted in Siksaisa-miuccayaas Bhadracaryd. Cf. WINTERNITZ, History of Indian Literature2.326-327.

Cf. OTANI No. 716: Arya-Samantabhadracary-pradhanarija. It is strange hat Tsan-ning adds Wen-shu to the name of the text. Hsing-chuang (T50.292c4), on the

otherhand, simplyhas 3 Buddhabhadra0;I~jt (d. 429A.D.) trans-lated a text called Wen-shu hih-lifa-yiian hing ii;'flJoi,,lE (T 10, No. 296)

whichdeals with the same ten desires,but theyare attributed o Mafijugr nsteadof

Samantabhadra. Since early times there seems to have been a confusionbetween

these two bodhisattvas. Buddhabhadra'swork,accordingto Yfian-chao (T 55.505c7),

was usually recitedby the Buddhists in a foreign ountry,presumably ndia, when

they made obeisance to Buddha. This would also account forAmoghavajra'sstudy

of this text in his earlydays.12 See note 64 in Vajrabodhi's Biography.13 See note 29 in Shan-wu-wei's iography.

See note 28 in Shan-wu-wei's iography.15 Hsing-chuang T 50.292c6) says that Amoghavajrahad alreadyreachedHsin-feng

Emj~ a town to the east of Ch'ang-an. Apparentlyhe intendedto return o Indiaby sea.

16Homa is the riteofworshipping ifferenteitiesby throwing fferingsnto a fire.

Cf. Chin-kang-tingii-ch'iehhu-mo -kuei*g4IJTJIf pt- ifL (T 18, No. 908),a translation y Amoghavajra. There are fivetypesof homa sacrifice.The firstkind

is performedo remedyone's own misfortune r any public disaster. A roundearthenstove is to be used. The riteshouldbe performedt dusk,whichsymbolizes estand

peace. The performerhould face the northand everythinghould be in white. The

secondkind is to prayforthe prosperityf either n individualor a nation. It shouldbe performedn the morning, ith the performeracing he east, which s a symbolof

wealth. The shape of the stove is square and the color is yellow. The thirdkind ofhoma is performedo subdue an enemy. It is to be practised t noonwitha triangular

stove. The performeraces the southand the coloris black. The fourth ind of homais to summonthose in the threeworstgatis, that is, the gatis of hell, animals,andpretas. The stove is in the shape of a vajra and the color is red. There is no speci-



288 CHOU YI-LIANG

and the ritesan dcdrya shouldknow]. He also taughtAmogha-vajra infulldetailthe Vairocanasitra and themanualsof iddhi 7

and so forth.Later Amoghavajraaccompaniedthe Master to

Lo-yangwhere helatterdied in the twentieth earofK'ai-yiian[732A. D.].18After he portrait-hall9 was finishednd a posthu-mous titlewas conferrednthe ateMaster,Amoghavajra lannedto make a long ourneyto India and Ceylon, s the late Masteronce orderedhim to do.

He first rrivedat Nan-hai-chuin'iMM$3 20 where Governor-General J;Zk{ 1 Liu Chii-lin 22 madean earnest equest

fication s to time and direction. The fifth ind of homa is performedo seek for ove.The stove is in the shape of lotus and the color is also red. The performeraces thewest and the rite is to be performedn the early evening. Differentmavdalas areused for differentomas.

17 This mightrefer o the Su-hsi-ti hieh-loching,translatedby Shan-wu-wei. Seenote 88 in his Biography.

18 This date is wrong. It should be the twenty-ninthear of K'ai-yfian (741 A. D.).See note 56 in Vajrabodhi's Biography.

It was a popular custom during he T'ang dynasty o worship deceased master's

portrait n a special hall. The portrait-hallf some monks ofthe Pure Land Sect andT'ien-t'ai Sect are mentioned n Tsan-ning'sbiographyof Shao-k'ang JP' (T 50.867b28), Ennin's diary (Dainihon bukky5zensho 113.232a), and CHANG Yen-yuan'sLi-tai ming-huachi (3.17a). For that of Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra cf. Ch'iianT'ang wen 506. 12a-13a.

20Emperor Hsiian-tsung hanged the name chou bill (prefecture), unit betweenthe tao XJ nd the hsien I,4 (district) to chuinXJ3n 742 A. D. (T'ang-shu 5.21a).Hence Kuang-choubecameNan-hai-chiin.

2 The fulltitleof this officers ts'ai-fangh'u-chihhihv ITAa , which sthe highest ivilofficer fLing-nan-tao jf, and he usually also holds thepositionof the Prefectof Nan-hai-chiin. Cf. T'ang-shu 49b.6a; WANG Ming-sheng f %Shih-ch'i-shihhang-ch'ileh (tAL (Jag ed.) 78.5a-7a; . DES RETOURS,

Le traitedes examens' 25.22Instead of 1 the text has A, which is wrong. Though we do not find a

biography f him in the dynastic history, his name is attested in several other textsof theT'ang dynastybesides Chiu T'ang-shu. Chih-i chi ,I2 (cited in T'ai-p'ingkuang-chi437.4b) says that at the end of the K'ai-yfian period, presumably bout740 A. D., Liu Chul-linwas MilitaryCommissionerJ,'7fat Kuang-fu (for thisnamesee note20 in Vajrabodhi'sBiography). The pen-chiofHsUan-tsungn Chiu T'ang-shu

(9.lOb) records that Liu Chil-lin, s Prefect it of Nan-hai, defeated the piratesin Yung-chia-chiin in 744 A. D. To daiwaj6 tosei den )-k 0JPI' giGf(Dainihon bukky5 ensho 113.111a, 116b, also cf. TAKAKUSU'S translation n BEFE028. 448, 466) says that when Kanshin made his second attempt to leave forJapan,he boughta battle junk gq fromLiu Chii-lin,who was then Governor-GeneralfLing-nan-tao.The nameE , however, s forf R, which TAKAKUSU fails to cor-




for abhiseka. In the Fa-hsingTemple i'tL 23 he convertednsuccessionhundreds,housands, nd myriads f people. Amogha-vajra himselfrayed o the chief eity; nd tendays aterManijusr1,constrained y hisfaith, ut in an appearance.Beforehe boardedthe ship the Governor-Generalummoned he greatchiefs4 ofthebarbariansntheregion fP'an-yii,J-hsi-pin g andothers,and warned hem:" Now theMasterofTripitaka 712bl5] sgoingto South ndia and Ceylon. You are to warnyourcaptainsto seeto it that they-the Master andhistwenty-one isciples,ncludingHan-kuang ;3225 and Hui-pien y 26-get there safely], nd

that thenation's credentialswhich heybear] are not lost."

rect. HsUan-tsung's en-chi nd Lu Huai-shen's tI M iographyn Chiu T'ang-shu(9.14b, 98.9b) say that he was put to death in the fifthmoon in 749 A. D. becausehe had receivedmany large bribes. On account of its convenient ocation, Cantonduring he T'ang dynastybecame an important eaport,where all the foreignmerchantships called and foreignmerchantsgathered (cf. NAKAMURAyfljir6 3"At.MTojidai no kant6) IJE{jQ,; jj, SZ 28.242-258, 348-368, 487-495, 553, 576). Thiswas why the civil officersn Canton were likelyto be avaricious; and Liu Chil-linwas

no exception. Liu's successor Lu Huan J1 was particularlyknown as an honestman, differingn this from ll his predecessors. Cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 98.9b. He is alsomentioned n Tosei den, but TAKAKUSU fails to provide any furthernformationnhis notes. Fo-tsu t'ung-chi T 49.295clI, 375bl) is wrong n saying that Amoghavajracame to Canton in 741 A. D. on his way back fromCeylon. Chih-p'anmistakesthecharacter for .

2 This temDle s not attested elsewhere.24The word -Ad was applied in the T'ang dynastyto the chief of the aborigines

in South and SoutheasternChina (Chiu T'ang-shu 100.9a, 22b) as well as the chiefof the foreigners rom the West and the South Seas. *Ihvara is called -k-iMin Vajrabodhi's Biography (T 50.712a4). For the foreigners'ettlement n Canton cf.NAKAMURA'S articlementioned bove.

Han-kuang's biography s found n T 50.879c. He helped his Master to translatesome sfitras. In 766 A. D. he was among the forty-nine rominentmonks who weretransferred rom various temples to the Ta-hsing-shanTemple upon Amoghavajra'srequest (T 52.830bl). In 766 A. D. he was recommended y his Master to go to Mt.Wu-t'ai to supervisethe buildingof the Chin-Ko Temple

'(T 52. 834a28,

835c7). Some statuesand maiudalasof that temple mentionedby Ennin in his diaryas made by Amoghavajra (Dainihon bukky5zensho 113.239b, 240a) were probablyexecuted under Han-kuang's direction. At the end of his biographyTsan-ningsaysthat it is not known when and where he died. The only translation f his is a textforworshippinghe yab-yumformof the Hindu god Ganeha,who is called Ta-shenghuan-hsitzi-tsai-t'ien ;A WI (*Mahdryanandike~vara) n EsotericBud-dhism (T 21, No. 1273).

26 biography f him is found n Tsan-ning'swork.



290 CHOU YI-LIANG

In the twelfthmoon27ofthe twenty-ninthear [741 A. D.] heleftNan-haionboard K'un-lun hip E t .28 When hey eached

the boundaryof Kalinga

-R29

theymet with a heavy storm.Each merchant, eing terrified,riedto propitiate the gods]bythemethodofhis own country, ut without esult. All ofthemknelt down to prayforhelp and protection.Hui-pienand otherdisciples lso weptbitterly.Amoghavajra aid: " I have a plan.Don't worry."Thereupon,with five-fingeredajraofBodhicitta30inhis right and and the Prajnidpdramitds-itran his lefthand,herecitedonce theMahdpratisarddhdrani1 and performedhe rite

[required orthisdharani]. The wind subsided mmediatelyndthe sea became calm and clear. Later theycame acrossa largewhale,which, mergingut of the sea, emitted ets of water ikea mountain. It was even more threatening han the previouscalamityand the merchantswereready to give up their ives.Amoghavajraperformedheritesas before, nd told Hui-pientorecite he So-chieh ung-wanghingVXRILN.`32 At onceall the

dangersdisappeared.Whenhe arrivednCeylon, heking 3senta deputy owelcomehim. The guardsmenn foot nd on horsewere tationedn ranksalongthe streetwhenhe entered hecity. The king,havingmade

27 The voyage to India fromCanton was usuallymade in winter. Cf. IIIRTH, ChauJu-kua9.

28PELLIOT (BEFEO 4 [19041.279-286) identifiesK'un-lun with Tenasserim n thenorthern art of the Malay Peninsula. Cf. also PELLIOT, Etudes Asiatiques2.261-263;

TAKAKUSU, Record of BuddhistReligion xlix-l;CHAVANNES, Religieux bminents 63-64;HIRTH, Chau Ju-kua31-32;KUWADA Rokur6 rk 1WIg Nany& konronko jfjm AHa, Taihoku teidai shigakkakenkyi neemp6 4LP&*kA? i 1.135-150.

29 This country s identified s Java. The name is probablydue to an early coloni-zation inJava of immigrantsromKalinga in East India. Cf.PELLIOT, BEFEO 4.279-86.

" For the five kinds of bodhis obtained by a monk of the Esoteric Sect, cf.MOCHIZUKI, .1246c-1247c.

31 See note 55 in Vajrabodhi's Biography and Appendix N.32 This might refer o a shorttext which was translated n the Sung dynasty by

Shih-hu as Fo-wei so-ch'ieh-lo ung-wangso-shuo ta-ch'eng ching0 9 W,12g~o6rfiJ; (T 15, No. 601). Both Af and tfhP, are transcriptionsf

Sdgara.

3 See below, note 38. He is said to have stayed in the Temple of Buddha's Tooth(T 55.881bl).




obeisance t hisfeet, nvitedhimto stay nthepalace tobe enter-tained for seven days. The kinghimselfbathed Amoghavajra

daily, usinga goldenbarrelfull of fragrantwaters.The crown

prince, he queens, 712b29]and theministers cted similarly.WhenAmoghavajrafirstmet the dcdrya amantabhadraR

hepresented old,ewelry, rocade, ndembroideriesndrequestedtheMasterto expoundforhim the doctrine f Yoga in theChin-kang-tinghingof eighteen hapters nd themethodof erectingan altar n accordancewith heMahdkarunagarbhadhatumandalain the *Vairocanasutra.He also permitted an-kuang,Hui-pien,

and other disciplesto receive the abhiseka of Five Divisionstogether.

Amoghavajra, fter hat,had no regular eacherforhis studies.He sought verywhereor hescripturesfthe Esoteric Sect and[obtained]more hanfive undred titras nd commentaries. herewas nothing hathe did not go intothoroughly s, forexample,the samaya , the various deities'secretmudrds,forms,

colors, rrangementsfaltars,banners, ndthe iteral nd intrinsicmeanings fthe texts.One day,forentertainment,he kingordered ome [wild]ele-

phantsto be tamed.35 verybody limbedup thehigh places]towatch,but no one dared comenear. Amoghavajra tood in [themiddle f] he treetn*maitrisamadhi it 6 reciting37a dharani]and makingmudrdswithhis hands. Severalmad elephants ud-

84The samaya in Esoteric Buddhism means the weapon or instrumentwhich isusuallyheldby a deityand regarded s his particular ign. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1861c-186ab.85 Ceylon was known as a countryabounding in elephants,which fromtime im-

memorialthe people had capturedand tamed. Sir James E. TENNENT in his Ceylon(1859, London) 2.271-401has a special chapterdealingwith this interestingubject.Also cf. F. EDGERTON, The Elephant-loreof the Hindus, 16-22,87-91.

6The text has f&A, but the Chin-lingk'o-ching h'u editionand the hsing-chuang (T 50.293al4) instead of f? have ft. which is correct. Pei (T 52.848c15)reads 4j:ib whichmeans the same thing. This kind of meditation s called1 $val or itEE1^ and regardedas a special type of samadhi. Cf. MOCHIZUKI,

2.1793b. MditrisamdpannaDivydvaddna 186), a synonym,s also translated y I-chingas tz'fi-tingT 23.858clO).

" The text has only WM, ut hsing-chuang T 50.293al4) has tlngPei has (T 52.848cl5)MfOi FR. For theFo-yeen 'o-lo-nind its accompanyingmudra,cf. Mikkyo daijiten 2.1932a-1934b.



292 CHOU YI-LIANG

denly umbleddown. People all over thecountrywereastonishedby the story.

Then he visited ndia, wherehe caused auspiciousomensmanytimes. In the fifth ear of T'ien-pao [746 A. D.] he returned othe capital and presented a letter fromKing Sildmegha P,Af4J* 38 ofCeylon, nd ornaments f gold and jewels,theSanskrittextofPrajaiiparamitas-atra,iscellaneous earls, nd whitecot-tonclothsnK.3' The Emperororderedhim to stay temporarilyin the office f the CourtofState Ceremonial.Laterhewas sum-moned to thepalace to erectan altar for he Emperor's bhiseka

ceremony.Thenhemovedto theChing-ying emple Add .40

It was verydryall through he summer f that year and theEmperororderedhim to prayforrain. The imperial dict said:" The rain must not last too long,neithermust t be too heavy."Amoghavajraasked to erectan altar [at which to pray] to thePeacock King.4' Before three days had passed it had rainedsufficiently.712c15] Being very much pleased, the Emperor

bestowedon him a

purple kasdya [robe]42n a

bejewelledcase,and helped him nto [the robe]. In addition,he was granted wohundred 'i E ofsilk.

Once a great gale came on suddenly. The EmperororderedAmoghavajra o stop it by praying.He askedfora silverbottleand appliedsomemagicto it. Soon thewind calmeddown,butwhen a goose in the lake accidentallybumped the bottle and

"This is King SilAmegha f Cfilavamisa reigned727-766 A. D.). Cf. W. GEIGER'stranslation 48.42, Ts'e-fu yilan-kuei*fIJ(T-5 (*#&T; ed.) 971.15a, T'ang-shu221b.14b.

" Ts'e-fuyiian-kuei (ibid.) has forty heets of white cotton cloth P ItWHIRTH (Chau Ju-kua 218) says that this is the same word as the Turkishpakhta,whichmeanscotton. LAUFER (Sino-Iranica489-490) thinks hat it is derivedfrom hePersianworddib,meaning rocade. UJITA Toyohachi II 2A (Menkamenfuni kansuru kodai shinajinno chishiki ;t%4?if 1M4Zatt SXID QTozai koshoshino kenkyia,nankai hen A t'f 07MIA , 533-584)says that it was a kind of cotton clothand identifiest withpataka in Pali.

40 This templehad been knownfrom he time of the Sui dynasty (cf. T 50.519b1,674a24), but its exact location in the city of Ch'ang-an has not been ascertained.

"See Appendix0.42In 689 A. D. Empress Wu firstbestowedpurple colored kasaya robes on nine

monks. Cf. Tsan-ning'sSeng-shih-l1iehT 54.253c). This color was chosen probablybecause it was the official olor of the ceremonialrobes of the higherofficers.




tipped it upside down, the gale blew again with even greatervelocity nd violence. For thesecondtimehe was ordered ytheEmperorto stop it and the same resultwas obtainedwiththesame celerity.A styleS Chih-tsangW was thenbestowedonhimby theEmperor.43

In the eighthyear of the T'ien-paoperiod 749 A. D.] he waspermitted o return o his nativecountry.When he arrivedatNan-hai-chuin, avingused five post-horses,44n imperialedictwas issuedto detainhim again. In the twelfth ear [753 A. D.],upon the requestof theMilitaryGovernor-GeneralAR ofHo

[-hsi] ndLung -yu]if[Thfi] P [_] 45 KO-SHuHan 'ff ","theEmperor orderedhim to go [to Kansu]. He arrivedat Wu-weiin the thirteenth ear [754 A. D.] and stayed in the K'ai-yfianTemple 5ij .47 The MilitaryGovernor-Generalnd his sub-

4' This statement s not true, since Yiian-chao (T 55.881all) says that the Master'sfa-hui O* was chih-tsang nd his hao was Amoghavajra. He called himself y thename Chih-tsang n his memorialsto the Emperor (e. g. T 55.882al3, 24) beforeEmperorSu-tsungorderedthat he should be called by his hao only (T 55.88ab2).

44 An officer f the thirdrank could use five post-horsesn travelling.Cf. T'ang-shu46.18b. But accordingo the Ling -, onlyfour horseswere allowed. Cf.NiDA Noboru

f 11[R, Tory6 hiji )ef$ 579-580.For the postalsystemn the T'angdynastycf. CH'iN Yuan-yuanNFL& T'ang-tai i-chihk'ao *f-ZJRlqV SHNP5.61-92. Accordingto Yiian-chao (T 55.881b1l), he was permitted o return n 750A. D., but he fell sick when he reached Shao-chou VJINwhere he stayed until 753A. D. Upon the request of Ko-SHu Han, he was summonedto the capital in thatyear and was sent to Liang-chouafterhe had restedformore than a month n thePao-shou Temple i E.

4 The Military Governor-Generalf Ho-hsi was stationedin Liang-chou; that ofLung-yuwas in Shan-chou Ji.46 For his biography f.Chiu T'ang-shu104.10a-14b. He was of Turkishorigin, nd

may have had somespecial connectionwith Buddhism, s his fatherKo-SHu Tao-huian

was selected by Emperor Jui-tsungn 710 A. D. to send Siksananda's%JZfJj remainsback to Khotan (T 50.719al5). Cf. ChiMu 'ang-shu 104.12a.In 690 A. D. EmpressWu ordereda Ta-yuinTemple J to be erected n

each of the two capitals and every prefecturell over the country, ut in 738 A. D.the name of all these templeswas changedto K'ai-yiian Temple by Emperor Hsiian-tsung's order. Cf. T'ang hui-yao 48.11a. Thoughwe find he name K'ai-yiuanTemple

mentioned n many places, Hsiian-tsung's orderwas not strictly arriedout in theremoteprovinces. The names of Ta-yun Temple and K'ai-yuian Temple are bothfound in writtendocumentsdiscovered n Tun-huang (cf. L. GILES, Dated ChineseMss. in the Stein Collection,BSOS 9.1.23, 10.2.327). According o Yiian-chao (T 55.881b22) AmoghavajratranslatedChin-kang-ting-ch'ieh u-lai chen-shih he-ta-ch'eng



9294 CHOU YI-LIANG

ordinates ll wanted o receive bhiseka. Severalthousandpeopleofhighand low degreeattendedthe ceremony.Han-kuangand

otherdiscipleswere also instructedn the methodof the Five

Divisions. The Commissioner f ReligiousAffairs bVA 8 andK'ai-fuON9 " Li Yiian-tsung x5it ? was also taught thesame]methodand the Vajradhatumandala. An earthquakeoccurredthat dayinthetemplewhere he ceremonywas held andAmogha-vajra said: " It is [due to] the concentration f the audience'sfaith -51 In the fifteenthear[756A. D.] he was ordered y theEmperor oreturn o the capital,wherehe stayed n the Ta-hsing-

shan Temple A 52

During the early days of the Chih-te By period [756-757A.D.] the Emperorwas in Ling-wu mt and Feng-hsiangBy[to prepareforthe recapture fthe two capitals]. Amoghavajraoftenpresentedmemorials o him, nquiring fter he Emperor'shealth,while nhisturn, mperor u-tsung ecretlyentmessengers

hsien-chenga-chiao-wanghing4f IJf JJ TI-X(T 18, No. 865), of whichLi Hsi-yen By 7 composedthe text. Cf. OTANI No. 112.The Sanskrit name is Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha-nama-mahaydnasiitra.mogha-vajra's translation s a small portionof this text,of whichShih-hu made a completetranslation ater (T 18, No. 882). He again translatedP'u-t'i-ch'ang so-shuo i-tzifting-lun-wanghing ra- r-Qa f&__T 19, No. 950), I-tzit ting-lun-wangyii-ch'ieh hing J r,4Q3Eijftfi (T 19, No. 855) and I-tzitting-lun-wangnien-sung-kuei - ; (T 19, No. 954) whichwere all composedby T'IEN Liang-ch'iuRI[ In the meantimehe also rendered ome shortsfitras.In the tenth moon of 754 A.D. the Kuchean monkLi-yen f1J was sent forfromAn-hsi

% ffito help Amoghavajra in translation. Li-yen came to China twice and

died in Ch'ang-an sometimebetween 789 and 795 A. D. Cf. P. C. BAGCHI, Deuxlexiques sanskrit-chinois40-345.

48 Appendix .4 The K'ai-fu is the first ank of the twenty-nine itles of Honor. The full title

shouldbe K'ai-fu -t'ungan-ssir JffiT 35.. Cf. T'ang-shu 6.6a. This titlewas regarded s a great honor nd afterEmperorHsiian-tsungucceeded to the throne,only fourpersons held it in fifteen ears (Chiu T'ang-shu 106.21b).

See AppendixQ.61 Hsing-chuang T 50.293b7) says that Amoghavajratold Li Yfian-tsung hat the

earthquakewas due to his faith.52 This was a great templewhichoccupied the whole of the Ching-shan-fang;3

in the middle of the city. Cf. Ch'eng-fangkao 2.5b. In 764 A. D. Amoghavajraasked the Emperor to transfer orty-nine minentmonks fromother temples to theHsing-shanTemple (T 52.83Oc21).




askingfor 712c29] secretmethods. Whenthe capitalwas recap-tured and the T'ang dynasty eestablished,he date was exactly

as [Amoghavajra]ad predicted.

During the Ch'ien-yfian tXc period [758-759 A.D.], he wasinvited o the palace to perform hehomasacrifice,nd then theEmperorreceived he abhiseka of a cakravartin ossessing evenjewels.53Once at the endofthe Shang-yiian 5T period 760-761A. D.] theEmperorwas ill. Amoghavajra xorcised heevilspiritsby reciting he Mahdpratisarddhdrani4 seven times; and as aresult the Emperorwas well the nextday and paid even more

respect o himthanbefore.Amoghavajra sked forthe Emperor'spermission o go to the

mountains.Li Fu-kuo +MM "conveyed orally,heedictwhichorderedhim to recite fitras n the Chih-chiTemple Adz 5" inMt. Chung-nanUi.- One nightwhenhe was in the middleofhis recitation,Mahdsukhasattva*iMJi was so moved thatthedeity'shair between is eyebrows]tretched ut and emitteda light. It was thus provedthat

[Amoghavajra]ad ascendedto

6 A cakravartin r universalmonarch s supposedto possess seven kinds of ratnas.These are cakraratna (wheel), hastiratna (elephant), asvaratna (horse), maniratna(pearl), striratna wife), grhapatiratna minister) nd parinayakaratna general). Cf.MOCHIZUKI, 2.1922a,4.3826a-3827c. It is not known how this special kindof abhisekawas performed.Could Amoghavajra have adopted the rites of the abhiseka of a kingin India for his religiouspurpose?

6 See AppendixN. For the recitation f sfitras n the palace, cf. the biography fCHANG Hao , Chiu T'ang-shu111h.1a. For monks' use of altars, dharanis, and

mudrds, cf. T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi98.1a, 112.7b, 130.2b, 289.4b-5a, 450.2a, Yu-yangtsa-tsu 5.7b, 14.14, Yu-yangtsa-tsuhsil-chi .6b.6 For his biography f. Chiu T'ang-shu184.7a-9b. Also cf. T 52.829c7.56 This templeexisted from he earlyyears of the T'ang dynasty. Cf. T 50.633al7." Mahasukhasattva is the personified eity of Mahasukha or Great Joy,which is

obtainedthrough he realization fthe inseparabilityfprajfin nd karuna. This GreatJoy is also compared to the joy derivedfromsexual union. The erotic element isone of the characteristics f Esoteric Buddhism in India, but it did not develop inChina (see AppendixR). This doctrine s treated n the Adhyardhasatikaprajdapara-mita, whichwas translatedby Amoghavajra. Is it because of its contentthat the

authors fAmoghavajra's iographies voidmentioninghename ofthissfutra?OGANOO

Shoun's Rishukyono kenkyulM fC9E is a very comprehensive ook aboutthis text. A summary f this book is found n Bibliographiebouddhique, v-v,96-98.For the Sanskrit and Tibetan texts and various Chinese translations, f. TOGANOO,

28-35,490-513. For the theoryof Mahasukha cf. ibid. 417-440.



9296 CHOU YI-LIANG

the stagenext to thatof siddhi."8Amoghavajra aid: " How canI seekmyownreleasewiththepeople stillunsaved? [So he put

offhis ownrelease.] 9After mperorSu-tsungdied,EmperorTai-tsung ucceededtothe throneand showedhim even greaterfavor. When he hadfinished he translation f the Mi-yen ching tiwO 60 and theJen-wang hing IEl ,61 the Emperor wroteprefaces o them.On the very day when these texts were officiallynnounced,auspicious loudsappearedunexpectedlyn the sky. Theministersof the whole courtexpressed heir congratulations.On the first

day of the eleventhmoon ofthe yearYung-t'aiAX* [765A. D.],hewaspromoted yan imperial dict MIJIo therankof T'e-chin4+i' and the office fProbationaryDirectorof the State Cere-monial.62He was also given the title Ta-kuang-chil san-tsang

In thethirdyearofTa-li ,*M [768A.D.], a ceremony fBud-

58 Siddhi is the last stage in a bodhisattva's piritual areeraccording o the Esoteric

School. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, .1951c-1952c." Hsing-chuang T 50.298bl8) has -e,, which would completethe meaninghere.60 T 16, No. 682. This text deals with alayavijfiina. The Emperor's preface s pre-

served in T 16.747b-c.61T8, No. 246. This sfitrahas a chaptercalled Hu-kuo-p'in1M (Protection

of the Country), wherekings are urged to recite this sfitrawheneverthere is anynatural calamity or hostile attack. One hundred mages and one hundredseats areto be prepared,and monks to an equal number are to be invited to expound andrecite this sfitra (T8.840a7). Amoghavajra presenteda memorialto the Emperorrecommending new translationof this text. His chief reason was its functionofprotecting he country (T592.831b22). The names of the monks who helped him intranslating his sfitra re enumerated n his memorial (T 52.831b28). The biographyof WANGChin REX in Chiu T'ang-shu (118.10) says that Tai-tsung often fedmorethan one hundredmonksin the palace and orderedthem to expound the Jen-wangchingwhenever here was any enemy invasion. Accordingto Tsan-ning's Seng-shih-libeh (T 54.253c), a copy of the Jen-wang hingwas carried about a hundred pacesahead of the Emperorwhen he was on the street. It is said that this custom startedduring Tai-tsung's reign.

62 For the ProbationaryDirector of the State Ceremonial, ee note 111 of Shan-wu-

wei's Biography. The T'6-chin is the second of the twenty-nine itles of Honor. Cf.T'ang-shu46.6a. According o T'ung-tien 15.7b), all the officersbove the fifth ankare appointed by an imperialedict called$EkIJ, nd the certificate f appointmenthence is called 115* . For the latter cf. NAIT6 Kenkichi P Tonk6shuttono to kitoi shingen okushin M ? @ IIg 5ff 4. To5h5gakuh5. Kyoto. 3.218-62.




dhistrecitationswas held in Hsing-shanTemple. The Emperor[on that occasion]presented imwith welvequiltsofembroideredbrocadeand thirty-twombroideredauze banners, nd also pro-vided meals forfourteen ays forthose monks who tookpartintherecitation.The eunuch ttendants,he ministers,nd thecom-mandersof the imperial rmywere all orderedby the Emperorto go therefor abhiseka. In the winter f the fourthyear [769A. D.], Amoghavajraasked the Emperor to issue an orderthatManfjusribodhisattvaas to be worshippeds theguardiandeityin the refectoriesf the templesall over the country. [713al5]

The requestwas granted.This was becausehe did not have highrespectforKaundinya jn"4AUwho was a Hinayana arhat.63 nthe summer fthefifth ear 770A. D.], whena comet appeared,an imperial rderwas issuedto inviteAmoghavajra oMt. Wu-t'ai3iy to recite fitras.After he religious eremonywas over,thecometvanished mmediately.n the autumn,when Amoghavajrareturned romWu-t'ai, the Emperorsent a eunuch to welcomehim outsideofthecitywith " lion-horse hW-T- urbedbytheEmperor'sown bridleand bit. Provisionsforthe journeyweregranted y theEmperor.

On the secondday ofthe enthmoonofthe sixthyear 771A.D.],whichwas the Emperor'sbirthday,64moghavajrapresented asgifts] he stitraswhichhe had translated nd a memorial aying:"I followedand attended the late Master of Tripitaka [i. e.Vajrabodhi]forfourteen earseversince my childhood, nd was

instructedn the doctrine fYoga. I also visited ndia wheresoughtfor thedoctrine] hat I had not been taughtand I foundstitras nd commentarieswhichamountedto five hundredodd

"For this purpose Amoghavajra presented a memorial which (T 52.837a26) saysthat in the Western ountriesMafijusr s worshipped n the refectoriesbove Pindola.It is not known why Kaundinya is mentionedhere. Ennin's diary (Dainihon bukky5zensho 113.231b) tells us that Mafijusri's image was placed in the refectory f atemple at Mt. Wu-t'ai. Nevertheless, indola still seemed to maintain his position n

the refectoriesoward the late T'ang dynasty, f.T 50.779b16. For Pindola cf. S. LEVIand E. CHAVANNES,Les seize arhat protecteurs e la loi, JA eleventh eries,8.205-216(1916).

" Emperor Tai-tsung,unlike his predecessors, id not celebratehis birthday;yet hereceivedbirthdaygiftsfrom rovincial fficers,f. Feng-shihwen-chien hi chiao-che'ng0F - 4.9.



298 CHOU YI-LIANG

works. In the fifth ear of T'ien-pao [746 A. D.] I returned othe capital. Emperor Hsiian-tsung]rderedme togoto thepalace

and erect an altar for abhiseka. The Sanskritsutras whichI

broughtback were all permitted o be translated.65 EmperorSu-tsung erformedhe homa sacrifice nd abhiseka n the palace.The two Emperors epeatedly rderedme to collect the Sanskrittexts brought ack] n the previous eriods, o repair hose pattraleaves] of whichthe [binding] tringswere ost, and to translatethose [texts]whichhad not yet been translated.Your Majestyfollowed everently our deceased father's ntent n orderingme

to continue ranslatingnd promulgatingor the benefit f [thepeopleof] ll classes. From the T'ien-pao periodup to the present,thesixthyearofTa-li, in all [I have translated] nehundred ndtwenty dd chapters, eventy-seven orks. 713a29] In addition,the catalogueof names of monks nd laymenwho helped n com-posing [thetexts]and the abridgedmanuals for recitationwereall copied. As it happensto be Your Majesty's birthday, rever-ently presentthem to you." An imperial edict was issued toallow those stitras o be promulgatedn thecapital and the pro-vinces, nd [theywere] lso to be listed n the [official]atalogueofthe Tripitaka.Li Hsien-ch'engW 66 read the mperial dictgrantingAmoghavajraeight hundred rolls of brocade, coloredcloth, nd silk. The ten monkswho helpedhim to translate titraswereeach granted hirty olls. The monkCh'ien-chenB 67 pre-sented a memorial o express heir gratitude.Other monks and

lay discipleswererewardedwithcloth 8 in accordancewiththeirmerit.Once because ofdrought n the capital during he spring nd

summereason, heEmperor rdered moghavajra opray, aying:" If it rainswithin hreedays it will be due to yourmagic power.

6 See note 78 in Shan-wu-wei's iography.66 The name of Li Hsien-ch'6ng, eunuch, s attested n Amoghavajra'swill (T 52.

844b21) and some other documents T 52.840b22, 846b25, 850c1, 15, 21, 25, 29).67 For Ch'ien-chen'sbiographycf. T 50.736b-737a, wherehis memorial s preserved

(T 50.736b22). He died in 788 A. 0. in the Hsing-shanTemple.68 The text has Adz* and the term Win the officialdocuments of the T'ang

dynastyusually ndicates extilefabricswhichhad the value ofcurrency.Cf. T'ang-shu51.6b; Chiu T'ang-shu 138.7a, 145.11a; T'ung-tien6.2a; CYYY 10.110-119.




If itrains fter hreedays,the creditwillnotbe yours."Amogha-vajra,havingreceived hisorder, rected n altar [to performhe

rite],and on the secondday it rainedheavilyand sufficiently.

The Emperorbestowed n hima purplegauze robeand onehun-dredrolls fmiscellaneousolored loth. Sevenrobesweregrantedto his disciples nd a feastto feedone thousandmonkswas pro-vided as a reward orhis achievement.

Amoghavajra resented memorialsking heEmperor obuilda pavilionforManfjusriintheHsing-shan emple].69He obtainedthe imperialpermission s well as contributions rom TU-KU]

kuei-fei S3WHOft4 ,970 Prince of Han ,71 and the PrincessofHua-yang .72 About thirtymillion h'ienfrom he imperialtreasury7 weredonated.

Amoghavajra gaintranslated he Nieh-lu-t'u-wanghingO*JlWEE. 74 Giftsweregrantedby the Emperorone after notherand [themessengers] erebusyon the streets. n theninthyear[774A. D.], from pring o summer, e kepton promulgatinghesubtleLaw and encouraging is disciples. He talkedfrequentlyabout the Bhadracaripranidhdna l1if and the Ch'u-she'ngwu-pienfa-m7enhing f P'3S ,7 whichhe, praising ndadmiring, epeatedly dvised [his disciples]to recite: To thosewho had previously een taughtthe doctrine, e told thempar-

69 Cf. T 52.841clO, 844c21. The particulardevotion to Man-jusr1 s one of thecharacteristics f Esoteric Buddhismas promulgated y Amoghavajra. Cf. T 52.834a5,Chin-shih s'ui-pien133.4b.

70 For thisqueen cf. T'ang-shu77.3a-b; Chiu T'ang-shu153.1a. The Emperor ovedher so much that after she died, her remains were kept in the palace unburiedforthreeyears.

"7This princewas the son of TU-KU kuei-fei.Cf. Chiu T'ang-shu 116.12a. His namewas chiungXQ] nd he died in 796 A. D.

72 This princesswas TuKu kuei-fei's aughter. Cf. T'ang-shu 83.19a; Chiu T'ang-shu52.8b-9a. Amoghavajra adopted her as daughter. Cf. T 52.843c27.

7Hsing-chuangT 50.293c15)has Jg.The text has &WEig, but hsing-chuangT 50.293c17) reads -Z jE .

Neither of thesetwo names is found n the list ofAmoghavajra'stranslations n Yuan-chao's Cheng-yilanu (T55.879a-881a).

"7The P'u-hsien yilan-hsingmust be another name for the P'u4-hsinp'u-sa hsing-yiian tsan. Cf. note 11 above. The full name of the Ch'u-she'ngwu-pienfa-mnenhingis Ch'u-shengwu-pien-mnen'o-lo-ni hing t. W9 S S, a translationofAmoghavajra. Cf. T 19, No. 1909.



300 CHOU YI-LIANG

ticularly o pay attention o the [followinghings]:the contem-plation on Bodhicitta,76713b15] the chiefdeity's mudra, theintuitive omprehension7 ofthe lettera' and therealization ftheanutpadaofthedharmas.78Then, ccording o Amoghavajra,they] would reachMahabodhi. [The disciples]were told againand again insuch a lucidway]as ifhe were howinghem every-thing]n hispalm.

One nighthe told his discipleCHAO Ch'ien 1 to bringhim abrushand an ink-slab:" I willmake an abridgedversionof themanual on nirvana nd cremation0 forposteritynd [my] uneral

ceremony hould be held in compliancewith it." Ch'ien kneltdownand requested hree imes: "Will you be so merciful s tostay [in thisworld]forever.Otherwisewhom should the peoplerelyupon?" Amoghavajra imply miled.Before ong he becameill,whereupon e presented memorialn whichhe bade farewellto the Emperor. Imperialmessengerswere sentto inquire after[hishealth], nd both physicians nd medicineswere entfrom heEmperor.He was madeK'ai-fu -t'ungan-ssti JRfJA1-J1 1 andinvestedwith the titleof Duke of Su AR12. Three thousandhouseholdswereassigned s his fief.82

76 bodhicitta cf. B. BHATTACHARYYA,Buddhist Esoterism96-100; MOCHIZUxI,

5.4666c-4668b.7 The text has A A, while hsing-chuang T 50.294a2) has RR, which would

mean true comprehension.78 The 'a' sound and the letterrepresentinghis sound are important ymbols n

EsotericBuddhism. Cf. I-hsing'scommentary o the P'i-lu-che-naching (T 39.651c5,

773c12), MOCHIZUKI, 1.2a-c,Hobogirin-4.7 He is mentioned n Amoghavajra's will,where the Master says that he helped in

translating nd copying manuscripts (T 52.844b24). According to CHAO Ch'ien'sbiography f Amoghavajra (T 50.294c4), he followedthe Master fornine years andhis official itle was that ofHan-lin tai-chao Atf# (T 50.292b4), i. e., a literarycouncillor or the Emperor. Cf. T'ang-shu46.3b.

80 For the transcription% and the theories bout its Pali and Sanskritforms,cf. MOCHIZUKI, 4.3483c.

81 See note49 above.82 The name Su was chosen because AmoghavajravisitedKansu in his early years

and that part of the country ame to be regarded s his native place. The Kuo-kungor Duke, according o T'ang liu-tien) (A4*

' ed., 2.10b), is entitled ohave three thousandhouseholds as his fief. This, however, s only given in nameunless it is said that he can ' actually eat the fief 3 .' Usually the actual fiefwhichone can have is less than one-third f the nominal fief. For this institution




Amoghavajraearnestly eclinedthe honor,but [theEmperor]did notpermit.Being quite displeased, e said: " The saints eem

to have extendedtheirhands to consoleme. When the white

moon 3 is full, shall go. Why should I steal more titlesandpositionswhen am dying?

Thereupon, hrough he eunuchLi Hsien-ch'eng, e presentedto the Emperor as a token of farewell he five-fingeredell andvajra whichwere inherited romhis deceased Master, a silverplate, and rosariesmade of seeds of the bodhi tree and crystalbeads. On thefifteenthfthe sixthmoon, e bathed ndshampooed

infragrant ater nd lay withhis head toward he east andfacingthe northnthe direction f the mperial esidence.While makinga greatmudra,he died in the midstof meditation4 at the age ofseventy. His religious ge was fifty.His disciple Hui-lang B

M 85 succeededhim as the Masterof abhiseka.There were everalothers 6whoknew heLaw.

cf.NInDA Noboru, 6daino ffishakuyobi hokuffiei -Y IlI U hlh,T6hIgakuzho, 6ky6, 10.25-54. The biography f WANG Chin in Chiu T'ang-shu (118.lOa) also mentionsthat the barbarian monk (see note 2 above) Amoghavajra wasinvestedwith title of Duke and was permitted o enter the imperialpalace. T'ang-shu(145.6a) quotes the same passage, but omits Amoghavajra'sname and changes thecharacter V nto A. Thus the statement pecificallymade ofAmoghavajra s trans-formed nto a general statementas to the Westerners rQmCentralAsia. T'ang-shuoften makes such changes as to occasion mistakes or confusion.Cf. CHAO , Kai-yilts'ung-k'ao11.5a-6a.

83 See note 58 in Vajrabodhi's Biography.84 textwasg k FPtt Hsing-chuanT 50.294al0)has fI* [4

85 He is mentionedn the Master's will (T 52.844b2), when he stayed n the Ch'ung-fuTemple J AfterAmoghavajra'sdeath he was transferredo the Hsing-shanTemple and ordered by the Emperor to direct the teaching (T52.850a19, c12). Hui-lang's name is put under the heading of Amoghavajra'sbiographyn the Sung kao-sengchuan. yet nothing s said of him. Since the last mentionof him is dated the tenthmoon of 778 A. D. (T 52.853a29), he may have died not long after that time. KENG

WeiRM", one of the ten famouspoets of the Ta-li period (766-779 A.D.), has apoemwith the title" Presenting o Master Lang to " (Ch'ilan-T'ang-shih .10. Keng

Wei 1.6a). In thispoemthe Master Lang is said to have come from ndia and servedthe T'ang Emperor. He had been in China for such a long time that he lost hisIndian accent. The author again lauds his strict discipline, aying that all the laybelieversrespectedhim. Could thisMaster Lang be Amoghavajra'sdisciple Hui-lang?

86 The text has f MK A, but hsing-chuang T 50.294a14) has ftjtOMSM4tA1+.)i E,. For the restofAmoghavajra'sisciplesee Appendix.



302 CHOU YI-LIANG

Havingheard of his death, he Emperorput off is daily nter-view [withhis ministers]713b29]forthreedays. He also appro-

priated silk, cloth,and miscellaneous abrics, n additionto fourhundred housand ch'ien,87forthe funeral eremony],nd twomillion-odd h'ien forbuildinga sttipa. The Commissioner fReligiousAffairs, i Yiian-tsung,was orderedto supervisethefuneral eremony.

[Shortly] eforeAmoghavajra's eath, he monks inhistemple]dreamed hata precious alcony 8 of a thousand en EI had fallendown and thenewPavilion forManfjusri ad becomedilapidated.

[They also dreamed] hat a vajra had flownup to the sky. Thepond at therear of theHsing-shan empledriedup without ny[evident] ause.89Fruits were producedon the bamboosand theflowersn the gardenswithered.

He wascremated n the sixth fthe seventhmoon. The Emperorsentthekao-p'in iAiALru Hsien-hoVIJIN 0 to make offerings[to him] t the temple.The officialitle sui-k'ung and theposthumous itleTa-pien-cheng uang-chih an-tsang*V'EAt' ::::92 werebestowedon him. When the fire f the pyrewentout,severalhundred rains frelicswerefound nd eighty rainswerepresented o the Emperor. The bones of the crownof thehead did not burn and on themthere was a relic partlyhiddenand partly exposed. The Emperor ordered the erectionof aseparate tftpanhis ownquarters.

WhateverAmoghavajradidbenefitedheworld, ut he showed

superiorityarticularlyn dhdrani. fwetry o examinehis stage87 The hsing-chuang T 50.294al5) has a more detailed list of what was bestowed

by theEmperor: threehundredp'i of silk,two hundred uan X of cloth,fourhundredtan f of rice and flour, even tan of oil, fifteenartloads of firewood,hreecartloadsof charcoal,and four hundredthousandch'ien. The oil, firewood, nd charcoal wereevidently or the purposeof cremation.

88 The text has Hi, while hsing-chuang T 50.294a20) has 1j, whichwouldmean 'precious dhvaja.'

89 This is also recordedby TUAN Ch'eng-shih n Yu-yangtsa-tsuhsii-chi 5.2a) and

by CHAO Ch'ien in hsing-chuangT 50.294a22).90 Kao-p'in is a titleof eunuchsof the Bureau of Palace Attendants. Cf. T'ang-shu

47.14a. In other documents (T 52.849bl5, c16) he is mentioned as Nei-chi-shih

91For this officerf. T'ang-shu46.4a. The office elongsto the first ank.92The texthas A which is a mistake.




of Ksdnti10,34t we shouldfail to ascertainhis rank. EmperorHuisan-tsung reviously ad specialrespectforhim. Once whena drought ccurred, he EmperororderedAmoghavajra o prayforrain. He said: " We mayhave rain after certaindate,butif we obtain t by force now], herewill be a terribletorm." TheEmperor henasked hisMaster Vajrabodhito erectan altar [topray]. Just s hehad said,the wind andrain thusbrought bout]would not stop. Some residentialdistricts nd markets wereflooded; reeswere uprooted r felled. An edict was immediatelyissued asking Amoghavajrato stop the storm. Amoghavajra

kneaded fiveor six earthen dollsin the shape of] old women 4

whichhe scolded n Sanskrit 713c15] n the courtofthe templewherewaterwas accumulated.95oon it clearedup.

Hsiian-tsung nce summoned he astrologer o Kung-yiian96to have a tournamentfmagic power with Amoghavajra n thehall for asual affairsWM. Amoghavajra7 often urnedhis handto scratchhis back. Lo 98 said: " May I lend you [my] back-

9 According o some Mahaydna textsa bodhisattva's piritual areer can be dividedinto fivegreat stages,among whichthe second is called JUf or stage of preparatorydisciple (prayoga). Four kugalamiilas%V are to be cultivated n this stage. Ksantior forbearance s one of them. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1015c-1016a, 1862c-1863a. Othertextsput Ksdnti as the sixthstage. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, 2.1890c-1891a. The use of thetermhereseems to be generalized o includethe entire piritual tage.

" The text has A, which means old woman. However,this story s also recordedin Yu-yang tsa-tsu (3.11a), on which Tsan-ningmust have based his work. Instead of

AR it reads ff- r dragon. Since dragonswereusually prayedto forrain, it is mostlikelythat the characterAR here is a mistakefor K. T'ai-p'inghuang-chi (396.1b)

in citingYu-yangtsa-tsu also has A. According o the Mu-li man-t'o-lochou-ching*42e T-lg, translated n the sixth century (T 19.658b), the T'o-lo-ni chi-ching ,ttyij of Atigupta (T 18.880b19), and the Ta-pao kuang-po lou-koshan-chupi-mit'o-lo-niching :wt* :STAi",j, translatedbyAmoghavajrahimself T 19.625a9), clay dragonsare used in prayingforrain. Whitemustard eeds afterbeing conjuredwithspellsare to be thrown n the dragons. Eventhe pine tree n front f the stfipawherehis remainswereburied n theTa-hsing-shanTemple was regarded s an effectivenstrument o cause rain (Yu-yangtsa-tsuhsii-chi5.1b).

" The texthasjMJ(,

whileYu-yangsa-tsu 3.11a) hasi4'*,

whichmakesbettersense. T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi (396.2a) reads ifm*.

9 This story s also recorded n Yu-yang tsa-tsu (3.11b).9 Instead of Amoghavajra Yu-yangtsa-tsuhas Lo, which s the same as the Sung

and Yuan editions. Cf. the editor's note 4 in the text.98 Yu-yangtsa-tsu, ike the Sung and Yuan editions,has Amoghavajra. Cf. the

editor'snote 5.



304 CHOU YI-LIANG

scratcher? There was a piece of decorativerock in the hallthen. Amoghavajrastruckthe back-scratchert the rock and

smashed it into pieces. Lo tried several times to pick up the[broken]back-scratcher ut failed. To the Emperor,who wasabout to arise and get it,Amoghavajra aid: " Third Master -

f 100 you don'thave to get up. This is merely n image." Thenheraisedhishandto showLo that theback-scratcher,ntact,wasagain n hishand.

In NorthMangMountainthere ppeareda great erpent, hichthe woodcutters requentlyaw. Its head, whenturnedup, was

like a hill, nd it usually nhaledthe airwithdew at night. Oncewhen the serpent aw Amoghavajra, t spokein humantongue:"I am [a victimof] mybad conduct. How could you save me?I oftenwantto stirup thewater n the river o destroy he cityofLo-yangformyown satisfaction."01 Amoghavajra aught tthe Buddhistprecepts nd explainedfor t thedoctrine fkarma.Besides, he said: "You receive [punishment] ecause of yourhatred of others], ow can you [now] hate the people [and killthem]again? My power [,however,]s suprme. You ought tothink of my words and then this body [of a serpent]will beabandoned." Later on the woodcutters aw the serpentdead inthevalley and theevil smell pread out several i.

WheneverAmoghavajrawas orderedby the Emperorto prayforrain,he had no particularrites. Only one embroidered eatwas to be set.102 e wouldturn with his hands a wooden mage

of [a certain]deitya fewinches[tall],and thenthrow t while

The texthas ?1X fi and Yu-yang sa-tsu eadsWfi *35'-It is not known what this_fj was. The name4W occurs in CHANG Hung-chao's

this Shih-ya i? (164), where it is identifiedwith granite.100This is the informal ame bywhichEmperorHsfian-tsung as generally ddressed

in the palace. Cf. CHAO , Kai-yii tsung-k'ao37.22b-25a.101 For 'I Yu-yang tsa-tsu3.1lb reads ) .102 This is also found n Yu-yang sa-tsu3.1lb-12awhichhas ;GM (severalseats)

insteadof one seat. This statement bout Amoghavajra'smethodin prayingforrainis apparently ontradictoryo what is mentioned bove. See Appendix0. Tsan-ning

simplygatheredmaterialsfromdifferentources and made no effort o unifythem.This method of usingwoodenfigures,o far as I know,is not foundin any text onprayingforrain.




reciting dharanL.When t stoodup on the seat itself,Amngha-vajra] wouldobservethe corners f its mouth. 713c29]As soonas its teethwereexposedand itseyes winked,twouldrain.

During heperiod fT'ien-pao 742-755A.D.] Tibet JiWTa-shih:kt [Arabia], nd K'ang a [Samarkand] entarmies o surroundHsi-liang-fuis .103 TheEmperorummonedmoghavajraothepalace [toperformomerites] ndtheEmperor imselfttendedthe ceremony.Amoghavajra, olding n incense-pot,'04ecited hesecretwordsfrom heJen-wangsfitra]05 twiceseventimes.TheEmperor then saw approximately ivehundreddivine soldiers

appearing n the court. Being surprised, e questionedAmogha-vajra. The lattersaid: " The son ofVaisravanaraja KU1PP37Eis goingto rescueAn-hsi withhis army. Please make offerings

103According to T'u-hua chien-wenhih IJ ( ed., 5.8b),EmperorHsiian-tsung ent CHG Cheng-tao*@ ta to Khotan to copy the image ofVaisravanardja and had CHt to paint it on the wall of a temple in 725 A. D. LuHung-shen a.'L) in his Hsing-t'ang-ssip'i-sha-mrn'ietn-wanghi g4Pift'$'P'3WI dated 838 A. D. (Wen-yilanying-hua819.6a) also refers o the fact that

Hsfian-tsung ad the image of this deity painted on flags. However, the legend inthis biography s entirely groundless. Tsan-ning's story is doubtless based on theP'i-sha-men i-kuei iJt&'4P9M, a text ascribed to Amoghavajra (T 21.228b6).MATSUMOTO Bunzabur6 tAi&i5iJlI3n his T6batsu bishamonk6 9 1ltt4"3 5u(Toho gakuh5,Kyoto, 10.1.12-21) givesfiveproofs o show that thisstory s not true.In the first lace the textis doubtfulbecause it is not included n the Cheng-yiianu.Moreover, this storyis not foundin the body of the text but attached at the end.In the second place, the text says that this occurs in the firstyear of T'ien-pao (742A. D.), whichTsan-ning changes into " the periodof T'ien-pao." There is no recordthat An-hsi was besieged by an army of those countries in 742 A.D. Thirdly,

Amoghavajra went to Ceylon in 741 A. D. and returned n 746 A. D. Then howcould he perform uch a miracle n 742 A. D.? MATSUMOTO'S fourth roof s that thetextmentions -hsing as the one who recommendedAmoghavajra to EmperorHsUan-tsung. Since this master died in 727 A. D., it is impossible that he should haverecommendedAmoghavajra n 742 A. D. And, lastly,this legend is not mentioned nCHAO Ch'ien'shsing-chuang, hichcould not afford o omit a story ike this. CHAVAN-NES in his addenda et corrigenda o Documents sur les Tou-Kiue (314) quotes thisstory, but says cautiously "Les ouvragesbouddhiquesrapportentun 6v6nement uidevrait 6tre inser6 dans cette note, si il [sic] 6tait bien etabli historiquement."Forthis deityalso cf. Hobogirin 79-83.

104 This kind of incense-pot as a long handle. In the picturesdiscovered n Tun-huang we frequently ind he donors holdingsuch incense-potswhen they are paintedat the bottom or edge of the picture. Cf. MATSUMOTO, Tonkaga no kenkyit lates28c, 37a, 41b, 43ab.

105 See note 61 above.



306 CHOU YI-LIANG

rightnow and send themaway." On the twentieth ay of thefourthmoon, s onewouldhave expected, the ocal government]

reported: On the eleventh ay ofthe secondmoon, boutthirty1i o the northwestfthecity ppearedgiantdivine oldiers mongthe clouds and mists.The soundsofdrums nd hornswereheard]as ifmountains nd earthwereexploding rtrembling. he bar-barian troopswere astonishedand collapsed. In their campsgathered many] olden oloredmicewhichbit asunder hestringsof theirbows and cross-bows.'06he pavilionabove thenortherngateofthe wallwas illuminated,nd there stood] he divineking

staring ngrilyt thebarbarian ommanders ho ranoff ellmell."Having read the report,the Emperor thankedAmoghavajra.After hat the Emperor rdered n imageof thiskingtobe placedin the pavilionabove the citygates all over thecountry.

AfterAmoghavajra'sdeath, all the autographed dicts of thethree Emperor'swere turned n [to be preserved]n the palace.Honored nhis lifetimend lamented t his death, Amoghavajrawas notrivalled n former rpresent imesby any westernmonkswhocamedtopromulgateheLaw. It was Hui-langwhosucceededhim.A steleofwhich he nscription as composed y the Censor-General Jk,*-107 YENYingR- 108 and nscribedy HsP Hao

t109 was erected in his ownquarters inthe temple].The authorsays: "Among thosewho promulgated he Wheel

of Teaching and Command fti"1lo in China, Vajrabodhi isregarded s the first atriarch 714al5] Amoghavajra he second,

andHui-langthethird.From himon the succession fpatriarchsis known to everybody].As time wenton minorschools wereseparated nefrom nother nd formedmanydifferentects. They

106 For the relationbetweenVaigravanardja nd the mousewhich s oftenrepresentedtogetherwith this deity, cf. MATSUMOTO, Tonkogano kenkyft54-456,470.

107 This officer elongsto the thirdrank. Cf. T'ang-shu48.1a.108 For YEN Ying cf. T'ang-shu145.17a-19b.109 HsMHao was particularly nownas a excellent alligrapher.Cf. Chiu T'ang-shu

137.la-2a.110 In order to deliver thosewickedpeople who are difficult o teach the existenceof manydeitieswithdevilish ugly forms, uch as the VidyarajasMT43E,s taught byEsotericBuddhism. They are supposed to act upon Tathdgata's teachings and com-mand 'Ad to convertthe people. Therefore his formof Buddhism is also calledthe Wheel of Teaching and Command. Cf. MOCHIZUKI, .623a, 5.4779b.




all claim to teach the greatdoctrine fYoga. Thoughtheyaremanyin number, wonderwhyso little effect as been shown.

[The developmentfthis

school]can be

comparedo

[the myth]that Yii-chiaNO producedYing-lungOft, Ying-lungn itsturnproducedthe phoenix. Fromthe phoenixonwardonlycommonbirds re produced.1"'How can weescapea change?

APPENDIX A

Khatun is the name for queen used by the Turks. Cf. SHIRATORI KurakichiFA

,lgzk Kakan oyobi katon shogo ko5 f A tV , in TG 11.307-354. Itwould seem strange hat Shan-wu-wei hould come to a Turkishking'scourt n NorthIndia. Nevertheless,we have evidence that Turks did rule over Northwesternndiaand NortheasternAfghanistan n the eighth century, nd that these Turks werezealous Buddhists. Hui-ch'ao,a Korean monk who travelled n India about 726 A. D.,tells us of Gandhara, a country n the vicinityof the presentPeshawar, as follows(FuCHS'Stranslation n SPAW [1938] 444-446): " Vom Reiche Kaschmirgelangtmannordwestlich iberdie Berge in einmonatlicher eise nach Gandhara JR,. DerK6nigund dieTruppen ort ind alle T'u-kiueh,ie EinwohnerindHu (j)f); . . .Dieses Land war friuher nter dem Herrschaftseinfluss3Eft) der Konige von

Kapisa (,i3 nordost-Afghanistan);eswegenunterwarfich der Vater (JS14) desT'u-kiieh-k6nigs Barhategin) mit dem Truppenseines ganzen Stammes enem Konigvon Kapisa. Als spater die Kriegsmachtder T'u-kiieh zunahm, totet er dann jenenK6nig von Kapisa und machte sich selbst zum Landesherrn, . . Der Konig hierist zwar ein T'u-kiieh, ber verehrtdoch glaubligdas triratna.Der K6nig, die konig-lichen Frauen, die Prinzen sowie die Grossenerrichten lle Kloster und machen derKirche (3 Spenden. Der Konig veranstaltetzweimal jahrlich eine Kirchen-versammlung; abei stellt er seine pers6nlichen ebrauchsgegenstiinde,rauen,Elefantenund Pferde alle zusammenals Spendenzur Verfuigung. ei der Frauen und Elefanten

jedoch laisst r die M6ncheeinen Preis bestimmen,nd dann kauft sie derKonig selbstwiederzuruick. Die ubrigen Kamele und Pferde, Gold, Silber, Kleider und Hausratdurfendie Monche verkaufen, nd dadurchverschafftich (der Konig) selbst einenGewinn.Thetexthere eads - , whichmeans hat he monks ivide mongthemselves he profitgained by selling the king's properties. The termflIJ is onlyused in the sense of worldlyprofit,while the king gains by his generosity piritualprofit,which cannot be called by this word.] Dieser Konig ist hierinnicht gleich demderweiternordlichen 'u-kuieh.Seine Sohne und Tochterhandeln auch so; alle erbauenselbstTempel,halten Kirchenversammlungenb und machen Spenden." About UdyanaHui-ch'ao gives no informationn regard to the race of the royal family, xcept the

factthat thekingand his chiefs re also pious Buddhists (FUCHS, 446-747). Speaking... This s an allusiono theTi-hsingsUnAlf 1s1JftheHuai-nan-tziz MjT-.

Cf.Huai-nan ung-liehhi-chieh , 4.16a. For Huai-nan-tzftasJim Thispassage s nottranslatedyEvanMORGANn his Tao theGreat uminant.



308 CHOU YI-LIANG

of Kapiga, a country n the valley of the Upper Kabul River in Afghanistan,Hui-ch'ao says (FUCHS,447-448): "Auch dieses Land gehbrtzum HerrschaftsgebietesK6nigs von Gandhara; Die Einwohnerdieses Reiches sind Hu (i)ih, und der

Kbnig und Truppen aber T'u-kfieh. . Die Bevblkerungverehrt ehr gliubig dastriratna, nd es gibtreichlichKlosterund M6nche. Die einzelnenFamilien des Volkeserbauenalle selbstKl6sterund stiften ie der Kirche."

Furtherproof s providedby Wu-k'ungr,3 a Chinesemonkwho went to Indiain 751 A. D. and returned fterfortyyears n 790 A. D. When he tells about Kashmirhe says (Sylvain LEvi and Edouard CHAVANNES, " L'itineraire 'Ou-k'ong, n JA,ninthseries6 [18951. 54-355): " il y a ... le monasteredu Ye-li-t'e-le t'6-k'inl AT-*-I4); c'est le filsdu roi des Tou-kiue (t) qui l'a fonde. Et il y a le monasteredela K'o-toen (if ) (k'atoun). C'est la souverainedes Tou-kiue qui l'a fond'. I1 ya plus de trois centes monasteresdans ce royaume; le nombre des stuipaset des

images est considerable." In Gandhara, accordingto Wu-k'ung, il y a le monasterede T'e-k'in-li $Aj) fonde par le filsdu roi des Tou-kiue; le monastere e K'otun(Katoun) [sic] fonde par la femmedu roi des Tou-kiue." (Ibid., 356-367). In Hui-ch'ao's time Gandhara was united with,and under the rule of the king of Kapisaor Chi-pin. About thirty years later, when Wu-k'ung went to India, these twocountrieswere stillunder one sovereign cf. LE'vi,p. 349). Sylvain LEVi and EdouardCHAVANNES, relying hiefly n Wu-k'ung'sreferenceo the templesbuilt by the Turks,suggested hat the dynastyreigned verKapisa in the eighthcentury nd was Turkishby origin (cf. "Le Kipin" in JA, ninthseries,6 [1916].371-384). Their conclusionwas confirmed y the informationn Hui-ch'ao's itinerary,which was made knownto the world n 1909 whenLo Chen-yiio published t in the Tun-huang hih-shih i-shu. LE'vi also identified his Turkish dynastyof Kapisa with the Sahya kingsof Kabul in Alberuni'swork (cf. E. C. SACHAU, Alberuni's ndia 2.10; Sir H. M.ELLIOT, The History of India as Told by its Own Historians 2.403-413). This theoryis also generally ccepted by Indologists. Cf. A. STEIN, Kalhana's Rajataraigini, AChronicleof the Kings of Kasmir (Westminster, 900), 2.338 note j; V. A. SMITH,

Early History ofIndia 388. FUCHSeven identifies he Turkishking who first ccupiedKapisa with Barhategin, who is mentioned n Alberuni'sbook as the firstTurkishsettler n Kabul. C. V. VAIDYA is againstthe theory hat the first ahya dynastywas

Turkish in origin (History of Medieval India, Poona, 1921, 2.199-201). His mainargument s that, according to Hsfian-tsang,n 630 A.D. thVking of Kabul was akshatriya. This, however,does not prove that a hundred years later the kshatriyakinghad not been succeeded by a Turkishusurper, s Hui-ch'ao reported.

To return o our text, it now relates the miracleperformed y Shan-wu-wei fterhis arrival n Udyana and beforehis crossing he Snow Mountain. We may take forgranted that this happened in Udyana as Chih-p'an understood it. (T 49.296al8"Having arrived n Udyana, [he] expoundedthe [P'i-lu-] che-na ching. The assemblysaw fourgoldencharactersp'i-lu-che-na ppear in the sky.") Then, is it possible tohave a Turkish king in Udyana in the middle of the eighthcentury?Let us quote a

passage fromT'ang-shu" La septieme annee k'ai-yuen (719), (le Ki-pin) envoya unambassadeur . . l'empereurdonna par brevet au roi le titrede ko-lo-ta-tche-t'e-k'in(teginde l'Arokhadj). Dans la suite, Ou-san t'e-k'in cha, se trouvantvieux,demandaque son filsFou-lin-ki-p'oui seccedat. (L'empereur) y consentit. . . La quatriemeannee t'ien-pao (745), (l'empereur) conferapar brevet a son fils Pou-fou-tchoenedroit d'heriterdes titres de roi de Ki-pin (Kapisa) et du royaume de Ou-tch'ang




(Oudyhna)" (CHAVANNES, Documents 132; TP 5 [194].75). These kings of Kapigawith the Turkish title tegin evidentlywere Turks and fit n verywell with what wehave just discussed. Since Udyana was under the rule of the king of Kapiga in 745

A. D., it is quite reasonable to thinkthat the annexation ook place some time before,and that the Turkish court which Shan-wu-weivisited about 716 A. D. was that ofthe khaganwho reignedover both Kapiga and Udyana. No matter how unbelievablethe storyof the miracle is, Shan-wu-wei'svisit to the Turkish khan's court wouldseem to be a historical act.

APPENDIX B

If Shan-wu-wei ook the Central Asia route to China as Hsfian-tsang nd someother monks did, this Snow Mountain shouldmean the Hindu Kush Mountains. Buthe passed by Tibet and did not go throughCentral Asia, therefore his must refer

to the Himalaya Mountainsthat lie betweenNorth India and Tibet. The routewhichShan-wu-wei ook is also an interesting roblem. It seems that at firsthe intendedto go throughCentral Asia, so he went northwestward s far as Udyana, perhapseven to Kabul. If he wished to go by way of Tibet, he should have gone to Nepalfirst, ince that was the shortestway. Many monks who came to, or returned rom,India by way ofTibet took thisroute as recorded y I-ching CHAVANNES, Les religieuxeminents 35, 36, 48). Hsiian-chao Zf, who went to India in the late seventhcentury,wanted to return,but " sur la route du Ni-po-louo (Nepal), les T'ou-fans'6taient masses pour faire obstacle et empecherde passer, . . comme,sur le chemin

de Kia-pi-che (Kapiga), les To-che$

J; (les Tadjiks) arretaient es gens et qu'il6taitdifficilee les traverser (ibid.,25). So he had to remain n India. Shan-wu-wei'schange of route from Kapiga or Kabul to Tibet might also be due to the blockingof the formerway by the Arabs.

In the first uarterof the eighth entury, speciallybetween 711 and 716 A. D., theArabs often nvaded the countries n Central Asia, such as Kwarismand Samarkand,and those countriesrepeatedlyasked for help from the T'ang court (cf. Sir PercySYEEs, A History of Afghanistan 1.163-165;CHAVANNES, Documents 136, 140, 164).Further south the Arabs even sent a series of expeditions gainst the TurkishSahlsin the Upper Kabul, and these expeditionsonly terminated n 716 A. D. with the

death of Hajjaj, viceroyof the easternprovinces f the Caliphate (Sir H. M. ELLIOT,History of India 2.413-420). This is also confirmed y the Chinese historians. n theyear 720 A. D. the kingof Udyana was rewardedby the T'ang Emperorbecause herefused o cooperatewiththe Arabs (CHAVANNES, Documents 129; Notes additionnellessur les Tou-Kiue, TP 5 [1904].42-43). All these facts point to the possibility hatShan-wu-wei hanged his route in 715 or 716 A. D. on account of the Arab militaryactivities n North ndia or CentralAsia. According o Wu-k'ung (LE'vi and CHAVAN-

NES, JA ninthseries, 6.356), one could enter Tibet by crossing he Himalaya Moun-tains from he easternborderofKashmir,which, think,probablywas the finalroutethat Shan-wu-wei ook.

APPENDIX C

Tao-ch'ang was originally word used to translate bodhimanda,' the place underthe bodhi tree whereSAkyamuni ecame a Buddha. Later it came to mean a placewhere Buddhist ceremonieswere held. In 425 A. D. the Emperorof the Northern



310 CHOU YI-LIANG

Wei dynasty ponsored he chih-shen ao-ch'ang_4i1}$& which was nothingmorethan a meetingwheremonks gatheredand recitedsfitras T 54.247b7). During theSix Dynasties,monks werefrequently ummoned nto the palace to recite or explain

sfitras, ut it is not known whether templewas established n the palace. In theyear 613 A. D. Yang-ti of the Sui dynasty changed the name ssl e of all templesin China into tao-ch'ang. This is not recorded n the pn-chi of eitherSui-shu MRor Pei-shih k,, but appears in Seng-shih-lileh T 54.236c28) and Fo-tsu t'ung-chi(T 49.362al2). The exact date is given only in the latter. In Tao-hsiian'sHsil kao-song chuan many monks of the Sui dynastyare mentioned s belonging o certaintao-ch'ang,which showsthat thischangewas at one timestrictly bserved.

It was Empress Wu, a pious Buddhist,who first recteda templein the palace ofboth the westernand eastern capitals and called it nei-tao-ch'ang Ami-. Theearlierreferenceo thistemple n the palace is found n I-ching's biography:"In the

firstyear of Shen-lung OM, the year of i-ssI [705 A. D.], he translated the K'ung-ch'ileh ching n the nei-tao-ch'angn Lo-yang (T 50.710c5. Also cf.Ch'fian-T'ang-wen396.11b). Empress W~uwas a woman who introducednew ideas, institutions,ndwritten haracters. Therefore t is likely that she abandoned the old name ssiu infavor of the new term coined by Yang-ti. Since the reign of Tai-tsung a certainnumberof monks were regularly ngaged in reciting n this templein Ch'ang-an. Inthe year 790 A. D. Hui-kuo 8 was called into the palace and stayed theremorethan seventydays (T 50 295c4). The Japanese monkEnnin says that Buddhist magesand sfitraswere displayed in this temple, where twenty-onemonks from differentmonasteries t Ch'ang-anwere selected to serve by terms. They performed itesand

recited sfitras very day and night without cessation (Dainihon bukky5zensho 113.263b). Taoist priests also stayed here and their ceremonieswere also held in thistemple (cf. Ch'iian-T'ang-shih .2 Lu Lun ) 1. ila, biographyof YEH Fa-shan

jt in Chiu T'ang-shu 191.20a).The location of the nei-tao-ch'ang s invariablygiven as in the LongevityHall

Ji s4 of the Ta-ming*M Palace, one of the threepalaces in Ch'ang-an. TheLongevityall was alsocalled WAR (Wu-hsinghih TA% in ChiuT'ang-shu37.18b). The WAR must consistof a group of halls and pavilions, but the namewas reservedforthe main hall. Hu San-hsingfirst aid that the Longevity Hall wasprimarily he Emperor'ssleeping quarters, and all such halls in the different alaceswerecalled by that name in the T'ang dynasty cf. his commentaryn Tzg-chih 'ung-chien 207.9b). YEN Jo-ch'ii and Hs-ESung followedhim (T'ang liang-chingch'eng-fang ao 1.7a, 19b). Hu cited three examples: First, Empress Wu had lainill in the LongevityHall in the palace in Lo-yang. Secondly, Su-tsung died in a hallbearingthe same name in the Ta-ming Palace in Ch'ang-an. Thirdly, he stanza " -X-1HAft84I }E SLS "4 in the famouspoem Ch'ang-hen-ko Jkby PAi Chfi-i )WAJA efers o the retiringhall WM in the Hua-ch'ing Palace.But it would have been absurdto build this templenear the palace wherethe Emperorwas living in retirement.The evidence rather points to the fact that the Longevity

Hall was primarily sed for religiouspurposes. In the firstplace, there is no proofshowing hat the halls where Empress Wu lay ill and Su-tsung died were primarilyfor repose. If we examinethe records as to the places where the Emperors died,wefind hat they could retire nd die anywhere n the palace. The LongevityHall mayhave been chosen as a place to sleep, but this does not necessarilymean that it was




used primarily nd exclusivelyfor that purpose. I am inclined to think that it wasbecause the LongevityHall was a place for religious ceremony, r in otherwords,served as a kind of templein the palace, that Empress Wu and Su-tsungwent there

when theywere seriously ll. A stone tomb-tablet dated 716 A. D.) of an official'swife tells that when she was very sick she moved into a Buddhistmonasteryn thehope that she might be cured by supernaturalpower; but evidentlyshe died there(Chin-shih s'ui-pien71 2a). Since both EmpressWu and Su-tsungwere devoted toBuddhism,they may have been inspiredby the same desire.

As forthe LongevityHall in the Hua-ch'ing Palace, there are definite roofs gainstHu San-hsing'sexplanation. First of all, we must make clear that PAI Chii-i in hispoem does not mention r imply t all that theLongevityHall is a hall forretirement.Bothhis poem nd CH'EN Hung's ARCh'ang-hen-kohuant IfkI' merelyaythatYANG kuei-fei rayedthereto the starsof the Cowherdand the SpinningDamsel.

Late in the night,when no attendants were there, she and the Emperor pledgedto each other their reunion n future ife. Later playwrightswho adopted this topicdid not dd anythingew o specifyhename fthishall (PAI Jen-fu 1if oftheYuan dynastywroteT'ang-ming-huang h'iu-yehWu-t'ung-yiln ?.rand HUNG Sheng itPjf-f the Ch'ing dynastywroteCh'ang-she~ng-tien). evertheless,Hu San-hsingwas not the first ne who misinterpretedAI Chii-i. CHkNG YU, wholived only about thirtyyears later than the great poet, already did it (CH'kNG Hung-chao A ,- T'ang liang-ching h'eng-fangkao pu'i ;mm 4a, Ch'fian-T'ang-shih9.3. CHkNGYU 4b). Both WANGP'u's 314 T'ang hui-yao (30.14a) and SUNGMin-ch'iu's Ch'ang-an-chih (Pi - ed., 15.6a, 7a) say that the

Longevity Hall in the Hua-ch'ing Palace was built in 724 A.D. forthe purposeofworshipping he gods (presumably he Taoist gods). CHkNGYU in his own note tohis poem says that it was a place forfasting nd bathingforHsiian-tsung,who wouldoffer acrificeso Lao-tzii the nextmorningn the Ch'ao-yuan-koJOHSN, which wasalso in the Hua-ch'ingPalace (Ch'fian-T'ang-shih .3. CHENGYU 3a). Some othercontemporaries lso describedthe Longevity Hall as a place where deities woulddescend Li Ch'6ng's*5 Hua-ch'ing-kung ang-hsing u rpj -9; inCh'fian-T'ang-wen632.2b,HAN Hsiu's "fiC Chia-hsingHua-ch'ing-kungu V Iin the same anthology 95.1b). From the function f the LongevityHall in the Hua-ch'ing Palace, we may infer hat the hall with the same name in the Ta-ming Palacewas also primarily orreligious urposes. As it consistedof a groupof halls, naturallythe Emperor and the monks could make it their iving quarters.

APPENDIX D

The wordmandala originallymeant 'circle' and it may also mean 'territory' or'region.' (TOGANOO h6un, Mandara no kenkyit1-6, derives mandala from mandameaning ssenceand the seat under the bodhi tree whereBuddha reached his enlighten-ment.) In the esoteric textsmanidalarefers o groups of buddhas' and bodhisattvas'

images or symbolspainted on the platformwhereeach deity has an assigned portionof space. Hui-linA8I4 in I-ch'ieh-chingyin-i - (T 54.367b23) says:"Mai.dala means a gathering lace of the saints. It refers o an altar whererecitationtakes place." In China, however,the manidalason the earthen platform ame to bereproduced n cloth or paper.




APPENDIX

Tao-hsiian's (d. 667 A. D.) commentaryo the Ssfl-fen-llias an authoritativework.

He was considered s the founder f theVinaya Sect. For his biography f. T 50.790b6-791b15 wherein his story s told withslightdifference.n the end of this biographyTsan-ning ays: " This Wu-wei s not the one who lived in theK'ai-yfianperiod. Theremight have been another Wu-wei who lived duringthe Chen-kuan _AA [627-649A. D.] and Hsien-ch'ing if [656-660A. D.] periods (T 50.791b25). Apparentlythis is an anachronism hat Tsan-ning lso realized. He may have adopted this storyfromCHENG Ch'i's #;V K'ai-t'ien ch'uan-hsin hi - (cited in T'ai-p'ingkuang-chi92.4b). CHENG Ch'i lived in the late ninth century. The Ssi-k'u t'i-yao

VI A (ch. 142, CommercialPress ed., 3.2953) criticizes his book as unreliable.For this legend therecan be two explanations. In the firstplace, when Shan-wu-weiarrived at Ch'ang-an,he stayed in the Hsi-mingTemple,which was closelyassociatedwith the memoryof Tao-hsfian. Thereforepeople invented this story to bringthetwo notedmonkstogether.The secondexplanation s that Shan-wu-wei's isciplesmayhave invented t to show that theirMaster, so far as disciplinewas concerned,waseven morestrictthan the famous Master of Vinaya. Li Hua in pei emphasizedthatShan-wu-weiidnotneglectheVinaya>F4;WlM (T 50.291b19).

Esoteric Buddhism n India gave themonks ready excuseforrelaxation n discipline.As soon as a monk knows the truth, hat is to say, when the world appears to himas a dream without any reality,there is no more restriction or him. A stanza in

Guhyasamdja, fairly arlytantricwork (cf. WINTERNITZ,History ofIndian Literature2.394-395), would illustrate his: " You shall freelymmolate nimals,utterany num-ber of falsehoodswithoutceremony, ake thingswhich do not belong to you, andeven commit dultery" (B. BHATTACHARYYA,ntroduction o Guhyasamdja, viii). InChina, on the contrary, ll the greatmastersof this school were known as strictlydisciplined. Ratnacinta was an early example (T 50.720a17). Amoghavajra was alsolauded by Emperor Tai-tsung because he "held firmly he Vinaya" and " guardedthe sIlas " (T 52.845c29). There were a number of monksof the Vinaya Sect whowere at the same time nterested n the esoteric eaching cf. Ch'u-an-T'ang-we'n26.3b,501.8a, 520.6b, 743.12a). There seems to have been something n common between

the Esoteric Sect and the Vinaya Sect. The Esoteric Sect emphasizes what a monkdoes, while the Vinaya Sect also puts stress on a monk's conduct other than medi-tationor speculation.It must have been due to thiscommonview toward practicethatthese two sects were united.

APPENDIX F

According to Lu (T 55.875b6), after he had been fully ordained, he studied theVinaya texts of both Mahaydna and Hinaydna sects for six years, besides Prajiid-pradipasdstra (= Mddhyamikasdstra; f. CHAVANNES,Les religieux6minents17-18),

Satasdstra,and Dvddamamukhasastra. hen at the age of twenty-eight e went toKapilavastu, where he studied the sastras on the doctrineof yoga, vijfiinamdtra,and Madhydntavibhdgatikd, nder Sastra Master *Jinabhadra IJ. After threeyears, when he was thirty-one, e went to South India, where he met *Nagajfinna

99W, [whowas seven centuriesold] and a discipleof Ndgarjuna. He studied underthis masterfor seven years and received abhiseka. After he had learnedthoroughly



314 CHOU YI-LIANG

the texts such as the P'i-lu-che-naching,the Chin-kang-ting il-ch'iehching,andvariousdhdranis,he returned o Central India.

The legendthat Vajrabodhilearned the esotericdoctrinefrom he seven-century-old

disciple of NdgArjuna s a favoritestoryamong the monks of this sect and earnedhim the position as the firstpatriarch in China (see Amoghavajra's Biography).Many Japanese scholarsof the presentday still believe in the theory hat Nagdrjuna,the author of Mddhyamikasdstra, ho lived in the second century fterChrist,wasthe teacher of Vajrabodhi's master (cf. TOGANOO Sh6un, Himitsu bukkyoshi61-62).I-ching recordsthat Ndgarjuna was proficientn dhdranis,which, accordingto whathe had learned,formed Pitaka of 100,000stanzas (CHAVANNES's translation, 02).He, however,does not specifywhether his was the NAgArjuna f the second century.

No informationbout this EsotericBuddhism is found n the Indian books, excepta fewfragmentaryotes and colophonsof some sfitras. The Tibetans give a list of

the successionof the gurusor mastersof this sect. Another ist is furnished y KaziDawasamdup in his introductionoCakrasamvaratantra.Based on somecorrespondencebetween hese two ists and the informationnTdrandtha'sHistoryof ndianBuddhism,B. BHATTACHARYYA (Buddhist Esoterism, 1-66) cleverlyworked out a chronologyof these gurus. It is by no means accurate, but it limitsat least the activities ofthese gurusto a certainscope of time. According o him,Saraha (c. 633 A. D.) andNigarjuna (c. 645 A. D.) were two of the early prominent urusand diffusers f thedoctrine. t is now generally greedthat this is anotherNagarjuna (BuddhistEsoter-ism 67-68; WINTERNITZ's History of Indian Literature2.343, 392). Is it possible thatNdgajfana's masterwas thisNAgArjuna, ho was confusedwiththe earlierone because

ofthe identity f theirnames?The Pala kings (eighthto twelfth entury) of Bengal are said to have been pious

Buddhists, nd some of them were devotedspeciallyto thistantricformof Buddhism(V. A. SMITH, Early History of India 412-418). Four sacredsites of this sect recordedin the Sddhanamdta were probably all located in Assam (BHATTACHARYYA, 43-46).Nevertheless, herewas also a centre of Esoteric Buddhism in West India. ManyChinese monkswho desiredto studythe dhdraniswentto West India in the seventhcentury CHAVANNES'S translation f I-ching,31, 77, 101). Lata in Southern Gujaratwas mentioned s a centreof this teaching (Himitsu bukkyjshi24-25, note 1). Our

text here says that Vajrabodhi went to West India. Ndlandd Monasteryalso seemsto have been a centre,as I-ching stated that he was interested n the doctrine ofdhdran and [frequently] isited the altars there (CHAVANNES'S translation, 04-105).

APPENDIx G

:ti~g is a translationof Simhala. For the various transcriptionsf the nameof this island, cf. P. PELLIOT, BEFEO 4.357-358; TP 13.462-464. For the relationbetweenCeylonand China at that time, ee S. LEvi,JA ninth eries15.411-429 1900).BeforeVajrabodhi's visit to Ceylon, LU (T 55.875bl4) records that he was invited

by a kingnamed Narasimihapotavarmangm{f ; rls@ of South India (forthe identification f this king see Appendix H) to pray for rain. The kingwas verymuch pleased with the result and built a temple for him to stay in. The southernpart of this countryborderedupon the seashore,wherethere was a templeof Avalo-kitesvarabodhisattva.The bodhisattva[appeared]and orderedhim to pay homage to




Buddha's tooth n Ceylonand climb Mt. Lankaito worshipBuddha's footprint.Vajra-bodhi was also ordered, ccording o LP, to go to China for the sake of delivering hepeople thereand to pay obeisance to Mafijugribodhisattva.He accordinglywent to

Ceylon and stayed for half a year in the *AbhayardjaTempleft.A 3i,, where hepaid obeisance to Buddha's tooth and was honored n his turnby the king and hispeople. This king's name is given as Sr sYla tPT (T 55.876a24), whomLEvIidentifieswith Manavamma, though no convincingevidence supportsit (JA ninthseries,15. 3.27).

APPENDIX H

Sylvain Evi restoreshename fTto Narasiha Potakarmanand suggeststhat the correctform hould be 'varman (JA ninth series,15.3.419).

The Chinese transcription,owever, s correct, ince the character_ was read *muatinstead ofko, which LEvi must have read. The same explanation pplies to the name9ibnavarman. he Sanskrit yllablevar is usually transcribed s 1 *b'uht, s Buddha-

varman, Gunavarman, and Safighavarman re transcribedrespectively I.Ji,>9g2 and ff{JtWpJR (T 50.339al4, 340a15, 342bll). A syllablewith a final

t is used to represent he Sanskrit finalr, which does not exist in Chinese, ust as

;,}t2, is the transcriptionf Mar Mani. Nevertheless, haracterswith an initialm are also used to transcribe he syllableswith an initial v. The examplesare*mji forva in yavana, - *mjiatforvi in vistara (S. JULIEN, Methodepourdechiffrer

et transcrirees noms sanscritsqui se rencontrent ans les livres chinois 151, 153),*muan for van in vandha, *J mjie forvya in vyaghra, /&*muat for v in vruand vrama (P. C. BAGCEI,Deux lexiques sanscrit-chinois0, 80, 89, 103). We caneven find examples showingthat the characters t and 5 are used to transcribevar or va, i. e. U forvar in pravartta,* for va in valena and vadanam. (BAGCEII,

6, 8, 23. For the reconstructionf the soundsofthe characters n thesetranscriptions,cf. B. KARLGREN, TP 19.104-121.)

KAMBAYASHI Joryuin his introductiono the Japanesetranslation f the Yiu-ch'iehnien-sung hing (Kokuyaku issaikyo,Mikkyobu, 1. 222) restores his king'sname asNalasamighaputravarman,hich is entirelygroundless.The character - is used to

transcribeboth re and la (JULIEN, 146-147). Although WI are the well-knowntranscriptionf saihgha, these two characters re also used to transcribe he nameSimiha, s Hsuan-tsangwrites fp, for Simhhala T 51.932bl6). Other examplesof the characterft forsim are {IflIn (Siihhala) in I-ching (T 51.4b8) and ffJTin Shan-wu-wei's iography.

The use of {fJP forSiihha in this transcriptions an interesting henomenon fthe T'ang dynasty. Whenever hey introduced new foreign ame which sounded tothem ike an old transcriptionf a foreignword (usually Buddhist), the old transcrip-tion was used without ny modificationor this new word. This is whywe findmanysimilarpropernames which caused misunderstanding. or instance, P was a

well-known ranscription or Brahman; but it was also used to representMran-ma,the name of Burma, which probably sounded like Brama. The name '11 was forPersia in WesternAsia, but Bassein at the west of the Irrawaddy River and Pase atthe northeastern oast of Sumatra were both called by the name RAW in Chinesebooks duringthe T'ang dynasty (for these two examplescf. G. FERRAND,Review of



316 CHOU YI-LIANG

LAUFER's Sino-Iranica,A eleventh eries, 8 (1921) 279-293).The zanggi r blackslave of the South eas was called n T'ang-shu A, whichwas an old establishedtranscriptionor aingha PELLIOT, BEFEO 4.9289-291;. HIRTH,Chao Ju-Kua149-

150). Manichaeism asknown s W jd , andthe charactersEU were riginallyused to transcribehe Sanskrit ordmani n Buddhist exts.LEVI s rightn looking orNarasiihhapotavarmanmong hePallavakings, ut he

makes mistaken identifyinghiskingwithNarasihantheMahava*isawhohelpedMAnavamma, kingof Ceylon, o restore isthroneJAninth eries, 5.425-426).This mistake,s LiVI says himself,akes ts origin rom ewisRICE, who dentifiesNarasiihhapotavarmanithNarasimha n Vikramdditya's inscriptionithoutnyproof The MahavaliDynasty,ndianAntiquary0.37). We know hat two of thePallava kings orethe nameNarasihhavarman;hefirsteigned. 630-668A.D.; thesecond, . 690-715 . D. These re the datesgiven y R. SEWELL in hisTheHistorical

Inscriptionsf Southernndia (35). V. A. SMITH and R. GOPALAN give the dateswith light ifferencesot affectingurargument ere.Narasifihavarmanwas theone who madean expeditiono Ceylon nd restored inavamma's overeignty.notherwords, e was the Narasiha fMahdvalsa; and it was inhisreignhatHsiian-tsangvisitedKAfic cf. EWELL, 25; V. A. SMITH, EarlyHistory 95). Thereforeheidentificationf this kingwithNarasihhapotavarman,ho was a contemporaryfVajrabodhi,s an anachronism.

Accordingo an inscriptionftheCalukyakingKirtivarmanI, VikramAdityaI(c.733-747A. D.), one of his predecessors,slew n battle he Pallava namedNandiPotavarmma ho came againsthim . . entering ithout estructionaicl, . . .acquired hegreatmerit fcovering ithgoldRajasimhesvarand other ods culp-tured n stones,whichNarasimihaotavarmma-the rotectorf poor and indigentBrahmanas ejoicedby the bestowal f continual ift-had made (or created)"(translated y LewisRICE n his " The Chalukyas nd Pallavas," ndianAntiquary8.28; also cf.SEWELL, 28). For gods thetexthas deva kula. RICE remarks Devakula would eemto imply hat theywere mages f gods,but there s no such godas Rajasimha hat I am aware of. It seems llowable o suppose hat they werestatues f deifiedmembersf the royalfamily. t is a common ractice o erectlinga n the nameof the deceased ing (ibid.,25).

On the other and, n inscriptionftheKailasanatha emplementionsajasixlhaas the onewhobuilt heprincipal artofthis emple, hich e calledRdjasimhesvara(cf. E. HULTZSCH, South-Indiannscriptions.14). HULTZSCH'S identificationTheProbableAgeofSome Pallava Remains,ndianAntiquary 2.30) ofthisRajasimhawithNarasimhapotavarmanor NarasihaPotavarmma,s RICEwrites t) in theinscriptionfKirtivarmanI is correct,ut he is wrongn saying hatthesetwonamesbelong o Narasihhavarman. The Pallavakingsiked o be calledby manybirudas r royal itles, nd each king ouldhave more han dozen uchnames cf.SEWELL, 375-376).RAjasihha s one of thetitles f NarasihhavarmanI (ibid., 76),thereforet is fairlyafe o identifyarasimihapotavarmanithNarasihhavarmanI.

Accordingo Lt, Vajrabodhi as over hirty-eightears ld (see Appendix ), whenhe was invited y Narasiihhapotavarmano1pray or ain. Sincehe was born n 661A.Do the timewhen e went o Kaficwasabout699 A. D., falling ithin heperiodofNarasiihhavarmanI, whoreignedpproximately90-715A.D. Though hiskingpatronized he Brahmans,s the inscriptionays,he might lso be well disposed




toward the Buddhistmonks. The shore templeat Mahabalipuramand the Kailasa-natha Temple in Conjeveram are good evidence. His favor shown to Vajrabodhi,therefore,s not an exaggeration f the Buddhist historian. As for the meaningofhis

name,Lewis RICE has a

suggestionwhich

is worthwhilementioning.He says(Indian Antiquary 8.24, note 8): " Pota resemblessome formsof,Buddha. As aSanskritword t has the meaning the youngof any animal.' But there s a local godofthis name. C. P. BROWNays (Tel. Dict.) 'he is a rusticgod,likePan, worshipped(chiefly y herdsmen)throughouthe Telegu, Kannada, and MarAthi countries:afterhimmanymen are named.'" The second explanationseems to be more possible,asmany Pallava kingshad the word pota in theirbirudas; e. g. Potaraiyan,Potaraja,Paramesvara-Potavarman,Avara-Potaraja,Nandipotaraya,Dantipotaraya" (SEWELL,375-376). Since it is not likelythat all thesekingswereBuddhists, t would be betterto take pota as signifyingocal god.

APPENDIX I

For Lanka Mountaincf.WATTERS, 232, 236. LU (T 55.875c2) says that Vajrabodhiwent southeastward o Mt. Lafnkafrom*Lank&pura AiIIdz9A,where he stayed withthe king. He passed by Ruhuna PIWOIS (a country n the southeasternpart ofCeylon; cf. G. C. MENDIS, The Early History of Ceylon 23, 363-367) the king ofwhich countrybelieved in Hinaydna. Vajrabodhi, being entertained n the king'spalace, expoundedMahayana doctrine, o whichthe king was finally onverted.ThenVajrabodhi and his disciples climbed the mountain, whichwas full of wild animalsand savage people. After evendays theyreachedthe summit f the mountain,wheretheyfound roundstoneabout four r fivefeethighand twenty eet n circumference.It was on this stone that they saw the imprint f Buddha's right foot. (This wasthe place later knownas Adam's Peak. The footprint as been ascribedto differentsaintsby followers f differenteligions.Cf. Sir James E. TENNENT, Ceylon2.132-141.)There he entered nto samAdhiforone day and walked around the stone forsevendays. The savage people used to break small pebbles by knocking hem on the stoneof Buddha's footprint,nd eat [the] broken pieces, which they thoughtwould cureheartache.

Afterone year,says Li, he returned o the country n South India whencehe hadcome and asked forthe king's permission o go to China. The king, [since he wasunable to stop him, said]: "If you insist on going, will send an ambassador toaccompanyyou and present ome tribute o the T'ang Emperor." ThereuponGeneralMi-chun-nawas ordered o keep himcompany. The Sanskrittext of theMahdpraifi-pdrarmitdsiitraand othervaluables were carriedby them as tribute. They sailed forCeylon first nd reached the portPo-chih-litIt4;J in twenty-fourours. (PELLIOTthinks hat the secondcharactermay be a mistake, nd that this portmay be identi-fied with Pieh-lo-li 9gq or Belligamme,mentionedin the books of Chinesetravellersn the fifteenthentury.Cf. TP 30.308-309,note 3.) King SrAlila lso tried

earnestlyto detain him, but in vain. Vajrabodhi sailed eastwardwith the Persianmerchants,who having come with thirtyships to trade with Ceylon for jewelry,desiredto make a voyage to the East withVajrabodhi.

The Persianmerchantswereveryactive in theNear and Far East during he T'angdynasty (cf. CHANG Hsing-langWOiM, Chung-hsichiao-t'ungshih-liaohui-pien



318 CHOU YI-LIANG

+GtX 9 "X-g 4.67-92). Hui-ch'ao's account of Persia would explain the

situationmost vividly. He says (FuCHS'S translationn SPAW 80.450): "Es ist dieNatur der Einwohner,dass sie Handel lieben. Bestfindig ahren hre Schiffevom

Westlichen eer zum Siidmeernach Ceylon ,ii044 und nehmen ortKostbar-keiten (_W-*, wohl Perlen und [Edelsteine?]) ein. Deshalb sagt man von jenemReiche, es bringtKostbarkeitenhervor. Sie nehmen hren Weg sowohl nach Insulinde; W, um Gold (_) einzunehmen;auch segeln sie mit ihren SchiffennachchinesischemGebiet (AJ4,) und kommen direkt bis nach Kanton, um dort grobereund feineSeide sowie Seidenwatteeinzunehmen."This description greesexactlywithwhatwe have in Vajrabodhi'sstorytold by Lu Hsiang.

Ceylon has had importantcommercialrelations with both East and West sincevery earlydays. In the sixthcentury, osmas Indicopleusteswrote: " The islandbeing,as it is, in a centralposition, s muchfrequented y shipsfrom ll partsof India and

fromPersia and Ethiopia, and it likewise ends out manyof its own" (The ChristianTopography f Cosmas translatedby J. W. MCCRINDLE, London, 1897, 365).

APPENZnx

The country fnakedpeople seems o be thepresentNicobar slands. Cf.CHAVANNES,

Religieux6minents100, 120; TAKAKUSU, Record of Buddhist Religion 38, Note onSome GeographicalNames, 1; HIRTH, ChautJu-Kua 12. Hsuian-tsang alled it by thename Na-lo-chi-loX, N, which may be a transcription f the SanskritwordNarikela,meaningcocoanut (WATTERS, 2.236-237,HIRTH, 12).

OTANI Sh6shin in his Ech6 6 gotenjikukokudenhfino ichinini tsuite

~*~t~I?1~I-#4'&>p i2)='t k C (Oda sensei hojju kinen hosen onshiifJW W12-o"A t; 143-160) distrusts he old theory, nd calls atten-tion to a passage in I-ching'sRecord of BuddhistReligionwhichsays (TAKAKUSU'S

translation,12-13): " Setting out southwestwards,ne reaches (on foot) within amonth, Poh-nan (Kuo), formerly alled Fu-nan. Of old it was a country,theinhabitantsof which lived naked [-tZ* ; the people were mostly worshippersof heaven (the gods or devas), and later on, Buddhismflourishedhere,but a wickedking has now expelledand exterminatedhemall, . . . This region s the south corner

of Gambudvipa (India), and is not one of the islands of the sea." OTANI thinksthat the ;X in t is identicalwith the countryof that name mentionedelsewhere, nd that it mustbe the same as Fu-nan, i. e. Siam. Nevertheless, his canhardly be the meaning. TAKAKUSU'S translation s quite correct. If we take fW4as a name of a country, t would be impossibleto explain the use of tX there.Moreover, -chingrefers o this country lsewhere n the same book (TAKAKUSU, 68):" Besides India [the text herehas JWj'f*, ;*MaPX for which this translationis not quite adequate], there are countries f the Parasas (Persians) and the Tajiks(generallytaken as Arabs), who wear shirts and trousers. In the country of thenaked people is differentrom that in the firstpassage cited before.

Anotherthing that misleads OTANI is that I-ching says " On dit que ce paysconstitutela limite sud-ouest de la province de Chou" (CHAVANNES, 120-121).CHAVANNES has already remarked hat " I-tsing rapporteun on-dit dont il est facilede voir l'inexactitude" (ibid., 121). PELLIOT suggests (BEFEO 4.227-228,note 2)that I-ching might have confused these naked people with the ; g or nakedbarbarianswho lived in the southwestern art of China.




APPENDIX K

Abhiseka was an old Indian custom by which a princewas made a king by his

father (Sir Monier MONIER-WILLIAMS, Sanskrit-English Dictionary 71). EarlyMahaydna Buddhism, n dividinga bodhisattva's career into ten stages, named thelast stage Abhisekabhfimi,ecause when a bodhisattva attains this stage " rays comeforth from the Tathdgatas and consecrate him as Samyaksambuddhapossessed ofomniscience" (cf. N. DUTT, Aspects of Mahdyana Buddhism 283). The riteof ordi-nation among theMahAydnists,hough n essence the same as that of theHInayanists,possessed some featuresof its own. (Cf. DUTT, 311-312;Kriydsaigrahapatjikd, itedin Hara Prasad Shastri's A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscriptsin theGovernment ollection 1.123-126). At the end of the ceremony, he novice is bathed

in the waterofthe fouroceans, (catuhsamudrajalaih ndpayitva,DescriptiveCatalogue1.124.1.3) a custom which was apparently modeled afterthe king's abhiseka. It iscertain that the name of the last bhfimi ave hint to the MahAyAnistsorthe intro-duction of this procedure. A Mahaydna text called Bodhisattva Pratimoksa Siitra(c. the tenth centuryA. D.) deals with the rite of ordination. Among the seven steps,the last but one is called dcArydbhisekacf. N. DUTT, BodhisattvaPratimoksa Sutra,IHQ 12.2.265-266). Kriydsaigrahapaijikdalso deals with various abhisekavidhi De-scriptiveCatalogue 1.121-122). Since this book still remains unedited,we know onlythe name of these abhiseka ceremonies. t is, however, mongthe Esoteric Buddhiststhat the abhiseka became particularlymportant, nd came to be regarded as a rite

independent f ordination.Atigupta arrived at Ch'ang-an fromCentral India in 652 A. D. In that very year

he had an altar built in the Hui-jih Temple , El E to perform n Esoteric Buddhistceremony o which Li Chi G C,Yi-cH'IH Ching-t6 ixVA , and ten other highofficialsmade contributions T 18.785al5, 50.718b23,55.562c14). In the T'o-lo-ni chiching (T 18.814a-816b, 889a-891b), which he translated upon the request of hisdisciples,rites concerning bhiseka are introduced. OMURA Seigai (Mikky5 hattatsushi 2.212) says that this was the beginning f abhiseka in China. Evidently he readssomething nto the text, because all the three sources say nothingbeyond tor , For the former xpression f.TAKAKUSU Junjir6, BEFEO 29.49.

Besides Atigupta's work the abhiseka rite is also described in some other textstranslatedunder the T'ang dynasty, uch as Bodhiruci's -tzftfo-ting un-wangching

-f?J5A3Eslg (T 19.251a-252c), Shan-wu-wei'sSu-hsi-ti chieh-loching (T 18.620a12,623c-624b). The text hat dealswith hisrite n thegreatest etail sVajrabodhi'sChin-kang-ting . . (T 18.239c-252c), which I think Vajrabodhi and his discipleAmoghavajra must have followed. Amoghavajra made a briefer translation of the

same text in which (T 18.217b223b) the abhiseka rite is very briefly reated. Thereis also a manual preserved n Japan dealing with abhiseka (T 18.189b-192b). Oncomparing t with Vajrabodhi's work I found that it is only an abridged versionof

the section on abhiseka in the latter. Besides many details,the ritestaught by othertexts differ romVajrabodhi'sworkmainlyin two points. Their manidalas re on a,much smaller scale, and the dharanis in those texts are invocationsto one certaindeity. Since these sfitraswere translatedearlier, hey may represent n earlierstagein the development f the abhiseka rite.



320 CHOU YI-LIANG

APPENDIX L

The text has VJL-ij&ALbRPEJ. It is usuallybelieved hat Buddhismprospered n the T'ang dynastybecause of the Emperors' good-will oward it. Thisis true only in respect o the laterT'ang dynasty. T'ai-tsung, he secondEmperorandthe actual founderof the dynasty,officially referred aoism to Buddhism becausehe claimedto be a descendant of Lao-tzfi,who had the same surname s that of theimperial family (T'ang hui-yao 49.4a). In spite of the great favorshown to Hsiian-tsang by T'ai-tsungand his son Kao-tsung,the petitionof the monks who asked forofficial riority f position n an interviewwiththe Emperorwas nevergranted (Chiku-chinfo-tao un-hengtt~ oiff ;W, T 52.382b27).

It was in theyear 691 A. D. in thereignof Empress Wu whousurpedthe throne romtheLi familyhat Buddhismwasfavored fficiallyndmonksweregiven precedence verTaoist priests T'ang-hui-yao49.4a). EmpressWu patronizedBuddhismprimarily e-cause ina Buddhist fitra he found n ideological asisfor he ruleof theworldbyawoman(cf. TSCHEN Yinkoh God4 WuChao yii fo-chiao1K L&ef CYYY 5.2.137-147;YABUKI Keiki, Sangaiky5no kenkyil 85-761). The monk Huai-i 'if (Chiu T'ang-shu 183.21a-23a), whom the Empress favored, created a great scandal at the time.After Empress Wu died, her daughter Princess T'ai-p'ing kGo also interferednpolitics. She fell in love with a barbarian monk fromCentral Asia called Hui-fan

;ARj on whomriches nd powerwere showered. He receivedofficial itles and owned

businesses as far away as Chiang-nan E7 and Chien-nan IJi]. He was allowedto enter the palace freely. EmperorChung-tsung, rincess T'ai-p'ing's brother, venvisited his house incognito (cf. T'ang-shu 91.3b, 183.19b). Hsiian-tsung,who upsetthe Wu regime and reestablished he authorityof the Li family,naturally had notthe most pleasant feelingtoward Buddhism. This is why we find so many edictsissued in the earlyyears of the K'ai-yiian period (713-741 A.D.) for controlling reven oppressingBuddhism. (There are five of them, all issued in the K'ai-yfianperiod, preserved n the T'ang ta-chao-ling hi ft"ff t., and eight in Ch'fian-T'ang-wen,whereno date is given. Two in the lattercollection re the same as those

in the former.)An incidentwhich occurred n 724 A. D. put Buddhist monks in an even moreunfavorable ondition. Empress WANG,Hsfian-tsung'swife, being anxious to have ason, hired a monk who made sacrifice o the Dipper Stars and prophesied hat a sonwould be born to her and she would be as powerful s Empress Wu. This was dis-covered by the Emperor,who became very angry and deposed the Empress (cf.Chiu T'ang-shu 51.17b). The method of this monk seems to have been based onsome esoteric exts, uch as the Pei-tou ch'i-hsinghu-mo-fa4ft+ -L fiffi(T 21, No. 1310). The movement of deporting he Western monks,however, tookplace later in 740 A.D. According o Cheng-yikanu (T55.878cd8), it was due to

the rebellionof Liu Chih-ch'6ng jM1% who had, as his conspirer, monknamedPao-hua t~I . After the rebellion was subdued, all the barbarian monks weredeported. Dharmacandra, n Indian monk,was allowed to stay by special permission.It is interestingo comparethis with Vajrabodhi's answer to his attendant.




APPENDIX M

Hsing-chuang says that he became Vajrabodhi's disciple at the age of thirteen

(T 50.292b23) and pei says that at thirteenhe went to Ch'ang-an where he metVajrabodhi (T 52.848b23). It is evident that he became a monk after he had leftSamarkand. An account of the religiousbeliefs n those countriesduring the eighthcentury s preserved n the itinerary fHui-ch'ao,a discipleof Amoghavaira. Accord-ing to him (FUCHS'S translation, PAW [1938].452), the people in Samarkand andfive othercountries ll followedZoroaster'steachingand did not recognizeBuddhism.Samarkand had one Buddhisttempleand one monk,yet the people showedno respectto Buddhism. This, however,does not mean that the people of Samarkand wereanti-Buddhistaftertheyhad lefttheir own country.On the contrary,we knowof several

cases like that ofAmoghavajra. Fa-tsang , a greatMaster of the Hua-yensect, was fromSamarkand (T 50.732all). CHUNG Lu Z (late T'ang dynasty)in his Ch'ien-tingu IJ f(c series16, ts'6 9, p. 25a) tells of a monknamed Tao-chao Go whose surnamewas K'ANG. He lived in the middle of theeighth century nd declaredhimself o be a native of Lan-chouff8|. He may alsohave some connectionwith Samarkand. The monk Tao-hsien24i0 of the Sui dynastyhad been a merchant from Samarkand before he was converted. Tao-hsflan (T 50O651a5) says that he travelledextensively n business. Ch'i-yen u a (cited inT'ai-p'ing kuang-chi 48.5a) has a story bout a monk n the Sui dynasty. His father,as the textreads,was a shang-huAItj],whichmeans a merchantfromCentral Asia.

It is said that he was born n China, yet his appearance and mannerswerethose of aforeigner.Amoghavajra's uncle, in all probability,may also have been a shang-hu.(The Westernmerchantswere also called hsing-hu jiJ during the T'ang dynasty.Cf. HANEDA Toru M 9T `, K6ko myogi ko j in Ikeucihihakasa kanrekikinentoy6shirons5 1, t 675-780.)

Yfian-chao n his Che'ng-yiian lu (T 55.881a15) says that Amoghavajramet Vajra-bodhi in Java ; in 718 A. D. at the age of fourteen, nd became the latter'sdisciple. He travelled n the countries f the South Seas with his Master and arrivedat Lo-yang in 720 A. D. This version contradictsboth CHAO Ch'ien's hsing-chuangand Fei-hsi's pei. Nevertheless, t seems to me that Yfian-chao s right. Hsing-chuang

and pei say that Amoghavajra met Vajrabodhi at Ch'ang-an when the formerwasthirteen ears old. Since he was born in 705 A. D. (T 55.881a13), his thirteenth irth-day must at the latest have fallen at the end of 718 A. D. If they counted in theChinese way, he could have been thirteenyears old in 717 A. D. Now, when we lookat Vajrabodhi's biography,we know that he landed at Canton in 719 A. D. andarrived at Lo-yang in 720 A. D. His arrival at Ch'ang-an must have been still later,because the usual route from he south to the capital in the T'ang dynastywas to goto Lo-yang first y the Pien ft River, and then fromLo-yang westwardby land toCh'ang-an. Then, how could Amoghavajra have met his Master at Ch'ang-an in 717or 718 A. D.?

Amoghavajra himself aid in his will (T 52.846b4) and one of his memorials T 55.749c21) that he had kept his Master's companyever since his boyhood fortwenty-fouryears. If we trace back twenty-four ears from 741 A. D., the year of Vajrabodhi'sdeath (see note 56 in Vajrabodhi's Biography), it would be 717 A. D. when he firstmethisMaster. Vajrabodhi's biography ays that afterhe had leftCeylon,he travelled



322 CHOU YI-LIANG

throughmore than twenty ountries eforehe reachedChina. It is very possiblethat

he had his sojourn in Java during717 or 718 A. D. when Amoghavajra became his

disciple. If Amoghavajra'suncle was a merchantfromSamarkand,we should not be

surprised t findinghim in Java, wherehe could certainlymake great profit. It isstrangethat both CHAOCh'ien and Fei-hsiomittedAmoghavajra'stripto the South

Seas. Probablytheydid not like to associate theirMaster withcommerce,whichwas

traditionallyheld in contemptby Chinese scholars. Both hsing-chuangnd pei saythathe was tonsuredwhen he was fifteen earsold (T 50.9992b9.6,91.848bV27).e mayhave been firstVajrabodhi's lay attendant, nd later initiated nto the safighaat the

age of fifteen.

APPENDIX N

The Mahapratisarddhdrani as first ranslatedby Rathacinta (d. 721 A. D. T 90,

No. 1154). Amoghavajramade anothertranslationof the sfitrawith a new trans-literationof the dhArainlT 20, No. 1153). In 758 A.D. he presentedto Emperor

Su-tsung a copy of this dharaV and requested the Emperor to carry it with him

(T 52.829b2). According o the sfitra (T 20.6921c17), he dharan is to be placed at

differentarts of the body (i. e. head, arm, etc.), dependingupon user and purpose.

Besides the dhAran tself,various manidalasand mudris are to be painted on thesame sheet. For the actual objects cf.MATSUMOTO Eiichi, Tonkogano kenkyfz98-603,

Plates 158-160. This customwas carriedon until the timeof the earlySung dynasty.A small sheet of paper withthis dhAran printedn woodenblocks dated 980 A. D.,

was found n Tun-huangand it was apparently lso made for carrying CHIANG Fu3&*, ha-chouwen-lu j'Jll 42b,MATSUMOTO, 604-609).Anothervery popular dhAran of the Esoteric Sect was the Usnisavijayadhdrani

+?at),W,)d, which was first ranslatedby Buddhapali (T 19,No. 967) in the

late seventhcentury. Some monksworkedon it again later and made new trans-

literations f the dhdran (T 19, Nos. 968-971,974). The Sanskrittext preserved n

Japan was edited by FrederickMax MUJLLERand Bunyiu NANJI6 in The Ancient

Palm-Leaves,Anecdota Oxoniensia,AryanSeries, part III (Oxford,1889). Shan-wu-

wei and Amoghavajraeach translateda manual about this dharan-1T 19, Nos. 972-

973). These manualsteach how to preparethe pictureof the dhArani s a personified

deity,and how to make various mudras in reciting.Above all, they enumeratewhatdesires can be grantedby reciting his dhdran and how many times it should be

recited. Certain rites are requiredto accompanythe reciting n orderto obtain the

fulfilment f certain desires. Amoghavajra presented a copy of this dharani to

EmperorTai-tsung n 762 A. D. on the latter'sbirthday nd advised him to carry twith him (T 52.829c18). In 776 A. D. Tai-tsung ssued an edict orderingmonksand

nuns of the countryto memorizethe Usnisavijayadharaniwithinone month. From

then on they were to recite it twenty-one imes every day, and to reportto the

Emperorin the beginning f each year how many times they had recited it in the

past year (T 52.852clO). The recitalfortwenty-oneimes s assigned n Shan-wu-wei'smanual formostpurposes (T 19.373b-375b).

Ennin (diary of the seventhmoon of 844 A. D.), in describing he persecution fmonks y Wu-tsung,aysthatall the stonepillars forthenameifj r dhavajaused forstonepillars,cf.MATSUMOTO Bunzaburo,Chosenno d6 ni tsuite t CD1Qt UR0V -C in Bukkyoshiron M 422-447) engravedwith this dhdran were




destroyed as well as the monasteries (Dainihon bukky6 zensho 113.265a; also cf.Ch'iian-T'ang-wen788.13a). Since he makes special mentionof these stone pillars,they must have existed in great numbersprior to Wu-tsung's time. Accordingto

Ennin and Li Chieh *4ji (Dainihon bukky5 zensho 113.275a, Ch'fian-T'ang-wen788.13a), the destruction f monasteries nd statues was carried out quite thoroughlyin places far fromCh'ang-an. This accounts for the scarcityof these stone pillarstoday. Nevertheless,WANG Ch'ang ]EfI collected more than sixty rubbingsof thisdhdrani nscribed on stone pillars. Unfortunately e did not publish these in hisChin-shihts'ui-pien (67.8b). The great collection after Wang's work is Lu Tseng-hsiang's J)1 Pa-ch'iung-shih.hin-shih u-cheng,which ncludes even pillars datedin the Hsien-t'ung 1A period (860-873 A. D.), besides a fewdated earlier (all theseinscriptions re in vol. 8 of Lu's work). Evidently the belief n this dhdran-1evivedwhen Buddhism had been restored fter Wu-tsung'sdeath.

HsiY Ti-shannio1l in Ta-chung-ch'ing'o-wenhih-tai uan-chien+ IJzF[JfI~J YCHP 18.1-54, ists sixteendifferentxistentversions of this dhAranipreserved n China and Japan. They differ rom ne another n many points, speciallythe characters used for transliteration.There are, however,two more versionsun-noticed by ProfessorHsfY. One is on a pillar erected n 842 A. D., the text of whichis included n Chin-shih sii-pien7Wrr (41VjIII ed.) ll.1a. Though tclaimsto be based on Buddhapali's transliteration,t differs rom he latter and otherversions n many respects. The other was discovered n Tun-huang and edited by*Lo Chen-yii n Ch'en-han-louts'ung-shu . It is said to be based onAmoghavajra's transcription, ut differs romthe version in Taishd Tripitaka (19,No. 972) in many points. The inscription iscussed n Professor'sHsi's article, s hesays,must have been engraved ater than 1403 A. D. on the patra whichthe Chinesehave wrongly alled by the name ch'ing. But it is also significanthat whoeverdidthis in the fifteenth enturyknew that the Unsirsavijayadhdranfas popular in thelate T'ang dynasty nd suitableto be inscribed n a patra dated 851 A. D. For thisdharan also cf. OGIHARA Unrai , Sonsho darani no kenkyfiVwgrt,)4 QJEI, OgiharaUnraibunshil,J g 5 809-834. t was said thattheshadow of the pillarwith this dhdrauiwould be a blessing o those who happenedtopass under it (Pa-ch'iung-shih hin-shih u-cheng47.12a-b). This may explain why

the formof pillar was adopted. Some lay believers made rubbingsfromthe pillarsand distributed hem to othersto recite (cf. inscription n a pillar dated 813 A. D.in Chin-shih s'ui-pien66.9a).

Anotherfrequently eciteddhdran of the T'ang dynastywas the Ch'ien-shou h'ien-yen kuan-shih-yina-pei-hsin'o-lo-nif^f=lR j t (T 20,Nos. 1060-1064, 1066-1068). There are several transliterations f the dharan andtranslations f the sfitraunder slightlydifferentitles. The name given here is thatofAmoghavajra'swork. It seems that his translationwas the most popular one, sincein several places the abbreviatedform f this name is mentioned T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi112.6b, 331.lb, 339.2a, 372.2a). This dhAran s also found in an amulet sheet dis-

covered in Tun-huang on which a mandala is painted in the centre and severaldhlranis are written round it. Cf. MATSUMOTO Eiichi, Toho gakuh6, Tokyo 6.105.Also cf. OTANI, No. 368. The Sanskritname as given by OTANI is Arya-Avalokiteiva-rasahasrikabhujalocananirmanavistaraparipiirndsangamahakarunika-dharana.

There are a few other minor dhdranlseither mentioned n non-Buddhist ooks asrecited by lay believersor inscribed on stone pillars (T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi 115.5a;



324 CHOU YI-LIANG

Chin-shihts'ui-pien66.1a-b, 4a-b, 10a-llb, 67.5a-b, 106.5a; Pa-ch'iung-shih hin-shihpu-cheng47.11a-b, 48.2b-3b,8a, 14a-b, 17b, 30a, 64.25a). The use of dharan was soinfluential hat other ectsalso adopted thismethodto put their doctrine n a dhdran

formand ascribedgreat importance o it (for the dhdran used by the Pure LandSect cf. TSUKAMOTOenryil, To chfikino jodoky5 62). For the use of dharan ingeneral cf. L. A. WADDELL, The "Dhdranif" Cult in Buddhism, ts Origin,DeifiedLiterature and Images, OZ 1 (1912).155-195. His theory, however,that Buddhahimselfmade use of dharanisis hardly convincing.

APPENDIX

Kumrajilva first ranslated he K'ung-ch'iieh-wang hou-chingWLUIE$AM (T 19,No. 988), and there are two other translations,both anonymous,ascribed to thefourth century (T 19, No. 986-987). A more expanded version of this text wasrendered nto Chinese by Seng-ch'ieh-p'o-loff #,R who died in 524 A. D. (T 19,No. 984). The translation f his name is givenas either orfJ, which wouldbe *Samghabharaor *Samghavarman. Cf. Hobogirin,Fascicule Annexe,150. I-chingmade anothertranslation T 19, No. 985) and Amoghavajramade the last one, whichhe called Fo-mu a-k'ung-ch'iiehing-wanghing ELJ4 tE (T 19,No.982). WATANABE Kaikyoku discovered a fragmentary anskrit text of six leaveswhich corresponds oughly o the three ater translations f this suitra. Cf. his article," A Chinese text correspondingo Part of the Bower Manuscript," JRAS new series,

1907. 261-266; M. WINTERNITZ, A History of Indian Literature2.386; OTANI, No. 178.Amoghavajraalso translated manual of the rites n reciting his dharani,accordingto which (T 19.440a-441b) the picture of Mahamayfirividyarajabodhisattvas to bepaintedin the centreofthe altar. He is riding n a golden colored peacock and manybuddhas and other deities,enumerated n the text in the order of their rank, arerepresented s surrounding im. Food, drink, nd fruits re to be offered.The onein charge of the ceremony s to sit to the west of the altar on a mat or a low couch.He firstmakes invocations o all the deities. Then he makes his request and asks fordivine help. Having perfumedhis hands, he sits down and begins to make mudrasand recite dhAranis.There may be three, five, or seven persons to recite the suitra

in turn. The more the suitra s recited, he betterwill be the result. The ceremonymay last for seven days. If one cannot afford o paint the altar, an altar coated withsandalwoodperfumewould be sufficient. ome buddhas' images are to be placed onthe altar and also a few feathersfrom peacock's tail. For the peacock-snake ym-bolism in Buddhisttextscf. L. A. WADDELL, OZ 1 (1912). 166-169, 181-192.

It should also be mentionedhere that Amoghavajrahimself ranslated a text pri-_marilyforthe purpose of prayingforrain. It is the Ta-yfin-lunh'ing-yil hing*;pp] (T 19, No. 989). In the late sixth centurythis text was translatedbyNarendrayasasXg*453 (T 19, No. 991. An abstract of this version s giveninS. BEAL's A Catena of Buddhist Scriptures rom he Chinese 419-423. The translator'sname is wrongly estoredby Beal as Nalanda Yasa in p. 417) and JnalnayasasM4S1fl5'*T 19, No. 992-993). Among the two versionsof Jnianayasas' he first ne iscalled Ta-fang-teng a-yfin hing ch'ing-yii-p'ini-liu-shih-ssin -ylbpinIPpgoutE, while the other omits the first hree characters.The Sanskrit text ofthis sfitra, alled Meghasuitra based on two mss. dated 1374 and 1768 A.D.), was



TANTRISM IN CHINA 39.5

editedwith notes and Englishtranslationby C. BENDALL (JRAS new series,12.286-311). It is interestingo notice that the Sanskritversion s also supposed to be anextract from largerwork,of which t constituted wo chapters, ixty-fournd sixty-

five. For fragmentary anskrit texts of twenty-threether Chinese translationsofthe esoteric fitras,f.WATANABEaikyoku,Gensonkanyakuhimitsu eitenno gempon

R4: , in Kogetsuzenshfi .457-473.) For the Tibetanversionof this text cf. OTANI, No. 334.

Ch'ao-yehh'ien-tsai ?**** ed.,20a) has a story hat a -monkfromCentral Asia supportedhis prayerfor clear weatherby killingtwenty heep andtwo horses. Since no Buddhistsfitra eaches a rite of that sort,the monk musthaveobtained this methodfrom omeotherreligion. ncidentally, may mention customamong the people in prayingfor rain which existed throughthe later part of theT'ang dynasty. When therewas a drought, he southerngates of the enclosedblocks

t; were shut. When they had too much rain, they closed the northern ates. Thiswas because water was considered s Yin and associated with the North. To openthe northerngate only was thoughtto be a means of invitingthe rain. Cf. ChiuT'ang-shu37.10b; Ennin's diaryin Dainihon bukky5zensho 113.181b.

APPENDIX

Down to 694 A. D. Buddhistmonks and nuns belongedto the office f the Court ofState Ceremonial, name which ater was changedto Bureau of GuestsPi As thename indicates, he officewas in charge of affairs oncerning oreigners. n 694 A. DEmpress Wu transferredffairsconcerningBuddhism to the Bureau of NationalWorship , a branchof the Ministry f Rites XJ r3.This was one of EmpressWu's means of promotingBuddhism. In 737 A. D. monks and nuns were againassigned to the Bureau of National Worshipby Emperor Hsiian-tsung's order (cfT'ang hui-yao49.4a-5b). The full title of the Commissioner f Religionwas Kou-tangching-ch'6ng hu-ssfi-kuan siu-kung-t6hih % (Com-missioner f Religionin charge of the Buddhist and Taoist Temples in the capital),and the earliestoccurrence s found n a documentdated 774 A. D. (T 52.851a2). Thisofficer,t is clear,served as a general upervisor f the monks and nuns in the capital,

but had nothing o do withreligious ffairs n the provinces.It is not known when the officewas introduced. ilsing-chuang (T 50.293b4), indescribingAmoghavajra's activities in Wu-wei in 754 A. D., says that he held theabhiseka ceremony orthe Commissioner f Religion oftoday L?;JjJt~4 Li Yuan-tsung. By Lt the author ndicatesclearlythat Li Yiian-tsungwas theCommissionerwhen he wrote the biography,but not in 754 A. D. Here Tsan-ningomits the twocharactersNt, making t appear that the office lreadyexisted in 754 A. D. ThePai-kuan-chih of T'ang-shu (48.15a-16a) places the origin of the Commissioner slate as after788 A. D. Hu San-hsing nd CH'IEN Ta-hsinfollowhim without riticism(Tzft-chih 'ung-chien hu 237.13a, Ch'ien-yen-t'anghin-shih-we'na-wei IPFIHtfi-tKQt,% -jk: ed., 8.7a). It seems that in the beginning his was nopermanent nstitution ecause in 776 A. D. when Li Yfian-tsung ied, Hui-lang pre-sented a memorialbeseeching he Emperor to appoint another Commissioner T 52.835blO). Li Yiian-tsungwas probably the firstman appointed to this position. Sincehe was also an officer f the ImperialArmy, t became a rule that this Commissioner



326 CHOU YI-LIANG

of Religion should always be an officer n the Imperial Army. In 779 A.D. whenEmperorTe-tsungsucceededto the throne, n edict was issued to abolish the insti-tution,on the groundthat religious ffairs hould be separatedfrommilitary ffairs.

The monks and nuns were under the Bureau of National Worship gain.In 788 A. D., however, he name J1ff{l again appears in history, he dutiesnowdivided between two officers: ne commissionern charge of the templesto the eastof the Chu-ch'fieh oad tar, and the other n chargeof the templesto the west ofthe same Road ti'. The Chu-ch'iiehRoad ; was the thoroughfareividingthe city intothe countyof Ch'ang-an in the east and that of Wan-nien gI'- in thewest (cf. Ch'eng-fang 'ao 2.2a). These two positionswere,as before,held by officersof the Imperial Army,generallyby eunuchs. For the later developmentsof thisinstitution f.TSUKAMOTOenryfi, o chfiki rai no ch6an no kudokushi FtJJp?gG~j%@GOX,#8, TohJ gakuh5, Ky6to, 4.368-406. There was also the office f

Vice-CommissionerMIJJ of whichthe earliestoccurrence s found n an inscrip-tion dated 822 A. D. (Chin-shihts'ui-pien107.7b,Pa-ch'iung-shih hin-shih u-cheng72.6b). Under the late T'ang dynasty the control of the Commissioners f Religionover the monksbecame much more strict, s the eunuchs were very powerful. Forthiscf.Ennin's diary n Dainihon bukky5 ensho113.254b-5a.

APPENDIX Q

Li Yiian-tsung s mentionedn Amoghavajra'stestament T 52.844bl5), wherequite

a compliment s paid to him. In a documentdated 774 A. D. he is mentioned s ageneralof the ImperialArmyand his name is givenas Li Tsung (T 52.851a8). Tsu-KAMOTO (p. 372 of his workcitedbefore n AppendixP) states that Li Yiian-tsung'slife s not knownother hanfrom heoccasionalcomments n Amoghavajra'smemorials,but I have foundan accountwhichdepicts an entirely ifferentersonfrom he onewe see in Amoghavajra'smemorials. n thebiography fHsi Shih-mei ij-?X (ChiuT'ang-shu157.3b) it is said that Yu Ch'ao-6n 4,% > (d. 770 A. D.), an influentialenunuch n commandof the ImperialArmy, ppointedan armyofficer A, Li TsungAt9, to the positionfCommissionerfReligionf theTwoRoadsm I TAI

Tsung behaved badly at the gate of the imperialcity and insulted Ts'ui Chao-ch'un

,I11"l, Prefect of Ching-chao J dd. Ts'ui went to complain to YtAN Tsai57la askinghim to reportto the Emperor. YtAN flatlyrefusedhis request,appar-entlybecause of his fear of Yi Ch'ao-6n.

Most of the eunuchs of the T'ang dynastyfavoredBuddhism (Chin-shih s'ui-pien84.13b-4b,90.1a-b; Yu-yangtsa-tsu hsu-chi6.2b-3a; Chiu T'ang-shu 184.6b). Sincetheyplayed a very mportant art in the politicsofthe late T'ang dynasty (cf. CHAOI, Nien-erh-shiha-chi Wf =t ffl 7W tJ ed., 20.1a-6b; TSCHENYinkoh,TheShun-tsunghih-lu lI ~ and the Hsi hsiian-kuaiu , HJAS 3.1.9-16;T'ang-taicheng-chih-shihhu-lunkao R. etL fjJ 50-53,76-78,81-88). Themonksof the Esoteric Sect, aiming at popularity,naturallytriedto live on friendlytermswiththe eunuchs. Yu Ch'ao-6nfirst eized the command of the ImperialArmy,and fromthis time on it was constantlycontrolledby eunuchs (T'ang-shu 50.10b,Chiu T'ang-shu184.11a-3b). Amoghavajrawas on verygood termswith this eunuch.Yu contributed is manor to build the great Chang-chingTemple $Y where aspecial hall was assigned to Vairocana. When Amoghavajra requestedthe Emperor




in 766 A. D. to participate n building the Chin-ko Temple in Mt. Wu-t'ai,he par-ticularlymentionedYu in his memorial, s if his participation n this task was asimportant s that of the Emperor (T52.834a6. The word -W, the title of Yu

Ch'ao-en, is an errorfor*t). Accordingto Yi's biographyhe was stupid andsuperficial,ut pretended o be learned n everythingChiu T'ang-shu184.11b). Hui-chung L,, a monk of the Ch'an Sect, was said to have insultedhim purposely nfront f the Emperor. (The story ppears in Fo-tsu t'ung-chi, f. T 49.378bl7. Fo-tsuli-tai t'ung-tsai dopts it with someaddition, f. T 49.605blO. But Tsan-ningdoes notmentionthis incident n Hui-chung'sbiography n T 50.76ab-763b.) If we compareHui-chung's attitude with that of Amoghavajra, it is easy to understandwhy thelatter got along so well with the court.

APPENDIX R

According to some Sanskrit texts of the Esoteric School of Buddhism, S'fnyata(emptiness) and karund (compassion) together onstitutewhat is called Bodhicitta.SfinyatAonsists n realizing ll worldlyphenomena s transitoryr momentary, hilekarund s the determinationf a bodhisattvato bring ll beings to Nirvana beforehehimselfreaches that stage. The mixing of the two is called advaya, on which theSakti dea has its basis. The Sakti s the energy f any buddhaor bodhisattvaexpressedin the deifiedformof a female consort. Every buddha or bodhisattvamust have aSakti,who is usuallyworshipped ogetherwithhim. It is from his idea of sakti thatthe Esoteric Buddhistsdrew their nterpretationf Nirvana or finalsalvation. (For

above cf. B. BHATTACHARYYA, Buddhist Esoterisim 01-108.) The union withwoman(sakti, mudra,or yogin in theirterms) is called yoga, which they regardedas aneffectiveway to salvation. Prajniaparamita, s they say, resides in everywoman inthe world (" Buddhatvam yosidyonisamasritam,"f. ERE 12.190). This idea is wellexpressedby Louis de LA VALLEE POUSSIN,whomI should like to quote here: " Dememe que Civa organiquement ni a son epouse,Bouddha (Vajrasattva) reposedansle bhaga mysterieux es Bhagavatis; cet embrassement ublime (alifgana), essentielau corps de diamant,realise de mahasukhaet dans le mahasukha a Saimbodhi arfaite.Bouddha est inseparablede Tara. . . . C'est par l'amour et en vue de l'amour que

le monde se dedouble,c'est dans l'amour qu'il retrouve on unite premiere t sa non-differentiationternelle." Bouddhisme: itudes et materiaux134-135.Sakti worship never became popular in China, where Confucianismforbade any

close relationshipbetween men and women. Shan-wu-wei ranslated a text dealingwiththe yab-yumformof Ganes'a,but warned that this statue should not be placedin a Buddha hall (T 21.303c13). It may be due to the persecutionof this cult inthe Sung dynasty hatno doubleform f this deity s found n China, cf. Alice GETTY,

Ganesa 67-77. Nevertheless, popular storyof the T'ang dynastywould give us ahint that the erotic element of Esoteric Buddhism may have continuedto operate,though t never became salient. It is a storyabout a womanofYen-chou4+JYIj|A-3A

inLi Fu-yen's i (late T'ang dynasty)Hsi hsiian-kuai hiff p (?) whichis cited in T'ai-p'ing kiuang-chi01.7b-8a. (The characterg may be a mistakefor u

la. TENG Ssi-yii's Nffpi'fj Index to T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi, 8, includes this storyunder the titleHsu hsiian-kuai u.) This story s not found n the reproduced ungeditionsfLi's work n Lin-lang i-shihs'ung-shuWAR141-W Sui-an s'ung-shu

and Ssii-pu ts'ung-k'an an-pien 3 PJI51i.



328 CJIOUYI-LIANG

The storyruns as follows:

There appeared in Yen-chou a beautifulwoman about the age of twenty-fourrfive,who wandered lone in the city. All the young men in the city loved her and

associatedwithher. She would do what theseyoungmen wanted and neverrefusedanybody. After everalyears she died. Her funeralwas arrangedby the people inYen-chou withgreatsorrow. Since she had no relatives, heyburiedherrightbesidethe road. During the Ta-li period (766-779A. D.), a monk fromCentralAsia cameto the city. Having seen the tomb,he made obeisanceto it,burned ncense,walkedaround it and recitedhymnsof praise. The people of the city said to him: " Shewas but a voluptuouswomanwho would take anybodyas her husband. Why shouldyour worshipher like this?" The monkreplied: "You do not know. She was agreat sage with deep compassion and good-willto give. Therefore she grantedwhateverdesire the world had. She was So-ku p'u-sa W (Bodhisattva ofChained Bones). If you do not believe, you may open the tomb and see." So thepeople did. The bones of the skeletonwere interlockedwithone another ike chains.(The comparison f the firmnessf a buddha's body to interlocked hains is an oldsimile. Later on this simile camhe o be taken as real fact. Quite a few monksofthe T'ang dynastyare said to have bones interlocked ike chains. Cf. T 50.821b26;830a17; Ch'ilan-T'ang-wern94-12a; Hsiian-shih hih ' t4Xj ed., 7.13b.)

The theme of this storyis evidentlydirected against the Chinese moral conception.How could a commonman have such union with a deity? How could finalreleasebeobtainedby a bodhisattva or a commonplacebelieverthrough he fulfilmentf sexual

desires? Moreover, the storyis supposed to have taken place in the Ta-li period,when Amoghavajra's esoteric teachingwas in its zenith. It seems to me that thislegend might have been created in an environment f Esoteric Buddhism.

Furthermoret is interestingo see how this storywas transformed s time wenton. Chih-p'an'sFo-tsu t'ung-chi compiled n 1269 A. D.) has the same story, nd hegives an exact date, 809 A. D., which of courseis withoutfoundation. The locality sthe same. The basic plot, however,of the story s greatly changed. It runsroughlyas follows T 49.380c17):

The people ofShensi werefond ofriding nd shooting, ut did not know anything

about the Three Treasures. Once there came to thema youngwoman who declaredthat if anybodycould learn the SamantamukhaparivartaJlJP of Saddharma-

pwqndarikan one evening, he wouldmarryhim. In the next morning wentypeoplecame to her saying that they had fulfilled er requirement.Now she asked themto learn the Prajfitpdramitdsiitran the same condition, nd ten people came toher the nextmorning. Again she gave themthe Saddharmapwqndarikand requiredthem to learn it in three days. When the thirdday came, only one young mannamed MA aI was qualifiedto ask for her hand. Thereforehe broughther to hishome with all proper ceremoniesof a wedding. She demanded to stay alone onaccountof illness. While the guestswerestill there she died. The body decayed in

a moment nd the people buriedher. A fewdays later an old monk came to theplace and picked up herbones,whichwere like golden chains. He told the people:"She was Samantabhadrabodhisattva, ho came to teach you by this skilfulmeans."

If we comparethis versionwith the original, his one is strikingly ifferentrom heother n its soberand moralsense. In Chih-p'an'stime the esotericform f Buddhism




almostdied out and neo-Confucianism as highly nfluential. t is quite naturalthatChih-p'an should have modifiedthe story. It also appears in Nien-ch'ang'sFo-tsuli-tai t'ung-tsai (T 49.621c26), which was compiled in 1341 A.D. In this book the

stylein telling his story s much more elaboratebut the plot is still exactlythe sameas Chih-p'an's version, except for a change fromthe Praifidpdramitdsiitrao theVajracchedika lk:, which is a much shorter text and fitsthe storymuchbetter. The name Samantabhadra is not mentioned n Nien-ch'ang's version. ThemonkPao-chou's ifi Shih-shihhi-kuieh lt j'tg (T49.833b2),compiledin 1354 A. D., followsNien-ch'angclosely, except for the date and the bodhisattva'sname. He gives 817 A.D. and the bodhisattva'sname is said to be Avalokitesvara,the chiefdeity praised n the Samantamukhaparivartaf Saddharmapumnzarika.nderthe late T'ang dynasty nd early Sung dynasty,Avolokitesvarawas still considered sa male deity,being representedwith a mustachein most of the P'u-men-p'inpien-

hsiang -PN*J the Shui-yfieh uan-yin 'u7JVJ [Q , and otherforms fthis bodhisattvadiscoveredn Tun-huang. Cf. MATSUMoTo iichi,Tonkogano kenkyii,plates 41b, 42.,43b, 44a, 97ab, 98ab, 168-170,172-174,177, 181a, 182b, 216b, 222b,and223a. It was in the later Sung dynastythat Avalokitesvarabegan to be thoughtofas a female nd so easily associatedwiththis story. Cf. Kai-yfits'ung-k'ao34.19b-21a.CHAO , however, ries to prove that ever since the time of the Six DynastiesAvalo-kitesvara was considered o have a femaleform, ut his evidence is veryweak, andthe picturesof Tun-huang afford strong proof that as late as the ninth centuryAvalokitesvarawas still represented n the formof a man. This female form ofAvalokitesvara s called Ma-lang-fukuan-yinXMJ4PIWkor Avalokitsvara of MA

boy's wife. Cf. MocEizum, 5.4864a.

APPENDix

Six disciplesare mentioned n Amoghavajra'swill as those who had been taughtthe Law concerning he Vajradhatumandala (T 52.844bl). They are Han-kuang ofthe Chin-koTemple of Mt. Wu-t'ai (see note 25 in Amoghavajra'sBiography),Hui-ch'ao ofSilla, Hui-kuoof the Ch'ing-lung emple A Hui-langof the Ch'ung-fuTemple (see note 35 in Amoghavajra'sBiography),Yfian-chiao WW and Chiieh-ch'ao

3E- of the Pao-shou Temple. For Hui-ch'ao, who was also a discipleof Vajrabodhi,cf. FUCHS'S introduction o his translation f Hui-ch'ao's itineraryn SPAW (1938).426-428. Hui-kuo (d. 805 A. D.) is well known on account of his Japanese discipleKfikai f, the founder f the ShingonSect in Japan. He did not translate ny text,but spenthiswhole life n practicing arious ritesforthe benefit f the imperialfamilyand highofficers. esides Kfikai,he had several otherforeign isciplessuch as Pien-hung L of Java and Hui-jih H of Silla. He is not includedn Tsan-ning'swork, ut a biographyf him s foundn Taish(3 ripitaka 50.294c-296a). omeother canty nformations collected y MURA1KAMIChogi A4 A in his Ekawaj6 ni tsuite 1fiiP fl ; it' -C, TG 17.533-365. Cf. also Ch'ilan-T'ang-wen

506.12b.Therewere omeothermonkswhohelpedAmoghavajran translation:iang-pen

(T 50.735a),Fei-hsi (T 50.721c),and Tzfi-linTA (ibid.). The KucheanmonkLi-yenhas been mentionednnote47 inAmoghavajra'siography. ui-lin, monkfrom ashgar,was alsoAmoghavajra'sisciple. t is notknownwhether e actually

7




APPENDIX T

Under the T'ang dynasty the monks of different ects could stay in the same

temple and teach different octrines. When one or two outstanding monks of acertain sect lived in a certain temple where all the youngermonks gathered forinstruction,hat templewould become the centre of this particularsect, in spite ofthe fact that many monks of other sects were also there. Amoghavajra stayed inseveral temples and finally ettled in the largesttemplein Ch'ang-an-the Ta-hsing-shan Temple,where he died. It was founded by Emperor Wen of the Sui dynasty.The name was changedto Hsing-shan n the earlyT'ang dynasty (Ch'eng-fangkao2.5b). The city of Ch'ang-an was then divided into one hundred and eightfang orenclosedblocks,and this templeoccupiedthewholeblockof Ching-shan-fang. ccord-ing to the calculationof ADACHI

Kiroku ,24orwA, this Ching-shan-fang as threehundred and fifty aces fromeast to west and threehundredand twenty-fiveacesfromsouth to north. (Hsi Sung's Ch'eng-fangkao 2.2b followsthe traditionalcalculationof 350 x 350 paces. ADACHI refutes histheory n Chdan shisekino kenkyfiat? AO 5 139-143, nd suggests new estimateof 350x 325 paces.) It wasthe fifth angsouth of the imperial ity. The temple was situated to the east of theChu-ch'fiehRoad, on the west side of whichwas located symmetricallyhe Hsiian-tukuan POW, a greatTaoist temple. This Ta-hsing-shan emple existed n an entirelytransformed nd dilapidated conditiondown to the latter part of the nineteenthcentury. It was destroyedduring the Mohammedan rebellion. Now only a few

pavilionsexist, bout five Chinese milesto the south ofthe cityofCh'ang-an (ADACHI,220).

The next important entre of Esoteric Buddhism in the T'ang dynastywas theCh'ing-lungTemple, whichwas located in the Hsin-ch'ang-fangn the southeasternpart of the cityof Ch'ang-an. This templewas foundedby EmperorWen of the Suidynasty in 583 A. D. with the name of Ling-kan (T 50.863b-16). After severalalterations, he name was changedto Ch'ing-lungn 711 A. D. (T'ang hui-yao48.5a).Hui-kuo stayed in this templewhileJapanesemonks fromKfikai down all regardedthe Ch'ing-lungTemple as the Ndlandd of China, and soughtfor nstruction rom tsmasters. Therefore t became betterknown n Japan than in China. When Emperor

Wu-tsungpersecutedBuddhists in 845 A. D., this temple was convertedinto animperialgarden (Dainihon bukky6 ensho113.272b). The informationf Ennin agreeswith a poem of WANG Wei, which says that this temple,situated on a hill, had averygood view. There was a lotus pond, bamboos,and orchards (Ch'iian-T'ang-shih2.8. WANG Wei 3.7a). The templewas restored n 846 A. D. afterWu-tsung'sdeath,and the namewas changedto Hu-kuo1_o. However, here s evidenceshowing hatthe old name Ch'ing-lungwas restored n 855 A.D. and was used until 871 A. D.(cf. Dainihonshiryp7*El kff 1.1.749;Pa-ch'iung-shihhin-shih u-cheng 8.18a) .

The site of this famoustemplehas been a subject of dispute betweentwo Japanesescholars. TOKIWA Daij6

*7C*does not believethe Hsien-ninghsien-chih

II,^ (compiled in 1819 A. D.), which identifies he Ch'ing-lungTemple with theShih-foTemple je, in Chi-t'ai-ts'unGiiI, fiveChinese miles southeastofthe presentCh'ang-an (Waga t6dai ry5mitsuno hatsugenchi aru to no sh6ryiljinitsukite @ 0 ? ,Shiiky5enkyai,new series, 2.5.686-704). KUWABARA Jitsuz6 opposes TOKIWA'S theory (Choan no



3392 CHOU YI-LIANG

shoryfiji oishini tsuiteAx MAI|: 3V C, Toy5bummeishionso227-260). In the first lace, he believes in the accuracyof the Hsien-ninghsien-chihof 1817 A. D., because it was compiledbyLu Yiieh-yii A, a famous rchaeologist,

and TUNG Yu-ch'eng20K a famousmathematician.They both investigated heactual site. In the second place, KUWABARA uses the site of the Yen-hsingGate

^tWJq (now called Yiian-hsingGate tCkqg), which s nearerto the Ch'ing-lungTemple, as a basis for nferringhe locationof the latter. The old identificationon-firmed y KUWABARA is now generally ccepted.

When Engyo5Off arrived at Ch'ang-an in 839 A.D., I-chin , a disciple ofHui-kuo's disciple and then regardedas the head of the Esoteric Sect, was in theCh'ing-lungTemple (Dainihon bukky6zensho 113.167a, T 55.1071c6). Enchin ini1and Shfieib came to China in 855 and 861 A. D. respectively.They both studiedunder Fa-ch'fian , who was also in the Ch'ing-lungTemple (Dainihon bukkyo5

zensho 113.158a, 291b, T 55.1097a26). Many stories are recorded of monks of thistemplewho told fortunes Kan-tinglu &T cited in T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi115.Sa,

T'ang yii-linJ-1t. 14ii ed., 6.16b) or drove waybad luckby theirmagic power (Hsiian-shihchih,cited in T'ai-p'ingkuang-chi 8.4b-5a,Chi-we'n Bier,cited in the same work 330.7a, Mu-i chi , cited in the same work 74.2a). Iam inclinedto think that this phenomenonmay have had some connectionwith themonks of the Esoteric Sect in thistemple. A pictureof Vaisravanardja n the Ch'ing-lung Templewas also famousfor ts effectn curingdiseases (KAo Yen-hsiu j;{4T'ang Ch'iieh-shihB < ed., 2.8b-9a).

The developmentof the Esoteric School in the provinces s very hard to trace,

owing to lack of material. It is only from he accounts of Japanese pilgrims hat welearn the names of some monks who belonged to this sect. Evidently the sect didnot flourishn provincialtemples, o that the enthusiasticJapanese monkshad to goto the capital. Saich6 AM studiedunder Shun-hsiao#gad of the Lung-hsing emple

FjfJWE?at Yfieh-chouBall" (Chekiang) in 805 A. D. (T 55.1059cll). J6gy5WAS-,who arrived at Yang-chou (Kiangsu) in 838 A.D., was not allowed to go to thecapital,so that he tried his best to seek fora master of the Esoteric Sect in the localtemples. Eventually he found Wen-ts'an f of the Ch'i-ling Temple Aand learnedsome ritesfromthismonk. (T 55.1068clO and Dainihon bukky5 zensho

113.159a both read 3 instead of A. The character is correct, f. OMURA,5.784. Ennin also mentions this name, but Junreigyoki reads IV. Cf. Dainihonbukkyazensho 113.183a.) As the monksof this sect at Yang-chou Ennin mentionsTao-wu Zhof theWu-liang-i emple MAi X inhis diaryof 838 A. D. (Dainihon