CHAPTER ONE

MAKING OF THE CHHTRAPATI - SAINTS AND IDEOLOGY

Politically, what, Fukazawa might conlcude that

Maharashtra was a Marcher's territory, in socio-cultural

terms Maharashtra was a playground for the interplay of

various sects and sub-sects. From the 13th century when

the Yadavas of Oevagiri were the ruling power in

Maharashtra, the religious stream was generally

brahmanical in its character. The Brahmins' pedantic

commentaries and abstruse metaphysics could hardly be

understood by people. The excess to which ritualism had

been carried may be infrred from the 'Vratakhanda' , a

compilation by Hemadri, a minister of the Yadavas. He

prescribed no less than 2,000 rites and ceremonies to be

performed in the course of 360 days. Hemadri's 'Chatur

Varga Chintamani' became not only an authority for

religious enlightenment but also an excuse for feeding the

Brahmins in propitiation of particular deities for almost

every day of the year. It has been summed up graphically

by Jnanadeva, "The villager worships god after god, goes

to a guru and learns some mantra from him, places an

image of his choice in corner at his house, and goes on a

pilgrimage to temple after temple. Forgetting the god at

home he worships the spirit of the dead ancestors with the

same devotion as his god, on ekadasis serpents on Nag a

Panchami, Ourga on the fourth of the dark fortnight, then

Narchandi on another occasion. He worships perpetually

without being silent even for a moment, at various

25

shrines, like a courtesan attracting man after man at the

entrance to the town; the devotee who thus runs after

different gods"

incarnate" 1 .

says Jnanadeva "is ignorance

It is more than simply misleading to allot the

concept of ideology primarily to the political sphere and

to treat belief systems as prototypically religious. It

is arguable that there has been too much emphasis in the

past on trying to define what ideology really is and too

little attention given to exploring the various levels of

social life on which cultural processes produce

ideological effects. Any component of culture can be

ideological. A more detailed study of the Warkari

movement will demonstrate how the various socio-cultural

processes had their in built ideological complexes. A

brief survey of various religious groups in Maharashtra

will enable one to establish the ideological links of

Warkaris and their political implications as it has been

articulated by various historians of different hues.

Before we get down to detailed discussion about

the Warkari Sampradaya and its ideological implications,

it will be relevant to briefly discuss about two

traditions, that is, Natha Sampradaya and Mahanubhavas.

Natha Sampradaya :- The main figures in

Maharashtra was Jnanadeva's elder brother Nivrittinatha,

1. 11 Sarth Jnanesvar i" published by Kisan Mahra j Sakhare 1972 Abhang-1801, (Alandi, Pune)

26

and Gahininatha. Mukundaraja one of the earlier Marathi

poets who complied 'Vivekasindhu' in A.D 1185 was also

Nathpanthi. This sect failed to popularise its tenets

probably due to over emphasis of Yogic Sadhana of a very

strict nature.

This sect2 was during the rule of Yadavas.

It's founder was Chakradhara Mahanubhavas accept only four

incarnations of the supreme being and call them Harsa in

Krtayuga, Datta in Tretayuga Sri Krsna in Dvapur Uga and

Chakradhara himself in Kaliyuga. According to this sect

Srikrsna is not an avatara of Visnu but the 'Parambrahma'

himself. The Dattatreya of this sect is 'one faced and

four handed.' Among their venerated texts like Lila

Charita, Govinda Prabhu Charita, etc. compiled by the

followers of the sect, may be traced the beginnings of

Marathi biography. A brief mention is articulated here in

order to.facilitate the background for Warkaris and their

social-cultural practices which is entwined with the rise

of Shivaji and the Marathas.

A discussion is necessitated about tradition and

its interpretation as generally viewed by people. The

unique techniques of expression d~veloped within the

2 . The sect had a rigorous code of conduct and produced a rich prose literature in the 13th and early 14th centuries. For a complete perspective of the sect see V.B. Kolte's works in Marathi especially, ~riChakradhar Charit~ Malakpur, Arun Prakashan, 1952). 'Leela · Charita' (Bombay, Maharashtra rajya sahitya sankriti mandal, 1978).

27

Warkari movement in Maharashtra was a long cultural

process which according to historions 3 culminated in the

rise of Maratha power in 17th century.

Before Warkaris, Mahanubhavas also had distinct

techniques of expression; bacause it offered equal status

to Shudras and women alike. In one of the Mahanubhava

texts, "The Deeds of God in Riddhipur' , three passages

taken directly from Anne Feldaus, translation of the 13th

century text indicate the Mahanubhavas unusual mode of

bhakti. It is about the Mahanubhavas eccentric saint

Gundam Raul. It concerns the Raul's wandering from the

untouchables' quarters to the Brahmins. 4

The village headmen make an ordinance.

The village headmen said "The Raul goes around

among the houses of Hangs and Mahars, and right after

wards he goes in to the houses of consecrated Brahmins.

In this way Raul has caused _general pollution. Put (the

Hangs and Mahars) houses outside the villages. Then the

Raul won't go.

Thus they had houses built outside the city. The

original Mahar quarter was razed. But the Gosavi would go

to the new one too (saying) "Oh! I shouldn't go, I say

I should go, I say .... No I must not go, I tell

you." In this way, he would amuse himself, going from

3. M.G. Ranade . 0 p-; c't t; '. -- 'V~K· ~~1 WQCc;k_J'Q:J. t :-- ~~' , :_,.;,.~ay; "' -~. ·, 'Marathanch Itihasanchi Sathaven ~ 2-.. Vols.

4.'The Deeds of God in Riddhipur! Anne Feldhaus, New York OUP, 1984, (tn a 13th cent. biography of Gunda Raul, also referred to as the Gosavi in the text, or simply the Raul~

28

house to house."

What is central to the question of ideology here

is the notion of tradition. Two themes which emerge out

of this trend is the concept of 'critique' and 'tradtion.'

The question of whether Shivaji was a nation-builder was

first raised by M.G Ranade5 The context within which

Ranade and other Indian intellectuals of colonial period

raised this issue will be discussed later in this part. A

careful consideration of the bhakti movements in general

shows that they tend to get organized and function within

the existing socio-cultural order; while they do take a

critical attitude towards this order, their activity

seldom transcends beyond a merely negative position. In

historical retrospect, their function appears to have been

to reinforce the existing order by chanelling discontent

into a negative form, rather than bring about a structural

change. It served as a safety valve, containing a variety

of potential challenges. For instance, it vaguely

castigated caste as an in equi tous system and, in

practice, provided for some extraordinary individuals some

escape from its crippling regime, but it tended to blunt

the consciousness of its victims through religious

mystifications. It is not, therefore, surprising that

individual dissent spills over into protest which is

somewhat organized within the framework of the established

socio-cultural norms. 6

5. M.G Ranade~ op.cit, p.7. 6. S.C Malik (eds) : "Indian Movements" p.2 (Simla l.I.A.S

1978).

29

SEC I - B

TRADITION, CRITIQUE, MOVEMENTS; THEMES OF IDEOLOGY

The early saint-poets make us aware of the fact

that a critique of contemporary institutions, is not a

prerogative of post industrial times but of all

oppressed classes at all times. The tradition of Warkari

Saints was more socially oriented, but this orientation

had the objective of making religions easier to be

practised socially. However, while not challenging the

content of traditional religious order, it made

institutional innovations with regard to religious

communication, such as the Kirtan mode. A hypothetical

impression which emerges from a brief survey of the bhakti

tradition is (a) that it was critical of the existing

social-order in a negative sense, as it was devoid of any

programmatic content; (b) that it was concerned with

strengthening the orthodox order by making it more

acceptable to the masses; and (c) that it was primarily

legitimising the concept of status quo of a particular

socio-cultural tradition (i.e. Hinduism per se) rather

than challenging it at the roots.

Saint-poets of Maharashtra offered a comprehensive

and immanent critique of contemporary social order. In a

span of five centuries Warkari's concept of critique and

simultaneously the 'political' appropriation of its

critique in the form of the rise of Shivaji marks the

comprehensive stratum of a tradition.

30

The concept of critique implies a dynamic re­

appropriation of traditional meanings of texts and of the

tradition within which they are embedded. This is the

dimension of critique that is sensitive to the movement of

natural social life and natural social meanings through

history.

movement

What is central here in the context of bhakti

and their socio-cultural implication is the

restoration of tradition. It can be done in the manner of

exercise, which endeavours to make new sense of tradition

without over looking the historically embedded sense of

tradition, that is of the continuity of the people and

their community. The problem arises when this continuity

is understood in a linear way, as having developed without

tensions or other contradictions. By locating the

historial relevance of tradition one can render it

dynamic. In this socio-cultural dynamics of society,

tradition ceases to be a constant unchanging concept

against which 'modernity' is called upon to wage its

battles seeking its collective annihilation. Instead

modernity itself comes to be understood as "creative

release" of the essential core of tradition into its new

contexts.

Through the penetrating critique of

'interpretation(. Warkari saint poets were able to transform

the essential core of tradition or dominant ideology laden

- Hindu religion. It was not necessarily to alter the

structural frame of the its tradition though it reflected

31

the potential of alteration. Saint-poets made a different

and yet fully embedded source of their social order.

Jnanesvari, for Jnanade~a was an exercise in critical re-

appropriation of tradition that was encompassed in

Bhagvadgita. As Jhanadeva says "Even though Vedas have

said a great deal and have offered many paths, one must

choose only that which ensures one's well being. 117 Saint-

poets could penetrate beyond the veneer of ideology of

dominance as perceived within the tradition of one's

socio-cultural existence. Tukaram reflects on this

We all know the meaning of the Vedas,

Others carry them as dead weight,

The taste of food can be known only by those who have eaten, not by those who merely watch,·

Those who have not implemented these meanings in life, merely spoil them,

They are like coolies who carry other people's baggage. 8

Warkari movement which was spontaneous in the

beginning became organized later on, by articulating

itself as a sect. A movement implies change, and it

interacts with the socio-economic situation of the given

time. The element of critique and dissent in their

formative aspect form a part of the ideology of a

movement.

7. csarth Jnaneswari~ op.cit 2.260

a. 'sri Tukaramba vamcya Abhangamc i Ga tha' (Bombay: Govt. Central Press 1955.) Abhanga:2266

32

About the Maratha movement various hypotheses have

been advanced inorder to cater the different schools of

historiography. One seeks to equate it with the religious

policy of Aurangzeb. But the early phase of the expansion

of Maratha power under Shahj i and later under his son

Shivaji coincided with the reign of ShahJahan, during a

period when he had veered round to a policy of broad

religious toleration. 9 Another attempt later on was the

concept of nationalism embroidered with the socio-

religious content of Maratha movement. M. G Ranade sumbs

up in his book10 as We have thus noticed all the

principle features of "the religious movement, which,

commencing with Dhyandev who lived in the 15th century

(sic), can be traced to the end of the last century as a

steady growth in spiritual virtues. It gave us a

literature of considerable value in the vernacular

language of the country. It modified the strictness of

the old spirit of caste exclusiveness. It raised the

Shudra classes to a position of spiritual power and social

importance, almost equal to that of the Brahmans. It gave

sanctity to the family relations, and raised the status of

woman. It made the nation more humane, at the same time

more prone to hold together by mutual toleration. It

suggested and partly carried out a plan of reconcilation

with the Mohameddans. It subordinated the importance of

9. S.R.Sharma: "The Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors" (Delhi, 1940) pp.103-4.

10. M.G.Ranade• op.cit. p.76

33

rites and ceremonies, and of pilgrimages and fasts, and of

learning and contemplation,

worship by means of love

to the higher excellence of

and faith. It checked the

excesses of polytheism. It tended in all these ways to

raise the nation generally to a higher level of capacity

both in thought and action, and prepared it in a way no

other nation in India was prepared, to take the lead in

re-establishing a united native power in the place of

foreign domination. These appear to us to be the

principal features of the religion of Maharashtra, which

saint Ramdas had in view when he advised Shivaji's son to

follow in his father's footsteps and propagate this faith,

at once tolerant and Catholic, deeply spiritual and yet

not iconoclastic."

Out of M.G Ranade's writings broadly three

elements, which are all part of the interpretation and

appropriation of a given tradition, emerge as Maratha

political achievement, termed broadly as Svaraiya. and

Maharashtra Dharma, and a religions parallel to

protestantism in western Europe.

Protest against the spiritual

institutional priests (brahmans),

authority of the

against self-

mortification, penances and fasts, liberation from the

thraldom of scholastic learning, emphasis on the

vernacular as against the classical language for religious

instruction, these were some of the common features of the

two movements. But in terms of comparitivity the

essential characteristics were entirely different in these

34

two movements. In the writings of M.G Ranade and R.S

Bhagvat, 11 this parallelium had an element in the essence

of Maharashtra Dharrnu and Svarajya.

Unlike the European concept of territorial

sovereignty, the conception of Svarajya is only

determined by its complementary opposite the Pararajya,

the 'enemy's sovereignty. 12 As such the Maratha Svarajya

was most commonly identified as the non-Moglai. This

dichotomous process of the construction of Maratha

identity comprised with Maratha rights laid the claim for

svara.jya. When Svarajya is territorially defined, as in

the treaty with Mughals of 1719, it was in the nature of

asymmetrical balance of power which laid down the claim of

Svarajya per se. A territorial reference to Maratha

homeland is present furthermore in alternative

conceptualisations as Maharashtra Rajya but there also it

is secondary13 . This secondary reference to territory

stands out most sharply in a definition of the term

Svarajya given by Govind Rao Chitnis in 1765 in reply to a

query about its meaning : "The Svarajya is the country,

west of the Bhima, and all else which you call Svarajya,

beyond that is Zabardasti." 14

11. V.K Rajwade (ed.): MIS, VOL.4, p.106

12. ibid.1 VOL 12; p.22; VOL 4, p.54

13. BISM- Varsik Itivrit (1913), p.234(document of 1707), D.V.Apte and N.C.Kelkar (eds.); "Sivacharita Pradipa", p. 43; (Poona, 1925).

14. James Grant Duff: "History of Mahrathas," Vol. 1, p.548. (New Delhi, 1971) originally published in 1826.

35

But at the same time Grant-Duff could not equate

the resurgence of bhakti movement or mainly Warkari

movement with protestantism. The anonymous author of the

"Sivadig vijaya' also does not attempt a systematic

elucidation of Maharashtra Dharma, but merely mentions th~

wretched condition of Hindu dharma in the first and second

quarter of the seventeenth century and he further expounds

that :

"the dharma of establishing sovereignty svami tra

(sivamitra) enjoins us to bring everywhere holders of

rights (adhikaris), inamdars, zamindars, and rayats under

its sway, to everyone's estate (vrtti) to its charge and

so sovereignty is established" 15

The compound Maharastra Dharma occurs for the

first time in a fifteenth century Marathi work, the Guru

Charita, where the author rather than vaunting a conscious

national or proto-national self-awareness and legitimation

reached out towards the pan-Indian, universalist ideals of

Sanskritic Hinduism, the acceptance of the Yeda, the

varnasrma scheme and so on. Again in the seventeenth

century Ramdas 16 , Vigorously advocates its spread and

Shivaji in effect appears as the !protector of gods,

brahmans, holy places and the cow.' Still this

Maharashtra Dharma never became anything else than a

15. MIS, op.cit. Vol.4, p.113

16. B. V Bhat "Maharashtra Dharma" ( 'Maharashtra Dharma Granthamala' issue no. 4) (Dhule, 1925)

36

parochial blend of elements of Hindu Dharma that prevailed

everywhere in India.

The goal of establishing 'Hindu padapadsahi' and

promoting Maharashtra Dharma appears to have been

reiterated by his successors and later rulers as well. In

the 18th century there were several attempts to bring the

sacred cities of Hindu pilgrimage under Maratha control.

These took the characteristic form, for the first time in

1736, when Peshwa Baji Rao I demanded Prayag, Benares,

Gaya, and Mathura in jagir from the Emperor . 17 The term

Maharastra Dharma even appears before the articulations or

utterances of Ramdas. From another kind of closer study

of the documents, especially of the contexts in which the

ten~ is used it becomes clear that Maharashtra Dharma

implies nothing but Hinduism of the established (in

correspondence with institutionalised articulation of

Brahminism) variety. For instance, according to the

documents referring to the Basse in campaign by Chimanj i

Appa, tbe Patils and Vatandar ryots from Basslin told the

Peshwa that the portguse rules of Bassein compaign by

Chimanji Appa, the Patils and Vatandas from Basseiin had

desecrated the temples and holy places in that part and

converted the Hindus, and that the Maharastra Dharma was

on the wane in that area, and requested the Peshwa to re-

establish the region and re-in-state the deities and

17. G. S Sardesai (SPD) Vol. 15, 1934).

(ed): "Selection from Peshwa No. 86. (Govt. Central Press,

37

Daf!ar" Bombay,

restore the Svadharma in that area. Accordingly Chimanji

Appa conquered Basse in and re-established Svadharma, and

religious practices continued. 18 Another document draws

the distinction between Achardharma (caste and religious

obligations) and Maharastra Dharma. In this document, one

Venta Agari, though a Hindu by caste, having been brought

up in the house of someone who followed a Muslim way of

living, paid only lip service to Maharastra dharma.19

Apart from Ranade's generalisations about the

interlocked structure of the religious and cultural

movement with political articulation by Shivaj i, in the

form of Maratha nation, various others like Rajwade too

emphasized on this score. He observed that the Marathas

of that time had clearly realized that in order to

establish Svarajya and Hindu religion and to give

protection to cows and Brahminse, there must be unity

among the people. "It was the spirit of the common men of

Maharashtra that crushed to shambles the religious empire

of Aurangzeb. Theological despotism reached its doom at

the hands of the sons of Mavalas, Bhandaris and Hetkaris

of Maharastra. 1120

18.R.B.G.C Vad and D.B Parsnis (eds .. ) : "Selections from the Satara Rajas' and the Peshwa Diaries' (SSRPD) 9 Vols. (Poon~and Bombay) 1905-11.

19.BISMR. Vol. 24, issue-4 (April 1944), No. 83. '

20. K.L. Mahaley; Shivaji: The Pragmatist', p.60 (Vishwa Bharati Prakashan, Nagpur, 1969).

38

The notion of Maharastra Dharma came to be fully

articulated by the 19th century onwards. There appeared

in the last decades of the century an unusually large

number of Marathi works celebrating Shivaji's exploits. 21

This upsurge of interest in Shi va j i was not

confined to the vernacular literature. Stories from this

period of Maratha history had always formed a central part

of Maharashtra's rich oral tradition. These stories were

most commonly told in the Marathi ballad form, the

'pavada.' They were sung by Goudhalis, a sub-caste of

professional musicians who would be called in to perform

for most village festivals and entertaiments. In their

accounts of deeds of heroism by Shivaji, and his

background, it is possible to gain some understanding of a

world view that was shared by most sections of

Maharastra's traditional rural society, from the ordinary

cultivator to the elite Maratha landowners. In various

'pavadas' a different ideological ~tandpoint was

embroidered in the 19th century. The traditional pavadas

which Harry Acworth22 recorded tended to serve a social

and ideological purpose.

21. Works published towards the end of the century were Antaji Ramchandra Harodikar~ "The Triumph of Shivaji," Bombay 1891 (Marathi); S.N. Dhavale; "A play about the child Shivaji," Ratnagiri, 1884 (Marathi); Krishna­rao Arjun Keluskar• "The Life of Shivaji, of the Kshatriya line," Bombay 1907 (Marathi), etc.

22.Harry Acworth, "Ballads of the Marathas," Bombay 1890. According to Acworth, the rise of popularity of pavada singing can be dated to early 17th century, with the spread of the cult of 'Tulja Bhavani.'

39

These 'pavadas' tended to serve the reinforcement

of group loyalties and integrate the quite disparate

social and territorial groups led by tr.e Maratha princ~s

and their sardars.

But from the late nineteenth century onwards the

'povadas' and other verse and prose works, happened to

serve the opposite purpose and were socio-culturally

negative articulations. In these accounts, the depiction

of Shivaji was sought to elevate one leader or social

group at the expense of others, and thus to advance

contradictory and competing interpretations of

Maharastra's history and culture.

There articulations tended to generate a discourse

in which Maharashtra Dharma could be placed. Therefore

sources like sivadigvijaya also tended to endow Shivaj i

with a certain sense of miraculous attributes.

This cue was taken from earlier Maratha

chroniclers. For them, Shivaji was guided by a divine

mentor. According to 'Shivdigvijaya', Shivaji dedicated

his life to the cause of his religions and people. He

argued to himself, "I should risk my life and all (that

belongs to me) for preserving my religion by overthrowing

them. 1123 Then his wife Sai Bai said, "You should found a

kingdom, restore the gods and the Brahmans (in their place

of honor) and your desire to preserve the religion is

2 3. K. N Sane ( ed.) : •Kaveyatihash Sangrah• Bakhar !' Poona. ~No p~tic.c:~.~··~n fto ~ctAc) P·'3·

40

\\Chitnis

worthy of you. Depend on god and proceed with your work.

He is powerful enough to grant you success. 1124 The

representation of Shivaji in the Bakhar is, as one who is

possessed with in born hatred for the Muslims.

The author of 'Shivdigvijaya' while describing the

incidents of his childhood at Bijapur makes him exhort the

Hindu officers not to "live upon the bread of Muhammadans

and witness cow-slaughter. Death is far more desirable.

I shall no longer tolerate any slite upon religion or any

act of Muhammadan justice •• 25 Narratives such as the

Bhusan's (Bhukhan) about Shivaji that "he was the death of

the Muhammadans" also occur. 26

In a broader framework historians tended to

portray Shivaj i' s rise to power with three interlocked

accounts. One was his linkage with the Warkari movement;

second the directly active teachings from Ramdas; And

third, that Shivaji achieved his goal due to the Bhagwat

Dharma or Maharastra Dharma.

For G. S Sardesai the "vein of Mahar astra Dharma

not only sustained the nation through their most terrible

trials during their long struggle with Aurangzeb, but was

faithfully kept up through subsequent transformations and

-------------------------------------~--------------------24. ''Chitnis Bakhar\

1op.cit,f-3.

25. 'Shiva digvijaya' p.66 (Trana~~en op.cit p.l57-159

26. '~hitnis Bakhar' op.cit. p.BB

41

later expansions of the Maratha Empire. 27 B.R.

Suntthankar contended that the 'Saint agitation' was mass

agitation, and this agitation provided base to Shivaji. 28

For these historians, this construction of

national movement in Maharashtra (as they had premised)

had a two fold nature. There were two factors in this

movement, one representing political power wielded by

different sardars and Jagirdars scattered in Maharashtra

and the other a moral force generated by the religious

development. Shivaji synthesized both these factors in the

national movement. Limaye agrees on the whole with Ranade

in holding that the Pandharpur movement largely

contributed among other factors to the establishment of

Svarajya, whereas Bhandarkar29 opines that there was no

connection whatsoever between the Warkari tradition and

the establishment of Svarajya by Shivaj i, since the

Warkar i tradition came into existence only for the

eradication of caste-hierarchies.

Rajaram Shastri Bhagwat's "The Dharma of

Maharastra" 30 asserted the existence of a pool of common

social and religious culture, the integration of an all-

India world view of HindUism into a distinctive local

27.G.S.Sardesai: op.cit 'The Main current of Maratha·I·Hs-\o•y SoW'I'co-y' \134~ • P·l4-.. 1

2 8. B. R. Sunthankar ~ (Introduction) "Maharas..tr iya Sant Mandalche Eitihasik Karya," Belgaon Printing Press and Publishing House, 1928

29.R.G. BhandarkQ.r; Collected Works, (ed.) Utgikar, Bombayc"'·()·"'-d·)

30.Rajaram Shashtri Bhagwat: "The Dharma of Maharashtra" ( 1895) and also "The Life of Shi vaj i', Bombay ( 1889) p. 8

42

religious tradition, largely through the work of saint-

poets. Bhagwat argued that the period of history under

Shivaji represented the second rise to pre-eminence of the

Marathas - the first having taken place under the Jadhavas

in medieval Maharashtra. He emphasized the role of

Brahmins as religious advisers, citing the influence of

Mukundraj, and the absence of caste divisions "At that

time, neither the Brahmans nor the non- Brahmins among the

Marathas paid any attention whatsoever to the divisions of

caste, but were concerned only for the good of the

community celebrating their own name with that of the

community of Maharashtra. He emphasized the religious

unity of all the Marathas, expressed in the writings of

the saint-poets, who saw God as everywhere the same and

had no regard for social barriers. 31

In these construction.s of history, the second

period of Maharashtra's prosperity came with the rise of

Shivaji. The strength of feeling for unity among all

Marathas was revealed in the co-operation between the

Marathas and the Muslims of Hyderabad. Shahu wrote to

cousin ~ambhaji, when latter leagued with Nizam, "this

kingdom belongs to gods and Brahmans, the blessings of god

Shankara and goddess Bhavani enabled our great and revered

ancestor Shivaji to rescue it from the hands of

Muhammadans. 32 Peshwa Balaji Baji Rao hinted his agent at

----------------------------------------------------------31.ibid:rp.9

32. Sambhaj Kalin Pa~asar Samgraha (ed .) S. N Joshi, Poona, 1949 p.54 56.

43

the court of the Nizam in 1752 AD. to remind the Nizam how

they were actuated by religious motives in their dealings

with various potentates of India. 33 Govindram Kale wrote

to Nana Phadnis from Hyderabad (2 July, 1792 "The epoch

makiing Shivaj i rose in a small corner to protect the

Hindu religion on the model of the great Shivaji.

Not only have territories and kingdoms been acquired

by this victory (of Mahadji Scindia) but the protection of

the Vedas and the Shastras, the foundation of religion and

unmolested worship, the preservation of Brahmans and cows

all have been achieved. 1134

Dharma, as Rajwade35 says has four implications

like virtue, duty, charity and a way to remove intense

misery. Both M.G Ranade and R.S Bhagvat, have in their

opinion applied the fourth meaning to the word Dharma and

interpreted Maharashtra Dharma as a new order against the

exclusive Hindu religion. This interpretation was in

contrast to earlier Ramdas's and other Bakhar authors.

Ramdas according to Raj wade, seemed to believe that

Maharashtra Dharma was the duty of the whole of

Maharashtra, of the entire Maratha society. 36

Rajwade concludes that Maharashtra Dharma is a

political concept. To Rajwade, the opinion of Ranade that

33. G.S. Sardesai, op.cit, p.15

34. ibid.; p.16

35. MIS, op.cit. Vol. IV (Introduction) p. 3-6

36. ibid; p .113

44

the cult of devotion rose against the traditional religion

removing the exclusiveness of the Maratha mind, and that

there arose consequently an intense desire all around to

become free leading to the establishment of Svarajya, is

not comprehensive. For him, Ranade has misappropriately

identified Maharashtra Dharma with the cult of devotion

followed by the saints. Maharashtra Dharma Rajwade

clarifies as preached by Ramdas was responsible for the

political revolution of the times of Shivaji, and not the

cult of renunciation of the saints. 37

In the hagiographical text 'Gurucharita' a

discussion is existent about the Maharashtra Dharma. It

says that a Muhammadan king of Bidar became a follower of

Sri Narsimha Sarswati who was seen as an incarnation of

lord Dattatreya. The Muhammadan king was accused of

worshipping Hindu gods, of showing respect to the Brahmins

and of deserting the religion of Islam in general. The

king of Bidar is supposed to have been Ala-ud-din II, the

Bahmani king, 1455-1458. The Gurucharita says that the

whole Brahmin class became happy and exclaimed: "The king

has become the servant of Brahmins. It augurs well for

the kingdom. When there is such a king who acts according

to Maharashtra Dharma, ve~ily he wili not hate us."38

37.ibid, vol.I.

38.Sri Gurucharita, Chapter 50. "Everyone is satisfied and are praising the king, now the king is servant of the masses, (Brahmins ?) ; Now he looks after the state well, this type of king we have, who follows Maharashtra Dharma. Then who won't be jealous, who won't hate us!' (Translated from Marathi)

45

In the Mahikvati Bakharm the word Maharashtra

Dharma seems to have been used in the traditional sense of

a complex of spiritual and moral rules, regulations and

conventions. Contents of this Bakhar has been written at

different times, by different authors and arranged without

any regard to chronology. The second and third chapters

were written by Keshvacharya as early as 1448 A.D. It

mainly deals with the genealogies of the kings who ruled

in Mahim. 39 f

The term tMaharashtra Dharma as used by

Keshvacharya applied neither to the political entity which

came to be known as Maharashtra nor to the religion or the

duties of the inhabitants. What Keshvacharya conceives of

as Maharashtra Dharma was not very different from Hindu

Dharma. For Ramdas, usage of the term Maharashtra Dharma

takes place on two occasions in his correspondences with

Shivaji and Shambhaji respectively. Ramdas compliments

Shivaji for having Maharashtra Dharma defended as "For the

protection of the temples, of dharma, of the cows, and of

the Brahmins. God became enshrined in your heart,

inspiring you. In this world, there is none who could

defend dharma. It is only because of you that

Maharashtra Dharma has been saved." 40 Maharashtra Dharma

as a political concept was articulated in Ramdas's letter

to Shambha j i . Here Ramdas exhorts Shambhaji to give up

39:Mahikvatichi Bakhar~ V.K. Rajwade (ed) Poona

40.N.K. Behere, op.cit. p.165.

46

p.53-58, 1923,

the vices and to extend the boundary of Maharashtra. 41

Maharashtra Dharma as a concept was not solely

religious or political. It had a socio-cultural function.

This socio-cultural function in relation with bhakti

tradition has led historians to declare it the ideological

ingredient for the Maratha state. Though Prof. Satish

Chandra strongly refutes the claim of nationalistic

elements of the Marathas, he does say that "the

intellectual or ideological framework was provided by the

bhakti movement which crystallised into the 'Maharashtra

Dharma.' 42 Raa Chandra Nilakanth Amatya of Shivaji wrote

his tribute in 'Ajnapatra'; The saints have said "The

corrupt Muslims have become our kings,

Everywhere misdeeds have cropped up,

Then He incarnated Himself

To reaove the sins of this dark age."

"Thus he elevated his Maratha nation consisting of 96

clans to an unheard of dignity, crowning the whole

achievement by occupying an exalted throne and assuming

the title Chhatrapati. All this he did for the defense of

his religion. Indeed this miracle is a special creation

of God almighty through Shivaji's instrumentality." 43

41."Gather all the Marathis together and extend our r

Maharashtra'\!?harma. Our acncestors will laugh if retain whateve~ you have and later try to earn more let the 'Maharashtra state grow and extend everywhere:·

42. Satish Chandra, ''social Back ground to the Rise of the Maratha lf!IQ)(; ''IESHR, Vol. 10, no. 3, 1973, pp. 216-17

43.Ajnapatra; (Trans.) s.v. Puntambekar in 3 Vols; also as 'Royal edict1 ' J.I.H. 1929

47

The mention of 96 clans of Marathas has been put

in question by R.E Enthoven. 44 According to him the Asal

Marathas claim to belong to four main branches or vanshas

each containing 24 kuls of families. These are: (1) Brahm

Vansha or Brahmin (2) Shesha Vansha or the serpent branch,

3) Somavansha or the moon branch (4) Suryavansha or the

sun branch. This classification owes its adoption from

for claiming the support of other Rajput states.

Harry Acworth in his "Introductim to the Ballads

45 of the Marathas" describes that 'Shivaji from the first

day kept his eyes steadily fixed on the vast project of

Hindu reconquest . . . . . . . Religion was a dominant feature

in both (Shivaji and Aurangzeb), but in Aurangzeb it was

degraded into pettiest, narrowest and most malignant

bigotry .•...• (Aurangzeb) opposed to such a national and

religious upheaval as is without a parallel in the history

of India and which was guided by an intellect as far

reaching II Various other accounts like

Eliphinstone' s observation that "His first care in his

conquest was, to restore Hindu endowments, and revive old

institutions. He had been brought up in a strong Hindu

44.R.E.Enthoven: "The Tribes and Castes of Bombay," Vol.III pp.19-20, Bombay, 1922

45.H.Acworth: "Introduction to the Ballads of the Marathas" 1927, Bombay

48

feeling, which perhaps, was at first, as much national as

religious, and out of this sprung up a rooted hatred to

the Mussalmans, and an increasing attachment to his own

supersition. This inclination fell in so well with his

policy, that he began to effect peculiar piety and to lay

claim to prophetic dreams and other manifestations of the

favours of the gods." 46

In an 18th century trench account Taldean

describes Shivaji rose 'from a torpor, where they had been

thrown by the conquests and tyrannies of the Moghuls.' 47

In otherwords, what the movement of Svarajya as

viewed by chroniclers, with Shivaji, was it religious

embroidery in the frame of Maharastra Dharma ? And did it

lead to the ideological backing from a popular cultural

tradition to Maratha political achievement. This is to

say that these accounts and other marathi bakhars have

been uncritically accepted as sources. Therefore, they

tend to create a politico-historical problems.

In 18th century influence of these sources are

evident in Peshwas, who according to chronicles appear to

have encouraged the practice of orthodox Hinduism and

stressed the strict observance of 1 achardharma 1 in the

Maratha kingdom. There is no evidence whatsoever in the

Marathas political ambitions and actions of having pursued

46.Eliphinstone: 1The History of India~ London, 1874,p.544

47.B.M Morrison~J.I.H April 1964: 42; 1, p.34,

49

the goal of a Pan-Hindu Empire. On the other hand in 1752

the Marathis had concluded a treaty with the Mughals48 to

protect the emperor from his enemies.

There is evidence enough to show that religion

could not have been a catch-word for Marathas. This is

reflected in the pol it ica 1 scenario of the period.

Shahji, Shivaji's father is supposed to. have written to

his son "that he had deserted the cause of religion and

treacherously joined the Bijapur Oarbar" 49 Chronicles of

Peshwas prepared by Nana Phadnis in 1783 says, "God did

relish the wicked part Shahj i had taken in helping the

Turks to conver.t India into a Muslim land and put down the

Hindu faith". Govind Vaidya describes for 'Kanthrayanalasa

- Charitam' that Shahji accompanied Bijapuri general

Randaula Khan during 1637-39 A.D. in conquest of western

Karnatak, "The Turk took possession of the fort, captured

women, plundered the temples and the town, insulted the

honour of virtuous ladies and slaughtered cows". 50 Shahji

wrote to Ali Adil Shah, "I will retire to some sacred

place of the Hindus and will serve there, my Almighty

Master and ever pray for your Majesty.n 51

The political expediency of the time led the 'gon

Brahman pratipalak' Shivaji to deal firmly at times with

48. Sardesai:'New History of the Marathas~ Vol. II, p.366 49. 'Shivaji's letter to his father' in 1Shivaji Souvenir'

(ed. Sardesai) Eng.Sec. p.l44, Marathi sec. p.ll8 50. G.B.Sardesai "The Main Currents of Maratha History,"

Bombay, 1949, p.l3 51. Shahji's letter~Ali Adil Shah (1656-72), published by

V.K. Rajwade in a monthly 'Ramdas and Ramdasi' (1916) also'Shivaji souvenir' (ed.Sardesai) Eng.Sec. p.140.

50

Brahmins per se. The Deccan! Brahmins had from the

beginning taken an important part in organising the

domi'nions and power of Shivaji, and many of them - the

Pingles, Abaji Sondev, Prahlad Niraji and others had shown

great abilit in the field of administration. 52 Shivaji

ordered that no mean employment was to be given to

Brahmins and he made several transfers accordingly. 53 In

Chi tnisi Bakhar it is aentioned that Pandi trav should

honor learned Brahmins; and the Nyayadhis should decide

all disputes with the co-operation of Brahmins learned in

the Shastras. 54

The existing narrative on Brahmins places

Shivaji's coronational event in an interlocking nexus of

explanation. When Shivaj i attempted to get himself

coronated, the Brahmins challenged his right to Kshatriya

status. Here lies the failure of the claim of the

protagonists of Saint agitation that the movement created

the background for Shivaji's rise to power. If the saint-

poets' movement was non-brahmin is tic in its

manifestations, why is then Shivaj i found to be so

helpless. The main dissatisfaction of Sambhaj i against

Shivaji is quoted to be his nimbleness against the claimed

superiority of Brahmins.55

52. M.G. Ranade, op.cit, p.201

53. Forrest's Selections, (Vol.I, p.254J From the minutes and other official writings of Eliphinstones, London, 1884.

54. ~hitnis Bakhar; p.168, op.cit

55. K.L. Mahaley; Shivaji; op.cit, p.60, 1969, Nagpur

51

The French Governor Martin writes about the

treatment which the Marathas meted out to the family of

his Brahmin servant during Shivaji's Karnatic campaign.

"There were even orders for arresting him After

his departure they caused to be sealed the door of his

house where his father and mother each aged more than 80

years, were shut with the women and the children, and it

was forbidden to let anything enter or leave. n 56 Dr.

Frayer, a surgeon in East India Company, in his account of

the Marathas, observed the administration in Kanarese

(Karnataka) country; "It is a general calamity, and much

to be_ deplored, to hear the complaint of the poor. People

that remain, or are rather compelled to endure the slavery

of SevaGi. The Desies (Desain) have land imposed upon

them at double the former rates, and if they refuse to

accept it .•..... they are carried to prison ..... ; They

have now in limbo several Brachmins (Brahmans), whose

flesh they tear with pinces heated red-hot, drub them on

the shoulders to extreme anguish (though according to

their law it is forbidden to strike a Brachmin) . This is

the accustomed sawce (source) all India over, the Princes

doing the same by the governors, when removed from their

offices, to squeeze their ill-got estates out of them,

And after this fashion the Desier deal with the

56. 'Foreign Biographies of Shivaj~ (Sen S.N), Calcutta, 1927, p.J08.

52

Combies (Kunbis); so that the great fish prey on the

little as well by land as by sea bringing not only them

but their families. 5? According to the Dutch writers

Shivaji was invested by the Brahmins with the insignia of

royalty only after "he had promised to not act or rule

tyrannically and badly as before. 58 Certain Brahmin

families ot Goa, being unable to bear hardships at the

hands ot Portuguese clergymen, at last abandoned that

place and settled down at Bombay. 59

RBADDICJ SOURCES

Sir Jadunath Sarkar in 'Modern Review' 1924, made

a stateaent which leads one to the exigencies of reading a

historical text. He said "All evidence in the Marathi

langua9e should be rejected as summarily on the ground of

its being tainted by national partiality. 60 In the

Persian and European sources he appears as doing even

those acts which were not only expressly forbidden by his

religion and which would naturally wound the

susceptibilities of his fellow Hindus.

The call to "understand the bias" of a source is

quite common in the reflective writings of historians.

57. The Sourca Book of Maratha History, (ed~Rawalinson and Patwardhan, Calcutta, op.cit. 1978, p.293

oP.c..if. 58. 'Foreign Biographiesi p.387

59. English Factory records on Shivaji ed.B.G.Paranjpe, Shiv Chartra Karyalay, Vol.II, p.110, Poona, 1931

60. Sarkar J.N. 'Mod. Review', May 1924 p.567

53

How exactly do historians put emotion back into the

inanimate texts that they read ? Though these questions

are beyond the scope of this research, still one perhaps

can understand the bias of language oriented reading of

the sources. The much talked about Maharashtra dharma too

was based on a kind of homogeneous linguistic identity of

Marathi. Even the critiques of the nationalistic

aspirations of Shivaji and of his portrayal as defender

of religion will have to concede, even through the

disparate European and Persian sources. The accounts of

Shivaji in all these simply confirms the problem of

legitimation. This problem of legitimation is further

problematized in the sphere of his guest for a politically

tolerate lineage vis-a-vis with his territorial

aspirations. As in the case of (Jay Singh - ? ) During

Shivaji's period a serious challenge was posed to Maratha

Brahmin hegemony in the form of a critique of established

interpretation of traditions. It was not merely a

critique of ritualism but a philosophical and practical

unmaking of the Brahmanical world view on which the social

order had come to rest.

The experience of falsehood of the ideological

claims of patriarchy and the Brahmanic path to salvation

generated reflections among the agrarian people. This was

articulated by the saint-poets, because, they were rooted

in life experience, which was simultaneously creative and

dependent. It took an authentic poetic form and came to

be expressed in a language that was genuinely a language

54

of the oppre·ssed. Before saint-poets who could take the

mantle ot the critique of oppressive institutions, the

usage of Marathi was in practice in terms of communicating

to the common folk. One inscription dated 1187 A. D at

Parel near Bombay elucidates about a grant of land by king

Aparaditya to a temple. It is in Sanskrit, but the last

three lines are in Marathi. The Marathi lines are in

correspondence with the local medium of threatening

proverbially and are specially written to warn the

ignorant common people from disturbing the gift. It says

"The mother of the man who will break this commandy will

sle~p with a donkey.n61

Shivaji's chronology of state formation simply

cannnot be ascribed to the binary construct of historians.

A deeper level analysis of socio-cultural and ideological

motifs can be done, by distancing the problematic from

religion. Putting religion in the cultural mode may

explain the interdependence of the concept of Maharashtra

Dharma, Svarajya and tradition of saint-poets.

The critique of oppression, comes from oppression.

Ideologies justify oppression in the name of a community

which can only be in the absence of oppression.

Two themes which interact on each other is the

Warkari Sampradaya as a discourse on tradition, its

insistence on, the use of the language of the people and

no consideration for the caste laden hierarchy. on the

61. N.K. Behere "The Background of Maratha Renaissance", 1946, Nagpur, p.98

55

other hand one sees the rise of Shivaji with a sense of

linguistic homogeneity and Ramdas' s sense of Maharashtra

Dharma. This process saw the establishment of Maratha

kingdom with the corresponding disappearance of Warkar i

tradition in the 18th century. It leads to the point of

hegemonic appropriation of tradition. The ideological

content is discernible only when one sees the agrarian

changes in rural Maharashtra. N.K Behere in his citation

of &a.das tends concede this point. As Ramdas says, "It

is a pity that places should be destroyed and Brahmins

persecuted. Goodmen should die, and sinners should become

immortal. Those who walk in righteous fear should suffer

afflictions. The religions frame of mind should be lost

and religions limitation destroyed. And still god should

remain unmoved like Buddha".62

N.K Behere further proceeds with his remarks that

"Vithoba was an emblem of peace and love. These great

quailities certainly raise mankind to a higher spiritual

plane. They cement unity among the people. But they are

after all passive virtues. They do not goad a nation to

activity and there can be no prosperity and power without

active work and support ...... The cult of Bhagwat Dharma

fulfilled its mission. People belonging to various castes

and sub-castes in Maharashtra became united (emphasis

mine). But were the Muslim rulers and their kinsmen

affected by Bhagwat - dharma ? 63 Prof. Behere seems to

62. 63.

1 ibid p.l63 ibid £).163

56

mobilise the historical processes of everyday life of

Maharashtra, with a tool of hegemonic appropriation under

the ideological embroidery of Maharastra Dharma. As he

further cites Ramdas's exhortation "let the Hindus awaken

and worship Rama instead of Vithobha.n64

This picture of binary socio-cultural mode

reflects the superficial social history of Maharashtra.

The notion of tradition comes to help in clearing these

dichotomies of ideological enterprise. Rural society

always has a two-fold dimension in terms of its world-

view. One which is lived and practiced in terms of

tradition. It is based on shared meanings. Peasant

units, village and caste are various levels of this

practiced rural society. Here the tradition is alive and

comprehensible to each member of the village society. In

agrarian societies like Maharashtra it was quite evident.

The holders of any status-based positions in the

village had a shared sense of existence. For instance the

holders of the Patil or Deshmukh's or some such Watan

were entitled many perquisites and privileges. Some of

these rights, like the precedence on· various ceremonial

occasions, using the seal, receiving Shirapar or presents

from village known as vadilkache man, i.e. rights and

privileges of seniority.65

----------------------------------------------------------64 • ibidt 1 p.l64

65. MIS, Vol. 24, No. 109, p.72

57

Familial sharing of property was considered as a

common trust in which each had a right irrespective of

one's status. The e~rnings of its members even if made on

individual merit; such as a piece of land obtained as inam

or property earned through service in the army, were

regarded as a part of the joint property of the family and

hence shared by a 11 members . 6 6 The head of the family

could only dispose the shared property on the condition of

the common cause of the family. 67

Even at the level of state the world-view was in

accordance with the reality of day to day life. In the

first half of 18th century this was practiced between

Marathas and Mughals on the border regions of Junnar and

Ahmadnagar. In 'Diaries' dated 1 Jan. 1742, a clerk

working under a Jagirdar who had three villages in Junnar

region assigned to him, petitioned to the third Peshwa.

It is stated as "The headman and mirasdar peasants (of

the 3 villages) have absconded owing to shortage of

rainfall and oppression by the Mughals. (But) the uparis

remain in the villages. If an assurance for 'batai' is

kindly granted to them, they will carry out the

cultivation for the next year." 68 In ~esponse the Peshwas

sent 'abhaya-patra' to each of the J villages; a similar

66. SSRPD, Vol.4, No. 249, p.214, MIS Vol.21, no. 263

67. V.T.Gune "Social Development in Maharastra••, P.K.Gode Commemoration vol.l ed. by H.L Hariyappa & Patkar p.l47

68. SSRPD Vol.3, No. 327

58

takid (order) was sent to the clerk; "Collect the produce

(mal) of rabi, deduct the seeds, divide the remaining as

well as the produce of Kharif into three shares. One to

rayat, one of the remaining two to our Svarajya and

another to Mughals." 69

This shared meaning of existence was not only

through shared productive activities but also through

language and rituals. Shared human existence has three

basic dimensions - the material world, the social world

and the world of the self. The other aspect of peasant

world-view was its potential! ty for another shared

existence, which was not practiced.

The practitioners of a given language, share

symbols and meanings which stem from the dual character-

natural and social at the same time of people. The

potential sharing comes out of the live tradition in terms

of its critique. This is well articulated in the peasant

saint-poets' critique of tradition. This notion of

projected, shared world-view of peasants, takes form in

the critique of the validity of beliefs and activities of

everyday life.

For Habermas, 7 0 in the actual community of

everyday life the principles of truth, justice and freedom

operate counterfactually. They receive interpretations

69. ibid~/ tiO· ~:l. 7 •

70. Jurgen Habermas: "Legitimation Crisis"; (Boston: Beacon Press, 1975.) (lntroduct~on).

59

and meanings which seek to justify rather than to over

throw the domination of nature and man over man.

Tradition as it remains alive in an actual community

constitutes a hegemonic moment, an ideology legitimising

domination. But it also carries within it the opposite

movement of critique, a reflection on oppressive social

practice which reveals as lies, the use of the principles

on which a potential world-view rests for justifying the

real and shared experience of peasant life.

So the other side of the tradition has to be seen

in the wider context of socio-cultural reality. What is

central to this problematic is the exploration of the view

of the notion of ideological mosaic which provided the

much huped Marathas' rise, with a cementing effect. It

tends to argue that despite of Ramdas' s rhetorics of

Jayishnu and ideological vegetarianism of Warkaris, the

cementing nature could give Shivaji a much needed

background which resulted in the rise of Marathas.

Before elaborating on the Warkaris and the peasant

followers who could take those annual pilgrimages and

follow the articulatious of the critical appropriation of

Gi ta from the days of Jnanadeva, and shared the common

element of critical tradition, with Tukaram through his

abhangas. This qrticulations were exhorted by saints one

has to locate the debate on the role of ideology in a

proper context.

60

CRXTXCAL RBAPPRAXSAL OP XDEOLOGY:- As is evident from

the above mentioned elaboration about tradition and its

critical appropriation on the one side and hegemonic

appropriation on the other side, in effect the role

assigned to ideology becomes one of cementing nature.

This aspect of ideology has to be examined in its

methodological instance.

While the desiderata seem clear, the results have

so far ~en disappointing. Numerous books on ideology

have appeared in English during the last few years; but

these books, however insightful, are .constrained in the

Indian perspective in many ways. While often expressing

an interest in language, the theorists of ideology have

done little to link the study of linguistic expressions to

the analysis of ideology. For it has been assumed that

ideology operates like a sort of social cement, binding

the members of a society together by providing them with

collectively shared values and norms. The pervasiveness

of this assumption is attested to by the number of times

that one comes across a body of research material

pertaining to the idea of ideological mobility in medieval

India. The stability of medieval Indian society may have

depended, not so much upon a consensus concerning

particular values or norms, but upon a lack of consensus

at the very point where oppositional attitudes could be

translated into protest and also in the discontent of

everydayness of peasant life.

The point of reappraisal of ideology here is to

61

take ideology away from collectively shared values

towards the study of the complex ways in which meaning of

Warkari tradition is mobilized for the maintenance of the

idea of the rise of Marathas and the relations of

domination. For this, in the following pages, a synoptic

representation of various notions of ideology is required.

:IDEOLOGY AS BBLJ:BI' SYSTEM : Martin Seliger in 1976

developed an approach which is premised upon a distinction

between two conceptions of ideology. 71 on the one hand

there is the 'restrictive conception of ideology' which

confines the term 'ideology' to specific political belief

systems; on the other hand, there is the 'inclusive

conception' which applies the term to all political belief

systems, irrespective of whether the beliefs guide action

oriented towards preserving, destroying or re building the

social order.

Ideologies according to Seliger, are action -

oriented sets of beliefs which are organized into coherent

systems. For Seliger the concept of ideology can be

applied to any belief system, whether revolutionary,

reformist or reactionary, and thus the concept is stripped

of the critical edge, the negative force which it had in

the writings of Marx. Having broken the connection

between ideology and the critique of domination, it is no

surprise to see that Seliger's conception of ideology is

related in only the most diffuse way to the institutional ----------------------------------------------------------71. ·~ Martin Seliger; Ideology ans Politics;

19 7 6 pp : , 91-2 ,

62

Lonodn;

ans structural features of society.

Seliger exaggerates the unity and discreteness of

ideologies. If one wishes to study ideologies one is

invited to examine the articulated doctrines of organised

political acts; one no longer sees that the most effective

ground of ideology is not the domain defined as "politics"

but rather the domain of everyday life agrarian

productive activities, village community life, relgious

activity. Restricting the study of ideology to an

examination of certain political/state formations, will

tend to overlook the other aspects of historical proceses.

And finally to conceptualize ideology in terms of beliefs

is to divert attention away from the complex and crucial

problem of the relation between ideology and language.

Seliger speaks very loosely of ideology as a

'system of beliefs' a 'system of thought' and he describes

the ideolog~cal composite as comprising 'principles' and

"commitments," etc.

IDEOLOGY AS SOCIAL RELATIONS For Al thusser and his

followers ideology is not a specific creation of one

culture but is a necessary feature of any society, in so

far as any society must provide the means to form its

members and transform them to their conditions of

existence. "Human societies secrete ideology as the very

element and atmosphere indispensable to the historical

63

respiration and life". 72 It is customary to view ideology

as a form of consciousness or a realm of ideas; but this,

Al thusser argues, is a mistake. Ideology is not a

distorted represe-ntation of real relations but rather a

real relation itself, namely the relation through which

human beings live the relation to their world.

Ideological relations make up a specific instance

of the ~ocial totality which in a provocative essay,

Althusser analysed under the label of 'ideological state

apparatuses.'(ISAs) 73

Althusser's account of ideology falls, according

to Paul Hirst, into two parts. The first part concerns

the general notion of ideological state apparatuses. This

notion is introduced by Al thusser as a response to the

question with which he begins, namely the question of

"reproduction." In order to produce in society, it is

necessary to reproduce the conditions of production, and

so one must ask what is involved in the reproduction of

the conditions of production. Such production involves

reproducing both the forces of production. Althusser's

view is that the reproduction of· the relations of

production is secured essentially by the exercise of state

power in the specific 'apparatuses' (or institutions) that

72. Louis Al:husser;. 'For Marx,' (tr .) Ben Brewster (Harmondsworth, Middlesex, Penguin, 1969)p.232.

73. L.Alth~r; Lenin's .. -. Philosophy and other Essays', Ben Brewster NLB, 1971, P.l21-73.

64

make up the state.

distinguished by

Two types of state

Althusser: the

'apparatuses' are

repressive state

apparatuses comprising

courts, prisons and so

the government, army, police

on; and the ideological state

apparatuses which include the religions centres, schools,

family, legal system, political parties etc. Al thusser

then begins a more detailed discussion of ideology by

observing that, whereas the repressive state apparatuses

function primarily 'by violence,' the ideological state

apparatuses function primarily 'by ideology.'

The critical discussions of the previous two

aspects of ideology prepare

constructive contribution. In

the way for

the context of

a more

medieval

Indian society, the phenomenon of 'power' in social

relationships tend to generate an aspect of discussion,

which has been hitherto untouched. Despite the fact

regarding the Warkari sect which did display

confrontationist and other values; in general the

framework of hierarchichized society was balanced by a

certain network of 'power' at that time.

In medieval Maharashtra, there was a shifting

balance of ideo1ogical forces from period to period,

between fractions of the politically and religionsly

dominant and between different institutions or ideological

region. It is easy to discern dominant ideologies within

institutions, such as relation of Maharashtra Dharma to

the rise of Shivaji. But it is not simple to see, how

65

more general and disparate elements of culture relate

together to form an ideological ensemble. Shivaji while

referring to his kingdom as a 'hindavi svrajya' 74 and to

himself as a 'protector of cows and brahmins', does not

appear to have been biased in any way against the Muslims

in his realm. Under his sovereignty the inams of both

communities were sequestered but shrines and places of

worship and religions personages of either were

scrupulously maintained by allowances 'according to their

importance.' 75 There are many examples from Shi vaj i 's

early reign of new grants of land made by him to mosques

and Muslim saints as well as to Brahmins, temples etc. 76

The states articulation of religion and their

ideological legitimation are confined to specific

institutions only. As Ajnapatra says, 'to make a grant of

land for the purpose of dhar11a is an act of eternal

merit', and among the functions of the king it counts the

inquiry into the prevalence of Dharma and dharma, timely

dan (grants) ..... the gaining of the favour of gods and

good Brahmins devoted to gods, and the destruction of

irreligions tendencies, the propagation of the duties of

religion, the acquisition of merit for the eternal

world. 77

74. MIS, op.cit, Vol. 15, No. 269

75. V.K Vakaskar, ~d~'sabha Sadachi Bakhar: Poona 1973 pp.J0-1

76. A.R. Kulkarni~ ''social relations in the Maratha Country in the Medieval period".E!!:!£, 1970, 32nd Se.ss.C:.OY.)r/ p.256.

77. Banhatt\-.ed. 'Ajnapatra', chs. 4 and 7, 1974, Poona

66

The diffused field of culture pattern, is

difficult to analyse in its ideological constitution. The

notion of everyday life or 'popular culture' comes to the

rescue about the complexities of Warkari practice and

their critique of Brahminism. There are many layers of

different cultural elements, within the peasant cultures;

residues of old philosophies and practices, folklore,

superstitions, popular religion (as distinct from

intellectually formulated, orthodox religion), and so on.

Gramsci's discussion of the relationships between

intellectual philosophies, and 'spontaneous' philosophies

of the common people, and between official catholicism and

popular religion (including folklore), are helpful in

indicating ways of theorizing the connection between, on

the one hand, cultural layers and processes and, on the

other, social and political strata and their

relationships.

Gramsci 's use of the concept of hegemony and

consensus is instructive because it refers not to a static

condition but to an active and continuing process, to the

constantly contested ideological regulation of relation

between various sections of society. Gramsci illustrates

the problem of the cementing function of ideology by

reference to religion, "This problem is that of

preserving the ideological unity of the entire social

bloc which that ideology serves to cement and unify. The

strength of religions, and of the Catholic church in

67

particular has lain, and still lies, in the fact that they

feel very strongly the need for the doctrinal unity of the

whole mass of the faithful and strive to ensure that the

higher intellectual stratum does not get separated from

the lower. The Roman church has always been the most

vigorous in the struggle to prevent the 'official'

formation of two religions, one for the 'intellectuals'

and the other for the simple souls.n78

In Maharashtra in the 17th century instead of

Roman Catholic church, it was the notion of Maharashtra

Dharma which functioned as the ideological ensemble. It

was not simply from that of the dominant Maratha brahmin

fraction but included Kunbis and other cultural elements.

The content of such a complex ensemble can never be

specified in advance and its potentiality of dependence

may vary from historical and national (supposedby) factors

and also the relations of forces existing at a particular

moment in the struggle for hegemony. 79

In so far as there is ideological unity in such a

diverse cultural complex it is secured by its articulating

principle, which is provided by the class or stratum that

is exercising leadership/hegemony. Ideological struggle

is concerned with efforts to put such an articulating

78. A. Gramsci: "Selections from the Prison Notebooks, "(1~71) (London), p.328

79. Chantal Mouffe:~Hegemony and Ideology in Gramsci,u in Tony Bennett, G.Martin and J.Woolcott (ed~ 'Culture, Ideology and Social Process: London, 219-34.(1980)

68

principle into effect, which may entail 'disarticulation'

and 'rearticulation' of the various cultural layers or

discursive chains. Gramsci gives some clues as to what

will determine the victory of one hegemonic principle over

another when he declares that a hegemonic principle does

not prevail by virtue of its intrinsic logic but rather

when it manages to become a 'popular religion'. He

explains what this means by stating that a class which

wishes to become hegemonic has to nationalize itself, and

that, 'the particular form in which the hegemonic ethico -

political element presents itself in the life of the state

and the country is 'patriotism and 'nationalism' which is

'popular religion', that is to say, it is the link by

means of which the unity of leaders and led is

effected.' 80

In other words, to translate the problematic of

medieval Maharashtra, that is the rise of Shivaji and

subsequent appropriation of diverse socio-cultural

elements, like Warkaris' way of existen~e combined with

new identities of Marathas, logical dual articulation of

rural life provided an ideological complex. The hegemonic

ideological effect resulted from the articulating

principle which managed to resonate with the widest range

of elements of popular culture. Bearing these discussions

in mind, and Gramsci' s example of the relation between

80. A. Gramsci, "Quaderni del carcere~ ~ransJ (Mouffe) op.cit, p.232.'

69

official Catholicism and popular religion, it is

imperative to look in greater detail at certain elements

of popular culture and their ideological articulation.

This will be constructed in accorddnce with the discussion

on Warkari sect :-

A)

III

POPULAR CULTURE AND HEGEMONY : Here the purpose is

to identify the assumptions about culture and its

ideological content which have underpinned analyses of

popular culture since the 18th century. Debates about

popular culture are always crucially involved with other

debates or problems within the dominant culture.

Analyses of popular culture are always connected

to, and motivated by, problems and perceived limitations

within the dominant culture, rather than emerging from an

engagement with the material forms of popular culture

themselves. Thus for example, the interest in 'saint­

poets' poetry in general lay in the extent to which it

could support particular theories about the relation

between nature and saint-poets' abhangas, rather than in

any desire to evaluate the cultural and social role of the

peasant world-view. The impression with Warkari saint­

poets' poetry and its 'rediscovery' of a tradition was

used to support an 'imaginary' of national unity and

identity, and not to empower, or even recognise those who

have produc~d and preserved the traditions.

70

The articulation of the importance of popular

culture for the·dominant culture often involves notions of

'social control' and 'effects' The perception of .popular

culture as corrupting was the articulation of hegemonic

and institutionalised cultural form embedded in

Brahmin ism. The consistency of this refusal to engage

with, or analyse cultural forms that are seen as

corrupting seems to be unfortunate. This is not to say

that the extent to which cultural forms which were quite

congruous with the general tenor of medieval Maratha

society, had a spatial gap in terms of village-community

based existence of people. A document of the time of

Peshwa Bajirao II reveals that layers of Brahminical caste

hierarchy had crept into the Lingayata community. Despite

of the fact the lingayatas had struck serious blow to

caste ism and discrimination. The Mathapati Jangamas of

Poona had complained to the Peshwa that the Charanti

Jangam of Poona and Wai had defied the tradi tiona!

practices of Lingayatas and dined with the Lingayata

laymen and allowed non observation of ashancha or

impurities generated by birth, death etc. 81 to creep in.

This reflected that by the 18th century, Lingayatas had

come to observe not only caste distinction but also to

impose religions disabilities on some and to adopt false

notions of ceremonial purities.

----------------------------------------------------------81. SSRPD, Vol.5, No. 242

71

The need to see popular culture in its dimension

as ideology, as a space that in always contested and never

won, as the cultural sphere of people who are constantly

undermin~d and marginalised by social relations in which

they participate. This sort of judgement can only

usefully be produced, however, on the basis of a careful

analysis of the forms and practices of popular culture.

One reason is that Gramsci provides a framework of

analysis which cuts across the division in the study of

popular culture between 'culturalists' and, who are

primarily interested in the analysis of 'lived' cultures

and experience, drawing inspiration from such seminal

works as E.P Thompson's 'The Making of the English Working

Class' and Raymond William's Culture and Society 1780-1950

and, 'structuralists,' primarily interested in the

analysis of texts using methods inspired by Sassure' s

linguistics, Levi-Strauss's structural anthropology, and

Althusser's Marxism82.

The importance of viewing popular culture as a

'negotiated order' can be illustrated by the example of

accounts of changes in popular culture. The advantage of

the Gramscian stress on negotiation is that it avoids some

of the deficiencies of theories of culture which put a

one-sided emphasis on either the social control or the

'social expression' functions of culture. Social control

82. Bernart Waites; (ed.);'Popular Culture; Past and Present: (London, Croom Helm, 1982).

72

theories tend to regard all cultural processes in terms of

the manipulative efforts of the dominant class to exercise

moral leadership and dominance over the subordinate

classes. Often they are couched in terms of the

explanation of a non-event - failure of the Warkaris to

develop a critic which could completely overhaul the

socio-cultural patterns of society. By contrast, social

expression ·theories explain culture in terms of its

function as a social expression of the experience and way

of life of a particular stratum of society. Hence, for

exaaple, Jnandeva' s is not merely a hermeneutic on Gi ta

but on original exercise in critical re-appropriation of

tradition. Jnanadeva explicity rejects the renunciation

of productive life and ridicules the claims of liberation

through rejection of activity. He identifies the

ideological basis of human life in materiality of

existence : "Perhaps one may be able to renounce the self-

ordaine~ activity in a conscious manner. However, since

the human body itself is actively oriented, it is

incapable of meaningful renunciation "and further" the

inaction of renouncer is like a claim that one can stop

breathing by falling asleep". 83

Furthermore, popular culture as a whole, has some

of the characteristics that Gramsci described as

constituting the 'spontaneous philosophy' and common-sense

of the people: a heterogeneity of elements, not rationally

83. Sant Jho.ne.shwo,.·, ·' (ed~(tr.) by M.S.God~ole (Poona 30, sri Vidya Prakasan 1977)~ sN; 18-22a~~~).

73

and systematically ordered as more 'intellectual'

philosophies and institutional normative structures tend

to exhibit. Popular culture, like common sense, contains

many traces of past struggles and of elements that were

once more prominent, these do not necessarily disappear

when new cultural forms come into being.

WARltAilZ PANTJI: A SITE OJ' POPULAR CULTURE :- Twice a

year, in Asadi Ekadasi and Kartika Ekadasi, a journey

takes from North and west to the city of Pandharpur. First

comes the red horseman holding a long pennon and mounted

on a dancing. horse. Next to it there is a white horse

which has never been saddled and is said to be mounted by

Jnanesvara. Pilgrims wearing rosary of 'tulsi' beads

round their neck singing abhangas of a tradition that is

live and throbbing. The Pilgrimage of Asadha is the

pilgrimage of Warkari Panth. The live traditions of

Warkaris comes alive with songs by Chokhamela; 84

84.

"Cane is crooked, but its juice isn't crooked,

Why be fooled by outward appearance ?

The bow is bent, but the arrow isn't bent,

Why be fooled by outward appearance.?

The river is twisting, but the water isn't twisted,

Why be fooled by outward appearance ?

Chokha is ugly, but his feelings aren't ugly

Why be fooled by outward appearance ?

Abhang 125;'sri Maharaj Sakhane Mandir, 1967). \:longa·:

Sakal Sant Gatha; vol. I (ed .) Sri Nana (Pune; Sri Sadrangmaya Prakasan The Marathi word for ''crooked ;/bent" is

74

Warkari sect or Panth was such which could provide an

ideological space for a Mahar like Chokhamela and his son

Karmamela could find a place among the hagiographical

politics of Santic tradition.

Various presentations to the Warkari sect, lost as

they are in books on Hinduism do not throw enough words on

its nature and its unique character, among other religions

movements in India. The presentiment of a tradition can

only be vindicated in its own terms. What is a Warkari ?

The word Warkari is composed of the two words, "wari and

kari". Wari has a very definite and almost technical

meaning. The root 'war' means time as in the expression

'time and again', it stands for the regular occurrence

of the pilgrimage to Pandharpur at the stipulated time.

And this is indeed the first characteristics of the

Warkari a regular pilgrim to Pandharpur. 85 Warkari

followers are people, who although living in the midst of

their families and carrying on their occupations, and

have pledged themselves to reach moksa through the way of

bhakti, and by devotion to Vithoba of Pandharpur.

Warkar i Panth, as perceived by many8 6 as another

variant of Bhagvata Panth. A panth is called Bhagvata

85. S.V.Oandekar~ •varkari Panthaca Itihas~ 1927, Poona, pp.l-2

75

when it teaches the Bhagvata faith, that is say, the bhakti

way of salvation.87 In Bhagvata Purana there is a

discourse on Bhakti as a way to cure the confusion in

Kaliyuga. 88 In this narrative Bhakti is portrayed as an

young unhappy woman in distress. As she tells Narada; "I

am Bhakti and two old menare my two saons Jhana and

Vairagya" She says further " I was born in Dravida and

grew up in Karnataka. I was honoured here and there in

Maharashtra" etc. In the end of the narrative there seems

to be great emphasis on the importance of Bhagwates

Purana.

In the context of Warkaris, Jacquesle--- Goff

observation about the popular culture becomes as an

inevitable citation. Le Goff speaks of two culture, the

leanred culture or culture of clergy and popular or

'folkloric culture' . He emphasizes that the relations

between the two cultures were highly diverse. There was

an antagonistic attempt to 'block out' 'folk logic

culture' by the civilization of the learned. Folkloric

elements mere supported by the chucrch or distorted or

partially adopted to the demands oe official ideology.

ANd there was also incomprehension by the clergy, of the

popular culture, since the latter, dualistically

ambivalent, stood in opposition to the 'rationalism' of

87. R.K.Dhurandkar; 'Tukarama Charitra,' p.24, f••f\a.,\92'6.

88. 'shagvata Purana'; Nirvaya Sagar Press, Bombay, 1905.

76

clerical cufture which divided the world neatly into good

a·nd evil. 89

The interaction of culture was facilitated by the

fact that in both cultures, earthly and supernatural,

material and spiritual planes merged. Cultural adaptation

to the common people was necessary for the clergy to

achieve its mission, ecclesiastical culture had to be

absorbed into folkloric culture. In Le Goff's argument

the idea of 'internal acculturation' (that is mutual

adaptation of cultures) is central. These propositions of

Le Goff and his pupils (Schmitt; 1979) shift the centre of

gravity from popular religiosity to the deeper and more

complex notion of 'folkloric culture'. The religion of

the common people is one epiphenomena of this culture.

This reformulation of the problem is very important and

helpful.

The underlying motif of the Warkaris in the

context of a living tradition was the very idea of social

change. And this created the difference from the rest of

the on going processes about Hinduism. Warkar i' s went

beyond the scriptural sanction of religion, which had

encompassed the terrain of politics and culture for

generations. Warkari leaders like Jnanadeva, were

brahmins pariahs, some like Narndeva, had to apologise to

the arrogant Brahmin for preaching his new ideas. 90

89. JacquesktG-cff!'Tirne, work and culture in the Middle Ages~ London, 1986 pp. 19-34.

90. Sri Sant Namadev Maharaj Yanchi Abhanguchi Gatha (Pune, Chitrasala 19571 p.824.

77

Here, one orthodox Brahmin Paras Bhagavat asks "you

Namadev 1 your parents used to fall at my feet, and now

you dare to call yourself a devotee of god What do you

know of anything? Do you know the Vedas ? " Thereupon

Namdeva replied, "Blessed by me soul today that you

uttered the names of my parents. Pray let me have the

holy water at your feet, as it washes away all the sins.

My place is truly at your fact " Tukaram, the greatest

exponent of the Warkari philosophy, was persecuted and

tried because though a Shudra he assumed the religions

leadership his time.91

Jnanadeva and Namadev, who tie together the two

names of Pundalika and of Viithala many a times in their

abhangs. It was the culturally creative period when

Jnanadeva was born. This was the time when the Chaupadi

of Chakradhar was composed in 1264. 92 The Lilacharita was

written in 1270 at Sarok in Ahmednagar. 93 By working in

Marathi Jnanadeva brought within reach of the common

people the understanding of their old Sanskrit heritage.

Thus the Warkari sect was endowed with the living medium

of cultural expression. The abhangs are the testimony of

a popular cultural site where Jnanadeva could articulate

the aspiration of peasant folk. The Warkari sect provided

a common platform where a community of direct producers

(Kunbis, Mirasi), could become a community of devotees.

91. Bhalchandra Nemade; 'Tukaram: Sahitya Akademi, 1980, p.29-33.

92. Deshpande,Y.K.~ 'Mahanubhaviya Marathi Vangmay~ Vidar­bha Sahitya Sangra, Nagpur, 1925, p.ll.

93. ibid.,p.21

78

IV

LANGUAGE AN IDEOLOGY; MODE OF WARKARI EXPRESSION

In this section, emphasis is laid on Warkari

practices of cultural expression coated in religions

devotion, in continuation with earlier elaboration of

Warkari. The method will be of hermeneutical tradition of

Paul Recoeur, when the phenomenon of ideology is dragged

before one's eyes, the socio-historical world can no

longer be seen as a sphere of creativity and co

belonging. It must also be seem as a field of conflict

and coercion, a realm in which 'meaning' may be a mask

for repression and self deception. By calling attention

to the relations of force which bind individuals and

underlie their utterances and acts, the phenomenon of

ideology is a challenge to any author who wishes to

sustain the hermeneutical emphasis on the symbolic

constitution of socio-historical world.

CONCBPT OF HERMENEUTICAL TRADITION : From Dilthy onwards

the tradition of hemeneutics has emphasized the symbolic

constitution of the socio-historical world. This world is

composed of individuals who speak and act in meaningful

ways who create the very world which endows them with

their identity and their being, and whose creations can

be understood only by means of the process of

interpretation. In this context this particular position

can help us in locating the sense of protest in the

writings of Warkari saint-poets.

79

Against the backcloth of an illuminating analysis

of meaning and creativity in language, Paul Ricoeur94 has

formulated a concept of text which provides the basis for

a theory of interpretation. Ricoeur argues that this

theory can be extended beyond literary texts to the sphere

of social action, by virtue of certain features which are

shared by action and texts. To see action as a text is to

view it as meaningfully constituted behaviour which can

be interpreted in various ways, and to view action as

meaningfully constituted behaviour is to identify the

primary source of ideology. For ideology, Ricoeur argues,

is first and foremost a cluster of symbols and

representations which facilitate the meaningful

constitution and social integration of action.

Most important feature of Warkar is was their

adherence to oral culture. Their perception of social

reality was completely different from Brahminical inter-

pretations. As Namdev perceives muslims atrocities as

such, "Such Hindu Gods! when broken and sunk in water by

the Muslims, they would not even cry" 95 Warkari saints'

mode of expression was based on orality of their abhangs.

It is difficult to trace a distinctive line between saint

lines and poetic conditions in their works. They created,

in Ricoeur's term, oral literature as a substitute for

94. Paul Ricoeur; (Interpretation Theory: Discourse and the surplus of Meaning~ Texas, 1976, $_~

f • I 95. Sr~ Sant Namdev Gatha; Pune 1957, NOte 4, p.69

80

action, as action in any other form would have provoked

their enemies.

Just as a text is structured totality which may be

construed in various ways, so too human action has a

specific plurivocity which is a limited field of possible

interpretations. It is in the transition from the level

of action to the level of social relations and groups

that, according to Ricoeur the phenomenon of ideology

appears. For a social group must integrate itself by

means of images and representations which can be

collectively shared and which can co-ordinate the actions

and orientations of its members. Such images are provided

by interpretations of founding actions and events; it is

these on going interpretations, this hermeneutics of

'everyday life', which generates what Ricoeur 96 sees as

the fundamental form of ideology. In this form ideology

is the fabric which integrates a group, tying together its

members and preserving the traces of its past.

In the world view of Warkaris, the creative use of

language as action became a symbolic device with which the

saint-poets could penetrate the 'everydayness' of people.

The oral techniques of expression could become as a

powerful weapon within the broadly tolerant mode of

Warkaris' Vithoba. Tukaram glorifies the use of "words'

as :

96. Paul Ricoeur, op.cit, p.32

81

"We posses the wealth of words

With weapon of words we will fight,

Words are the breath of our life,

We will distribute this wealth of words among the people,

Tuka says, look 1 the meaning of word is God,

With word we will extol and worship. 97

In the Warkari tradition the forms of expression needed

some unitary approach from all section of society. The

oral culture evolved its own techniques of preserving the

expression of peasant society. It was certainly a more

effective and safer way, both for creator and for the

creation. It is also important to note that this oral

tradition ceased to produce great Warkari figure after

political authority of the Marathas was established in the

17th century, that is when Peshwas started patronising the

written culture in later part of 18th century. Tukarama

was tried on the charge of blasphemy, was excommunicated

and tortured and had to undergo the water ordeal for his

Gatha, the written verses. This was the price, one had to

pay for the innovation techniques of communication. Later

it was articulated in the form of Kirtan, as an instance

of oral culture.

The oral culture is dialogic and demands direct

contact between the speaker and listeners, thereby

implying the physical pressure of the speaker and

consequently a different kind of articulation. Warkaris'

97. Sri Tukaram bavan9hy Abhanganchi Gatha, Bombay; Shask1.ya Mudram a.,i" Lekhansarnari, 1973, Vol.! p.S.

82

mode of expression comprised the various elements of folk

and traditional forms of oral tradition. The traditional

forms like purana 1 pravachana 1 parayana and patha. The

creative literary forms like ovi 1 abhang 1 pada, bhupali,

gana, gavalan, virani, Leela and biographical accounts in

verse. In the context of social gatherings katha, pothi,

saptah, kala, palakhi 1 dindi, vari, bhajan and kirtan are

practiced. And following passages will focus on these

forms of Warkari tradition.

BIOGRAPHY I AND TRADITIONAL APPROPRIATION :-

Here two points have to be mentioned. One is the

content of hagiographical element in biographies.

Secondly, to mention it with historical sketches it exists

as biography in its literal capacity. What is interwining

between the two is the religions ideology which is both

transcended and conditioned by time.

The practice of writing about one's life has its

origin in Christanity. St. Augustine's appropriately

entitled 'Confessions' (written in 397-8 A.D) is the

best known. The practice of writing about 'others,' was

more common in India. In its oldest forms, it consists of

quasi-historical writings about the lives of divine

incarnations, the vedic rishis, and such men as Veda

Vyasa, the Buddha and Mahavira. A little later, the

Charita literature began to appear giving rise to such

works as Sana's Harscharita, Hemadri's Leela charita, and

Bilhana' s Vikramanak - deva chari ta. They were largely

83

prashastis or eulogies commissioned by kings and generally

published after their death. They were not primarily

concerned with historical facts and aimed to glorify their

subjects deeds, legitimate their status and to trace their

real or fictitious genealogies. From about the eleventh

century A.D those copying the manuscripts of the Puranas

and the Dharmashastras began to write their own, their

ancestors' and gurus' names and to provide basic details

about themselves, occasionally refering to some important

events in their lives. From about the 13th century

onwards quasi-autobiographical works began to appear.

This was the time when Warkari tradition was gradually

broadening its as among the people. Jnanadeva, Namdeva

and Tukaram's writings in abhangas, reflect quasi

autobiographical verses. These contained the details

about their parents, brothers relatives, wives, domestic

quarrels and personal frustations, but little directly

about themselves. In a somewhat similar manner to

Christanity, the bhakti movement triggered off profound

changes in the religions lives of its adherents. Almost

every one of. there saint-poets saw their life as an

illustration of human life in general, and their trials

and travails as those of common men everywhere. For the

most part writings mere didactic sermons illustrated and

enlivened by occasional and reely interpreted personal

examples. Unlike the early Christian writings, these were

not confessions or passionate outbursts of self-pity but

84

devotional works laced with touches of self mocking irony

and self-deprecating humour. As Tukaram illustrates these

traits brilliantly in his abhangs.

"It's good you made me a Kunbi

If not, I'd have died of shame

You have done right, Lord God

Dancing, Tuka touches your feet.

If I had had learning,

It would have held me back.

I'd have failed to serve the saints

For nothing I'd be ruined.

I'd be stiff with pride,

I'd have gone down the path to death.

Greatness, says Tuka, causes one

to go to hell through pride. 98

Since these were socially meaningful, as Ricoeur

puts it these became immensely popular and widely

memorised, recited and used as common currency of moral

intercourse.

MAHIPATI'S ACCOUNT OF BIOGRAPHY AND HAGIOGRAPHY :

Historically Warkari Panth leads backwards to the

Nath through the spiritual genealogy of Jnanadev and

forwards with other ·tradition of bhakti in North India.

Warkari sect has recruited both its followes and gurus

from an unusually wide range of castes. It had and is

--------------·--------------------------------------------98.'Tukarambavanchy Gatha~ Vol.I,op.cit p.23, 1973.

85

still firmly roofed in the peasant cui ture with some

Brahminical embroidery work of devotion. Though David-

Lorenzen has argued that the social ideology of Warkari is

more compatible with the model of reform 'from above' than

with that of a popular upsurge "from belown 99 Lorenzen

follows a list given by Deleury . 100 in the context of

leaders of the Warkari movement. In this list, ten are

Brahmins, 9 non-brahmins, and two of uncertain caste

origin. Lorenzen bases himself on Mahipati's account of

Tukaram.

The problem with Lorenzen's account is that he

follows the dictat of culture theory where from 'high

culture' social elements come down to 'popular or lower

culture'. When he makes these comments. "The religion of

Tukaram nevertheless stops far short of dispensing with

the need for the Brahmin priesthood a 1 together. The

bhakti advocates is directed towards an anthropomorphic

(saguna) deity, namely Vitthal Krsna enshrined at

Pandharpur. Intellectualy (sic) it is grounded in the

devotional theology of the Bhagvad Gita as interpreted by

Jnanadev. Although the classical mythology of the

Sanskrit Puranas is not emphasized - as it is in the poems

of Surdas etc. neither it is rejected as it is in Nirguna

99. David N.Lorenzen; ·~ocial ideologies of Hagiography¥in M.Israel and N.K.Wagle(ed~ Religion and Society in Maharashtra; Univ. of Toronto, 1987.

100.G.A.Deleury:'The Cult of Vithoba~ Poona: 1960 p.222

86

tradition associated with Kabir. Brahmins remain in

charge of the temple at Pandharpur. 101

The stereotypes and saccharine mage of Warkari

tradition results from this perspective of research. In

this perspective the terms of the problematic are

drastically altered when one proposes to study in this

perspective, no "culture produced by the popular classes,"

but rath4;tr "culture imposed on the popular classes". One

question, which comes to one's mind is whether "popular

culture exists outside the act that suprresses it". The

question is rhetorical and the reply is obviously

negative. This type of skepticism seems paradoxical at

first glance since behind it stands the studies of Michel

Foucault; the scholar who, with his study on Madnessand

civilisation, 102 has most authoritatively drawn attention

to the exclusions, prohibitions and limits through which

our culture came into being historically. Before locating

Mahipati's Bhakti Leelaamrita text from chapter 25 to 40

on Tukaram, it will be worth while to discuss Foucault at

length.

What interests Foucault primarily are the act and

the criteria of exclusion, the excluded a little less so.

The attitude that led him to write 'The order of things'

and 'Archaelogy of knowledge' was already implicit in the

Madness treatise, probably stimulated by Jacques Derrida's~

101. David N.Lorenzen, op.cit p.101.

102. M. Foucault;'Madness and Civilization~ New York, 1965·

87

facile, nihilistic objections to the Madness .....

Derrida103

contended that it is not possible to speak of madness in a

language historically grounded in reason and hence in the

process, that has led to the repression of madness itself.

Evidence of this regression can be found in Foucault's

writings with various documents concerned with the early

nineteenth century case of a young peasant who killed his

mother, his sister, and a brother. The analysis is based

principally on the interaction of two languages of

exclusion, the judicial and the psychiatric, which tend to

cancel each other out. The person of assasin, Peirre

Riviere is relegated to secondary importance and precisely

at the time when the testimony he had written at the

request of his judges to explain how he had come to commit

the triple murder. The obscure and contradictory

relatioship of Pierre with the dominant culture is barely

mentioned. Instead he is described wandering in the forest

crime, a "man without culture," etc. This concept of

exclusion comes only from the perception of reality as

that of doctored by principal texts of social world.

Otherwise why Lorenzen could legitimize Tukaram's popular

verses with the intellectual tradition from Brahminism, whom

he always despised. As Tuka Mhane (says), 104 "If you

become a pandit, you' 11 recite the Puranas, But you

103. Jacques Derida; 'writing And Difference. 6altimQre. _1 ~ 1._4 L. _Q_. 68

104. cTukaram bavanchya , Gatha~ Vol. I

88

won't know who you are", "You will turn the pages of a

donkey's load of books; But you won't learn what only a

guru can teach."

Finally one would put again Le Goff's usage in the

context of Mahipati' s mode of documentation, about

Tukaram's life. To what extent are the possible elements

of the dominant culture found in popular culture the

result of a more or less deliberate acculturation, or of a

more less spontaneous convergence, rather than of an

unconscious distortion of the source inclined obviously to

lead what is unknown back to the known and the familiar ?

saint-Poeta And Kahipati

If the sources offer us the possibility of

reconstructing not only indistinct masses but also

individual personalities, it would be absurd to ignore it.

To extend the historic concept of "individual" in the

direction of the lower classes is a worthwhile objective.

The abhangs of Tukaram contain some of an auto-

biographical nature and correspond with Mahipati's

account. Mahipati' s obvious proximities to brahminical

traditions in Warkari panth was due to his own training in

Sanskrit and being a Deshastha brahmin. The life of

Tukaram appears in Mahipati's (1715-1790) in his

Bhaktavijay (1762) and in his Bhaktalilamrit (1774) 105 .

105. 'Bhakta Vijay'(Tr~ by J.E.Abbott and N.R.Godbole Vol.!,

Poo"'o, ltl~l.

89

The principal themes of Tukarams' life as

interpreted by Mahipati are those of his overwhelming

generosity and humility, especially towards Brahmins and,

of course, his deep devotion to Vithal of Pandharpur.

A nuaber of biographical studies have shown that

in a modest individual who is himself lacking in

significance and for this very reason representative, it

is still possible to trace as in a microcosm, the

characteristics of an entire social stratum in a specific

historical period. Is this, then, also the case with

TUkaram? Not in the least. He cannot be considered a

typical Warkari saint, as it has been projected oftenly in

the writings of historians. And this projection has found

acceptance in the form of his characterisation as

quietistic sant, which fits well with the general image of

Warkaris. But this distinctiveness had very definite

limits. As with langauge, culture offers to the

individual a horizon of latent possibilities - a flexible

and invisible cage in which one can exercise his own

conditional liberty. With clarity and understanding

Mahipati articulated the language that history put at his

disposal. Thus it becomes possible to·trace in his life in

a particularly distinct; almost exaggerated form, a series

of convergent elements in Bhaktivijaya and bhaktililamrit

which in similar group of sources that were contemporary

or earlier or lost. In Mahipati 's account Tukaram' s

generosity origins from his religions detachment from the

things of this world, but also reflects a naive gulibility

90

directly counter to the usual stereotype of the greedy

shopkeeper and in consonance with his ear 1 ier Kunbi

status. From a Kunbi stand point Tuka represents the oral

tradition and his ideas cannot be reduced or traced back

to any book in particular. on the other, from saintly

point of view; they recall a series of motifs, worked by

humanistically learned method of tolerance, tendential

reductions of religion to morality and devotion, so forth.

This is a dichotomy in appearance only. In

reality it reflects a unified culture within which it is

impossible to make clearcut distinctions. But Tuka comes

out of the layer of remote peasant traditions, when he is

linked with the unified linear traditions of Warkaris.

LBGINJ) Ol TUQ IN MADIPATI'S ACCOUNT ;- One particular

legend about Tuka in Mahipati' s works, Bhaktavijaya and

the Bhaktalilamrita; and also in one of Tuka's songs bears

the testimony of Warkaris' integrative ideology, where

text of a particular essence was viewed as action. This

legend/ episode is about his songs being thrown in the

river.< 106 ) It is about a confrontation between one

orthodox brahmin Ramesvar Bhatta and Tukaram. As Mahipati

elaborates; ( 34) "He learned from others of Tuka' s

exceptionally good fame. Hearing of it hatred arose in

his heart. Said he, "Heretics have increasedd altogether

too much. ( 35) Some proper scheme must be devised so as

to send Tuka out of the country. I will do something

106. Mahipati~'BhaktaVijai; Chap 25 to 40~rans~ J.E. Abbott, pp. 203 205.

91

however, now that will bring disgrace upon him." (36)

With this plan in mind, making use of the influence which

he had at court, he charged, that Tuka was of the shudra

caste, and yet was publicly preaching the substance of the

Vedas. (37) Moreover by performing Hari kirtans he has

reduced pious people, so that even Brahmins make him a

Namskar He has developed the path of bhakti which

seems to me heretical."

This hagiographical account further develops in

the form of Tuka's drowning his manuscripts in the Indrayani

river. Still people from different hues joining together

criticise Tuka's throwing of the scripts. (69) "Then

you composed poetry on the theme of the supreme

spiritual riches. And now you have thrown all that into

the water. Were there any one else in your place, he would

not have spared his life. (70) Now you have sunk both,

your worldly riches and your supreme-spiritual riches; and

still you show your face to people.n(lO?)

REPENTAlfCB : Mahipati seems to chalk out a narrative

in which the opposition is made between the orthodoxy of

tradition represented by Ramesvar Bhatt et.al and the more

egalitarian tradition of Warkari Sampradaya. As Mahipati

elaborates in his account of repententence. ( 128) "Now

while these events were happening to Rameswar Bhatt, the

hater of bhaktas, let us turn to Tuka and what events were

taking place with him. (170) "Turning now to the story of

107. ibid~p. 206.

92

Ramesvar Bhatt, we have seen that he had gone to the

sacred city of Alandi, and was sitting fasting while his

body seemed aflame. (172) Having this great desire in his

heart (to be free from his pain) , he prayed to

Dnyaneshwar, "Do this kindness at once to me of freecing

me from the curse of the fakir. ( 174) In this manner

Ramesvar Bhatt continued to praise Dnyaneshwar. Then by

night a vision was given to him. You saints please listen

with reverence to what it was (175) Dnyaneshwar said to

him (sic) "Amongst all the bhaktas the most excellent, the

noblest, is the noble Vaishnava, the Godloving Nama. Tuka

is his avatar, descended to save the world. 11 (108)

108. ibid~ p. 217

93

Mahipati in his hagiographical account offers on

behalf of the Warkaris a fusion of popular Hinduism and

peasant motifs that was apparently more to the liking of

saints than the orthodoxy of religions tradition.

Hagiographers like Mahipati wished to instill in believers

a lofty ideal which each Warkari was to strive to attain.

The most attractive thing about the saint was his ability

to work miracles. As we have seen in Mahipati's account

of Tukarama, the saint although the model of humility and

non-resistance, was at the same time a stern and pitiless

chastiser and avenger.

The relation between saints of Warkari tradition

· and the faithful were thought of in customary medieval

categories of mutual fidelity and aid. The peasant

population was ready to venerate and preserve a saint in

response to his patronage and healings. In the arena of

Warkaris the saint's image was the result of the

interaction of different tendencies. In him the ideals of

Hindu humility preached by the tradition were embodied.

Devotion to Vithoba; renunciation of earthly pleasures and

yet living a Grahastha life, mortification of flesh;

complete concentration on saving the soul and serving

Vithoba these motifs were the commonplaces of

hagiography. Their

aids the scholar

ubiquitous

in judging

presence in hagiography

the direction of the

audience's interests, for it was precisely in such common­

places and in the constant repetition of the same motifs

94

that certain fundamental social values were conformed. In

Warkari tradition, even if the ideal of a holy life was

unattainable by the overwhelming majority of the Warkaris, d

the presence of the ideal in the context of culture was in

itself an important fact of Warkari's religions feelings.

Thus the society depicted in hagiography consisted

of people and saints. The people were in close contact

and mutual interaction with the saints, and the saints

actively participated in and influenced human life and

Guarded their own interests. The life of Tukaram had

become a living tradition of faith. His mode of kirtana

had healing touch. In Mahipati's account a person Navaji,

a gardener has the same to elaborate about Tuka 's

expressive power. The saint's speech also had enormous

power. Navaj i' s mispronunciation of the particular term

led him to become the object of redicule by some

Brahmin. <109 ) (177) "He used {a sentence) "The things of

Dvarka came gladly to Pandhari" For "Chojavit" he said

"Chodavit". A brahmin's rebuke to Navaji, boomranged and

the brahmin himself became dumb, which was cured by Tuka.

In hagiographical account worshippers did not only

pray to their saints and bring him affection they also

considered that these acts gave them the right to make

demands on him in those instances when he himself

109. ibid.,p.236.

95

apparently had not surmised the sort of help they were

expecting. In Bhaktalilamrita, one demand like that is

being elaborated. <110 ) (12) 11 Chintaman Dev, with the

intention of going from Poena, and arrived at Dehu, (14)

"The pilgrims were out in the open, so the merchants had

their tents pi.tched Chintaman then said to Tuka,

(15) "Give us some favour as we are here, you God loving

Vaishnava bhakta. If you can give us materials for

cooking sufficient for all, our desires will be fulfilled.

"(17) But Tuka brought only enough flour, dal, rice, and

ghi for one person. ( 19) "As the Vaishnava · bhakta was

thus praying, the lord-of-Pandhari came unseen; he had

provisions sufficient for one man, but in distribution

they were sufficient for all."

One could continue with such examples at length.

Despite their variations they exploit the same theme:

saints know and guard their rights. Humility, self-denial

and forgiveness were the basic Warkari values constantly

preached in the domain of peasant consciousness and

demonstrated in hagiography. The folkloric roots of many

of there scenes are obvious. A saint like Tukaram was

clearly modelled on human image and likeness, endowed with

human emotions, passions, interests and reactions-nothing

human was foreign to him. Yet his attractiveness for the

mass of parishioners was based above all on the fusion in

110. ibid~ Chapter 35; pp. 240-241.

96

him of sanctity and thematurgy. Saints in the line of

Warkari tradition venerated power supernatural power

capable of defending its own interest and protecting its

clients. Besides traditions from the Vaishnavite pantheon

of traditions, one can also trace popular fantasy and folk

tale motifs in the formation of the Vitthal. Their

structure, the selection of the facts in them, and the

suitable volume of information were subject to the laws of

collective consciousness. And in their opposition to

brahminisa as in the hagiography of Tuka brahmins are

usual diet for riducule and close mindedness.

Despite the fact that the hagiographers are

invariably learned men, the character of his work betrays

the features of a popular culture. As in the western

European context, according to one of their most

knowledgeable students, Delehaye, "Hagiographical texts

embodied •the memory of the crowd.n(lll)

The logic of collective memory had its own way of

grouping the facts, selected and few, in conformity with

the course of narrative. It retained primarily those

events which could engage people reared on myth, folk-

tale, legends; it easily fused together different heroes,

particularly bearers of the same name. As it is clear in

the context of Mahipati's characterisation of Tukaram. In

the quest of establishing the medieval mind, one can say,

111. Stephen Wilson• 'saints and their culture; Studies in Religious Sociology and folklore', Baltimore, 1986. p.r<f-

tJ"NO~~.tcrio"")

97

these texts provide a clue to the problematic of religion,

as how vital it was in the shaping of a polity of a

particular society.

WARKARIS' WAY TO ~AITH : There were several characte-

ristics ot Warkaris, which made them different from the

mainstream, Hinduism. With the linguistic collecti-

vization in the form of Marathi; various oral expressions

were integral to this tradition. Apart from pilgrimage,

which itself was and is, only a training in the simple

methods that the Warkaris advocate for progressing in

spiritual life: because the leading Warkari principle was

that god must be understood by everybody. As Tukaram

says, "Teachers themselves do not understand the secret of

the Vedas: what authority do others possess ? The name of

Vithoba is easily mastered; with one impulse it bears you

over the sea of the world. The wise know well that charms

are impractible likewise acts and Reasons prescribed;

other men are foolish."(ll2)

It is ·the reason why images are used: the clear

distinction drawn between worship of god and veneration of

saints was the important feature of Warkaris. Kirtan as a

means of collectivity was a theme which was initiated with

Tukaram. In this mode of expression each line

112. ·~ri. Tukarambavanchy Gatha: (ed~ S.P. Pandit, Indu Prakash Press, Poona, 1869.

98

of

the lyric is expounded with supporting verses and

illustrations from the Hindu epics, scriptures, lives of

great men and mythology, and from the numerous other

popular lore of Hinduism to educate the participants. The

kirtankar~ depending on his ability and courage, exposes

the social miscreants and criticises social evils

bitterly, thereby creating confidence in the local peasant

gatherinqs. For peasant(s) the occasion of kirtan is both

social .and religions. At the end of the kirtan, the

participants touch each other's feet as a mark of their

belief in equality and brotherhood. In the Warkar i

tradition, kirtan was the most effective instrument of

socio-cultural awakening of the peasants.

In the context of kirtan as new ritual, it is

important to show that the link between the ideological

attribut.ions of Shivaji's campaign and the folk-cultures

of the time, stood in deference (not in defiance) with the

establish.ed monastic Hinduism. One may agree in

hesitational manner with earlier historians, that the

Warkari's religions endeavour was part not only of an

ongoing struggle against brahminisim, but also an

agricultural field and finally to the de.fence of a new

identity of geographies and linguistics.

It may be argued that religions beliefs are

distinguished by their forms, per se Warkari sect, but the

form in question must be specified and religions facts

must be considered in their entirety, rites, symbolism,

99

dogmas and beliefs, etc. In the hagiography of Tukaram,

Mahipati mentions the meeting of Shivaji with Tukaram.

(92) "When the good deeds reached king Shivaji he

marvelled greatly. Said he "I must call Tuka here and

listen to his kirtans"< 113 >. In this account it is

portrayed that after Shivaji's message, Tuka retorted with

his characteristic humility; (95) "He cried, "0 God-

supreme - Lord of Pandhari why dost Thou entangle me in

this ? (96) The display of hypocrisy and honour are to

me, like swine-dung." And later the account demonstrates

Tuka's humility and saintliness. And Shivaji also becomes

indifferent to the worldliness. And his mother Jijabai

comes and begs Tuka (135) "My only son, through your

kirtans, has become indifferent to worldly

sits in the jungle worshipping.n(114)

things, and

How should we characterise this event mentioned in

Mahipati's account ? And more prominently in the light of

Shivaji's ascendance and Warkari tradition ? Although the

hagiographical text just disscussed is most pointed in

its effort to interweave the Warkari tradition with the

Maratha history. And this motif can be discerned in other

texts of 17th and 18th centuries. A hypothesis can be

discerned here to chalk out a problematic which can

account for the prevailing agrarian culture, which was

113. Abbott, J.E.: 'Mahipati Bhaktalilamrita (92) p.229.

114. ibid~ pp. 233.

100

marred by the internecine famine, wars and local sardars·'

recalcitrance. Hence the idea of Shivaji's 'Svarajya' had

to negotiate with the local folk-culture of the lower

stratum.

The interaction of popular religion with the state

in formation may have reflections of homogeneity at the

exterior. It will be shown later in the next chapter, how

different layers of Hindu religion co-existed. If there

is even discontinuity and incoherence at the symbolic

level, it is not surprising that there are difficulties at

the episte•ic level. Some writers on ideology, such as

Clifford Geertz, have greatly illuminated ideological

processes at the level of symbol systems.< 115 ) Warkari

tradition could encompass not only the religious and

devotional aspects of religion, but also could incorporate

the semi-religious elements, such as, dindis, festivals

and confraternities. In this tradition important

ingredient was the conceiving of religion as belonging to

the 'people' as against the Clergy, or to the locality as

against the outside world and its regulatory powers, and,

as the bias of our evidence suggests, this feature seems

to have become more prominant in the 17th century and 18th

century in the face of changes (caused by Shivaji's rise)

which tended to streamline the marginalization of certain

regions. Here the association of Warkar is saints' cult ~ ~. 115. C.Geertz; Ideology as a Cultural System 1n D.Apter

( ed.) , Ideology and Discontent, N.Y. , Free Press, 1q10 pp. 47-76.

101

with a vestigia 1 folklore is no accident. As Tuka

elaborated in his Kirtans;

"Now we shall eat together and we shall have a

provision for the future left. We have made a pottage

of Hari's name; Hari is allured by means of devotion.

Each monthful will yield an increasing favour, the very

nectar of Brahma. Tuka says, it tastes delicious; the

tongue asks for it more and more"(ll6)

The celebration of kirtan in Tukaram's world-view

which was in consonance with the situation of

differentiated peasantry. "We must look into sacred books

before we preach; then only will preaching bear fruit.

Otherwise it will be idle talk; the vestiges of desire

will survive it. Study the Vedas before you sing the

attributes of Hari; Your knowledge will then be truly

acquired."(ll?) This itself reflects the hagiographical

bearing of Warkari saint-poets and their interaction with

the political processes working at that time.

The Warkari modes of expression had their roots in

peasant culture. The peasant culture itself had roots in

the pre-organised religions forms and motifs. As the

construction of agrarian situation in 17th and 18th

---------------------------------------------------------

102

century Maharashtra will show, complex mechanism of watan

with substantial addition in their categories reflected a

steady pattern of

organised on loose

centralisation, which

terms. The village

was largely

scenario as

reflected in hagiographical account one will find the same

sense of individualistic enterprise in the local village

organisation. Though the village institutions are

generally viewed as anti individualist and assertion of

any person is generally interpreted as the questioning of

their authority. But we see, a large number of legal

property concerned documents and watan dispute related

documents refer naturally to individual names and even the

'Gota' assemblies of watandars listed those attending by

name.

This is to demonstrate that the conception of

ideology and its interpretation in the realm of popular

culture, clearly demarcated the sense of person with the

elaborate classifications down the lowest rung of village

society. Shivaji's case with local peasantry was

demonstrative of this fact.

It is indeed peculiar that the bulk of the

evidence we have on popular culture comes from the

repositories of hegemonic culture. As in the case of

village dispute records, issues of Jati, suppression, all

are from the records kept of Patils and Kulkarnis. So the

reconstruction of popular beliefs and practices must be

inferential and indirect.

103