chapter ii organizational structure of...

36
CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF ASEAN This chapter examines the evolution of organizational structure of ASEAN before and after the 1976 Bali Summit. Any discussion on the ASEAN institutional machinery tended to raise some basic questions: (1) Whether the ASEAN member countries would like to step up their cooperation more than they presently have? Whether there should have been a formal structure of the Association, founded on a treaty as legally binding document and not only on Bangkok Declaration? (2) Whether it was desirable or feasible to permit extension of ASEAN membership so that it could cover most, if not all South-East Asian countries, and why? (3) Whether A SEAN s hOl..il d have a strong centralized secretariat or a loose and modest one?. A. Organizational Structure Before 1976 The 1967 Bangkok Declaration out 1 i ned the mechanism required to carry out the aims and purposes of the Association, and stated that the following machinery should be established: (a) Annual Meeting of Foreign Ministers, which shall be by rotation and referred to as ASEAN Ministerial Meeting. Special Meeting of Foreign Ministers may be convened as required; (b) A Standing Committee, under the chairmanship of the Foreign Minister of the host country or his representative and having as its members the accredited Ambassadors of the other countries, to carry on the work of the Association in between Meetings of Foreign Ministers;

Upload: others

Post on 12-Mar-2020

6 views

Category:

Documents


0 download

TRANSCRIPT

Page 1: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

CHAPTER II

ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF ASEAN

This chapter examines the evolution of organizational

structure of ASEAN before and after the 1976 Bali Summit.

Any discussion on the ASEAN institutional machinery tended to

raise some basic questions:

(1) Whether the ASEAN member countries would like to step up

their cooperation more than they presently have? Whether

there should have been a formal structure of the

Association, founded on a treaty as legally binding

document and not only on Bangkok Declaration?

(2) Whether it was desirable or feasible to permit extension

of ASEAN membership so that it could cover most, if not

all South-East Asian countries, and why?

(3) Whether A SEAN s hOl..il d have a strong centralized

secretariat or a loose and modest one?.

A. Organizational Structure Before 1976

The 1967 Bangkok Declaration out 1 i ned the mechanism

required to carry out the aims and purposes of the

Association, and stated that the following machinery should be

established:

(a) Annual Meeting of Foreign Ministers, which shall be by rotation and referred to as ASEAN Ministerial Meeting. Special Meeting of Foreign Ministers may be convened as required;

(b) A Standing Committee, under the chairmanship of the Foreign Minister of the host country or his representative and having as its members the accredited Ambassadors of the other m~mber countries, to carry on the work of the Association in between Meetings of Foreign Ministers;

Page 2: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

(c) Ad-Hoc Committees and Permanent Committees of specialists and officials on specific subjects;

(d) A National Secretariat in each member country to carry out the work of the Association on behalf of that country and to service the Annual or Special Meetings of Foreign Ministers, the Standing Committee and such other committees as may hereafter be established. 1

The Annual Ministerial Meeting (AMM) was, according to

the Bangkok Declaration, the highest policy and decision­

making and coordinating organ of the ASEAN. An AMM was

convened annually in each of the ASEAN member countries on a

rotational basis in alphabetical order, attended by all ASEAN

Foreign Ministers. Special Meetings of the ASEAN Foreign

Ministers (FMMs), might be held as required or when necessary.

The FMMs might discuss formulation of common stand on and

approach to the situation in the region or any matters which

should be urgently addressed. Between the AMMs, the ASEAN

Standing Committee (ASC) was responsible for the day-to-day

execution of routine as well as urgent activities. The ASC

submitted reports and recommendations to the AMM for approval.

Some ad-hoc committees were set-up to handle specific issues,

including the negotiations on synthetic rubber with Japan in

the early 1970s, and during the Multilateral Trade

Negotiations. Other semi-permanent sub-committees were set-

up to cope with certain other matters. The most significant

roles, however, were played by the National Secretariats in

each member country, headed by the Secretaries General. They

met formally as a group to prepare the agenda for a 11 ASC

meetings.

The organizational structure of ASEAN prior to the 1976

Bali Summit appears in Annex-1, on page 29·

1For the full text of the ASEAN Declaration, see ASEAN Documents Series 1967-1988(Jakarta, ASEAN Secretariat, 1988), third edn., pp. 27-28.

28

Page 3: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

N \.0

r-;HISTERIAL HEEliNG 1

I

I ______________________ l _____ _ r~rnCotlriinEE I

I

ORGANIZATIONAL STRUC1DRE

OF ASEAN BEFORE 1976

-------------

r~-"E_E_II_NG_O_F_A._!SE_A_N -SE-C-RE-TA-_-., I AD HOC COHHIITHS I I PERMANENT COMMITTEES I I RIES GENERAL I •

SCCAN (Special Co-ordtna­ting Couittee of ASEANl

ABC (ASEAN Brussels Coui ttee)

I SPECIAL COHMI TTH Qf j II ACCRIS (A SEAN Co-ordtna- I i CENTRAL BANKS AND I' 1 tinQ Coutltee for Recons 1

MONETARY AUTHOPIIIES --\--1 trui:tton and Rehabiilta- I 1 1 1 1 !ton of lndo-Chtna I

1 II States) _

1.---S-EN_I_OR-0-FF-I-C!-Ii'-"S_O_N_l I SENIOR OFFICIALS ON I SYNTHETIC Ruem Jl·J suGAR I

SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON I I SENIOR TRADE OFFICIALS I ASEAH SECRETARIAT I

I (ASEAN Gene~~C Coni ttee) U .____j

FOOD AND AGRICULTURE

I COHML'NICAIION I AIR

~ I JRA>FIC SERVICES

METEOROLOGY

COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY

I F !NANCE

1-

LAND TRANSPORTATION AND COHMUN I CATION

-.

r SOCIO-CULTURAL ACTIVI1IES

I Source: ASEAN Secretariat, An Overview of ASEAN

(Jakarta, July 1985), no. 1.

CIVIL AIR TRANSPORTATION ! I

_j SHIPPING I

' I I

' MASS MEDIA I J

TOURISM

SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

l i

ASEAN NATIONAL I SECRETARIAT OF INDONESIA

L ____ _.

I ~----;;SEAN NATIONAL

l SECRET~RIAT OF MALAYSIA

I ___________ ___j

I ASEAH NATIONAL I I ~- ~SEAN NATIONAL! I SECRETARIAT OF THE I' ! SECRETARIAT OF SINGAPORE I I PHILIPPINES - -~ I

~..-_ -----l~ I , ' I ASEAN NATIONAL I

SECRETARIAT OF THAILAND

§ ())

>< 1-'

Page 4: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

In commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the

Association, the ASEAN Secretariat was of the view that during

its initial years after its formation,

seemed to be doing "well in providing

frequent contacts and consultations. "2

the ASEAN machinery -

the framework for

Indeed, for a new

regional organization such forum was required to build mutual

trust and understanding before it could embark on more

meaningful coope~ation.

The ASEAN Declaration did not clearly mention how those

bodies would function. Neither did it elaborate the functions

and competence of the institutions of ASEAN. The absence of

fixed institutions within ASEAN during its formative years

could perhaps be considered as a virtue. Thus, it provided the

flexibility for the member governments in dealing with

regional problems, for which they lacked precedent. They

needed more time to know each other's aspiration and interest,

before regional cooperation and solidarity could be expected.

The looseness in the organizational structure could be seen by

observers as an indication of low and slow process of

institutionalizing ASEAN machinery. Moreover, since there was

no machinery set out in the Declaration in regard to the

enforcement of its provisions, from the legal point of view,

there would be no sanction to be imposed on any member state,

which might violate or neglect the ASEAN's decisions. Former

Malaysia's Prime Minister Husein Onn was of the view that

ASEAN has been able to absorb national differences because it is a relatively informal organization without rigid rules of proced~re and without elaborate structural machinery. ASEAN cooperation succeeds because such cooperation is free 1 y extended, arriving out of the experience that in specific instances of cooperation our separate individual interests are advanced even as our

2ASEAN Secretariat, ASEAN-The First 20 Years (Jakarta, 1987), p. 69.

30

Page 5: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

common regional interest is served. 3

S i nee there were no specific procedures in the A SEAN

Declaration to regulate the decision making process, it came

to be common practice in ASEAN to take decisions by consensus

and to avoid the voting procedure. Such practice, named

rightly or wrongly as ''ASEAN way", was in fact 1n tune with

what was commonly practised in Indonesia and other countries

in the region. The phrase in Bahasaindonesia is "musyawarah

untuk mufakat", which means "deliberation to reach consensus".

An Indonesian scholar, Koentjaraningrat, who wrote on local

socio-political processes stated, that

the concept involves the processes that develop general agreement and consensus ... which emerge as the unanimous decision [which] can be reached by a process in which the majority and the minorities approach each other by making the necessary readjustments in their respective viewpoints, or by an integration of the contrasting standpoints into a new conceptual synthesis. 4

He concluded that the concept excluded the possibility of the

majority imposing its views on the minorities. The consensu~

approach was seemingly a sort of a prescription to keep ASEAN

united, especially dl..!ring its first years of existence. The

political genesis of ASEAN that led to the adoption of the

musyawarah (consultation) principle meant that every voice

should be heard, and mufakat (consensus) could only be reached

when all were satisfied. Decision-making and policy-making

powers were deliberately decentralized and vested in the ASEAN

Foreign Ministers. Point 10 of the Joint Communique of the

Fifth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting, in Singapore in April 1972

" R p A d d p V Quisumbing, eds., ASEAN "Cited in . . nan an .. Identity, Development & Culture (Quezon City, 1981), pp. xvi-

xvi i .

.iKoentjaraningrat, ed., "The Village in Indonesia Today," in Villages in Indonesia (Ithaca, n.d.), pp. 386-405.

31

Page 6: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

stated: "They noted, in particular, the development of an

A SEAN consensus in dec 1 s ion making in accordance with the

ASEAN spirit of solidarity.··S In practice, a proposal should

be decided upon and based on consensus before it was adopted

as an A SEAN's decision, otherwise such p roposa 1 would be

dropped or settled through another consensus after some

compromises had been reached. Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew

once observed that ASEAN countries had learned to manage their

differences and to contain them. "ASEAN had made progress in

an Asian manner, not through rules and regulations, but

throug'h musyawarah and consensus. Most important, ASEAN

countries have made a habit of working together and of

consu 1 t i ng each other over common prob 1 ems. " 6 The above­

mentioned practice, under scor·ed one premise that A SEAN was not

a supra-national body and had no binding jurisdictional power

in its institutional structure.

Over the years, various instruments in the forms of

Permanent, Ad-hoc and Special Economic Committees were

established in accordance with the Bangkok Declarationr

especially to facilitate economic cooperation. The committees

consisted of specialists, experts and officials on specific

subjects as drawn from ASEAN member countries. They were

directly responsible for the operation and implementation of

ASEAN projects. The seats and chairmanship of these

committees were distributed among the ASEAN countries on a

rotational basis. Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political

scientists, who examined the political factors affecting

ASEAN economic cooperation in the early 1980's observed that

for the first five years of ASEAN's existence,

5ASEAN Documents Series, n. 1, p. 73.

6 Po i n t 7 , J o i n t Commu n i que , ..!1~5!._t_h --!A..!!M'--'M!...!.--'a"'-!..!n~d!.._...!....P~o~s!..!t~__!M__!__!_i !..!n__!i_,s!..!t~e~r~i.:::a~l Meeting with the Dialogue Countries (Jakarta, ASEAN Secretariat, n.d.), p. 51. Emphasis added.

32

Page 7: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

any discussion over the pooling of sovereign prerogatives in a joint administration were simply avoided by maintaining five separate national ASEAN secretariats. [The existing machinery] could not cope forever ... ASEAN projects in increasing numbers and camp 1 ex i ty. A more centra 1 i zed arrangement appeared necessary if not desirable. 7

He noted that in 1968 the Philippines was the first to suggest

a more cohesive administration for ASEAN. Through the years,

"fvlani la has shown a keen interest in a more legalized,

centralized and productively organized Association." The

qL;Jes t ion of how fast ASEAN' s organization shou 1 d grow and

evolve was approached differently by the member states. While

commenting on various member countries' attitudes, Indorf

observed:

Indonesia was considered ... as the key to ASEAN development ... that should acquire as much influence and authority within a strengthened ASEAN ... Singapore remained conceptually opposed to anything that could even vaguely be interpreted as a threat to its vigorous notion of sovereignty ... Malaysia ... more moderate ... since the change of prime minister in mid-1981 ... Thailand has preferred a loose association ... "8

It seemed obvious that most of the member countries

preferred to have modest organizational structure, which was

non-con trover s i a 1 in nature. Fuad Hassan, then Head of the

Agency for Research and Development, Department of Foreign

Affairs of Indonesia, viewed that

indeed, during its first decade ASEAN remained mainly as an indicator of an emerging goodwill for regional cooperation rather than a machinery in operation dealing with feasible cooperative

7Hans H. Indorf, Impediments to Regionalism in Southeast Asia : Bilateral Constraints Among ASEAN Member States (Singapore, 1984), p.66.

8rbid. pp.66-67.

33

Page 8: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

projects. There were moments in which the question was raised on whether or not the organization will survive at all. One must recognize the fact that the founding members have had no ex peri e1ce in structured cooperative efforts in the past.

ASEAN activities and programmes expanded in response to

national, regional and international developments. At the

Fifth AMM held in Singapore, on 13-14 April

Ministers agreed that

1972,

an overall review of ASEAN's organisational and procedural framework including the consideration of the need and desirability of a central secretariat should be undertaken and new guidelines and criteria of priorities formulated with a view to rendering the Association more effective as an instrument for regional cooperation. 10

the

The establishment of a central secretariat had been

earlier proposed by the Philippine Foreign Secretary, Carlos

P. Romulo, in 1967, but political and practical factors then

were not conducive to its adoption. 11

[T]he time had come for the strengthening of the structure of ASEAN by establishing a Central Secretariat for ASEAN ... The Ministers noted with appreciation the offer by the Indonesian Government to have such Secretariat established in Indonesia provided there was no such offer from other ASEAN member countries. The Ministers also noted ... the invitation of the Philippines to hold the meeting ... to work out the details of the Central Secretariat. 12

9Fuad Hassan, "ASEAN, Its Status and Future Political Perspective", in ASEAN Newsletter (Jakarta), March-Apri 1 1984, p. 6.

la'"ASEAN Documents Series, n. 1, p. 73.

11 Estrella D. Solidum, Bilateral Summitry in ASEAN (Manila, 1983)' p. 7.

~ 2 Point 9, Joint Communique, Sixth AMM, in ASEAN Documents Series, n. 1, p. 75.

34

Page 9: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

The following year, on the second day ·Of the Seventh

Meeting of ASEAN Foreign Ministers, held in Jakarta on 7-9 May

1974, the Philippine Foreign Secretary, Carlos P. Romulo made

a statement on the permanent site of the ASEAN Secretariat. He

stated that realizing the value of the Secretariat as a

prestige symbol for the Association,

we have made every effort to give the proposed Secretariat a setting worthy of its significance. President Marcos earlier this year authorized the Department of Foreign Affairs to offer Manila as a site for the Central Secretariat. The Philippine Government, to confirm the seriousness of the offer, thereupon took the following steps: First, it donated more than 8,000 square meters of land on an attractive site fronting Manila Bay; Second, it completed architectural plan-s for the 14-storey building, including a conference complex, to house the Secretariat; Third, it appropriated the sum of P43 million for the construction of the Secretariat building; Fourth, it appropriated an amount sufficient to cover the full operating expenses of the Central Secretariat for the first two xears in the operations of the Central Secretariat. 13

While the Foreign Secretary was of the view that it was

a generous and attractive offer, the fact that the Philippine

Government could make the offer was indicative of the Filipino

response to the ASEAN and of their desire to symbolize its

permanence in a physical structure and setting worthy of its

importance. Shortly before the opening of the Jakarta Meeting,

he discussed this question with Foreign Minister Adam Malik at

length. Romulo had an opportunity to pay a call on President

Soeharto, in the course of which the question of the site of

the Centra 1 Secretariat was taken up. President Soehar to

shared the view on the significance of the ASEAN as a vehicle·

for regional development. He then expressed his own desire,

13rnstitutionalizing the ASEAN (Manila, Department of Foreign Affairs, n.d.), p.13.

35

Page 10: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

and that of the Indonesian people, as expressed also by

Foreign Minister Adam Malik, for the Central Secretariat to be

located in Jakarta. Romulo concluded that

sensing the strength of their feelings on the matter, I pondered his arguments with the seriousness that they deserved, I communicated with President Marcos by overseas telephone [who] authorized me to announce to the Ministerial Meeting that in deference to President Soeharto's wishes and in the interests of regional unity and harmony, the Philippines hereby withdraws its offer in favour of Indonesia. We shall support Indonesia's offer of Jakarta as the site for the Central Secretariat. In addition, we urge the members of the ASEAN to make this supper t unanimous. 14

Accordingly, the Ministers "unanimously agreed that the

ASEAN Secretariat be located in Jakarta. " 15 Stressing the

importance to ASEAN of institutionalizing its structure and

function, Romulo said that such institutionalization required

the formulation or articulation of a charter for the

Association. He observed that

the institutionalization of the ASEAN which we are now undertaking would be incomplete, and even meaningless, unless the principles of the Bangkok Declaration are embodied in legally binding form. Once ratified, allegiance to the Charter implies the full commitment of the member-countries to the purpose of the ASEAN. 16

The Seventh AMM further noted the proposal of the

Philippines for the adoption of a Charter for ASEAN as part of

14 Ibid. p. 14.

15 Point 8, the Joint Communique, in ASEAN Documents Series, n. 1' p. 75.

16 rnstitutionalizing the ASEAN, n. 14, pp.6-7. Emphasis added.

36

Page 11: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

the current efforts to institutionalize the functions and

structure of ASEAN. The Ministers agreed to refer this

proposal to the Standing Committee and member governments were

requested to submit their comments. 17

Since the formation of ASEAN, one could raise the

question ~hether the Association would be able to provide a

frame of cooperation for the whole region of South-East Asia.

The fourth point of the 1967 Bangkok Declaration stated that

""the Association is open for participation to all States in

the South-East Asian region subscribing to the aforementioned

aims, principles and purpose. ·· 18

There had been no indication, so far, that Indo-China

could be brought into ASEAN. While analyzing the prospects of

Indo-chinese states joining the ASEAN, an Australian scholar

observed:

Although the ASEAN governments (and particularly ... Foreign Minister Adam Malik) made moves towards expanding the Association's membership to include Laos, Cambodia, North Vietnam and South Vietnam, it was clear that meaningful participation by Vietnam and Laos was impossible while they remained devided by war. S i hanouk was unw i 11 i ng to jeopardise Cambodia's neutrality by joining ASEAN. 19

The Paris Peace Agreement, in January 1973, seemed to

revive the idea of enlarging ASEAN. At the FMM in Kuala

Lumpur in the following month, the ASEAN Foreign Ministers

called for a meeting of all Southeast Asian countries in ""Asia

Forum··, ··at an appropriate time in the future·· as a step in

this direction. Further steps were taken when during the Sixth

17 ASEAN Documents Series, n. 1, p. 75.

18 ASEAN Documents Series, n. 1, pp. 27-28.

19 Tim Huxley, ASEAN and Indochina: A Study Responses 1975-81 (Canberra, 1985), p. 11.

37

of Political

Page 12: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

AMM held in Pattaya, Thailand on 16-18 April 1973, the

Ministers approved the establishment of the ASEAN Coordinating

Committee for the Reconstruction and Rehabilitation of Indo-

China States (ACCRIS). They felt that

[in rebuilding the countries] could be

''ASEAN participation

jointly effected by

of the countries making allowances for

cancer ned. ·· 20 However,

the preferences

they could not agree on what type of

assistance they might provide to the Indo-Chinese states. The

Khmer Republic, Laos and South Vietnam were present as

observers at some of the AMMs before 1975, nevertheless, the

ASEAN remained doubtful about full participation by the

Indochinese states. While analyzing this issue, a South-East

Asian expert observed:

ASEAN did not consider that their wartime activity permitted full participation. As a result, the successor regimes in Indochina have viewed A SEAN with some reserve. Burma was invited by the ASEAN countries, but until very recently its foreign policy was to avoid regional organizations outside the United Nations framework. A 1 though Sri Lanka has been interested in joining ASEAN, it is located outside South-East Asia.21

Meanwhile, the fall of Phnom Penh and Saigon in April

1975 and the subsequent political transformation that ensued

there had put the political identity of Laos under pressure.

This meant that the ASEAN states had to abandon hope, if any,

for an expansion of the Association to include all the

countries of the region. In this situation any expression of

interest in membership by Communist governments in Indochina

would have created difficulties for ASEAN. Michael Leifer, a

British political scientist, was of the view that

20ASEAN Documents Series, n. 1, p. 74.

21Michael Haas, "ASEAN: The Formative Years", in R.P. Anand, ed., Cultural Factors in International Relations (New Delhi, 1981)' p.176.

38

Page 13: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

if the government of a reunited Vietnam had then expressed an interest in regional cooperation it would certainly have required an institutional alternative to ASEA.N in the way that Indonesia had insisted on such an alternative to ASA. Such a prospect did not present a desirable option to a group of regional partners who had worked together with a measure of harmony for nearly eight years. 22

The need to improve economic cooperation among ASEAN

member states in line with the main objectives of the ASEAN

Declaration, required the involvement of Economic Ministers.

ASEAN's Economic and Planning Ministers responded positively

to the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' request. They took up the

opportunity to discuss economic cooperation toward the end of

1975, more than eight years after the formation of ASEAN.

The ASEAN Economic Ministers (AEM) deemed it necessary to

create their own machinery and institutionalized the Senior

Economic Officials Meeting (SEOM) with the main task ·of

preparing recommendations and decisions on the basis of the

proposa 1 submit ted by the re 1 evant Permanent Commit tees.

Po 1 it i ca 1 cooperation among A SEAN states became more intensive·

especially after the Kuala Lumpur Declaration of November

1971, in which the idea of creating South-East Asia as a Zone

of Peace, Freedom and Neutra 1 i ty (ZOPFAN) was undertaken.

Since then the Senior Officials Meeting (SOM) which had been

inducted as an informal body, outside the formal ASEAN

machinery, played important role in making recommendations to

the special meetings of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers (FMMs),

which were different from the AMMs. The FMM could be held at

any time, as and when necessary, whereas the AMMs were held on

annual basis. In the past, the FMMs "were convened to discuss

22 Mi chae 1 (London,

Leifer, ASEAN and the Security of South-East Asia 1989)' p. 64.

39

Page 14: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

and arrive at common position on situation in the region,

common approaches to external relations, and collective . . l f "23 economic diplomacy at 1nternat1ona ora.

B. Organizational Structure Since 1976

The Declaration of A~EAN Concord, which was signed at the

Bali Summit on 24 February 1976 suggested, among other things,

improvement of ASEAN machinery through:

1.

2.

Signing of the Agreement on the ASEAN Secretariat. Regular review of the structure with a view effectiveness.

the Establishment of

ASEAN organizational to improving its

3. Study of the desirability of a new constitutional framework for ASEAN. 24

The preamble of the Agreement on the Establishment of the

ASEAN Secretariat, signed in Bali on 24 February 1976

stipulated that the ASEAN Foreign Ministers were

mindful of the rapidly growing activities of ASEAN since its establishment in the implementation of the aims and purpose of ASEAN embodied in the ASEAN Declaration. They recognized that the growth has increased the need in ASEAN for central administrative organs to provide for greater efficiency in the coordination of ASEAN organs and for more effectjve implementation of ASEAN projects and activities.l5

The ASEAN Secretariat was established in Jakarta in 1976

"to fill the need in ASEAN for a central administrative organ

to provide for greater efficiency in the coordination of ASEAN

organs and for more effective implementation of ASEAN projects

23.A.SEAN Secretariat, n. 2, p. 71.

24ASEAN Documents Series, n. 1, p. 38.

25 Ibid. p. 165.

40

Page 15: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

t . . t . ..26 and ac lVl 1es.

Since the Bali Summit, the highest authority in ASEAN has

been the Heads of Government of the member countries, which

might meet as and when necessary to give policy directions to

the Association.

The AMMs retained the key function of making policies,

and overseeing the implementation of these policies. These

AMMs were convened annually in each of the six ASEAN countries

on a rotational basis in alphabetical order. At each

meeting, the Foreign Ministers formulated policy guidelines,

reviewed a 11 ASEAN decisions and handed down the approved

policies and programmes to the ASC or other concerned bodies

for implementation.

Continuity between the AMMs was maintained by the ASC

which comprised the Foreign Minister of the host country, the

Ambassadors accredited to that country, and the 0 i rectors

General of each ASEAN National Secretariat. The ASC carried

out the work of ASEAN in between the AMMs. It handled matters

relating to the ASEAN machinery, ASEAN external relations and

non-economic activities, and oversaw the work of the ASEAN

Secretariat. It also submitted, for the consideration of the

FMMs, an annual report which highlighted the activities.of the

previous year.

The ASEAN Economic Ministers (AEMs) held regular meetings

to review and consider recommendation for A SEAN economic

cooperation. It met bi-annually and was responsible for:

a) Formulating recommendations for the consideration of governments 9f member states for strengthening ASEAN economic cooperation;

26 Facts on ASE.A.N, (K.uala Lumpur, Min. of Foreign Affairs),p.17.

41

Page 16: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

b) Reviewing the coordination and implementation of agreed ASEAN programmes and projects on economic cooperation;

c)

d)

Exchanging views and consultation development plans and policies as a harmonising regional development; and

on national step towards

Performing such other relevant functions as agreed upon by the member governments. 27

There have been five committees under the AEMs, namely

. the Committee on Finance and Banking (COFAB), the Committee on

Food, Agriculture and Forestry (COFAF), the Committee on

Industry, Minerals and Energy (COIME), the Committee on

Transportation and Communications (COTAC) and the Committee on

Trade and Tourism (COTT).

The ASEAN Ministers of Education, Information, Health,

Labour, Social Welfare, Science and Technology, Energy, Law,

Agriculture and·Forestry, and .Environment had meetings as and

when necessary to give policy guidance to the relevant ASEAN

Committees.

Despite ASEAN's consistency in maintaining the

Association as a forum for consultation and cooperation, thus

to retain their individual identity, more countries have

shown interest to have dialogues with ASEAN. Consequently,

ASEAN had ten committees in the third countries, four in the

capitals of the European Community member countries, five in

the capitals of its other dialogue partners, and one in

Geneva. These committees facilitated the conduct of ASEAN

relations with the third countries and with various

27Muthiah Alagappa, " Asean institutional framework and modus operandi: Recommendations for change" in Noordin Sopiee, et. al., eds. ASEAN at the Crossroads: Obstacles, Options & Opportunities in Economic Co-operations, (Kuala Lumpur, 1987)' p. 184. .

42

Page 17: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

international organisations. Each committee comprised the

Heads of the Diplomatic Missions of ASEAN in the respective

host countries, to conduct consultative meetings with their

host governments for the purpose of implementing decisions

made at formal dialogue meetings, or to take up matters

concerning policies or measures undertaken by the host

government which affect ASEAN's interests. The growth of a

common external view might be considered the ASEAN's

outstanding achievement in its first decade. It led to the

establishment of formalized dialogues with ASEAN partners,

held soon after the annual ASEAN Ministerial Meeting, called

the Post Ministerial Conference/PMC. Up to 1987 there have

been ten commit tees in Bonn, Brusse 1 s, Canberra, London,

Ottawa, Paris, Tokyo, Washington, Wellington, ~nd Geneva. The

ASEAN Geneva Committe was established especially to deal with

matters related to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade

(GATT) and United Nations Conference on Trade and Development

(UNCTAD).

The organizational structure of ASEAN since 1976 appears·

in Annex-2, on page 44.

43

Page 18: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

[ MEEnN-OOFASEANHEADSOF-GOVERNMENTJ ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE

OF ASEAN SINCE 1976

[---------=~ ---~ ~ N "'INISTEo•A• MEEllNG MEETlNG OF OlHER ~EAN t..ciNISTERS f-MEETING OF ASEAN ECONOMIC MINISTERS I ASEA "" rUI'4. - ............ (LABOUR, socw. WELFARE, EDUCATION L ____ - ! - (ANNUAL NEEllNG OF FOREIGN MINISTERS) I AND INFOAlA TlON MINISTERS)

ASEAN NATIONALSECRETAA--1-AT_O_F-, . I . I t-lEGARA BRUNEI DARUSSAlAM l l

lASEAN NATIONAL SECRETARIAT OFJ I I J I I ASEAN DIALOOUES WITH l i STANDING COMNrrrEE

--__ !NDONEstA ! ! PREPARATORY MEEllNG TO TI-lE STANDING OF COUNTRIES/INTL .ORG

[-AsEAN t-lA TIONAl SECRET AALA T OF l.l i [coritMi-rE:e ON BUDGET~ _ AUSTRAUA

MALAYSIA : ' - . -----,---- l I AUDIT COMt.IITTEE - CPNADA

r~N~~~~~~ 1 1

- ---_-_.-__ .-_._-_ rA~~~SECAETARIAT1 ---······ ~~=~EALAND f: IASEANNA=~~CAETAA"T4 ~ : . :~:

I : . . .... ]~ i . . . . __::__[ . = .... . . . . .. .. i . ... . .. .......... ; II -Ut-VP/ESCAP

-:u-ITTE.En.:~__~E=J ~~~ u~~ 1

~~~AHO ~OH TRAHSPORTAT1Ct4 FOAESTRY (COl' AF) TOURISM (COlT) loii£HAL N«J ~a (COf' All)

, -- EHERGY(COIME)

Command Une

Information/Coordination Lhe

~~E~~=l I

[;··-ifmEE ON

ENCE& TECH­

LOGY(COSll

~ource: ASEAN National Secretariat, A3EA~ at a Glance (Jakarta, 1987), p. 222.

SENIOR • OFR­CW..SOt-l DRUG

MATIERS

/==~] § (D

X

N

Page 19: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

Pursuant to the decision of the Fifteenth AMM, the ASEAN

Task Force ( ATF) was formed. It under took a 'Comprehensive

Review and appraised of ASEAN cooperation' and presented its

Report to the Foreign Ministers. The ATF Report to the

Sixteenth AMM in 1983 stated, among others, that the working

machinery of ASEAN suffered from structural imbalance which

adversely affected the decision making process. Coordination

among existing ASEAN bodies was intricate and cumbersome. The

ATF recognized that cooperation in the political and economic

fields was of paramount importance an.d hence believed that

there was a need to realign existing bodies, abolish some and

create new appropriate agencies. An ASEAN Council of

Ministers (ACM) should be constituted to incorporate the AMM,

AEMM and other ministerial meetings. It also noted that the

ASEAN Secretariat had remained a very modest central

organization both in terms of human and financial resources.

Consequently, the Secretariat had not been really effective·'in

per form i n g i t s fun c t ions . 28

The ATF had made a number of recommendations on policy

measures and new directions, including among others, that the

Standing Committee be replaced by a Committee of Permanent

Representatives of not lower than ambassadorial level, to

provide continuity and a better defined direction to ASEAN

activities. It should be located in Jakarta so as to

effectively carry out its functions. The powers and authority

of the Secretary General should be reviewed in the light of

the new expanded functions. The term of duty of the Secretary

General and of the home-based staff should be increased to

four years. Committees in third countries created earlier and

located in the capitals of countries or international

zeFor more deta i 1 s of the ASEAN Task Force Recommendations, see Noordin Sopiee, ed., ASEAN at the Crossroads: Obstacles, Options & Opportunities in Economic Co-operation (Kuala Lumpur, 1978). pp. 206-209.

45

Page 20: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

organizations with which ASEAN maintained dialogues were

. f t . 29 perform1ng a necessary unc 1on.

During the Fourteenth AMM held in Manila on 17-18 June

1981, Brunei attended for the first time as an observer. In

August 1982, "the ASEAN Foreign Ministers formally agreed to

admit Brunei as a full member when request to that effect was

received" 30 The following year during the Sixteenth AMM held

in Bangkok on 24-25 June 1~83, Prince Mohamed Bolkiah,

representative of the Sultan of Brunei, informed the meeting

of the intention of the Brunei Government "to apply for

membership of ASEAN after the resumption of its full

independence and sovereignty on the 1st of January 1984. "31

At a special meeting of ASEAN Foreign Ministers held in

Jakarta on 7 January 1984 Brunei Darussalam became the sixth

ASEAN full-fledged member, a week after its independence. The

promptness with which Brunei had joined the Association

testified to the importance that it had attached to ASEAN. In

return, the other ASEAN countries considered it a significant

development. S i nee then ASEAN has become a "Community of

Six." Commenting on the entry of Brunei as the sixth member

of the Association, Indonesian Foreign Minister Mochtar

Kusumaatmadja stated that "ASEAN wi 11 further consolidate the

so 1 i dar i ty, unity and cohesion of opinion among the member

countries. ASEAN will be more representative in reflecting

the attitudes and voice of the South-East Asian region ..... 32

The year 1986, again, saw discussions regarding the

29 Ib i d. pp. 206-209.

30 Hans H. Indor f, n. 7, p. 45.

31 ASEAN Documents Series 1967-1988, n. 1, p. 111.

32 oepartment of Foreign Affairs, "Year-End Press Statement .. (Jakarta, 1984), p. 5.

46

Page 21: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

extension of ASEAN membership to other countries and areas.

Tunku Abdul Rahman, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, had

suggested during his visit to Australia that

Australia and New Zealand be included in the ASEAN grouping. This pass i b i 1 i ty had a 1 ready been discussed when ASEAN was formed. However, the then Malaysia's Foreign Minister, Tengku Ahmad Rithauddeen, responding to the suggestion, indicated that ASEAN members would generally prefer to confine the organization to Southeast Asian countries.

Papua New Guinea also asked to become member of the ASEAN grouping earlier in the year. No decision was taken during 1986, but according to Indonesia's Foreign Minister, Mochtar Kusumaatmadja, the Association was studying Part Moresby's request. It seemed unlikely that ASEAN, at this stage will grant it, one reason being that Papua New Guinea is already a member of the South Pacific Forum. 33

Having explained the organizational structure of ASEAN

before and after the Bali Summit, some observations could be

made. Between 1967 and 1987, there had been only three

meetings of ASEAN Heads of Government. For any region a 1

organization, three summit meetings during that long period

could be considered too few. It was in sharp contrast with the

regional organization in South Asia called SAARC, which had

set the convening of their seven Heads of Government on annual

basis. It is debatable, however, whether such ann~al summitry

would be able to produce tangible results which could be

ex pee ted by their peoples. At best, such highest level

meetings could provide fresh impetus needed to boost

cooperation among the member countries. With regard to

ASEAN, however, one could not belittle the importance of

bilateral summitry which had been so popularly conducted

33 Hans Christoph Rieger, -ASEAN Economic Cooperation: Running in Circles or New Directions?-, in ISEAS, South-East Asian Affairs 1987 (Singapore, 1987), p. 34.

47

Page 22: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

between ASEAN Heads of Government, to fill the gaps, if any,

on bilateral basis. In a way, this practice had, by and

large, succeeded in set t 1 i ng the differences between the

countries concerned. To understand the beneficial role of

bilateral summitry, Estrella D. Solidum had studied and

observed that bilateral summitry enhanced the effectiveness of

ASEAN if the outcome

1. gives direction to ASEAN's policies such as by contributing to the preservation of its fundamental principles and enabling it to accept new responsibilities for mutual benefit;

2. smoothen its processes such transactions and cutting down making and action;

as by facilitating time for decision-

3. provides a congenial environment for the members by increasing their vitality to work, their mutual responsiveness, and their will to play down conflicts;

4. increases the members' areas of cooperation efforts, and

desire to and for

search for new new co 1 1 ec t i ve

5. improves the quality and quantity of ASEAN's resources, to include the creditable assets such as symbols and values which create ASEAN's appea1. 34

According to Solidum, there had been ninety six bilateral

meetings between 1976 and 1981. The largest number of

meetings, around nineteen of them, were between Malaysia and

Thailand, followed by Singapore and Thailand which had

fourteen. Singapore had about twelve meetings with Malaysia,

and thirteen with Indonesia. Thailand and Indonesia had nine

meetings between them. The Philippines had the lowest number

of bilateral meetings of Heads of States, namely seven with

Indonesia, six with Thailand, five wit!} Singapore, and two

34 Estrella D. Solidum, n. 12, p. 11.

48

Page 23: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

1( with f'-1alaysia.·"

The issues that were taken up in the meetings included

ASEAN cooperation, intra-ASEAN problems, foreign policy,

security, international developments and the organization

itself. Bilateral summits were considered useful in providing

explanations for an understanding of the pol icy perceptions of

the political leaders at the highest level, and contributed to

the attainment of peace, progress, and security in the region.

Hans H. Indorf, however, was doubtful that inter-country

visits could substitute for ASEAN summit meetings. The

use f u 1 ness o f b i 1 a t era 1 s u mm i t r y co u 1 d on 1 y be cor r e c t i f ,

over a reasonable period of time, all the ASEAN Heads of

Government exchanged visits with each other. This ideal

situation did not correspond to reality. Furthermore, the

hypothesis that all significant intra-ASEAN issues could be

discussed on a bilateral basis (and did not require a summit)

was theoretically correct. In fact, "there was little

agreement among the ASEAN governments on this point since the

degree of importance accorded to an issue was a relative

judgement. "36

Narciso G. Reyes, then Secretary Genera 1 of the ASEAN

Secretariat of the Philippines, suggested in 1980 the holding

of a third ASEAN Summit Meeting the following year (1981).

He had submitted a memorandum to the ASEAN Standing Committee

justifying the proposed summit meeting.

stated among others,

In the memorandum he

The urgency, magnitude and gravity of the political and economic problems of the 1980s suggested that the ASEAN Heads of Government should at least

;sibid., p.12.

~~ ··Hans H. Indorf, n. 7, p. 74.

49

Page 24: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

consider convening the proposed summit meeting . . . . After four years ·of silence, the voice of ASEAN should be heard again at a summit level. The Heads of Government should assess the situation and give ASEAN fresh purpose and direction as it confronts the challenges of the 1980s and beyond. 37

Reyes proposed that the summit meeting be convened in August

1981 "to coincide with ASEAN's fourteenth anniversary, with

the new ASEAN headquarters in Jakarta as the venue in case

there should be any impediment to holding the meeting in some

other ASEAN capita1.·· 38 He knew that, as a rule, it should

have been Manila's turn as the site for the third ASEAN Summit

at that time, but one could think that it would not be

appealing to suggest the Phi 1 ippine capital, as President

Marcos had, by then, begun to lose his credibility, apart from

other factors.

The memorandum was in effect dismissed as out of order-on

the ground that the Secretary General had no authority to make

suggestions about summit meeting, which were the exc 1 us i ve

prerogative of the Heads of Government. It was never·

discussed, nor was it formally considered. It was simply

shelved. Reyes found this procedure more disturbing than if

the memorandum itself had been formally considered, and

rejected, on its merits. He stated that "the Heads of

Government were regarded as ceremonial figures in ivory towers

who should not be bothered to come down to earth except to

sign agreements ready-made at subordinate levels. "39

The Third ASEAN Summit Meeting was held in Manila on 14-

37 Narciso (Manila,

G. Reyes, .. A SEAN's Ach i 11 es Hee 1 " , 1983), vol. 4, pp. 12-13.

38 Ibid. p. 13

39 Ibid. p. 13

50

i n !...F_,S'-"I=--.!..R'-='e~c~o~r=d

Page 25: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

15 December 1987. It was characterized by less intensity of

protocol and ceremonial programme, partly due. to safety

The reasons, resulting

roles played by

from the

the Heads

possibility of sabotage.

of Government had given the

impression that their gathering were more of symbolic nature

than playing decisive role in giving more weight in ASEAN

regional cooperation, in a more direct way. In any case, the

convening of AHGM had been given due importance as a sort of

yardstick to show how strong the ASEAN cohesiveness was. At

the end of the summitry, the Meeting of ASEAN Heads of

Government (AHGM) was not institutionalised. On Machinery for

ASEAN Cooperation the AHGM stated briefly that they "agreed to

meet every three to five years, if necessary. To enhance

coordination, a Joint Ministerial Meeting (JMM) of Foreign and

Economic Ministers may be held, as and when necessary. They

were of the view that the ASEAN organizational structure

should be continually improved with the view to enhancing its

effectiveness. "40

The 1967 Bangkok Declaration had assigned the AMI'l with

responsibility for all (political, economic, socio-c~ltural)

intra-ASEAN cooperation but, with the institu~ion of the AEMM

after the 1976 Bali Summit, the AMi·!' s competence was

~ssentially restricted to the polit:cal, diplomatic and socio-

cultural fields. The t..MM, however, retained the

responsibility to formulate guidelines and coordinate all

ASEAN activitic2. The AMM also remained the primary

institution t0r the conduct of the Association's external

rela!:ions.

The Declaration of ASEAN Concord, signed in the 1976 Bali

Summit, stipulated:

JQCited from Point 22 of "Manila Declaration of 1987", in ASEAN Documents Series 1967-1988, n. 1, p. 56.

51

Page 26: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

Ministerial meeting on economic matters shall be held regularly or as-deemed necessary in order to : (i) formulate recommendations ... for the strengthening of ASEAN economic co-operation; (ii) review the co-ordination and implementation of agreed ASEAN programmes and projects on economic co-operation; (iii) exchange views and consult on national development plans and policies as a step towards harmonizing regional development; and (iv) perform such other relevat functions as agreed upon by the member Governments. 41

Although the Bali Summit institutionalised the AEMM and

made it part of ASEAN's formal structure, there was no

guarantee that decisions by the AEMM could not be amended by

the AMM. The ASEAN Foreign Ministers ·retained the right to

negotiate all international agreements and a kind of veto

power over all commercial agreements, although the individual

economic minister had the right to report directly to the

executive Head of Government. The 1987 Manila Summit tried.to

overcome the shortcoming by formulating that enhanced

coordination of a Joint Ministerial Meeting might be held ··as

and when necessary." Whether, in future, a kind of rivalry

between AMM and AEMM would still exist remained to be seen.

To head the ASE.A.N Secretariat in Jakarta, the ASEAN

Foreign Ministers appointed H.R. Dharsono of Indonesia, as the

First Secretary-General. He was supposed to hold office for

a term of two years, after which the office would rotate to

the next ASEAN country in alphabetical order. The appointment

of the first Secretary-General, however, was not so smooth as

it looked. As it has been mentioned earlier in this Chapter,

the Philippines withdrew its offer to be the site of the

Secretariat, although it had

tendered 1 and 'f renting Man i 1 a Bay' , construction costs and operating expenses for two years. Only

l ~ 'ASEAN Documents Series, n. 1, pp. 36-41.

52

Page 27: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

the per son a 1 intervention of President Soehar to, with an in~irect assurance of support for the Philippines to be first in assuming the Secretary­General's post (later over-ruled by the other countries which insisted upon an alphabetical sequence) could avoid an embarrassing stalemate. Foreign Minister Romulo confessed 'sensing the strength of their feelings' and withdrew the offer, but the Philippine's -enthusiasm for the organizat

4i2on has never been the same since this

incident.

In January 1978, the Indonesian Secretary-General of the ASEAN

Secretariat, H.R. Dharsono, was asked by the Indonesian

Government to quit his post because of his public criticism on

some issues of domestic po 1 icy. The other A SEAN partners

quietly but strongly objected to the step as damaging to the

image of A SEAN. But Indonesia persisted. 43 The Chairman

of the ASEAN Standing Committee, Thai Foreign Minister Upadit

Pachar i yangkun was induced to write to Dhar so no, requesting "a

transfer of the position at the earliest convenience." In the

meantime Indonesian Foreign Minister, Mochtar Kusumaatmadja,

tra';elled to all the other ASEAN capitals seeking informal

consent for the removal. Despite deep apprehension, the

other four member countries of ASEAN agreed on strictly legal

grounds. According to Article 3 of the Agreement on the

Establishment of the ASEAN Secretariat, the Secretary-General

"shall be appointed by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers upon

nomination by a Contracting Party on a rotational basis in

alphabetical order. The tenure of office shall be two ,.

)''ears.~~~" Rotation was by country, not by individual.

Consequently, Dharsono resigned on 18 February 1978, and was

succeeded by Ambassador Umarjadi Njotowijono for the

remaining fifteen weeks of Indonesia's term. "The precedence

J2Hans H. Indor f, n. 7, p. 67.

13 Ibid., p.68.

!,! · ASEAN Documents Series, n. 1, p. 165.

53

Page 28: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

of a recall had an inhibiting effect upon the selection and - . .. 45

performance of subsequent secretar1es-general.

The succeeding Secretaries-General of the ASEAN

Secretariat 46 were usually appointed from among the ASEAN

countries' senior diplomats, with the rank of Ambassador, as

in the cases of Datuk Ali bin Abdullah from Malaysia who took

office from 1978 to 1980, followed by Narciso Reyes of the

Phi 1 ippines ( 1980-1982). Singapore did not comply with the

precedence when it cou 1 d not nominate its senior career

diplomat for the post. Eventually, Chan Kai Yau, whose

profession used to be teaching, was approved by the ASEAN

Foreign Ministers to occupy the office from 1982 to 1984. The

next Secretary General, Phan Wannamethee, former Thai

A.mbassador to Britain, was appointed for the position from

1984 to 1986. The two year term for a Secretary-Genera 1 to

perform his duty was considered too short. Hence, with all the

five original members of ASEAN having had their rotational

turn to hold the key-position at the ASEAN Secretariat, the

A SEAN Foreign Ministers at the Eighteenth AMM signed the

Protocol to amend the Agreement on the Establishment of the

ASEAN Secretariat which extended the term of office of the

Secretary General from two to three years. The following year ~·~·'?

they appointed Roderick Yang of Brunei Darussalam as

Secretary-General of the ASEAN Secretariat ··for a period of

three years, effective 16 July 1986. " 47

45 Ibid . , p . 68 .

J5According to Article 2 of the Secretariat Agreement, the Head of the Secretariat shall be known as the Secretary-General of the A SEAN Secretariat. His function and powers did not authorize him to act as the 1 ega 1 representative of the Organization.

J' 1 See point 71 of the Joint Communique of the 18th AMM and point 81 of the Joint Communique of the 19th AMM, in 19th AMM and Post Ministerial Conferences with the Dialogue Partners

54

Page 29: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

Some recommendations for restructuring of the ASEAN

institutions, after the 1976 Bali Summit, were not implemented

as one would expect it. Several overlapping activities ·and

some ambiguities still existed. Take for example, the five

permanent committees, which worked under the coordination of

the Economic Ministers. In practice, the committees could not

submit their reports directly to the Economic Ministers, but

they had to present them to the Standing Committee and the

ASEAN Foreign Ministers, who then channelled the matters to

the Economic Ministers. Even the decisions made by the

Meetings of the ASEAN Economic Ministers, according to the

working procedure, had to be referred to the Annual

Ministerial Meeting for approval by the ASEAN Foreign

Ministers. As a consequence, to some extent, progress was

liable to be slow. Against such shortcomings, the re­

organizational process was still going on.

Up to 1987 there were two decision-making processes which

were applicable within ASEAN, 1) non-formal, and 2) formal.

1. Non-formal decision-making procedure on political

matters, was neither stipulated in the 1967 Bangkok

Declaration nor in the 1976 Bali Declaration. That was

why one could say that political cooperation was not

within the ASEAN organizational structure. If one of the

ASEAN members would like to submit a political proposal,

it could submit it through a Senior Officials Meeting

(SOH). This kind of meeting, usually was attended by the

Directors General for Political Affairs and/or the

Directors General of the National Secretariats of the

member countries or the Secretaries-General of the

Ministries for Foreign Affairs of the individual

countries plus other senior officials. Such proposal

(Jakarta, n.d.), p.52.

55

Page 30: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

could also be channelJed direct to the ASEA~ Minjsteri~l

Meeting, which would then refer it to SOM. SOM could

then discuss the proposal. On this stage, there could be

two possibilities:

a. If the proposal was acceptable to the SOM, the

execution of the agreement could be realized soon.

b. Otherwise, if the SOM could not accept the

proposal, but the proposal was acceptable in

principle, it could be returned to the member

concerned for a reformulation.

2. Formal decision-making procedure, which was applicable to

economic, social, cultural, scientific and technological

and information matters, could be found in the formal

organizational structure of ASEAN. If there was any

propose 1 on one of the subjects, a project proposa 1

should be submitted in the form of a working programme,

together with proposed budget to the committee concerned ..

The Committee then considered the plan. There would be

two possibilities :

a. If the proposal could not be accepted, it would be

returned to the member which proposed it.

b. If the propose 1

submitted to the

cou 1 d be accepted, it

Standing Committee.

would be

At this

stage, there would be other possibilities:

1) If the proposal could not be accepted by the

Standing Committee, it would be returned to

the Committee concerned.

2) If the proposal could be accepted, there would

56

Page 31: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

be an approach to the third party, or to the

dialogue partner(s), which could be expected

to provide the fund for implementing such

project. But if the propose 1 was not

acceptable to the dialogue partner(s), the

proposal would be returned to the Standing

Committee, which would then discuss the

considerations of the dialogue partner(s).

In comparing both the decision-making procedures, one

could say that decision-making process on political matters

was shorter, i.e. through SOM and AMM, whereas decision-making

process for other matters would take longer. This could impose

an impediment to ASEAN cooperation in certain fields.

As ASEAN had expanded to six members, Singapore suggested

that the principle of consensus in decision-making process

should be more flexible. According to Singapore, innovation

was not possible when consensus was based on the lowest common

denominator, therefore, the ASEAN leaders needed to consider

what was called as a "Six minus X" principle. The principle

was, if there was agreement among some members on a certain

activity, and the interests of other members were not harmed

nor was their future participation prevented, then those who

agreed should be allowed to proceed. Dhanabalan, then

Singapore Foreign Minister said:

Given six members of different development levels and interests, progress will be very slow if we insist that we should all move in tandem at all times. Instead of viewing the 'Six minus X' principles as a divisive one, we should try to see it as a way of propelling ASEAN ahead into new heights of cooperation. Members would then have the option of choosing the timing of their own

57

Page 32: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

i nvo 1 vement. 48

In view of the development of cooperation among ASEAN

countries, ranging from trade and industry to the management

of ASEAN's external economic relations, and also the wider

scope of cooperation in socio-cultural fields and those in

science and technology, there was a need to strengthen the

ASEAN institutions so as to ensure that cooperation would not

be hampered by its deficiencies. For instance, the staff of

the A SEAN (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Secretariat comprised only few personnel:

three Bureau Directors; a Foreign Trade and Economic Relations Officer; an Administrative Officer; a Public Information Officer; and an Assistant to the Secretary-Genera 1. 49

One who visited the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta would

immediately get the impression that it lacked technical staff,

let alone research staff. The inefficiency could also be seen

in providing the back-up for various meetings within ASEAN.

This was bound to make it difficult to separate policy-making

from technical preparation.

At the Twenty-eighth Council Meeting of the ASEAN

Chambers of Commerce and Industry (ASEAN-CCI), in Jakarta on

11 Ju 1 y 1986, a proposa 1 \.Jas made to estab 1 ish a Group of

Four teen ( G-14) to study and recommend measures for the

advancement 6f ASEAN economic cooperation and integration.

Each of the six member institutions of the ASEAN-CCI nominated

two prominent personalities from their ranks for the G-14.

Data' Paul Leong Khee Seong of Malaysia and Mohammad Sadli of

Indonesia were chosen to be Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the

~ 8 0pening Statement of Foreign Minister of Singapore S. Dhanabalan at the 19th AMM, in 19th AMM and Post Ministerial Conferences with the Dialogue Partners (Jakarta, n.d.), p. 14.

~ 9ASEAN Documents Series 1967-1988, n. 1, p.166.

58

Page 33: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

Group. The first meeting of G-14 in Kuala Lumpur on 2 December

1986 adopted terms of reference of G-14 as follows:

The Group of Fourteen will explore, study and recommend all possible measures and concrete steps with regard to trade and other areas that can be taken to foster closer economic co-operation and integration in the Asean Community of Nations. Its Report will be submitted to the Asean-CCI for final approval before submission to Asean Governments. The Group of Fourteen wi 11 also help to mobi 1 ise pub 1 i c awareness in the member countries on the cha l 1 enges that 1 i e ahead, the need to move Asean forward, and the various means for achieving this object i ve . 50

As part of its public awareness programme and in order to

generate widest possible debate in the ASEAN Community, they

organised the First ASEAN Economic Congress, held in Kuala

Lumpur, on 13-22 March 1987. There were 400 participants from

ASEAN states and from the EEC, EFTA, Japan, Australia, New

Zealand, the United States and other countries. The G-14 was

in existence until the end of the Third ASEAN Summit. Its

report was handed to ASEAN-CCI in Bangkok on 3 July 1987, for

onward transmission to the ASEAN Governments.

On strengthening the ASEAN Institutions, it was stated

that the Group was sensitive to the fact that ASEAN have been

an inter-governmental regional organization without a

supranational objective. They however made a distinction

between supranationalism and effective inter-governmental

central institutions. The absence of the latter made a higher

level of economic co-operation extremely difficult. With

those considerations in mind, they proposed changes in seven

parts of the ASEAN machinery, viz, "Asean summitry,

Ministerial-level meetings, the principal 'working'

institutions, the Asean Secretariat and National Secretariats,

50 ASEAN-CCI, ASEAN-The Way Forward (Kuala Lumpur, 1987), p. vi.

59

Page 34: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

principles of decision-making, Government-private sector

relationship and dispute resolution. ·· 51 Other proposals

included:

~ 1

1. The Asean Heads of Government Meeting should be held on an annual basis so that the leaders, as a collective, can play a more direct and effective role in fostering economic co-operation by providing the necessary political commitment and direction, and overseeing the process of implementation.

2. The Asean Economic Ministers Meeting should be made responsible only for trade, industry and investmel")t and accordingly it should be re­designated the Asean Trade and Industry Ministers Meeting. The meetings of the Asean Ministers of Finance, Agriculture, Minerals and Energy, Primary Commodities, Transport and Tourism and Education should be institutionalised to oversee co-operation in their respective sectors.

3. The responsibilities of the Asean Foreign Ministers should now be converged on the onerous task of developing Asean's political, diplomatic and socio-cultural relations to pave the way for furthering comprehensive co­operation.

4. The Standing Committee should be reconstituted and its terms of reference redefined so that it becomes a continuously functioning institution with the necessary standing and authority to manage Asean's business.

5. The Permanent Commit tees shou 1 d be strengthened by providing them with full-time technical and administrative staff.

6. The scope and respons i b i 1 it i es of the following four existing Permanent Committees should be restructured and re-designated in line with the proposed Ministerial Meetings and programmes

a. Committee on Trade and Tour ism as the Committee on Trade, Industr-y and

·'Ibid. p. 71 .

60

Page 35: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

Investment;

b. Committee on Minerals and Energy [remained to be] the Committee on Minerals and Energy;

c. Committee on Finance and Banking as the Comm1ttee on Finance; and

d. Committee on Communications as Transport, Communications.

Transport and the Committee on

Tourism and

7. The Secretary-General should be given a status just below that of the ASEAN Ministers but above that of all other bureaucrats participating in the Asean process. In line with his position, the Asean Secretariat should be strengthened to allow it to play a more effective role in Asean co-operation ... 52

According to Rusli Noor, Secretary-General of the ASEAN

Secretariat53 , to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of

the Organizational Structure of ASEAN, it would be ideal if

every member country would appoint a minister, whose primary.

responsibility would be to deal with internal coordination for

other activities related to the ASEAN cooperation. The

minister would then be in a better position to coordinate

various ministries concerned in his own country. So far, the

Directors General for the ASEAN National Secretariat were in

charge of coordinating such activities. Unfortunately, when

the Director General invited for meetings to the Ministries

concerned, the latter would only assign officials with the

rank of Directors, or even would delegate it to their

subordinates. Thus one could not expect that the results of

such meetings wou 1 d have enough weight. In addition, each

52Ibid. pp. 72-77.

-~ ""In an interview in April 1991 he disclosed his personal observation.

61

Page 36: CHAPTER II ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF …shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/30649/7/07...Hans H. Indorf, one of the nine political scientists, who examined the political factors

member country cou 1 d assign an ambassador attached to the

ASEAN Secretariat. The Secretary Gene~a1 of the ASEAN

Seer etar i at and the ace red i ted ambassadors cou 1 d then be

expected to prepare various ASEAN meetings better and quicker.

62