chapter – 9 impact on places of cultural ... assessment of cumulative impact of hydropower...

AHEC/2011: Assessment of Cumulative Impact of Hydropower Projects in Alaknanda and Bhagirathi Basins

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CHAPTER – 9

IMPACT ON PLACES OF CULTURAL & RELIGIOUS IMPORTANCE 9.1 OBJECTIVE

This chapter, as per the Terms of Reference (ToR), is restricted to a study of the cumulative impact of hydropower projects in the Bhagirathi and Alaknanda valleys i.e., till the confluence of the two rivers at Dev Prayag. Beyond Dev Prayag the river is known as the Ganga. Thus some major places of religious and cultural importance on the Ganga viz., Rishikesh, Hardwar, Allahabad (Prayag) and Varanasi are beyond the scope of the study. Secondly, though the ToR refers only to the impact on “places of religious and cultural importance”, we have widened the scope somewhat to include a discussion of the religious faith and beliefs, especially with reference to the Ganga and its main tributaries, of the people in general and more specifically of those living in and around places of religious and cultural importance and in the vicinity of hydropower projects.

In many cases in India, religion and culture are highly inter-twined and it is difficult to state whether a particular activity falls in the religious or cultural domain. The activities in which the river and/or its water plays a central role include taking a dip in the river (bathing) on auspicious days, shaving the head of an infant (mundan), cremation, shraddha ceremony etc. Flowing water, which is considered pure, is a pre-requisite for these rituals; some minimum depth of water (say about 3 ft) is required for bathing.

A hydropower project may impact the places of religious and culture importance in two ways: it may submerge a place considered auspicious for various rituals, or diversion of water upstream of such a place may render the available quantity inadequate to perform the rituals. However, it is possible to mitigate most of the undesirable impacts on the places of religious and culture importance through appropriate interventions.

There is little doubt that the river Ganga has a special place in the Hindu psyche. The popular myth about the descent of the river underlines the central role of a venerated sage (Bhagirath) and an important God worshipped by millions of Hindus throughout the length and breadth of the country (Shiva). Ganga is also considered a consort, along with Parvati, of Shiva. While the entire river is considered sacred by the Hindus, its upper reaches lying in the Uttarakhand Himalayas have a special significance. This area is also known as “Dev Bhoomi” or “abode of the Gods”.

While there is a long history of religious pilgrimage in these basins, in the last decade or so these areas have also acquired a name for non-religious tourism based around water and other adventure sports, trekking, and nature tourism or eco- tourism as well. Fuelled by increasing prosperity and car ownership, improving infrastructure, and a taste for adventure, the new form of tourism has increased the pace of change in these river basins. Accordingly, though this study will inevitably be concerned mainly with the historical cultural and religious practices in the area, it will also briefly consider the impact on other activities such as tourism.


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9.2 METHODOLOGY ADOPTED 9.2.1 Approach

Unlike a scientific analysis, which is more amenable to a ‘cause and effect’

analysis, evaluating the sources of cultural and social change is much more complex since a number of factors are involved. Some may be empirical and objective, and others may be rooted in beliefs, myths and inherited value-systems and therefore highly subjective, but are no less real or important for those who live their lives by them. Therefore, the impact of any activity on cultural and social landscape cannot be stated in ‘black and white’ as an objective or verifiable phenomenon. The approach of this study, therefore, is not to present a particular point of view, but rather to capture the various perspectives of those who are the religious and other stakeholders and whose life, practices and beliefs are impacted by the existing and proposed hydropower projects. This perspective is necessary to capture the overarching impact of these projects on “things that are of religious and cultural importance”.

In order to evaluate the impact of hydropower projects on places of religious and cultural importance, it is necessary to understand the significance of the Ganga to Hindus in terms of the “lived religion” as distinguished from the philosophical and spiritual realm of religion. This would include the place/role of the Ganga in daily rituals and practices, life cycle rituals, and the importance attached to particular places as pilgrimage centres. For the purposes of this chapter we are concerned with pilgrimage centres in the Alaknanda and Bhagirathi till Devprayag.

As Hinduism is not a monolithic or purely text-based religion, it is inappropriate to attempt to reduce it to certain ‘core’ principles and practices that enable easy interpretation and analysis. As such this chapter will not seek to ‘test’ the impact of hydropower projects against an agreed single version of Hinduism. Rather, it will seek to represent the various perspectives of groups of Hindus, and for each perspective it will evaluate the impact of the hydropower projects against their own viewpoint. Moreover it is not always possible to separate religious from cultural practices. Many Hindus who may not necessarily perform daily religious rituals and practices also observe occasional festivals of a religious nature as part of the culture. On the other hand, many festivals, though religious in origin, are predominately cultural events where large sections of the population participate .

The question of ‘impact on places of religious and cultural importance’ can be framed in a number of ways. In approaching this study, the frame of analysis has focused on three particular areas: 1. The Ganga as a Goddess and Aviral Dhara: Many Hindus consider the river

itself as a Goddess. For these people the question of the impact of hydropower projects on places of religious or cultural significance might be considered a ‘misguided’ question since the entire river is sacred. People may hold such views


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without ever having visited the Ganga. The key stakeholders in relation to this perspective would be religious leaders and scholars (whether living near the Ganga or otherwise). The concept of uninterrupted flow and unaltered course of the two rivers is a prime concern of the religious community and organizations/bodies like the Ganga Sabha, heads, members and followers of maths and religious institutions located in places outside Uttarakhand like Hardwar, and some environmentalists, academics and activists. Within this stakeholder group too there were voices (such as, for example, the Mahant of Vishwanath Temple in Uttarkashi) that seemed comfortable with the idea of hydropower projects. Their support was couched in terms of development of the area and economic well-being of the local people.

2. The Importance of Particular Sites Along the River, for Example the Panch

Prayag: Key stakeholders in relation to this perspective include: those living at these sites, and those who might travel on religious pilgrimage to such sites. A divide is to be seen in the views of ‘outsider’ and ‘insider’ stakeholders. Outsiders are people who come to the region as tourists, whether religious or otherwise, while ‘insiders’ are people living in the area. Outsiders were, by and large, opposed to the construction of power projects in the region. Their opposition, in addition to being based on religious grounds and matters of faith, was also expressed in terms of the adverse effect of such projects on the ‘pristine’ nature of the area, the downstream effect of such projects on the Gangetic plain, to which many of them belonged, and the long term effect of such development on seismic stability and climate. For the ‘insiders’, on the other hand, supporting or opposing hydropower projects is not a simple matter of choosing ‘one or the other’. Given the fact that the local people are keen on development of the region and employment opportunities generated as a consequence, they welcome development projects. At the same time, when pressed they underlined the need to have enough water in the river to maintain its natural course, allow people to perform lifecycle rituals, especially cremation, and be generally designed in a manner that does not threaten the existence of places of religious and cultural importance such as prayags and ghats.

3. The Cultural and Religious Importance of the Rivers for Those who Live

Along Their Banks: Cultural and religious significance and practices are not only limited to what outsiders or religious texts might consider important. Particular sites and practices of people at the local level should be captured as well. Key stakeholders would be those living in villages along the banks of the rivers. These people are divided on the issue. Their attitude to projects depends on whether their village has been declared a ‘project affected’ village or not. Those that are declared project affected are more likely to be supportive of projects than those that are not. .Villages adversely affected by any project related development (many villages which were earlier on road head have now become isolated) are far more vocal in their opposition to hydropower projects. The size of a project and the stage of its construction also have a bearing on the attitude of the locals. Small projects are opposed to a lesser degree than large projects. The opposition


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to projects seems to intensify at the early stages while negotiations for concessions are on and then towards later stages when it is felt, justly or unjustly, that the project company has not kept its promise or concealed facts.

9.2.2 Ganga as Goddess and Aviral Dhara

When approaching the question of ‘impact on places of cultural and religious

importance’ it is easy to miss the wood for the trees.1 There are indeed places that are of particular significance along the Ganga, however, it is important to recognise that the river itself is considered by many to be sacred.

The popular myth about the ‘descent of the Ganga’ attributes its origin to the hard penance (tapasya) undertaken by sage Bhagirath, which ultimately pleased the Gods and bore fruit in the form of the descent of the river. However, the primeval force of the river would have caused havoc had it not first been tamed by Lord Shiva who took it in his matted tresses before allowing it to fall to the earth. What is significant about this ‘creation myth’ is the central role of a venerated sage (rishi) and an important God (Shiva) who forms a part of the Great Hindu Trinity in the form of the destroyer so essential to keep the cycle of creation and destruction going in the universe. According to another tradition, Ganga is considered a consort, along with Parvati, of Shiva.2

1 For example the cumulative impact assessment report commissioned by the World Bank on large-scale hydropower on the Alaknanda River does not mention in any detail the concept of Aviral Dhara (uninterrupted flow of the Ganga) see: Mott MacDonald (2009) “Large-Scale Hydropower on the Alaknanda River – Cumulative Impact Assessment”, Final Report dated 9 October 2009.

2 There seem to be more than one version of the myth. The central myth of the Ganges is the story of her descent (avatāra, avatarana) from heaven to earth, a story narrated with variations in several texts (Rāmāyana, "Bāla Kānḍa" 38–44; Mahābhārata 3.104–108; Skanda Purāna, "Kāśī Khanḍa" 30). In response to the great and steadfast penance of King Bhagīratha, the sky-river Ganges agreed to descend to earth in order to purify the ashes of the sixty thousand sons of Bhagīratha's ancestor Sagara, who had been burned by the wrath of a sage (Kapila) whom they had offended. The great ascetic god Śiva caught the falling stream in his matted hair in order to soften the blow on earth; the Ganges followed Bhagīratha to the sea, whence she flowed into the netherworld to fulfill her mission. This myth explains several of the Ganges's names, including Bhāgīrathī ("she who descended at Bhagīratha's request") and Tripathagāminī ("she who flows through the three worlds").

In the Vaiṣnava version of the descent myth, the Ganges is said to have descended when Viṣnu, as Trivikrama who measured heaven and earth, pierced the vault of heaven with his upraised foot. The association of the river with both great gods of Hinduism points to the universality of the Ganges in Hinduism. In minor myths the river is portrayed as the mother of the Mahābhārata hero Bhīṣma and the mother of Skanda-Kārttikeya, who was born from Śiva's seed flung into the Ganges.

The Ganges' most sustained association is with the god Śiva himself. Not only does she flow through his hair, she is considered to be his wife, along with Pārvatī, the other daughter of the god of the Himalaya, Himavat. As powerful river and goddess-consort, the Ganges is śakti, the feminine energy of the universe, and the female aspect of the androgynous Śiva. Like Śiva and the ambrosial moon on his head, the Ganges—whose life-sustaining ambrosial waters flow from the realm of the moon—is connected with both life and death.” http://www.bookrags.com/research/ganges-river-eorl-05/

A fuller version of the myth can be found in Steven G. Darian, The Ganges in Myth and History (New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 2001)


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As mentioned previously, there are differences of opinion on how this religious significance is expressed, and how such religious sentiments are to be respected.3 For those who consider the river itself to be sacred three key issues emerge which have a bearing on the development of hydropower projects in the Bhagirathi and Alaknanda basins. These are:

(i) Aviral Dhara or ‘uninterrupted flow’ of the Ganga; (ii) Diversion of river from its course and leaving large stretches with little water or

dry; and (iii) Effect of hydropower projects on the purificatory quality of the water.

Ganga as Goddess

The concepts of Ganga as Goddess and of Aviral Dhara, or the uninterrupted flow

of the river, are closely related. The argument goes that as Ganga is a Goddess, her flow should not be interfered with by any man-made structures such as dams and barrages, nor she should she be forced through tunnels, rendering the main river bed dry for even a short stretch. The argument is generally advanced in terms of the faith that countless Hindus have in the divine nature of the Ganga. As against this it may be pointed out that in Uttarakhand, Gharats (water mills) with small diversion channels taking water from the main channel have been functioning since time immortal on different rivers and streams including tributaries of Alaknanda and Bhagirathi rivers. For setting up a Gharat water is diverted in a canal and flows through a turbine like system. This is similar to a mini power plant. This intervention in the river is now part of the tradition. Nobody argues that it diminishes the water quality or has any adverse religious impact.

There is also an ecological interpretation of the myth in which Shiva’s matted tresses are supposed to represent forests. See Vandana Shiva, “Save the Ganga”, The Asian Age (December 13, 2010). Shiva quotes the Himalayan ecologist H. C. Reiger .who says “In the scriptures a realisation is there that if all the waters which descend upon the mountain were to beat down upon the naked earth (it) would never bear the torrents (sic.)... In Shiva’s hair we have a very well known physical device which breaks the force of the water coming down...” The myth can also be interpreted scientifically. The notion of the descent of the Ganga from the heavens is another way of saying that the source of water is rain and snow falling from the sky, the numerous trees and dams are the locks of Lord Shiva and the river flows through them to the dry plains. When people (or the sons of king Sagar) drink the river water or eat the food grown using this water, they get life energy or ‘their souls are liberated’. 3 According to one widely held belief among Hindus, Ganga is not the only holy river. According to the popular version “The Vedic Aryans celebrated the Indus, not the Ganges, and her tributaries as their "seven sacred rivers." Hence a shloka, which every Hindu is expected to chant while bathing, mentions these seven rivers: Gange cha Yamune chaiva Godavari Saraswathi, Narmade Sindhu Kaveri Jale asmin sannidhim kuru. It is in the epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyana (roughly fourth century BCE), which reflect Aryan settlement in the Ganges Plain, that the Ganges takes her place at the head of seven holy rivers that are now geographically spread over all of India. The principal myths of the Ganges are found in the epics and the Purānas (mythological texts that include the lore of sacred places), and in Sanskrit hymns of praise such as the Gāngālaharī (The waves of the Ganges) by the seventeenth-century poet Jagannātha.


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It is claimed that whenever attempts have been made to tie the Ganga down, such attempts have met with divine punishment. For instance some people. using an example from the Mahabharata, claim that because Bhishma as the young prince Devvrat tied down the Ganga with a wall of arrows, he paid for this act by ending his life on the battlefield of Kurukshetra on a bed of arrows. Related to the first issue is that of the diversion of the Ganga through tunnels or other channels. Those who consider the Ganga a Goddess also consider her course to be divine. To alter this course, according to them, amounts to interfering with the divinity of the Ganga.

Many Hindus also believe that the water of the Ganga has purifying qualities. As a result the Ganga is variously referred to as life-giver (Jeevan Dayani), destroyer of sins (Pap Nashini) or salvation-giver (Moksha Dayani). For a devout Hindu a dip in the Ganga is a supremely holy experience. Apart from the general Hindu belief that a dip in the river purifies the soul by washing away accumulated sins, the water of the Ganga is believed to have unique spiritual and curative properties proved by the fact that it can be preserved almost indefinitely without any deterioration. The purifying quality of the river is attributed by some people to the ‘unique mineral composition of the water of the Ganga’. In their view damming of Ganga water, routing it through man-made tunnels and ‘assaulting it’ with turbines, destroys the purifying quality of the water. The opposition to the river flowing through a tunnel for short distances does not appear to have a logical basis, given the fact that the Ganga originates in a cave.

The importance of the uninterrupted flow of the Ganga and the need to preserve its purity was emphasized time and again in the stakeholder meeting with religious leaders in Haridwar held in September 2010. The noted ecologist Vandana Shiva, has also, in a recent article4 referred to the river as Mother Ganga or “Ganga Ma” calling it India’s ecological, economic, cultural and spiritual lifeline. She further argues that the “movement to Save the Ganga and its “nirmal (clean)” and “aviral (uninterrupted)” flow is not just a movement to save a river. It is a movement to save India’s troubled soul that is polluted and stifled by crass consumerism and greed, disconnected from its ecological and cultural foundations.”

It would be relevant to mention here that a study on “Self-Purification Capacity of

River Bhagirathi: Impact of Tehri Dam” conducted by NEERI for the THDC in 2004 concluded that “the uniqueness of river Bhagirathi/Ganga lies in the sediment content which is comparatively more radioactive compared other river and lake water sediments investigated, and can release Cu and Cr which have bactericidal property and can harbor and cause proliferation (under static condition) of coliphages which reduce and ultimately eliminate coliforms from the overlying water column.” The study therefore concluded that the “Tehri dam is not likely (to) affect the quality of self-preservation quality of river Bhagirathi/Ganga as it mimics a static container which is conducive for conditions responsible for maintaining water quality.” Based on the conclusion of this study it may be claimed that the self-purificatory quality of the Bhagirathi or Alaknanda is not likely to be adversely affected by any reservoir or tunnel through which the water of the river is made to pass.

4 See: “Save the Ganga” The Asian Age (December 13, 2010).


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9.2.3 The importance of particular sites along the Bhagirathi and Alaknanda Rivers

The basins of Bhagirathi and Alaknanda are of immense religious and cultural importance to Hindus and Sikhs5. There are sites venerated by Hindus along both the rivers and also away from the rivers. Among the sites of cultural and religious significance along the two rivers are Gaumukh, Gangotri, Uttarkashi, and Tehri6 in the Bhagirathi basin, and Badrinath, Vishnuprayag, Nandaprayag, Karnaprayag, Rudraprayag and Srinagar in the Alaknanda basin7.

Fig. 9.1 Confluence of Alaknanda and Dhauli Ganga at Vishnuprayag (Photograph taken on January 23, 2011)

Fig. 9.2 Panch Prayag– Five Holy Confluences8

5 Hemkund Sahib in Alaknanda Basin 6 Now submerged by the Tehri reservoir 7 Joshimath, an important town is above the river on a slope 8 Description taken from Mott MacDonald (2009) “Large-Scale Hydropower on the Alaknanda River – Cumulative Impact Assessment”, Final Report dated 9 October 2009, page 7-2

Devprayag – is famous for the confluence of two holy rivers, the Bhagirathi and Alaknanda. Here the two rivers meet to form the holy river Ganga. It is believed that Lord Rama came here for penance after having killed Ravana. The temple of Raghunath, houses a tall image of Lord Rama made of black granite. The Ram Temple is known as Raghunath temple. Srinagar, the earlier capital of Tehri Garhwal is approximately 30 km away. This is the first Prayag on the way to Badrinath.

Rudraprayag – is where the Alaknanda and Mandakini rivers meet. It is said that Lord Shiva performed his famous Tandav Nritya and played his Rudra-Veena here. With his Raga-Raganees he compelled Lord Vishnu to appear in front of him and with music of his veena, he turned Lord Vishnu to water. Rudraprayag is named after Lord Shiva (Rudra).

Karnaprayag – is at the confluence of the Alaknanda and Pindar Rivers. It is said that Karna of Mahabharata meditated here for many years to acquire the impregnable shield, which made him a formidable warrior in the battlefield. Swami Vivekananda meditated here for eighteen days with his Guru Bhai, Guru Turianand ji and Akharanand ji.

Nandprayag – is where the Alaknanda and Nandakani rivers meet and is a major tourist stopover point. Nandprayag honours the pious and truthful King Nanda, who performed a 'Yagya' and gave donations to the brahmins to win the love and blessings of God. It is home to the famous Gopalji temple.

Vishnuprayag – is the holy confluence of Alaknanda and Dhauliganga rivers. In mythology, this is the place where the divine Narad had meditated and received the blessings of Lord Vishnu.


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In the Bhagirathi basin, one important Prayag, the Ganesh Prayag which was the

confluence of the Bhagirathi and Bhilangana rivers is now submerged by the Tehri reservoir. As it was the site of Ganesh Prayag it also had important temples such as Badrinath temple, Atteshwar Mahadev in the middle of the Bhagirathi River and Sateshwar Mahadev. The Badrinath Temple could not be removed and was submerged by the Tehri reservoir, nor could Atteshwar Mahadev – especially sacred to the people of Atoor Patti.

The Bhagirathi basin has two of the most venerated sites of Hinduism, namely Gaumukh and Gangotri. Similarly, the Alaknada basin also has two highly venerated sites namely, Badrinath and Kedarnath. Badrinath, Kedarnath and Gangotri along with Yamunotri in the Yamuna basin constitute the Char Dham.

Fig. 9.3 Char Dham

The Alaknanda basin is also home to Hemkund Sahib, a sacred site for Sikhs.

Hemkund, as the name suggests, is a high-altitude lake (4329 m) surrounded by seven snow-covered mountains, which are collectively called Hemkund Parvat. Close to the lake is a sacred Gurudwara that is a pilgrimage centre. It is said that Shri Guru Govind Singh (the Tenth Guru of the Sikhs) meditated on the banks of this lake. The lake is the source of the Laxman Ganga (alternatively called Hem Ganga) stream that merges with the Pushpawati stream flowing from the Valley of Flowers, at Ghangaria. From this point on, the river is called Laxman Ganga.9

While it is futile to construct a hierarchy of religious and cultural sites, most such

sites in the two basins are transit points en route to the Char Dham and Hemkund Sahib. For instance, the Panch Prayag are important religious places being the confluence of rivers which are considered sacred by the Hindus. Though these places occupy a significant place in the cultural and mythological lore of Hinduism, they do not attract

9 Source: Garhwal Mandal Vikas Nigam

Badrinath – Located on the Alaknanda River, Badrinath is an important temple to Lord Vishnu. The temple dates back to the vedic times. Situated at an altitude of 3,133 m., the present temple is believed to have been built by Adi Guru Shankaracharya- an 8th century philosopher-saint, who also established a 'math' here. Also known as 'Vishal Badri', Badrinath is one of the Panch Badris

Kedarnath - Is one of the holiest Hindu temples dedicated to Lord Shiva. Here Lord Shiva is worshipped as Kedarnath, the 'Lord of Kedar Khand', the historical name of the region. The temple is one of the twelve Jyotirlingas, the holiest Hindu shrines of Shiva. The older temple existed from the times of Mahabharata, when the Pandavas are supposed to have pleased Shiva by doing penance in Kedarnath.

Gangotri – Gangotri, located on the Bhagirathi river is believed to be the place where the Ganga descended to the earth. According to another legend the Pandavas performed the great 'Deva Yagna' here to atone the deaths of their kinsmen in the epic battle of Mahabharata.

Yamunotri – The sacred site of Yamunotri is the source of the river Yamuna. Two hot springs are also present at Yamunotri, Surya Kund, has boiling hot water, while Gauri Kund, had tepid water suitable for bathing. A unique aspect of ritual practice at this site is that raw rice is cooked in the hot springs as an offering to the Goddess.


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pilgrims independently. They are, nevertheless, important and preferred spots for life cycle rituals, especially cremation, among local people. All towns of religious and cultural significance along the two rivers have also grown in importance as market centres for neighbouring villages. Thus they perform more than one function.

9.2.4 The cultural and religious importance of the rivers for those who live along their banks

In addition to the religious importance of the rivers themselves and of particular

places in the basins, in keeping with the traditions of popular Hinduism, the rivers have their own importance in the local customs and life cycle rituals. The banks of the rivers are the preferred sites for burning ghats and temples of local deities. The water from these rivers is offered to the deities while the ashes of the dead are immersed in the rivers.

The banks of the rivers are also sites of fairs and festivals like the famous Magh Mela of Uttarkashi held on Makar Sankranti (known locally as Uttarayani). Similarly, the Pandav Lila in Alaknanda basin recreates the experiences of the Pandavas of the Mahabharata during their travels in the Alaknanda and Mandakini valleys.

9.2.5 Data Collection

The data for the study is qualitative, and not quantitative, in nature. This study captures the perceptions of people, using qualitative techniques of data collection based primarily on key informant interviews. It does not rely on large-scale surveys, either random or purposive, to generate summary and inferential statistics. In other words, the study methodology and approach aim to capture the spectrum of opinion across a broad range of stake holders. Accordingly, key informant interviews were conducted with members of the religious community, business community, academic community, political groupings, staff of power companies and the residents of towns and villages in the basins. However, it should be borne in mind that this study did not aim to be either an opinion poll or a public hearing. To that extent it was guided by quality of information rather than its quantity.

This study has relied on judgment and convenience sampling. While towns of

religious and cultural significance present themselves for automatic selection, the study methodology also interviewed respondents from the villages affected by selected existing projects. At each site and for each stakeholder group, attempts were made to interview influential members of the community and those who agreed to express their views on the issue of the impact of hydropower projects. In addition to this, there was also a detailed interaction at Hardwar with members of the Ganga Sabha on September 13, 2010.

9.2.6 Sites for Data Collection

The selection of sites for fieldwork was guided by the need to examine both religious places and the areas around existing and under-construction projects.


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Accordingly, the focal point for the study in the Bhagirathi basin was Uttarkashi, while in the Alaknanda basin it was Joshimath.

Uttarkashi and Joshimath are located near large commissioned projects, and also have large under-construction hydropower projects in their vicinity. These are towns of religious and cultural significance in their own right, and also important transit points on pilgrimage routes to Char Dham. In addition to these two major towns and large projects in their vicinity, the study also looked at smaller projects on the tributaries of the two trunk rivers and smaller towns and villages close to such projects.

In each basin this study examined at least three commissioned projects and one under construction hydropower project. The commissioned projects were of varying sizes, while the under construction projects were both large. Projects of different sizes – small, medium and large – were selected to see if the impact on places of religious and cultural importance has any relationship to size. That is to say does the impact vary with size or is it neutral to size. In the Bhagirathi basin the projects selected were: (i) Maneri Bhali, Phase I (90MW) – Commissioned (ii) Tehri, Phase I (1000MW) - Commissioned (iii) Bhilangana, Phase I (23MW) - Commissioned (iv) Lohari Nagpala (600MW) – Under-Construction (construction now stopped)

Three of these projects, namely, Maneri Bhali I, Bhilangana I and Loharinag Pala

are “run of the river” projects, while Tehri I is a “storage-based” project with a large dam and reservoir.

In the Alaknanda Basin the projects selected were: (i) Vishnuprayag I (400MW) - Commissioned (ii) Vanala (15MW) - Commissioned (iii) Rajwakti (3.6MW) - Commissioned (iv) Urgam Power (3MW) - Commissioned (v) Tapovan-Vishnugad (520MW) – Under Construction All the projects selected in the Alaknanda basin are ‘run of the river’ projects.

In addition to interviewing people from villages and towns around the selected project site, the study also interviewed people living at places of religious importance including: Nandprayag, Karnaprayag, Rudrapryag, Srinagar, and Devprayag, in the Alaknanda basin;10 and New Tehri, Ghansali and Vriddha Kedar in the Bhagirathi basin. At such places various stakeholders were interviewed using techniques of qualitative data collection.

10 Vishnuprayag does not have any settlement or population.


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9.3 DATA USED

As mentioned earlier, this study relied on primary and secondary sources of information. Primary data was collected with the help of key informant interviews with various stakeholders during the fieldwork. A list of people interviewed and secondary sources is listed in part 9.8. Secondary sources used are given in the references

9.4 ANALYSIS 9.4.1 The Ganga as Goddess and Aviral Dhara

For those who believe that the Ganga is a Goddess whose flow must not be

interrupted, the cumulative impact of hydropower projects on the river is immense. The degree to which the flow is interrupted or diverted from its natural course is evident when we consider the example of the Maneri Bhali I Project.

Water from the Bhagirathi for the 90 MW power station is conveyed by a 8.5 km.

long tunnel which starts from the barrage on the Bhagirathi river at Maneri and ends at Tiloth, where the power station is located. The 11 km stretch of river between Maneri and Tiloth is practically dry between October and March. The water availability improves between April and October. The drying of this stretch of the river is on account of the diversion of the Bhagirathi water into the tunnel of Maneri Bhali I. As the mouth of the tunnel, beneath the Tiloth Power Station, is in Uttarkashi town, the stretch of river between Tiloth and Maneri Bhali II in Joshiada, 2 km downstream from Tiloth Power Station, has a much better availability of water. At Joshiada the river enters the 19 km. long tunnel of Maneri Bhali II. As a result, the natural course of the river downstream is reduced to a trickle, only supplemented by the waters of minor streams that join the main channel of the river. As the drying up of the natural course of the river here is a direct outcome of its diversion into the tunnel, this stretch of the natural course of the river had plenty of water prior to the commissioning of the diversion tunnel The outlet from the tunnel rejoins the natural course of the river at Dharasu, and almost immediately after that enters the huge reservoir of the Tehri dam. The photographs on the following page illustrate the degree to which just one project ‘ties the river down’.

The concerns about tying the river down were strongly expressed during the meeting with the Ganga Sabha. The opposition to interrupting the flow of the Ganga is an ‘absolute principle’ in the sense that even one diversion or restriction offends the principle. The significance of multiple projects is that it heightens the degree to which people might feel that a moral transgression has occurred.

However, it may be pointed out that in Haridwar the diversion of the river into a

canal has not only been accepted by Hindu society in general and the religious leaders in particular, but it has also been accorded a especially venerated status. The Har-Ki-Pauri bathing ghat at Haridwar is actually located on the Upper Ganga Canal and not on the main river. Over the years everyone, including the Sadhu Samaj, have accepted the


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changed river course and diversion. The water at Har-ki-Pauri is considered as sacred as that of the main Ganga river. In fact it, and not the main river, is the prime bathing area during the all important Kumbha Mela, held after every twelve years. This diversion and construction of the canal was done in the year 1847.

Fig. 9.5 River Upstream of Maneri Bhali I (Photograph Taken on 28/11/2010)

Fig. 9.6 Reservoir of Maneri Bhali I (Photograph Taken on 28/11/2010)

Fig. 9.7 River Downstream from Maneri Bhali I Diversion Point (Photograph Taken on 29/11/2010)

One way to address the problem of the river drying up almost totally between the

intake tunnel and the point where the water is discharged back into the river, is to release water in excess of the minimum quantity in consultation with the affected population. This may mean power generation at a lower than installed or planned capacity, but it would perhaps be a small price to pay for addressing people’s concerns and getting their support. In any case, it is far more preferable to abandoning projects midway through the construction phase or not starting them at all, as has happened in Uttarakhand in a few


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well-known cases. Additionally, the project managements may be convinced to agree to release extra water whenever it is needed by the people downstream of barrages and reservoirs. This is already being done by many projects including Maneri Bhali I.

While some people may advocate that all restraints on the Ganga should be removed – whether in Uttarkashi or Kanpur – it is important to recognize that often for outsiders the hill regions of India are an imagined place of purity. So though pollution at Kanpur or diversions at Haridwar are of concern, restraining the Ganga in the Dev Bhoomi is viewed as a much greater offence.

That the hill areas can become the ‘imagined paradise’ or ‘holiday home’ for outsiders is something that was frequently expressed by local people. When visiting the river basins it appeared that the principled or more abstract issue of Aviral Dhara was not at the fore front of local people’s concerns. People interviewed in the Bhagirathi Basin focused more on economic and environmental issues and the importance of life cycle rituals rather than the ‘high level’ issue of Aviral Dhara. However, when asked about their opinion on Aviral Dhara the response frequently given was: “if Tehri Dam has already been constructed then why are we even having this conversation? Aviral Dhara has already been destroyed.”11 Another frequent response was, “if people are so concerned about the Ganga, why aren’t they concerned about the Ganga in the plains? Why is the river only sacred in the mountains? They should focus on stopping pollution downstream.”12 People living in the Bhagirathi Basin were focused more on issues of livelihood and development with a strong resentment of the political ‘game playing’ around the use of the river to the detriment of the local people, rather than issues of obstruction caused to the flow of the river and the presumed hurt to religious sentiments.

Interestingly, political motives were attributed not only by local people who saw ‘political games’ in commissioning and suspending projects but also by some religious leaders who attributed commissioning of power projects on Bhagirathi and Alaknanda as politics of development for ‘shameless profiteering’ by not sparing even the most sacred and revered symbol of the people, mainly Hindus. Priest Saswatanand Brahmachari of the Joshimath Math echoed this sentiment when he said ‘would you cut of the limb of your mother, or sell her kidneys just because it can get you some money? The Muslim and Christian13 rulers of India did not interfere with the Ganga – it is only the Hindus who are killing their own mother to make a profit.’

Swami Ramangiri14 from Sunderban near Kalpeshwar Mahadev Temple in Urgam

Valley, noted that the problem is not about hydropower projects; the problem is with the development model that India has adopted. India could have chosen the Gandhian model of village republics, but it did not. The current model requires electricity, and so we cannot consider the impact of these projects without evaluating the impact of the development model as a whole. Priest Balram Das of Ganga Mandir Karnaprayag

11 Mahant Puri, Vishwanath Temple Uttarkashi 12 Mahant Puri, Vishwanath Temple Uttarkashi 13 Referring to the British 14 Of Juni Akhara


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expressed the view that these projects can co-exist with religious beliefs: ‘Projects should be allowed if there is surplus water in the rivers, but ghats, temples and prayags should be protected.’

9.4.2 Impact on Sites of Religious Importance and Religious Practices

It is this more accommodating view that projects and religious practices can, in theory, co-exist that was the dominant perspective of people living in the basins. In this respect the size of the project does make a significant difference. In addition, the positioning of diversion points and powerhouses are also important. To explore this difference we will consider three projects Tehri Phase I in the Bhagirathi basin, and Vishnuprayag and Rajwakti in the Alaknanda basin.

Tehri was the capital of the State of Tehri Garhwal. In recent years it was the

headquarters of Tehri district, which came into being with the merger of the State of Tehri Garhwal in the Indian Union after Independence. The original Tehri Garhwal district was bifurcated to form the new district of Uttarkashi in 1960. Tehri town was a focal point in that it was easily accessible from various directions and was relied upon by people living in villages and small towns surrounding it for various services including religious. As mentioned previously, Tehri was also a site of religious importance. The Ganesh Prayag is now submerged by the Tehri reservoir, as are the Badrinath temple, Atteshwar Mahadev and numerous small temples and ghats.

The reservoir of Tehri I dominates the physical, social, and cultural landscape and dwarfs everything else around. It has a surface area of 42 sq. kms. The reservoir has submerged large tracts of fertile agricultural land. Its vast width has sliced the landscape into two for most of its length, with the habitations on the left bank being practically inaccessible at many points now. The reservoir was created by building a 260 meter high earth and rockfill dam and meets the need of power generation, irrigation, urban water supply of Delhi and also provides flood control. There is an underground power house of 1000 MW capacity.

As a result of the submergence of such a large area the fairs that were held at Tehri have slipped into the pages of history, displaced families have left, taking away with them the feeling of organic community, and social ties have weakened. As mentioned earlier, the reservoir has virtually cut off the villages and settlements on the left bank, as they are left with no easy access to the main road that follows the alignment on the right bank. They can either cross the reservoir by an unreliable motor boat service or take a long detour. As a result the area is now popularly referred to as ‘kala pani’15. The study team was told that people now do not want to marry their daughters into the villages on the left bank of the reservoir!

15 A reference to the cellular jail in the Andaman Islands where dangerous convicts, and even freedom fighters, were incarcerated by the British. It was generally believed that those sent to ‘kala pani’ seldom returned alive to the mainland.


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Fig. 9.6 Tap Water Replaces Ganga Jal

As the ghats have disappeared and the slopes leading to the reservoir are very steep, it is nearly impossible to either cremate the dead on the “banks of the river” or to immerse the ashes. Furthermore, the study team was informed that when such cremations do take place the cremated bodies float in the reservoir, as the river is not flowing in the reservoir (it is a still water body), traumatizing relatives of the deceased.16 The destruction of the forests by the reservoir has also meant that sourcing firewood for cremation has become a problem. In the case of other large projects such as Maneri Bhali I, villagers along the dry stretches of the river now take their dead to Uttarkashi to be cremated.

The elderly, whose presence at cremations was considered essential, are now finding it difficult to be present. It has also meant an added cost in two ways: firstly, the dead body and those accompanying it (traditionally all the adult males in the village) have to be taken by hired transport to the cremation site; and secondly, wood for the cremation has now to be purchased at the cremation site, whereas earlier, when the cremation site was near the village, every family contributed a log or two which the men carried along to the cremation.

Vishnuprayag is a 400MW project on the Alaknanda river developed and

operated by the Jaypee Group. While the power station of the project is located a few kilometers down stream of Vishnuprayag, the diversion tunnel and reservoir are located upstream of Vishnuprayag. As a result of this positioning, there is very little water in the Alaknanda at Vishnuprayag where it meets the Dhauli Ganga. The diversion point for the tunnel of the under construction Tapovan- Vishnugad (520 MW) project of NTPC is located on the Dhauli Ganga at Tapovan, which is upstream of Vishnuprayag. Once this project is commissioned, the reduced flow of water in both the Alaknanda and the Dhauli Ganga at Vishnuprayag will significantly alter the existence of Vishnuprayag as it is known today.

In contrast, the 3.6 MW Rajwakti project of Him Urja on river Nandakini is an example of how a small project can have a minimal impact on sites of religious significance, in this case Nandaprayag, and on local practices. The Rajwakti project is located approximately three kilometers upstream of Nandaprayag. The water for the

16 Pramod, Badli (Gram Pradhan) and Ramesh Kumar Village Saror Tehri

Tap water replaces Ganga Jal as offering

During the course of the field work, we met a group of women carrying offerings to a temple near the Tehri reservoir. When we asked them what they were carrying they replied that they were taking offerings of water to the temple. When asked whether it was ‘Ganga Jal’, they laughed and asked whether we had seen the state of the water in the reservoir. One of them then said that the water was putrid and they could not access it anyway, so they use tap water.


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turbines is brought to the power station through a three kilometer long pipeline and released from the powerhouse so that it has no effect on the availability of water in the river at Nandprayag. The project, however has affected the availability of water in the cremation ghats of Jakhu, Khunana, Manki, Chari, Choprakot, Tonla, Hend and Sera villages because the diversion through the pipeline has reduced the flow of the water at these places. However, the project releases additional water when this is required for cremation and immersion purposes.17

The respondents living near the Rajwakti project are not opposed to this project.

Since the project employs 56 staff, half of whom are local residents they welcomed the employment and business opportunities provided by it: ‘Projects should go on. At least local people get employment and we will get business. We are Dev Bhoomi and that is important too, but hopefully prayags will not get affected. In any case the Ganga comes into existence only after Dev Prayag’18 However, when asked about larger projects, particularly those that required a degree of tunneling some residents expressed their concern: ‘This is a prayag. If this ceases to exist then people’s sentiments are hurt. Him Urja has two projects in close vicinity, but these have not hurt local sentiments or culture. But this large Mangroli [Deoli Bagad] 19 Project of Him Urja is threatening Nandaprayag. This will hurt local people and their culture.’20 Another resident echoed similar sentiments in pointing out that while development is needed, this kind of haphazard development has caused instability and torn apart the cultural fabric of the area: ‘Look at Dhari Devi Temple in Srinagar. It is being moved from sacred ground where it has existed for hundreds of years.’21

9.4.3 The Local Economy

‘Agriculture and allied activities’ is the mainstay of the local economy in the two river basins. Tourism, especially the Char Dham yatra is also important to the local economy. The two basins have little by way of industry. Agriculture is important not only as the most important economic activity and source of employment but also as the bedrock of the local culture. The fairs, the festivals, the offerings to Gods, the daily rituals, the existence of village communities themselves are all inextricably linked to the practice of agriculture. Unfortunately this is one activity that is most likely to be adversely affected by certain hydropower projects. For instance one of our respondents at Nandprayag said ‘If projects are developed downstream from habitations/populations, their water and land will be affected…the tunnel borer of Tapovan Vishnugad project (operated by L&T) got stuck and tore an important aquifer of this area on the 25th of December 2009. Water gushed out at the rate of 6000 LPM. One year later the discharge of water from this aquifer continues uninterrupted drying our water sources… Our

17 Rajesh Muniyal, Bhagwati Sati and BS Rana Him Urja 18 Ashutosh Nautiyal, Vikram Sing Rawat, local residents Nandaprayag 19 A proposed large run of the river project upstream of Nandaprayag 20 Inder Singh Kathet, local resident Nandaprayag 21 Balbir Singh Rawat, local resident Nandaprayag


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agriculture is not based on irrigation from rivers, but on springs and naulas. If these dry up what will people grow and eat?’22

Like Uttarkashi, Joshimath has historically been known for both the quality and quantity of agricultural produce. Famous for apples, rajma and potatoes, its prosperity obviated the need for large scale migration in search of employment. Chai village near Joshimath situated directly above the power station of Vishnuprayag project, was reported to be ‘once known for malta and livestock, including cows and goats’. We were informed ‘During the Yatra season, the milk from this village would go all the way to Badrinath. However, in the wake of the construction of the Vishnuprayag project, the water sources of the village dried up, the land and the village along with it caved in, and the livestock population dwindled as a result of contamination of fodder by dust from blasting and residue of explosives. Today, most of the village has been abandoned and the residents have been reduced from land-owning farmers to non-farm labour. If this trend continues it will trigger mass migration out of the region’23 It seems some of the changes in spring and ground water supply, as well as contamination, not necessarily caused by hydropower plants, are ascribed erroneously to them. For example, while villagers in Chai attributed the death of livestock to contamination of fodder by the residue of explosives, many in Joshimath thought that the death of livestock in the area was a result of a disease that swept the area around the same time as work on Vishnuprayag project was on. Some of the respondents also expressed the view that though agriculture would probably not derive any direct benefit from the projects, the indirect benefits by way of better linkages and supply of inputs, access to markets, better prices as a result of increased prosperity and year round demand would definitely benefit agriculture in the area.

Char Dham yatra attracts a large number of pilgrims and tourists to the two river

basins each year. As a result of increased prosperity and mobility, the number of tourists has risen steadily each year. The yatra season is of immense importance to the economy of the two basins. While the roads in both the basins suffered extensive damage due to the heavy rains of 2010, the roads have, on the whole, improved in the last decade. This is a result not only of large investment in road building under various government schemes, but is also due to the necessity for ferrying large machinery to the sites of hydropower projects. Driving from Dev Prayag towards Joshimath, one can see the ongoing road widening project of the Border Roads Organization. Improved roads mean improved accessibly, and this helps in attracting tourists. There have been other benefits as well: ‘Ten years ago, Joshimath was a small sleepy town which would wake up only for the yatra season. Then came the power projects and their staff. They needed places to live, hotels to eat at and shops to buy things from. The biggest problem in our hills is the market. In this case the market came to us and overnight hotels and guesthouses sprang up. As a result, today we can accommodate more tourists and offer them better services. And they come back.’24

22 Laxman Singh Negi, Jandesh Joshimath 23 Comrade Atul Sati CPI-ML 24 Dr Mohan Singh, guesthouse owner Joshimath


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In this way it is possible that the existence of these projects will indirectly benefit the tourist industry. At the same time there is a danger that it may have a negative impact on the non-religious tourism sector, unless proper ameliorative measures are taken. Tourism, particularly adventure and eco-tourism, has been identified as a potential growth sector in Uttarakhand. The sight of stretches of dry river bed diminishes the attractiveness of the region to those who are visiting for purposes other than religious pilgrimage. During the field work it was also observed that debris from construction activities is simply being dumped into the river. To balance the equation, while the commissioned and proposed projects are likely to affect the pristine and idyllic image of the hills, they are also likely to give a boost to various forms of tourism. We have already noted the positive effect of these projects on roads and other facilities. Similarly, there are big plans to develop the area adjoining the Tehri reservoir as an important tourist destination, tapping into the potential of the reservoir for water sports.

9.4.4 Community Concerns Although this study was concerned with places of religious and cultural

significance, during the course of the field work it became apparent that many people were angry about the manner in which decisions are being taken about the hydropower projects in the state. The people found it intriguing and troubling that projects are approved, construction started and then stopped mid-way because of pressure from ‘outsiders’. There was frustration that the people and livelihoods of the area are being used as pawns in ‘political games’, or that the hills are considered the ‘playground of other people’: ‘Are we expected to grow and eat potatoes and drape a blanket around us, so that people from other parts can visit the area occasionally and feel good about it?’25 The debate then centres around who the resources are for and who should control them, and ultimately the rationale for the formation of a separate state of Uttarakhand. A further concern is that ‘if so much money has already been invested, then why stop the projects now?’ Furthermore, the fact that projects are being stopped at such a late stage, has led people to believe that the motivation for stopping these projects is neither environmental, nor religious in nature – but rather political.

Furthermore, the fact that the most vocal opponents of the hydropower projects

are from outside the area, or even outside the state, is resented by people who then couch the debate in terms of the ‘insider/outsider’ divide. For example, one respondent even suggested that the hill districts of Uttarakhand needed to separate and form a new state/autonomous region. The local people, in fact, viewed the proponents of maintaining the status quo as outsiders who were working against the desire of the locals for a better life. The outsiders, in their view, only came to admire the beauty and serenity of the river and had no connection with the lives of the people living there. For the locals, the issue of the purity and uninterrupted flow of Bhagirathi had become irrelevant after the construction of the Tehri Dam. As a counter argument they asked why were the opponents of projects in the Himalayas not concerned about the pollution of the river in the plains. Such questions then inevitably provide a fertile ground for conspiracy theories.

25 Dr Harshvanti Bisht, mountaineer, environmentalist, academic and resident of Uttarkashi


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In fact conspiracy theories are also not quite absent in the arguments of the other side. Neither, however, contributes to a reasoned debate.

In general the local people in the Bhagirathi valley were all in favour of resuming

work on the abandoned hydropower projects, especially the Loharinag Pala project on which substantial work had already been done. The justification was invariably given in terms of the economic benefits of the project in terms of employment and other secondary activities, and the fact that since the damage had already been done, the people gained nothing from stopping the half-constructed projects. People even denied getting any economic benefit from the river, either for irrigation or for drinking water as they were dependent on hill streams and springs for these. Even the priest of the Vishwanath temple voiced this sentiment in rather strong terms. The only contrary view was expressed by the Bhagirathi Bachao Andolan Samiti. According to their representative, the Ganga, being a national river, is not the property of the local people alone. Rather the entire country should have a voice in how it is to be managed. A related issue underlying this divergence of views is concerned with who had the first right on the resources of the region, more specifically on the water resources – the local communities or the outsiders?

9.5 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

In conclusion we feel that a few points need to be kept in mind while analyzing the impact of the hydropower projects: 1. The Bhagirathi and Alaknanda valley and its people have not remained unaffected

by the major changes brought about by the recent spurt in economic growth in the country as a whole, and they have a legitimate desire to be part of the growth story, so to speak, and share in the gains;

2. There is no denying that as far as the local people are concerned the projects do have positive economic impact in the form of employment opportunities, secondary economic benefits like opportunities for small contractors, transport, hotels and guest houses, spurt in trade and business especially market for local business, overall development of the area through roads, schools, and hospitals;

3. For the people economic considerations apparently seem to outweigh the social, cultural, and religious considerations, but if challenged and presented with feasible alternatives they may not be averse to accept a compromise that assures them a better economic status through assured livelihood opportunities along with preservation of the ecological health of the river;

4. The Tehri Dam has affected the Bhagirathi basin much more than all other projects put together both in size and in the trend it has set. As a result, having accepted the Tehri dam with the attendant displacement and disruption, the people feel cheated in being denied the benefits of project construction that promises them jobs and improved economic status without causing any significant displacement or disruption;

5. An issue that has been relatively neglected, but which deserves serious attention is that the local people, especially those likely to face any adverse impact of project construction activities e.g., damage to houses and property, agricultural fields, water sources etc., must be taken into confidence prior to commencement of construction and also informed of the rehabilitation and compensation measures


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that are proposed. This should mitigate to a large extent some of the resentment that some projects generate. Though there is a provision for public hearings on environmental issues, these more often than not turn out to be mere formalities without much advance publicity and with minimal public participation. Public hearings should be given greater importance.

6. A continuation of this point would be to ensure that the sites of religious and cultural importance at the local level, and mentioned in this chapter, are clearly identified and efforts made to minimize the adverse effects on them on account of the projects. For instance, it is quite likely that people would resent the ‘disappearance’ of Vishnuprayag and other such sites on account of hydropower projects.

7. The study on “Self-Purification Capacity of River Bhagirathi: Impact of Tehri Dam” conducted by NEERI for the THDC in 2004 concluded that “the uniqueness of river Bhagirathi/Ganga lies in the sediment content which is comparatively more radioactive compared other river and lake water sediments investigated, and can release Cu and Cr which have bactericidal property and can harbor and cause proliferation (under static condition) of coliphages which reduce and ultimately eliminate coliforms from the overlying water column.” The study therefore concluded that the “Tehri dam is not likely (to) affect the quality or self-preservation property of river Bhagirathi / Ganga as it mimics a static container which is conducive for conditions responsible for maintaining water quality.” Based on the conclusion of this study it may be claimed that the self-purificatory quality of the Bhagirathi or Ganga is not likely to be adversely affected by any reservoir or tunnel through which the water of the river is made to pass.

8. In Haridwar the diversion of the river into a canal has not only been accepted by Hindu society in general and the religious leaders in particular, but it has also been accorded a especially venerated status. The Har-Ki-Pauri bathing ghat at Haridwar is actually located on the Upper Ganga Canal and not on the main river. Over the years everyone, including the Sadhu Samaj, have accepted the changed river course and diversion. The water at Har-ki-Pauri is considered as sacred as that of the main Ganga river. In fact it, and not the main river, is the prime bathing area during the all important Kumbha Mela, held after every twelve years. This diversion and construction of the canal was done in the year 1847.

9. The impact of smaller projects seems to be much less damaging than that of large projects. The 3.6 MW Rajwakti project of Him Urja on river Nandakini is an example of how a small project can have a minimal impact on sites of religious significance, in this case Nandaprayag, and on local practices. The project has absolutely no effect on the availability of water in the river at Nandprayag, though it has affected the availability of water in the cremation ghats of Jakhu, Khunana, Manki, Chari, Choprakot, Tonla, Hend and Sera villages because the diversion through the pipeline for the turbines has reduced the flow of the water at these places. However, the project releases additional water when this is required for cremation and immersion purposes.

10. Though agriculture in the Bhagirathi and Alaknanda basins may not benefit directly from hydropower projects, the indirect benefits by way of better linkages and supply of inputs, access to markets, better prices as a result of increased


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prosperity and year round demand would definitely prove beneficial. Furthermore, there has been a marked improvement in condition of roads during the last decade. This is a result not only of large investment in road building under various government schemes, but is also due to the necessity for ferrying large machinery to the sites of hydropower projects. Improvements in roads will indirectly benefit the tourist industry, though there is a danger that it may have a negative impact on the non-religious tourism sector, unless proper ameliorative measures are taken.

11. The local people in the Bhagirathi valley are by and large in favour of resuming work on the abandoned hydropower projects, especially the Loharinag Pala project on which substantial work has already been done. The justification was invariably given in terms of the economic benefits of the project viz., employment and other secondary activities, and the fact that since the damage had already been done, the people gained nothing from stopping the half-constructed projects. People even denied getting any economic benefit from the river, either for irrigation or for drinking water as they were dependent on hill streams and springs for these. The only contrary view was expressed by the Bhagirathi Bachao Andolan Samiti. According to their representative, the Ganga, being a national river, is not the property of the local people alone. Rather the entire country should have a voice in how it is to be managed. A related issue underlying this divergence of views is concerned with who had the first right on the resources of the region, more specifically on the water resources – the local communities or the outsiders.

12. Finally, when projects give tangible benefits to the local people, especially the youth, in terms of employment opportunities and other livelihood possibilities, a constituency in their favour is also created. In the absence of such benefits flowing to the locals, resentment builds up which, if not addressed can also develop into serious social unrest as has happened in some parts of the country. We have to guard against such a thing happening.26 To ensure that the opposition to such projects is minimized, the projects should ensure that a fair deal is offered to the affected areas and inhabitants and that the promises made, such as those relating to jobs, minimum water discharge, etc, are adhered to in ‘letter and spirit’. One of the recurring complaints that the study team encountered was that most projects had ‘reneged on their promises’. It may be worthwhile to consider the imposition of a cess on power generation from the projects and spending the money so collected on the development of the affected areas.

26 This point was made by Shri Chandi Prasad Bhatt in a conversation. He referred to how the spread of Naxalism was arrested in parts of Andhra when the Forest Department of the state reached out to the tribal population and provided tangible benefits to them through involvement in forestry activities.


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REFERENCES Darian, Steven G. (2001). The Ganges in Myth and History. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas. Darmora, A., Panwar, M.S. et al “Environmental and Social Impact of Hydropower Projects (A Report)”, Mountain Development Research Center, HNB Garhwal University, Srinagar (Garhwal). Mahābhārata. Mott MacDonald (2009). “Large-Scale Hydropower on the Alaknanda River – Cumulative Impact Assessment”, Final Report dated 9 October 2009. National Environmental Engineering Research Institute “Self-Purificatory Capacity of River Bhagirathi: Impact of Tehri Dam” (October 2004). Rāmāyana. Shiva, V. (2010). “Save the Ganga”, The Asian Age (December 13, 2010). Skanda Purāna.


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Respondents Cited in Chapter 9.

Ashutosh Nautiyal, shopkeeper from Nandaprayag

Badli (Gram Pradhan), from Village Saror, Tehri

Balbir Singh Rawat, serviceman, Nandaprayag

Priest Balram Das of Ganga Mandir, Karnaprayag

Bhagwati Sati from Him Urja Rajwakti

B.S. Rana from Him Urja Rajwakti

Comrade Atul Sati CPI-ML, Joshimath

Dr Harshvanti Bisht, Government PG College Uttarkashi

Inder Singh Kathait, ex-serviceman, Nandaprayag

Laxman Singh Negi, Jandesh Joshimath

Dr Mohan Singh, Guesthouse owner from Joshimath

Pramod from Village Saror, Tehri

Mahant Jayendra Puri, Vishwanath Temple, Uttarkashi

Members of the Ganga Sabha, including Dr G.D. Agrawal and Dr. Bharat Jhunjhunwala

Swami Ramangiri from Sunderban near Kalpeshwar Mahadev Temple, Urgam Valley

Ramesh Kumar, from Village Saror Tehri

Rajesh Muniyal from Him Urja Rajwakti

Priest Satswatanad Brahmachara of the Joshimath Math

Vikram Sing Rawat, shopkeeper, Nandaprayag


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Additional Respondents27

In addition to the above cited respondents, the study team also interviewed:

Ajay Pal Singh Negi, Nagrik Manch, New Tehri; Akelesh Pandey, Junior Engineer Tilot; Anil Singh, Gusatgaon-Kuheri; Ashok Kanpal, restaurant owner, Chamoli; Avtar Lal, Patal Ganga; Badri Kothiyal, Tenduli Chakat, Pipal Koti; Balwant Singh Bhandari, Badagaon; Bhagwan Singh Negi, Khand Village; Bhagwati Prasad, Shopkeeper, Karnaprayag; Bharat Singh Rawat, Badagaon; Bharat Singh, Tapovan; Bhupendra Singh Chauhan, Chairman Nagapalika Uttarkashi; Bihari Lal, Helong; BP Sati, Government Employee, Vaidanu; Brahmachariprasanand, Pracheen Gangeshwar Mandir; CS Ghosh, Calcutta; Dev Singh Rawal, Tapovan; Devendra Lal Khanera, Tapovan; Devendra Singh Rawat, Badagaon; Devendra Singh, Gusatgaon-Kuheri; Dhan Singh Rana, Ex-Gram Pradhan Lata; Dharmedra Singh, Ex Engineer Tunnel Pala Maneri Project; Dinesh Chand Nautiyal, Gangori; Dinesh Lal, Patal Ganga; Gajendra Singh, Patal Ganga; Gajendra, Nanda Devi Taxi Union; Gogeshwar Kanduri, Gusatgaon-Kuheri; Gopal Ram, Siror; Gopal Singh Rawat, MLA Gangotri; Gopal Singh Thapliyal, Badagaon; Goswami Ganesh Dutt, Principal Saraswati Vidyamandir; Govind Singh, Urgam Power House; Harish Lal, Helong; Hemant Singh, Tapovan; Jawahar Singh, Badagaon; Joginder Singh, Gusatgaon-Kuheri; Kailash Saimwal, Dhak; Kamal Singh Mehar, Nagrik Manch, New Tehri; Kaushal Chauhan, Advocate District and Sessions Court, Uttarkashi; Kedar Singh Mehar, Siror; KK Jaiswal, Executive Engineer Tilot; Kundam Singh, Pata Nandgaon; Kundan Singh Rawat, Tenduli Chakat, Pipal Koti; Lalit Kumar, Assistant Engineer Pala Maneri I; Laxmi Lal Shah, former chairman Nagar Palika Joshimath; Leelawati, Tenduli Chakat, Pipal Koti; Madan Lal, Tenduli Chakat, Pipal Koti; Mahan Kalyan Giri, Awahan Akhara, Karnaprayag; Mahendra Singh Chauhan, Badagaon; Mohan Singh Kande, Badagaon; Mohan Singh, Selang; Mohan Singh Rana, Garhwal Adventure School and Mountain Services; Nandan Singh Dungriyal, Tapovan; Narayan Bhandari, Badagaon; Narendra Kumar, Patal Ganga; Narendra Lal, Tilni, Rudraprayag; Niloy Chakravorty, Calcutta; Prem Singh Panwar, Gram Pradhan Laung; PS Rawat, lecturer of Sociology, Government Inter College Uttarkashi; Raghunath Singh Rana, Nagrik Manch, New Tehri; Rahuvir Singh, Patal Ganga; Rai Singh, Jamak; Rai Singh, Pata Nandgaon; Ratan Singh Kanderi, Ex-Service Man, Vaidanu; Rohini Rawat, Former Member State Women’s Commission Uttarakhand; Shambhu Nautiyal, Bhagirathi Bachao Andolan; Shankar Kumar, Tenduli Chakat, Pipal Koti; Shanti Thakur, President Janjati Mahila Kalyan Aiwam Balothan Samiti, Uttarkashi; Kaushlanand Dobhal, Tapovan; Shri Chand, Tuna, Rudrapryag; Subir Bhandari, Badagaon; Subir Singh, Gusatgaon-Kuheri; Sunder Singh, Tilni, Rudraprayag; Surat Singh Rawat, Amar Ujala, Uttarkashi; Vasant Singh Chauhan, Badagaon; Vijay Bairwan, Baheda; Vijay Lal, Tilni, Rudraprayag; Vijay Pal Singh Sajwan, Ex-MLA Gangotri; Vipin Singh Pawar, Siror; Virendra Singh, Patal Ganga; Vishnu Pal Singh Rawat, President Vyapar Mandal Uttarkashi; Vivek Bishnoi, Assistant Engineer Bhilangana I;

27 These are mostly villagers and town dwellers who were interviewed in the course of field work. While their opinions and views have informed the study, they have not been quoted or cited in the body text. These were mostly farmers. Where they had occupations other than farming, especially for town dwellers, the same have been mentioned

chapter – 9 impact on places of cultural ... assessment of cumulative impact of hydropower...

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