Chapter 3

Marginalization and Assimilation of Siddis in Social Set up of Karnataka

The marginalization an4 assimilation of African diaspora in India has been a

product of various factors such as slave tra~~. colonialism, globalization etc. The crafting

of African diaspora in India was very much determined by slave system and it got limited

options for a~similation. In the case of Karnataka, the Diaspora was primarily product of

Pmiuguese trading diaspora. Further, the plantation of British trading diaspora in India,

as a political power, restricted the space available to the marginalized section in India.

The new revenue system- Mahalwari, Permanent and Ryotwari settlement along with ·,

commercialization of agriculture and monetization of economy made the pea~ants, Pai­

kashta, slaves to get transformed into landless labourers and tribes. The availability of

intense forests in various parts of country in general and Karnataka in particular forced

these sections of society to get acculturated in the forest culture. The forestization of

Siddi's had negative impact on their cultural an(! material capital.

The colonial and post-colonial state started various policies, hitherto unknown, to

regulate the forest region of India. The state started industrialization process and led to

investment of public and private capital in forest based incj.ustries. The forest department

was gradually organized by the colonial state to get raw material at the cheapest rate. The

Deputy Commissioner was made over all in charge of Forest zone in respective areas and

a task force consisting of rangers, foresters and watchers formulated. It helped the

colonial state to exploit the trade of sandalwood in the Western Ghats.

The Indian state has continuously emphasised to improve the condition of tribal

people in India. The inclusion of Siddis of Karnataka in the ST category provides all the

basic facilities covered in the 101h Five Year Plan since 1951. The second five year plan

provided space for the creation of 43 special multipurpose tribal blocks (later called

Tribal Development Blocks). The fourth five year plan led to setting VP of six pilot

projects and a separate tribal development agency for each project. The fifth five year

plan witnessed the launching the tribal sub-plan (TSP) for the direct benefit of the

development of tribals. The sixth plan set two important institutions for the development

of tribes viz. Tribal Cooperative Mark~ting Development Federation (TRI~D) ;;md

127

Natioanl Scheduled castes and Scheduled Tribes finance and Development Corporation

(NSFDC).

Similarly, the post colonial state evolved various policies to regulate Forest in

India. As a result, the central and state governments have implemented till date two types

of projects from within and without- Joint Forest Management (JFM) and Joint Forest

Planning and Management (.TFPM) are product of these policies. The first project

analyses the involvement of tribal people as law and order problem and the policy

backfired due intense resistance by tribes and other marginal groups residing in the

nearby areas of forest across the country. The Central and State government were forced

to reformulate new policy regarding deforestation and categorization of forest areas. The

local people in various parts of India such as West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, R~jasthan,

Karnatak(l etc., demanded that the entire forest cannot be banned for the marginal section.

The 1980s witnessed formulation of new policy of categorization of forest areas and

ensuring the participation of tribal people in conservation of forest areas. The new policy

has been called Joint Forest Platming and Management (JFPM) organized on the gee­

economic structure of forest areas.

3.1. Geo-economic aspect of l,Jttara Kannada, Belgaum and Dharwad

To understand the marginalization and assimilation of Siddis at the state

level in Karnataka, it is important to understand geo-economic aspect of Uttara Kannada,

Belgaum and Dhm·wad. Geographically, the area can be categorized into two groups: the

Western Ghats and Plains

The western ghats represent a continuous mountain range in Deccan. It

originates in the border area of Gujarat and Maharastra and ends in Tamil Nadu. The

approximate stretch and elevation of this range is 1600 km and900m respectively, about

60% of the western ghat is located in the state of Karnataka. It represents one of the most

intensive dense forests of India ami includes deciduous plants. Human Development

Report, Karnataka informs, "The coastal (!rea covering Dakshina Kannada and Uttara

· Kmmada districts is a narrow strip between the western ghats and Arabian sea. The

128

region is characterized by heavy rainfall-?50mms to 300mms- with main occupations

being fishing and. cultivation of rice, coconut and arec(lllut. "1

Karnataka has five hundred species of animal kingdom and most of them are

located in the western ghat region. The average forest of Nagahole, deciduc:ms forest of

Bandipur National Park and Nugu in Karnataka and adjoining regions of Wayand and

Nedumalai National Par-k in the Karnataka's ghats are home to over six thousands

elephants. Kudrumukh National Park has one of the most beautiful landscapes in the

western ghats encompassing evergreen, semi-evergreen and grassland Shola habitat

characteristics of high altitude western ghat regions.

Dandeli and Anshi parts in the Uttara Kartnada district are home to the Blank

Panthers and normal variety of leopards and significant populations of Green Indian

Hornbill. These large breeds congregate even near human habitations inside the part

regularly. Bhimgad in Belgaum district is a proposed wildlife sanctuary and is home to

the endemic Wroughton's freetailed but the Krishnapur-close by are one of only three

places in the country where little known Throbald's tomb but is found. Karnataka's ghats

are also have several scenic waterfalls including the Jog fall and are listed as one among

the 1 00 natural wonders of the world. With the exception of four wildlife sanctuaries all

the remainipg 22 national parks and wildlife sanctuaries are located in the western ghat

either at the evergreen higher elevations or deciduous lower elevation regions.

The plant kingdom of Karnataka provides resources for industry and medicine. It

is estimated that 90% of the industrial requirement of plant material is coming from the

for~sts species recovery programme by conserving the habitat of threatened medicinal

plants and steps to enhanc~ production seems to be the only solution to stop further

degradation. The Kamataka Forest Department has initiated various programmes for the

extraction of medicinal herbs, shrubs and trees associated with traditional methods of

medicines. In Karnataka with the help of Foundation for Rentalization of local health

(FRLHT), Bangalore 13 Medicinal Plant Conservation Areas (MPCA) and medicinal

plant development areas (MPDA) are established and managed with the help of local

people.

1 Indid, Karnataka, Human Development Repott,2000, p.l.

129

The forest of Uttara Kannada is one of the maj<;>r revenue earning regions of

Karnataka. It seems the KFD and IDA wanted to start in the forest region and Uttara

Kannad with 82% of the land under forest was the obvious choice. KFD is the major

employee providing jobs to thousands of people in the forestry sector. Uttara Kannada

has a long history of conflict over natural resources in the early eighteenth century; the

Britishers took control of the region defeating Tipu Sultan ( 1890). However, the Dutch

and Britishers were struggling to take charge of factories (to process pepper) near the

ports of Karwar and Honn(lvar. The British concentrated on extraction of valuable teak

from the forests. They took control of the forest resources from the village communities.

The British colonial power divided the forest into separate categories of reserve

forests, protected forests and minor forests. The best forest wi~h high v.,.Iue timber was

classified as reserve forests which would be harvested by the government to earn

revenue, similarly degraded forests near the villages was classified as minor forests and

given to people. Sharachandra Lele says, "This will require not just re-drawing the

boundaries as mentioned above, but in fact replacing the existing major categories that

were invented by the Britishers to suit the purposes of colonial forestry and to which the

Britishers themselves created many exceptions that are not mentioned in the Indian Forest

Act, but very much present on the ground. "2

The plain areas of Haliyal, Mundgod, and Sirsi also represent deciduous forest

region, thougq: it does not have dense areas. The forest consists of teak and eucalyptus.

This region has a number of tanks. Paddy is the main crop and secondary crops include

groundnut, lentils sugarcane onion. Due to availability of fodder in large quantity, the

livestock based profession is practiced by local people. Sheegekai, Allekai and honey

collection provide livelihood to landless groups. Apart from this, the villagers involve in

fuel wood collection, leaf manure collection non-wood produce, cattle grazing, hunting

etc. The area is very well known for teak smuggling.

2Sharanchandra Lele, "A Defining Moment for Forests?". Economic and Ploitical Weekly,June23,2007,p.2382

130

The colonial roots of forest policy were forcefully put into practice in the post

independent era. Uttara Kannada with 82% under forest was labelled as backward

district. In order to eradicate the backwardness of the district .forest based industries like

paper, pulp, plywood factories etc., were established, for example Indian Plywood

.."Manufacturing Company, Chip board factory, West Coast paper Mills, Western India

Matchwood Company, Doddannavar Company etc. The forest areas of Kamataka provide

raw materials for ship-building, saw mills, furniture industry, railways, pencil industry,

tile factory and cottage industry. Kamataka, HDR reports regarding the shift in state's

developmental programmes in the primary sector, "In the primary sector, by

supplementing land based agricultural activities like animal husbandry to improve and

stabilize the the earning capacities of marginal cultivators and agricultural labourers. The

imp!·ovement of productivity and augmentation of returns from investment in the primary

sector through subsidized inputs."3

The Karnataka forest department has created new wings of the department to

enhance and specialize in forest related activities. It includes Karnataka Forest

Development Corporation (KFDC-1971 ), Karnataka Forest State Industries Corporation.

The forest Development Corporation primarily focuses on the overall development

activities of ecosystem. It aims to find new ways for sustaining good ecosystem and

removing roadblocks. The activities cover various dimensions such as to raise

multicultural plants, to ensure non-timber forest products, reclaim waste lands <;tnd

develop new technology. It has primarily focused in Dharwad, Belgaum, South Kannada,

Kolar, Tumkur etc., by planting bamboo, euc<;tlyptus, teak, tamarind, casuarinas and

rubber .This pattern ensure a collective pmiicipation of local groups. Further, the state

Industries Corporation has been evolved to marketwise the forest products and provide

added advantage to the cultivators and non-cultivators. It reduces the space of

middleman, thereby; ensure maximum profit of local cultivator and non-cultivators by

reducing inflation. Similarly, Karnataka Cashew Development Corporation focuses on

the cashew plantation for intensive cultivation.

'India, Karnataka. n. I p. 87.

131

.·:

3.2. Status of Siddis in the Caste Structure and Its Impact on their Development

3.2.1. Economic Conditions of Siddis in Pre-1990 period

The pre- 1990 period witnessed assimilation primarily by the society. The state

failed to provide or recognize the Siddis as a tribal community. The Siddi community

'Witnessed religious incorp<;>ration. Th~ displacement of tribal forces due to new policies

of forest department and encroachment of forest land by the mainstream society forced

the tribal to adjust in a new politico-economic formation. The state failed to understand

the context of problem faced by Siddi 90mmunity. ;··

T.C. Palkashappa constructs the image of Siddis in 1970s, "The Siddis appear to

be contented and carefree people. They are concerned with the prt(sent, primarily and

almost wholly. But provision of futur~ needs, although not alien to them, plays a minor

role in the econon1iC life. This lack of thought and foresight regarding their future needs

is one of their characteristics. If they have enough to satisfy the needs of the day, they

seldom won·y about tomorrow. after the harvest, for a time, they give up economic

pursuit such as labour in the forest, the collection of honey, the work in the land lords

house, when they get an advance for work or lump sum from the landlord, they spend

their time merely till the major part of the amount is exhausted.4" They are totally

deprived of land, knowledge and skills as a result they are forced to follow the politico­

economic and social cultural lines provid~d by landlords.

).2.1.1 Commercilisation of Forest before J.F.M excluded Siddis.

The Ministry of Environment and Forests, Government of India issued policy

guidelit1es for the involvement of village communities and voluntary agencies in the

regeneration of degraded forestlands on the June 1990 under the JFM programme. This

resolution· was in tune with the forest policy announced in 1988, which was . I

fundamentally different from the two of the previous'policies in the sense that it aimed to f

shift the focus from commerce and investment to ecological conservation and satisfying

peoples basic needs. It forged a new path as for the first time it specified assumed

benefits to the protecting communities over forestlands.

National Forest Policy states, "The principal aim of forest policy must be to

ensure environmental stability and maintenance of ecological balance inclu~ling

4 T.C. Palakshappa, The Siddis of Nor~h Kanara, (New Delhi: Steeling Publishers Pvt. Ltd. 1976), p.58.

132

atmospheric environmental stability and maintenance if ecological balance including

atmospheric equilibrium which are vital for sustenance of all life forms, human, animal

and plants. The derivation of direct economic benefit must be subordinated to this

principal aim."5

The pre 1990 period categorized forest as deserve reserve forests, village forests

and protected forests under ·the Indian forest act, 1927. The first forest policy under

colonial state categories the forest under four headings namely, Forest for preservation,

Forest for Commercial purposes, Minor Forests and Pasture Lands. The forest policy was

primarily guided for public benefits. The domimmt forces did not allow th~ marginalized

communities to participate in the forest management and control over natural resources.

3.2.1.2. Unorganised Settlement Structure

The uneven trajectory of forced movement resulte<;l into uneven settlement in the

mainstream society. The uneven settlement pattern deprived the Siddi community from

the basic resources to get organized. The unorganized g~ographical distribution forced

them to get subjugated under the local landlords. The extent of subjugation can be

understood from the fact that the Siddis development project could conduct a mass level

rally in 1990s only. Immam Saheb says that 'The establishment of SOP had marked

unprecedented transformation in the lyadership Siddi community. The leadership and

masses hold a rally with a civil society and demanded that the local people should not

discriminaty the Siddis as they are also human beings. The period did not provide any

very well organized from within Indian or outside political system. It could not become

possible prior to 1990s due to lack of political articulation.' Hence, Siddi community

accepted the code and conduct of respective areas.

The religious structure of local areas accepted Siddi in the religious structure.

They were converted to the religions of new masters. It led to emergence new segmentary

element in the Siddi community. The community got segmented into Hindu-Muslim and

Christian identities. The uneven trajectory of religious incorporation led to emergence of

settlement structure centred. on religion. The context of religion in the life of Siddi

becomes directly or indirectly evident frcnn the settlement structured on the r~ligion

"India, Ministry of Environmental and Forest, National Forest Policy,l988, No.3A/FP

133

based framework. The diaspora has to overcome the sedimentation of new identity based

on local religious belief system. Further, the multiculturalism crafted these identification

in the larger arena of India nationalism. It becomes clear from the table no.6 referred in

Appendix 1.

The data mentioned in table no. 6 reflect the establishment of Hindu Muslim

and Christian Siddi settlements in different regions of Taluka located in Kamataka. In the

Yellapur taluka, the Muslim Siddis are primarily settled in Kirwatti - 25 household and

Hindu Siddi in Ramnagar - 17 household. In Haliyal Taluka, the maximum number of

Muslim Siddi is settled in Tattegui - 41 household, Christi~n Siddi in Gardollo (147

household) and Hindu Siddi are totally absent.

Ankola Taluka doesn't have a single house of Muslim Siddi and Christian Siddi

whereas the Hindu Siddi has 20 houses in Kalleswar. Further, the Hindu and Muslim

Siddi are entirely absent from Supa Taluka whereas Christian Siddi have 4 houses. In

Mundgod, the maximum number of Muslim Siddi are settled in Kendalgeri (25 houses),

Chrisitan Siddi in Mainnaly (22) and Hindu Siddi in Kattanali (1 house). The Muslim and

Christian Siddi are absent in Khhanpur whereas the Muslim and Christian Siddi have

threy and seven houses in Bhurrunky and Godholi village respectively. The Dharwad

district has Siddi settlements in Khalghatgi Taluka. The Khalghatgi settlements of Siddi

primarily belong to Muslim community. The acceptance of the Siddi community within

the framework of religion by the society in the course of retreat movement from forest

zone after Independence created socio-religious uneven trajectory.

The pre-1990 period analyzed Siddi community as forest dwellers and it led to

sedimentation of Siddi. in commodity based occupational stmcture. T.C. Palakshappa

says, "It is customary throughout the region to calculate the daily wages of a Siddi

worker in terms of many siddhi (local measures). The fisherman of the coastal region

makes rpund in the Siddi settlements at least once or twice a year to distribute fishes and

collect paddy crops in exchange. The primary economic activity of the Siddi community

includes agriculture and secondary occupation is forest labour and honey collection".6

6Palakshappa, n. 4 p. 44.

134

The commodity based occupation kept them deprived of essential resources to

accept and master new economic formation. The religious structure provided only

religious centric opportunities. It becomes clear from the fact that the limited

establishment of institutions 1960's. The Loyola Vikas Kendra, Premada Vikas Kendra,

Vanvasi Kalyan Ashrama, Home Science training centre ·and Sneha Sadan. These

institutions have very limiJed structure and degree of science-technological skill also very

low.

'3.2.1.3. Impact of Religion base" Assimilation

The religion based assimilation created framework in Siddi cQmmunity for

horizontal segmentation. The Sicldis were segmented into Hindu-Muslim and Christian

formulations. But this process provided limited spaces for politico-economic assimilation

as a result the post -1990 period witnessed the emergence of diasporic identity. The

religious structure of local religions failed to incorporate the values and norms of Siddi in

the mainstream culture. The poverty and black colour mad~ them vulnerable to various

hegemonistic forces. The Siddi community could not get the threshold energy to start

ac,:cumulating material resources. As a result, the Siddi were grQl}ped into the Scheduled

tribe category; Th~ caste based occupation, further brought new form of socio­

psychological discriminations against the Siddis. The most oppressive system of

discrimination faced by Siddi community was caste and class discrimination of the three

religious structures.

The Hindu, Muslim and Christian Siddi pattern of consolidation did not provide

socio-cultural assimilation to the diasporic elements. The Siddi community was given

low Cll.St~ status in religious structure. It led to negative categorization of their socio­

cultural capital. Further, the status of low caste limited the mobilizing capacity of

diasporic elements. The 1980s created new waves of awareness among the Siddi

community due to increasing religious assimilation of Siddi community as a low caste

and simultaneous fragmentation of community on religious lines. The failure of caste

based-religious assimilation did not provide new lines of alignment in the respective

religious structures. Henry John says, "Being dark, the Siddis visually fall into those

groups associated with lower castes. Along with colour, their physical features mark them

135

a~ inferior according to the dominant Indian aesthetic ideal of long straight hair, thin nose

and lips."7

3.2.1.4 Accepted as Landless Social Group

The Siddi conl.munity had been accepted as a landless social group in the

pre 1990 period. It is primarily rooted in people's perception of forest. India's I

forests are utilized by the people essentially for three purposes, firstly, as fuelwood,

leaf fodders and small .till}bers, secondly as wood for industrial purposes such as

c;onstruction timber, plywood, veneer and pulpwood, thirdly as semi-processed or

P!·ocessed or processed non-wood forest resources such as bamboos, resins, gum,

essential oils and medical plants and herbs both for domestic consumption and

exports.

The general pattern of forest resources for industrial utilisation has been for

mechanical wood industries (match, sports, goods, agriculture implemented,

furniture, toys and house construction) and others) 45% plywood, fiberboard and

packaging 30%, and for the pulp and paper industries 25%. The land ceiling Act . /

produces that a company, institution, trust or industry can't hold agricultural land

including forestland beyond the limit of 54 acres. As a consequence of the policy

and the enactment of forest (conservation) act, 1980, presently there is a ban on

failing of trees in all forests at on attitude of 1000 m. The high priority has been

given for raising fuelwood and leaf fodder producing trees in the government

forests, almost to the exclusion of leaning industrial trees. Further, the industrial

wood production has been restricted only on farm lands or on waste lands, and a ban

on felling operations in national parks and sanctions have also been imposed. It

demands stoppage of green felling in forests in som~ states, leading to drastic

education in wood yield.

The report of Steering committee says, "Almost all the committees starting

from Dhebar conimission of 1961 and various Study Reports observed that forest is

7 Henry .L Drewal . "Aliens and Homelands" in Edward A. Alpers and A. Jairazbhoy, ed., Siddis and Scholrrs: Essays on Indian Africans (Noida: Rainbow Publishers Ltd., 2004), p.l46 · ·

136

one of the most important resources of the tribal people. "8 India has faced a severe

scarcity of wood. The paper industry is playeq by raw material shortage in the face

of continually increasing demand. The supply of timber from natural forests has also

declined drastically. There has been shift to plantation grown wood and it is

expected that future demands will be met. Therefore, plantation timbers under social

forestry, agro forestry and imported wood be the two means to feel the gap.

The National Forest Policy 1988 directed state forest departments to stop the

<practice of selling forest raw material at concessioned prices. The industries are also

advised to obtain their raw material as far as possible, from forestry resources. In

1997 the supreme court of India placed restrictions on the felling of any tree in

natural forest areas and h~rvesting in natural forests might only be carried out in

avoidance with the working plans of state governments. The material forest policy,

1988 has thus altered the strategy of the government from in respect of supply of

raw materials from government forests to wood based industries.

The deteriorating situation of tribes in general and Siddis in particular, as a

landless group, is also product of one sided commercial role of corporate sector. The

private forests are characterized by small-scattered plots, but are important source of

timber and NTFP for domestic consumption. The use of private forests for industry

measured firstly through its production of farm forestry and also since 1988 when

the government reduced the area of state forest available for timber extraction. The

private forest ownership amounts to only 4% of the total forest area, as compared

with the state is 85% and of the communities 11%. The private sector is into

permuted to own natural forest, and its ownership of planted forests is hunted by the

Private Forests (Acquisition) Act of the 1950s and the Land Ceiling Act of the ''

1960s. The former provided for the nationalization of private forests and led too

much felling, while the latter specifically limits the area of private enterprises can

own foi· the plantations except in the case of plantation of crops such as rubber or

tea.

Similarly, the wood based industry in India is in a peculiar position bec;ause

R India, Planning Commission, "Empowering the Scheduled Tribes", Tenth Five Year Plan Steering Committee,Si.No.S/2001, p. ·- · ·· ····- 99

137

while90% of wood based products are manufa,::;tur~d in the private sector, 97% of

the foi·est area is owned and managed by the government. The role that the corporate

sector can play outside goverl}ment forest areas is also severally restricted, as it is

unable to raise large scale plantations on non-forest lands on account of statutory . .

land .ceilings. However, in recent years a large number of wood based industries

have attempted to promote the cultivation among forces in order to secure their raw . .

material supplies. The sporadic efforts by individuals companies starte<,l in the mid

1980d, but most initiatives began in the 1990s.

The corporate and farmer partnership schemes may be perceived to have

failed in terms of the original objectives of companies, but they havy demonstrate<,l

the potential for famous participating in such schemes to produce timber for

industry and to sell it in the open market. The wood;based industry, especially pulp

and paper units have been lobbying for past several years to get degraded forest

lands on lease for raising e plantations. This is being opposed by some NGOs and

environmental action group. The overall result of involvement of corporate sector

has increased landlessness among tribal groups.

3.2.1.5 Siddi Developm~nt Project Created Political Conscioness.

The Siddi Community evolved a consciousness to chann~lise their energy

for political and economic development. This consciousness became firm after

repeated religious inclusion at the cost of politico and economic marginalisation.

Further, the horizontal social alignment along Kokani language also failed for

imagined liberation. Charles Camara says, "In the beginning of 1980s how~ver, two

local Catholic priests took interest in the Siddis and provided them with financial

means and as:,isted them in organizing themselves and setup a community hall. A

few social workers (not Siddis) were employed to assist them and together they

established a core group. During th~ following months some of the more alert Siddi

leaders were selected anq together in 1984 they founded an activist cum welfare

association called the All Karnataka Siddi Development Association (AKSDA)."9

3.2.2. Position of Siddis in Post"1990s

9 Charles Camara, "The Siddis of Uttara Kannada: HistoJty, Identity and Change among African Descendants in Contemporary Karnataka", In Alp,ers and Jairazbhoy, n. 7 p. 109.

' . ~

; 138

The post- 1990 led to emergence of diasporic identity in the Siddi community due

to internal and external factors. The post-1990 witnessed emergence of self from Hindu,

Muslims and Christian's religious formulations. The socio-cultural identity reasserted in

the diasporic milieu. The globalization opened new channels of awareness such a~ NGO,

academic studies and new methods of communication. The field survey shows that the

Siddi community was for the first able to vistJalize the continentalisation of homeland in

Africa during the visit of Nelson Mandela. The popularity of Nelson Mandela in India

· produced a chance to recent figure the ideas of Siddis. It created new platform to assert

and make the world un~erstand their limitations. The Siddi community realized that the

caste based incorporation has limited space for upward mobility whereas the diasporic

identity can provide global space for upwar<i mobility. Thus, the global space for upward

mobility started replacing local/national identities. The formation of Siddi development

society in 1990 started movement entirely by Siddi community. Earlier, the leadership

was on the hands of non-Siddi groups. Thus, these factors located new dimensions of

assimilation. Simultaneously, the Siddi community witnessed new patterns of

marginalization. The Karnataka Forum Development in collabouration with overseas

development administration has started Joint Forest Planning and Management (1991)

programmes. T~e programme <fesigned to provide sustainability to the forest resources

but fails due to negligence of understanding the context of tribal people. It offers limited

buffer ~one available the Siddis and various crisis faced from the mainstream society.

The Siddis and Gowlis have been sandwiched between KFD and mainstream society. In

this context, the limited help from the state and global agencies help to formulate

diasporic identity. The limited mobility in the IVth zone has been also allowed through a

committee known as Village Forest Committee.

3.2.2.1 JFPM made Forest as participatory zone for Siddis.

The PIB release of October 04,2007 emphasise the shift Government of

India'~ position with reference to Forest Policy as it reports, " All State

· Governments and Union Territories have adopted JFM as their focal strat~gy. All

Forest Departments and Villag~ Communities are partners in the village level Joint

Forest Management Committees. The JFM gives a definite share with r~spect to

final and intermittent products from the regenerated forest areas. These shares are

139

much more then what W<;ls available to these members under their traditional

entitlement under the original forests on revenue settlement. There are more then

1 ,60000, JFM Committees who manage an area of 22 million hectare in the country

today." 10

JFPM means joint forest planning and manag{fment. It is comprehensive

scheme of the forest department to involve local village communities in the

conservation and sustainable management of forests. This involves the formation of

village forest comtilittees to formally enter into partnership agreements with the

forest department for planning and implementing various forest protection

conservation and c}evelopment programmes. This is based on a management plan

(MP) that the villages evolve in collabouration with the forest dypartment and

various government and non-government agencies.

It was initiated due to an alarming decrease in forest cover in India.

This was due to continuous encroachment and destruction of forests for agriculture,

timber, mining industrial development, water resources development, power

generation, urban development etc. The forest management being oriented towards

exploitation of forests for their commercial value excluded the involvement of local

communities and neglected their interests. This disturbed the strong sense of

ownership and protection of forests that existed amongst local communities and

made their survival difficult due to decreased access to forest resources. The

National Forest Policy 1988 envisages involvement of people in the protection and

development of forests. Government of India, Ministry of Environment and Forests,

in letter dated 1st June 1990 has issued guidelines to the State Governments for

involving village c;ommunities and voluntary agencies in the regeneration of

degraded forest lands.

Karnataka is one of the earliest states to issue a Government order (G.O) on

Participatory Management. The state has issued a G.O. in 1993 adopting JFPM

policy to involve local community in protection and management of degraded

forests having canopy density upto 0.25 and <;1lso provide 50% share in forest

produce to the VFCs from JFPM areas. While implementing this Government order,

10 India, Press Information Bureau ,"Forest", 4 Oct. 2007.

140

it was felt that certain amendments to the order were found necessary and

amendments to the G.O. were brought in during 1996 which provided co­

membership for the spouses and also removed the limitations of canopy density of

forest for JFPM in the forest areas which are predominantly inhabitated by the

tribals. Karnataka Forest Act (KFA) has also been amended to provide statutory

back-up to the JFPM programme. State Government had issued a comprehensive

revised Government order in 2002 to overcome the operational problems

encountered in the field and also enhanced the proportion of share from 50% to 90%

in respect of Non Timber Forest Produce (NTFP) and 75% in plantation assets.

The reserved forest and degraded forest areas covered under JFPM. In the

case of degraded forest lands, the standard range of the canopy density is 0.25 and

less. Reserved forests that are predominantly inhabited by tribal people or are in the

vicinity of areas where forest-dependent tribal people live or which they

traditionally depend upon for their livelihood or which they culturally identify

themselves with may also be subjected to JFPM involving the tribal irrespective of

the density of the canopy cover of the forests. Government waste lands and other

lands under the control of the Revenue department transferred for the purpose of

JFPM to the Forest Department. The roadsides, canal banks, tank foreshorys and

other non-forest lands under the control of the Karnataka Forest Department are

being taken under the rules and regulations of JFPM.

The impact of joint forest planning and management has become visible

during the past 13 years as the forest department has constitute<;! 3887 village forest

committees in the state bringing nearly 3,40,000 ha of degraded forests under the

project. However, there are still large extents of degraded forests, which need to be

brought under joint forest planning and management. Besides the existing village

forest committees are to be strengthene<;i arid made more effective. The impact of

formation of village level institutions in the afforestation programme has been very

good as well thought an<;l well developed institutions are substantially contributing

towards sustainable management of forest resour9es. The lessons learnt from past

experiences on a number of issues like benefit sharing, equity, p9verty, gender,

empowerment, incentives, non-timber forest produce rights, income generating

activities etc., need to be addressed to make institutions of village viable and

sustainable.

141

3.2.2.2. Access and Equity in Housing Sector

The housing and water supply are universally acc~pted as basic human needs,

which are critiqtl to determine ~he quality of life. The availability and quality of housing

affect the physical and mental well being of an occupant. The adequacy of housing stock,

construction quality and the number of occupant in proportion to the number of rooms

and provision of basic amenities like, water supply, electricity and toilets are all

important elements of development.

Table-12 Pattern of K.D.C.C and Janata Houses I .

No. Village K.D.C.C House J anata House

Ankola Taluka

1 Vaidyagar 00 3

Mundgod Taluka

1 Kendalageri 00 5

2 Ugginakeri 7 00 '.

3 Mainally 3 13

Haliyal Taluka •.

1 Vada 5 5

2 Gardoli 4 2

3 Rayaptna 1 0

4 Balshelkop 2 00

5 Ked gal 2 00

6 Bukkinkop 3 14

7 Sambrani 00 4

8 Tengalli 00 3

9 N agshetikop 3 2

iO Honsur 00 2

Y ella pur Taluka

1 Ramnagar 00 1

2 Arb all 00 1

3 Tottalgundi 00 6

4 Bailundur 00 10

6 Hunshettikop 3 5

Source: Field Survey

142

The table no.l2 shows an attempt by the Siddi community to establish a platform

across the religious divisions. The government has also tried to provide permanent

residential structures to the community, so that, it could sustain in the new society. The

KDCC and Janta houses hav~ worked in this direction. The following data gives the

detail of KDCC and J ant a House.

The table likely shows that the scheme of Janta houses of Central Government has

served to provide equal opportunities of three sections of Siddi community. In the case of

KDCC houses, the Siddi have got 0, 0 and 33 houses respectively.

Table~- 13 Types of Houses of Siddis

No. Taluka Kaccha Pacca K.b.C.C/Janata

House

1 Ankola·.· 96 00 3 .•

2 Khalghati 32 02 00

3 Haliyal 336 53 26

Source: Field Survey

Table 13 shows that th~ overwhelni.ing majority qf the Siddi r~sidents in the

KDCC houses. Out of 548 houses, 464 houses are Kaccha whereas 84 houses are pucca.

The nature of houses reflects the overall economic aspect of Siddi in Karnataka.

The construction reflects the marginalized assimilation of Siddis in Karnataka.

The field survey shows that 13.46 % Siddi have houses made up of cemented walls

whereas 67.30 % have mud wall houses. The kaccha houses reflect the level of struggle

faced by the Siddi community. The condition of Siddis in the abovementioned house

structure has got worsen due to the continuous occupation of forest zone by state and the

dominant sections of society. The Siddi community has not been able to internalise the

utility of house as an essential element of progress. Due to this reason, the cmmnunity

could not understand the mainstream perception of house and land for house expansion.

This process has continuously kept them in nature friendly formulation of society where

any attempt of human beings to qevelop at the cost of nature is always resisted. It

becomes clear from the Table no.l4.

143

Table-14Types ofWalls of houses:

No. Stone Stone Mud Grass Bricks Wooden Total

of walls and mud walls stacks partition

house walls

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

52 35 10 7 52

Source: Field Survey

The marginalized condition becomes naked on analyzing the pattern of roofs in

houses. The overwhelming 86.53% houses have roofs made up of grass. It means the

Siddi community has not be~n able to go beyond the grass based roofing structure of

house. Infact, the grass based roof structure represents inability of a society to create

family based institutionalised structure of socialisation.

Table-15 Types of Roofs Qf house:

House Grass Country Manglore Lantern Stone

tiles tiles

1 2 3 4 5 6

52 45 7

Even, the elected representative of gram panchayat also does have roof made up of

grass as shown in the following photo no.3. Although, the recognition of Siddis as

Scheduled tribes have opened new channels of vertical mobilizations, but it is a very long

journey, The first priority of Siddis is to get the minimum required threshold energy for

activation of movement for institutionalised participation.

144

Photo 1: House of an elected gram panchayat Siddi woman

Next, the structure of a house and facility of toilets is another parameter to

understand economic aspect of a community. The field survey shows that 86.53% Siddi

household have single room houses whereas 13.46% have two room household

structures. All the family members reside in a single room. The lack of space in the house

limits inner structure of mental faculties. It completely denies availability of space for

privacy which very essential for the development of individual personality.

145

Table 16- Pattern of House:

House One room Two room Three room 1 2 3 4

52 45 7 00

Source: Field Survey

The facility of toilets has been available in 7 houses revealing the understanding

of hygienic values. The Siddi community uses open spaces for toilets. Human

Development Report in Karnataka (1999) informs, "In rural areas the position is dismal

with only 6.85% of the household having toilets facilities; in urban areas the percentage

is around 62.5%. Bijapur, Gulbarga and Riachur are particularly bad with almost no

access to all to toilets. Only in Dakshina Kannada and Kodagu district more than 20% of

< rural household have toilet facility. 11"

Although the pre-1990s period had provided space to tribes in the forest areas, but

the establishment of JFPM and classification of forth zone has limited the use of forest in

many ways. The article 25 of UNDHR (1948) says, "Everyone has a right to a standard of

living adequate for the health and weH.being of himself and of his family including food,

clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right t() the

security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability widowhood, old age or other

lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control. Motherhood and childhood are

entitled to special care and assistance- all children, whether born in or out of wedlock,

shall enjoy the same social protection." 12

Table-17 Toilets in the house: 52 houses

Kaccha Pucca

1 2 r----00 7

Source: Field Survey

11 ,Karnataka ,India n. I p. I 56. 12Arun Ray, National Human Rights Commission of India: Formation, Functioning and Features Prospects (New Delhi: Khalna Pubiishers; 2005), p.539. · · ·· · · · · · · · ·

146

3.2.2.3. Occupation Structure of Siddis

The stagnant condition of Siddi is primarily rooted in un-changeability of

occupation structure. The Siddi are primarily occupie<;l in agrarian activities as landless

laboures. Regarding the occupational status, the survey focused on the following regions:

Gunjavati (21--103), Ugginakeri (11-72), Kalleshwar (20-112): 52 houses (population-

285)

'fable 18~ Age Groups of members

Age · Persom. Male Female . Percentage

Gro\,lps Person Male F(fmal

e

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

0-14 100 45 65 35 45 55

15-35 57 35 22 20 62 38

36-60 103 61 40 36 59 40

60+ 25 8 17 9 32 68 _ __:__

Table 19- Earners and dependents:

Age Earners Earning Non-earners Dependents

Group dependents

1 2 3 4 5

0-14 45 55

15-35 50 07

36-60 70 28 5

60+ 25 ·.

The table no. 19 shows that only 42% population is earners, 12% non-earners,

29% dependents and 15% earning dependents. The 15% population of Siddi community

refl~cts the existence of child labour.

On an average, 45% Siddi maintain livelihood by agriculture. The area of

agricultural lands. varies from 1 acre to 9 acre. In Dandeli town, the Siddi perform various

147

services such as coolie, labour etc. Apart from agricultwe and service based occupation,

the forestry is the largest source of earning for the community. It requires the Siddi

people migrate individually or tog~ther with their families to nearby forest wood depots

in search of temporary jobs. The works covers various areas such as cutting of trees,

copecting of wood, nurseries, honey collecti9n, medicinal herbs collection etc.

The Siddi community has to move from place to place in search of forestry

related works. In return, the payment for such works range from Rs 10 to 25 depending

on various factors. Further,' the wage labour reflects gender biasness as the survey shows

that the women ate paid three times low as compared to Siddi men. It is due to this reason

that the young generation is trying to search jobs in the big towns such as Banglore, Goa

etc. But, the Siddi community faces a lot of problem in towns or cities in the absence of

well established social network.

The unavailability of jobs in nearby areas and availability of forestry related jobs

in far areas extremely limits the opportunity of development. In this context, the family

structure fails economic or psychological-social support to younger generation. Thus, the

Siddi people _tries to accept minimum wages in the local areas to avoid insurmountabl~

problems of /urban ~reas, althot1gh this policy keeps them deprived of skilled related

professions.

The working pattem of labour in Siddi community is three layered: first, daily

wage labour; secondly, contract labour, and third bonded labour. Generally, the daily

wage labour payment is made weekly. It dominates during the harvesting season and

establishment of factories in the forest regions or state related infrastructural building

activities. The daily wage labour is required by Forest department and society. The

dominant sections hire the Siddi people as labourers for domestic or construction of

houses etc. The. contract labour is also conducted by landlords or Kamataka Forest

Department.

The agricultural wage labour is fixed in the beginning of a season. The Siddi

people negotiate with the local landlords though the conditions do not provi<;ie enough

clout to the tribes for bargaining. The terms and conditions of a landlord dominate

agreement. A labourer is not allowed to change a master during a agreed season. In case

of violation, the labourer may face economic boycott by the landlords of local area. As a

148

result, the landlord becomes successful to get maximum labour from a labourer. Apart

from this, certain kinds of work in the form are catTied out on a contract bases known as

guttige. It covers usually weeding, harvesting and threshing. A group of workers join

together and take up the work from farmers for a fixed amount of money. It reflects the

limited ability of the Siddi labourer to work in an organized pattern.

The third form of labour found in the Siddi community is bonded labour. The

bonded labour is practice qy younger and adult generation of Siddi. The cultivating and

non-cultivating professions fail to cover the expenditure incum~d by a Siddi family. As a

result, the children are considered as helping hand by getting them employed as bonded

labourer. The field survey shows that 45 children work as earning dependents

constituting 15% of total population. The 70% of earning dependents works as bonded

labour. It is accepted due debt or to fulfil urgent requirement of a family. The landlord

and the parent of child agree for a particular terms and conditions of bondecJ labour. The

system provides immedi~te cash supply to the family, but the Siddi family loses younger

from developing into a active actors of awareness. The Siddis are employed as bonded

labour. The survey shows that the bonded labour provides resources for survival only.

Similarly, an adult Siddi or entire family of Siddi 1,mdergoes an agreement of

bonded labour due to debt or socio-economic requirement. It happens to most of Siddi

family as they fail get enough resources for the need .of all members. The local financiers

charge a rate ofinterest 20 to 50% per annum. The lack of education and unavailability of

State agency ao;; financier has kept alive the practice of bonded labour in the Siddi

community. In the contemporary period, the Siddis are also getting many chance to work

together with the local dalit farmers and labourers. The photo no. 4 shows the Siddis of

Karnataka working along with local dalit farmers. On asking about their social relations

with dalit f;rrmers, I was told by the Siddi labourers that they. did not feel a sense of being

discriminated or hated, although, they complain about discrimination in the case of

working in the farms of so called higher castes of the local areas.

149

Photos-2 Siddi landless workers in field (Yellapur, Karnataka)

The table no. 20 shows that 45% Siddi are involved in cultivating activities

whereas 54% Siddi in daily wage labour, honey collecting, fi rewood collection etc. The

state and central government have failed to provide macro-level institutional mechanism

to provide skill based knowledge, so that, they can emerge as skilled labourers. The

increasing presence of unski lled labourers in Siddi community makes them vulnerable to

various socio-economic discriminations. Due to this reason, the remnants of bonded

labour are visible in the Siddi community. It has keptlow rate of literacy. The absence of

knowledge based skills, further, deprives the community from formulating ideological

apparatus to capture material resources.

150

Table 20- Occupational structure of Siddis.

No. Taluka No. of Cultivators Non -Cultivators

' Houses (Daily Wage, Honey, Fire Wood,

Dairy, etc.)

1 Yellapur 377 171 206

2 Haliyal 458 247 211

3 Mundgod 89 58 31

4 Ankola 99 42 57

5 Sup a 7 4 3

6 Sirsi 3 1 2

7 Khalghatgi 34 15 19

8 Khanpur 14 3 (1

SourGe: Field Sl)rvey ' .

3.2.2.4. Stagnant Agrarian Structure

The staple food of Belgaum, l)harwad and Uttara Kannada is Paddy. The 45%

cultivators of Siddi community focus on paddy cultivation. The local people have

diversified the cultivating pattern of crops by investing in the required infrastructure, but

the Siddi community still performs the agricultural activities to sustain a family structure.

Unlike the local dominant sections, they have not been able to develop agriculture for

market requirements. The geographic isolation and economic backw<;tniness prevents

them from adopting new methods of agriculture. As a result, they have failed to take

· advantage of agriculture itmovations and technological development in the contemporary

period. The cultivators mainly possess two implements of sowing: plough (75%) and i

seed drill (33%).

The table no. 21 clearly shows the poor condition of Siddis in the case of

agricultural tools. The possession of modern agricultural is very essential for the speedy

development of agriculture. But, the does not have even a single case of possession of

151

wells, pumps and tractors. It alv ays keeps them in subsistence based agricultural

formation.

Table 21- Agricultural Tools:S2 houses

Items Yes No

1 2 3

Wooden Plough 10 42 1-c

Iron Plough 7 65

Levellers 45 7

Cart/tractors 00 52

Wells 00 52

Pumps 00 52 -

Axe 52 00

Spade 52 00

Sickle 52 00

Source: Field Survey

The low level of technological inputs becomes clear from the crop pattem as

90% of household under survey were growing Akkalasali, local variety of paddy whereas

I 0% use In tan and J aya variety of paddy. It requires 40 to 50 kg seeds per acre for good

harvest. All the respondents· use drill sowing and 11% apply chemical fertilizer for

improved harvest. On the protection side from weeds and pests, only 1% farmers use

pesticides or insecticides. As a result, the average yield of rice per acre is six to eight

quintal per acre;

Further, the Siddi community do not have pastoral animals which can be used for

earnings. It becomes explicit from the table no. 22 which shows that out of 285

household, 7 household have buffaloes and 30 hens (approx) in tot(llity. Unlike the

Gowlis of Karnataka, the Siddis are not able to use the products of animals for

commercial or domestic purpose. Infact, I was informed during the field trip that they

have not any push up by the state in the pastoral based commercial occupations.

152

Tablle-22 Ownership of Animals

Particulars No. of Animals

1 2.

Cow 00

Buffalo 7 !

Goat 00

Oxen 00

Poultry 30

Som·c~: Field Survey

The biggest difficulty faced by the Siddi cultivators is availability of

finance. It does not allow the cultivators to construct good irrigation facilities which

make them completely dependent on erratic rain as a source of irrigation. The pest and

crop related diseases affect 70% of cultivators. The lack of proper information regarding

cropping problems is another factor which retards development of agricultural economy.

Due to high rate of crop failure, the Siddis are not able come out from subsistence

agriculture.

The poor condition of Siddis becomes clear from household material and

expenditure as mentioned in the table no. 23. The simplest element of measuring

economic standard of any human being is marriage expenditure. The Siddi fanlily incurs

expenditure in the range of Rs500-6000. The mmTiage is simple ritual which does not

organize market based element for food, jewellery or clothes. The guests are treated with

simple food as the geographical distribution is in nearby areas; therefore the marriage is

largely a few hours affair. Though, the Siddi community organizys cultural programmes,

but it depends on the social networking of the community.

153

Table 23- Expenditure on marriage:

No Matriage

man·iage

Self Son Daughter Others ---·

1 2 3 4 5

500- 2000-4000 4000-6000 500-1000

lOOORs

Source: Field Survey

The household reflect an assembled structure due to absence of basic

facilities. Not a single household owns a TV and Almirah, motorcycle, mobile landline

phone etc. The Siddi community is completely deprived of modernity based

communication instruments. Further, the office of LAMPS also does not have a landline

connection reflecting_ the basic loopholes in the Siddi movement for human rights.

Tabie-24 Furniture and Ornaments: 65 male

Items possessed Yes I No Items used 1st time in

five years

l 2 3

, Bed(khaat) Yes 52

.Almirah No

Company clothes No

Table/Chair* /Stool Yes 5 Computer No

Carpet /Decorated house No

Pats

Mirror/fine furniture Yes

Radio/Music system Radio 6

Television No

VCD/LCD No

Cycle I Car/Scooter l Bike

Mobile No

Watch Yes

Source: Field Survey

154

The ·abovementioned problems compound with time due to lack of org<:tnized

social network. The public and priv<,1te finance agencies do not finance farmers for

subsistence agriculture. The high yield crops, loans for water pumps, tractors etc., totally

ignore the problems faced by the Siddi community. Further, the high level of illiteracy

keeps them away from all kinds of modern period agricultural developments. It makes

extremely difficult for the Sidqi cultivator to transform tra4itional agriculture into

modem based agriculture.

On the contrary, the landed class is able to exploit the market based agriculture.

The shortage of agricultural land in the area creates sO<;:ial contradictions as the latter try

to grab as much land as possible by every means. The abovementioned limitations ·donot

allow the Siddi communit/ to participate in 11gricultural related services such as poultry,

dairy, vegetable selling etc. It is resulting into stagnancy in the subsistence based

agricultural occupation· of Siddis.

3.2.2.4. Lacl{ of Productivity and Efficiency

The stagnant agricultural system, commodity or monetary based wage labour

along wi~h acute crisis due to lack of electricity, roads, schools, health facilities create

limited space for assimilation and open space for marginalization.

Table -25 Literacy Position of Siddis in Karnataka:

No. Taluka Total Literates Percentage of

Population Literacy

1 Ankola 587 41 7%

2 Khalghatgi 168 11 6.5%

3 Haliyal 1250 150 12%

The average literacy rate of Siddi community in Ankola, Khalghatgi and Haliyal

Taluka is 8.5%. The literacy rate among Christian Siddi is slightly high due to industrial

based missionary activities. The non,.productive nature of occupation and low literacy

155

rate make the Siddi community vulnerable to various diseases such as scabies, Tina,

Eizema, Leprosy, respiratory, infections, anaemia, and eosinophilea. During the survey,

the Siddi complained regarding the abovementioned diseases. As most of them are still

settled in the areas near/in the forest, the health facility are vary limited. Due to this

reason, the mortality rate among Siddi is also high.

The Siddi community practice child marriage as the woman are considered

burden in the society .. The Siddi society reflects patriarchical pattern of social

construction. The survey shows that 28.57% women conceive during 15-17 year of age

whereas 51.42% conceives between 18-20 year periods. The conc~ption in the early age

along with lack of gap in children deprives the new generation from physical-

psychological capital. The young baby cannot get proper nutrition essential for proper

development of human beings. Also, the women suffer various conception related

problems.

Table.- 26- Conception according to age: Total-35

Order 15-17 18- 21- 25- 28-30 31- 36-40 41-50 Tota

of 20 24 27 35 I

Birth

1" 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

1 Sl 10 21' 4 35

2"(1 30 4 34

3n1 18 4 22

4tn 21 21

Source: Field Survey

The Siddi community has been socially and economically marginalized. The

pre-1990 period opened caste-based religious assimilation. It could not provide sustained

politico-economic opportunity for development. The post-1990 started new patterns of

assimilation and m.arginalization. The globalization has affected the policy of Karnataka

Forest Department whereas the refreshing of diasporic elements led to award of

Scheduled Tribe status. This instrument of positive affirmation has brought

156

multidimensional assimilatory ·instruments such as village forest committee, gram

panchayat, multipurpose societies and other opportunity available under ST category.

3.2.2.5 Vertical Mobility through Positive Affirmation

,The positive affirmation has emerged as the only instrument to reduce social

frictions in society and provide the level playing field to the socially discriminated

sections of society. The Siddi community has been demanding tribal status since

independence, but like the demands of other tribes of India the issue has being

addressed the contemporary perioci.

The Bhopal document analyses, " out of every hundred SC/ST of India only

about 51 of them can claim to be eating at least two meals a day who can offered to

send their children to 'school who enjoy a bit of independence and who can exercise

their franchise as per their conscience. In these 51%, not all are government

servants or business people. Infact, 70% are cultivators most with small and

marginal land holdings and another 7.8% are factory workers, whose average p/m

earnings may be less then Rs.2000. And the number still includes cobblers or

sweepers who may)ive on their own but suffer from occupational indignities."13

The Siddi community faces number of problems to get reorganisations over a

period of time. The community tries to assert by various socio -cultural means, but

all the attempts turned into a great failure. The attitude of government of In<;lia and

various State governments to the problems of tribes is ambiguous such as in Andhra

Pradesh, the use of Gondi as the edium of instruction in primary schools for Gond

children is abandoned, anci since the break up of Hyderabad state no more books in

Gondi have been printed.

The literacy rate of STs is a cause for concern, it has consistently been lower

than that of the total population .The literacy rate among ST, which was 36% in

1991, increased to 48.3% in 2001 while the state average mqved from 56.04 to

66.64% .The gap between the literacy rat~ of the total population and the Scheduled

tribe is very wide. "The gross enrolmynt ratio (GER) in 2001, for STs for Classes I­

VIII (90.12) was significantly lower than GER for all students (98.81) and SCs

13 India, Government of Madhya Pradesh, The Bhopal Document: Dalit Agenda, 2002, p. 53.

157

( 1 04.57). This inequality is heightened even more by the gap between the GER for

south Karnataka (110.62) and north Karnataka (74.21)." 14 The 2001 census data

reveals that around half of the ST population in the workforce constitutes 1.71% of

the total workforce. More then 85% of working population is in rural areas. The STs

largely own low productivity assets and principle assets being their own labour.

The Siddi community of Karnataka has now been recognized as a tribal

community and the JFMP, the ST and other traditional forest Dwellers bill 2006

provides a trajectory for vertical mobility. The chapter 2 of the Bill secure the

following rights for the forest communities ~nd tdbes: "Right to hold and live in the

forest land under the individual or common occupation for habitation or for self

cultivation for livelihood by a member or memb~rs of a forest dwelling schedule

tribe or other traditional forest dwellers; community rights such as nistar, by

whatever name called, including those used in erstwhile Princely states, zamindari

or such intermediary regimes that occur in forest land" 15

The bill ensures right of ownership, access to collect, use, transport and

dispose of minor forest produce which has been traditionally collected within or

outside village boundaries. Further, the forest tribes are entitleQ to use fish and

other products of water bodies, gr~zing (both settled or transhumant) and traditional

seasonal resource access of nomadic or pastoralist communities. The landmark

aspect of the bill is supreme position of rights of tribes in case of confrontation with

the rights of local formation

The bill also recognize rights of settlement of (111 forest villages,

community right and authority to use, protect, regenerate, conserve, control or

manage any community forest resource; Right of access to biodiversity and

community right to intellectual property and traditional knowledge related to

biodiversity and cultural diversity, Right to in situ rehabilitation. These issues have

provided comprehensive policy cover to the Tribal communities.

The enactment. of the bill with amendments would undo the historical

injustice ·by recognizing and vesting the forest rights in the forest dwelling

14 . India, Karnataka, Human Development Repm1,2005,p. 200.

L' India, Lok Sabha, Bill No.l58-F,2006.

158

Scheduled Tribes who have been residing there for generations and who are integral

to the very survival and sustainability of the forest eco-systems, but whose rights

could not be reGordeci. This. woul<;l also strengthen the conservation regime by

recognizing the permanent stake of the Forest Dwelling Scheduled Tribes.

3.3. Political Groups, Demands and Agitation of Siddis

· The political assimilation and marginalization of Siddi community can be analysed

at the three levels:

• Village Forest Committee

• Gram Panchayat

• Largescale Adivasi Multipurpose society

The JFPM envisage the formation of VFC in a democratic pattern:

1. to register villagers as member

2. formation of general body

3. GB elect the President

3.3.1. Limited Participation in Village Forest Committee

The village forest committee reflects assimilatory approach adopted by the

central government and state governments of India. The committee makes mandatory for

the forest department to involve the tribes in the forest management and incorporate the

perspective of the tribes. The institution has become a new arena of political contestation.

for various sections of local society. It has intensified the political awareness in the Siddi

community. The community wants maximum participation in the village forest

committees, so that, the economic aspect of community can be addressed. The committee

can be formed in a village or group of villages. The adult residents of a village constitute

the general body of village forest committee. The village forest committee is registered as

Associations under the Karnataka forest Act. The Range Forest Officer and Deputy

Conservators of Forests play crucial in registration of village forest committee. The

enrolment fee is 2Rs per member.

159

The village forest committee elects a Managing Committee for a period of 5 years to

institutionalize the functioning of the forest management. The Joint Forest Planning and

Management project: functions on the principles of positive affirmation by ensuring social

democracy. Further, the representatives of Gram panchayat, Forest Department and NGO

constitute the ex-officio members of Managing Committee. The inclusion of Gram

panchayat and NGO reflect the increasing democratic approach and willingness to solve

social contradictions e.merged due to forest planning. The positive affirmation, along with

representation of various state and non-state actors, acts as checks and balance

instrument. But, the most landmark innovation of joint forest planning and management

is 50% positive affirmatio~, given to women in the elected membership of Managing

Committee. As a result, the women have been given 5 seats in the elected body.

3.3.1.1. Incorporation in IVth Zone

The tribal communities have been off late accommodated in the primary

level democratic institutions through local communities. "JFM Committye

represents · a village level democratic institution. The General Body of the

Committee consists of all willing adult members of villagt;s and is chaired by the

President who is elected by consensus on the majority vote. For day to day

functioning of JFMC, the members elect an Executive Body. The President of

General Body is also the President of Executive Body. To insure effective and

' meaningful· participation of women and other sections of society there are ample

provision in the policy guidelines."16

The collective efforts of state and peoples have led to emergence of various

local samities su'ch as forest protection community, village forest committee and van

sanrakasan samiti.The composition of VFC reflects the availability of control over

political power at the micrq level. Further, out of total 15 members; only 2 members of

ST are included in the committee-The limited space of assimilation becomes important

in the context of jurisdiction of Village Forest Committee in Karnataka. The VFC

helps Forest department in preparing Management Plan for the areas identified for

the purpose. It assists the Forest department in planning, protection, conservation

and development wastelands included in the management plan.

16 India,Press Information Bureau, n. 10.

160

The village forest committees effectively performs its duties and

responsibilities as per memorandum of understanding and master plan and play an

important role in mana~ement of joint forest areas. The role is important in the

development of any Government land included for joint f<;>rest purpose. In case of

afforestation, the village forest committees assist in identification of land, choice of

species, and m<;>de of protection and shall also provide necessary assistance and co­

operation in protection and management of plantations. The VFC shall be entirely

responsible for the full protection of the forests and plantations raised on such lands

after three years, preferably through its members or through paid watchman

employed by the VFC out of its resourc;es.

The VFC shall play important role in enriching the forests by preventing

encroachments, forest fires, illicit cuttings, smuggling of forest produc(f and

poaching of wild animals and regulating grazing and such other functions which are

needed to develop forest resources. The VFC shall access the funds from

government, Forest Development Agency (FDA) and other development agencies

for implementation of MP.

The Government of Karnataka is contemplating revision of the state forest

planning and management policy. The current policy came into force in the form of

a Government Order that was issued in 1993 on Joint Forest Planning and

Management. Unlike other states, Karnataka only have Joint Forest Management

and it has unique position in light of successfully implementing joint forest

planning and management project. The state needs to involve people in re-designing

the structure of joint planning and management itself. Thus, it is absolutely essential

that the Government engage with village based forest committees, village

communities, NGOs and academicians in drafting the new format for joint planning

and management.

The new policy under joint planning and management provides space to the tribes

through Management Plan to place forest conservation strategy to the State. The village

forest committee prepares a draft called Management Plan. The village si~ns a

memorandum of understanding with the Karnataka Forest Department under joint

planning and management; the time period of implementation is 10 years. The village

161

committee reviews the plan in five years period to incorporate constructive

developments. This institution has become an important tool for Siddi community to get

incorporated their views in the conservation of forest. Further, it has created political

consciousness for active engagement with Government policies. The local forces are also

creating the institution to understand the socio-economic problems of each-other. Apart

from the gram panchayat, the village forest committee is the only local institution which

provides new space for socio-economic integration in the rural society.

Table-27 Structure of Managing Committee

Sr.No Name Number

1 General category. 4

2 Scheduled Caste/Tribe 2

3 Non-Timber Forest Product collectors 2

4 Landless workers 2 '

Source: Field Survey

The Siddi community analyses the VFC form two perspective: first, the VFC has

become an instrument of empowering the dominant section of society in the IVth zone,

second the VFC is a democratic institution to establish socio-economic democracy in the

Forest areas. As the rural areas are dominated by Havyak Brahmins, Lingayats, Maratha<;

etc., the Gowlis, Harijans, Siddis remain unrepresented in the VFC as the chairmanship is

completely hijacked by the dominant sections of society. The last ten years has failed to

provide chairmanship to Siddi community for a single time.

The new leadership of Siddi community has started analyzing the VFC as a tool of

positive affirmation. Immam Siddi says, "The VFC has started a learning process in the

community by providing an arena for contestation. The tribal status has made it

compulsory for tl)e dominant section to elect a Siddi/tribal leader. Bt,~t, the positive

affirmation has not been allowed in the chairmanship of VFC. The Siddi community

wants the government should cover the chairmanship under the policy of positive

affirmation." The table no. 28 shows the areas of Siddi settlement also comes now in

162

large number under village forest committees. Due to inclusion in ST category, they are

trying their best use it for upliftment of the community. •

Table-28 Village Forest Committees in Siddi villages

No Taluka Village

1 Yellapur BailundJ.Ir

2 Yellapur Sathkatta

3 Yellapur ,Lalguli

4 Yellapur H~lasinkoppa

5' Yellapur Hutakame

6 Haliyal Jatage f---'--7 - Haliyal Jatage Hosur (

8 Haliyal Badgund ~---

1-Haliyal 9 . Kerwad

10 Dhm·wad Emmeti

11 Dharwad Unganakoppa 1-----

12 Belg~um Mt,mdargi

13 " Belgaum Amboli

Source: Field Surv~y

During the field survey of 13VFC, the Siddi community has not been represented

as a chairman. But, the new programme has started new pattern of socio-economic

inclusion of Siddi in Karnataka.

3.3.1.2 Denial of ~hairmanship in VFC

The inclusion of Siddis as a tribe by the state has definitely opened space for '

multiple mobilities. The village forest committee, according to the rules of joint forest

planning and management, plays the most important role in th(:! creation, utilisation and

protection of forest resources. The Positive affirmation has definitely assured the

participation of Siddis in the state and society. But, the practical functioning of planning

and management project clearly shows that the traditional caste panchayats dominates

Pm1chayati Raj institutions and the functioning of village forest committees in the study

regions are either dysfunctional or functioning only nominally. The quality of micro

163

planning in terms of village participation and content is generally poor. The villagers are

not involved in the planning process, are not aware of the content of the micro plan and

do not have copies of micro plan, in many cases, the KFD effectively pre-empted the

micro planning process by assigning existing eucalyptus plantations (raised under social

foresting project) to the VFC.

At another level, it has denied the traditional benefits of social

fore~try. But, it clashes with the extensive powers of Grama Shabha. According to

The Provisions of the Panchayats Act, 1996, "While endowing Panchayats in the

Scheduled Areas with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable

them to function as institutions of self-government, a State Legislature shall ensure

that the Panchayats at the appropriate level and the Gram Sabha are endowed

specifically with- the power to enforce prohibition or to regulate or restrict the sale

and consumption of any intoxicant; the ownership of minor forest produce"17

The Grama Shabha enjoys the power to prevent alienation of land in the

Scheduled Areas and to take appropriate action to restore any unlawfully alienated

land of a Scheduled Tribe. It is also entitled to manage village markets, to exercise

control over" money lending to the Scheduled Tribes. Similarly, it has the power to

exercise control over institutions and functionaries in all social sectors and to

execute the power to control over local plans and resources for development.

The National Commission on Agriculture, Government of India, first used

the term ~s~cial forestry' in 1976. It was then that India embarked upon a social

forestry project with the aim of taking the pressure off the forests and making use of

all unused and fallow land. The government forest areas that are close to human

settlement and have been degraded over the years due to human activities needed to

be afforested. Trees were to be planted in and. around agricultural fields. The

plantation of trees along railway lines and roadsides, and river and canal banks were

carried out. They were planted in village common land, government wastehmd and

Panchayat land.

17 India, Lok Sabha, Bill no.40, 1996

164

3.3.2. Integration in the Local Government

The Siddi community has witnessed emergence of political consciousness tmd

diasporic in the post-1990s. The inclusion of community in the tribal category is the

landmark development in the history of Siddi community. The Scheduled Tribe status

provides socio-cultural-econo~nic and political space for integration in the mainstream

society. Further, Krishna says, "The gram panchayat has become th~ first institution to

contest for political participation in Karnataka. Panchayat election 2005 has provided an

instrument for political. education. The Gram Panchayat election elected many members

of Siddi community. It provided a chan~e to the community to mobilize and articulate on

the political lines.

The gram panchayat is the most important tool of nation building process in the

rural society. It represents the management of nation at the micro level. The gram

panchayat includes Adhyaksha, Upadhyaksha, committees, and secretary. The

president/ Adhyaksha is the head of gram panchayat and entitled to complete the decisions

tak~n by the panchayat. The functioning of the president also depends on the social

background and the domination of group in the local areas.

The gram panchayat looks after the overall development of the village. It covers

socio-economic-political and cultural development of the village. The panchayat ensures

the availability of electricity, schools, construction of roads, census, drinking water,

prevention and treatment against disease; and management of forest and non-timber

forest products. The safety and security of the village is also covered by the panchayat. It

plays crucial role for incorporation of marginal socio-cultural practices in the mainstream

· by starting at the micro level. It provides an example from down to top for reorientation

of national policy.

3.3.2.1. ST status Provides Assimilation in the Panchayat System

The assimilation of Siddis at the local level has been made possible through

the panchayat system. The term panchayat raj literally means a council of five

members acceptable to the village community. D.D. Basu says, " Part IXth of the

constitution envisage a three tier system of panchayats namely (a)the village level

(b)district NBChayat (c) the intermediate panchayat which stands between the

village and district panchayat in states where the population is alone 20 lakh."

165

Further, he says, "Article 243 (D) provides that seats are to be reserved for a)

scheduled caste and b) scheduled tribes. The resonations shall be proportion to their

population . If, for example the scheduled caste constitutes 30% and ST 21 % ,then

30 and 21 seats shall be measured for them respectively. Out of seats so reserved

not less than one third of the seats shall be reserved for women belonging to SC &

ST respectively." 18

The government of Karnataka is implementing seventy seven of the 106

recommendations of the round tables that pertain to it. It includes for panchayats to

effectively plan and implement the functions that have been developed agreed them

it is necessary that fund pertaining to these schemes are transferred to them without

delay or diversion. The Provisions of the Panchayats ACT, 1996 stipulates, "The

reservation of seats in the Scheduled Areas at every Panchayat shall be in proportion

to the population of the communities in that Panchayat for whom reservation is

sought to be given under Part IX of the Constitution; Provided that the reservation

for the Scheduled Tribes shall not be less than one-half of the total number of seats;

Provided further that all seats of Chairpersons of Panchayats at all levels shall be

reserved for the Scheduled Tribes."19

Source: Field Survey

Photo 3: Gram Panchayat Member in Y ella pur

18 D.O. Basu, Introduction to the Constitution of India (New Delhi: Vadhwa and Company Law publishers, 2000), p. 269.

19 India, Lok Sabha, n. 17.

166 °

The photo no.5 shows an elected panchayat member from Siddi community.

The Hindu reports, "The Karnataka Panchayat Raj Act, 1993 provides 33 per cent

reservation for women, 33 per cent for Other Backward Classes and 28 per cent for

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, in keeping with the constitutional

provisions. It also provided minimum reservation to ensure that at least one seat in a

gram panchayat shall be for persons belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the

Scheduled Tribes. In Karnataka, 43 per cent of those elected to gram or village

panchayats are women, though the reservation is only for 33 perr cent."20

Table-29 Political representation of Siddis in Gram Panchayats, 2005.

No. Name of Gram Taluka N arne of members

Panchayat

I Hasanagi . Yellap\lr Laxmi Nagaya Siddi ..

2 Kampli Yellapur LaxmrSiddi

3 Kannigeri Yellapur Ganga Dhaneshwara Siddi

4 Madm1ura Yellapur Anusuya Uilim Siddi

5 An god a Yellapur Deevaki Nagaya Siddi

6 Nagolli Yellapur Lalita Nm·ashida Siddi

7 In dun ada Yellapur Santha Sucruya Siddi

8 Uaryalli Yellapur Lalita Babvita Siddi

9 Ummagi Yellapur Bhagirathi Chundura Siddi -

10 Kundugri. Yellapur Parvati Siddi

11 bongri Ankola Sarada rama Siddi

12 Dongri Ankola Ganga Krishna Siddi

13 Achuve Ankola Kamakshi Narayana Siddi

14 Suncashala ..

Ankola Laxmi ShankarSiddi -

15 Mattghatta Sirsi Lalita damodar Siddi

16 Uanaalli Sirsi Lalita Uencattemana Siddi

17 Jaddigadde Sirsi Devaki Siddi

· Source: Field Survey

20 The Hindu (Bangalore),03,0ctober,2001 ./

167

The table no. 29 shows participation of Siddi community and in this context the

women have better representation. It is product of overall development for women

representation in Karnataka. In the case of Dakshina Kannada, the representation

goes up to 50 per cent. This reservation applies not only to election of members but

also to the election of office bearers or chairpersons of these institutions. The gram

sabha is the soul of panchayat raj and the idea is to progressively strengthen its

functioning to ensure full participation of the people and accountability. These

institutions not only bring ,together women across the isms of religion, class and

caste, but also provide the preliminary art of articulation of politics at the micro

level.

3.3.3.2. Politicisation of Siddis at the Grass Root Level

The politicization of Siddis at the grass root level is rooted over the issue of

Siddi community 9'ontrol. It also located community control and management of

natural resources like jal, jungle, jameen and khaneej (water, forest, land and

minerals) on one hand and self~rule (empowered gram sabhas) on the other. They

deman~ a second freedom movement to place the issues of people's control over

livelihood resources and 'self rule' (empowered gram sabhas) on the national

agenda.

The fonn:ulation of KPL by KFD -Birla owned firm and marginalization of

tribals· reflects the politicization for survival. The KPL was formed by the

Karnataka Forest Development Corporation (a corporation wholly owned by the

Government of Karnataka) with 51% shares and the Birla owned Harihar Polyfibres,

with a 49% share. The sole purpose of KPL, with an initial outlay of Rs 30 crore,

financed by a consortium of three nationalized banks with refinancing facility by the

National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD), was to grow

eucalyptus. and other fast growing trees on forest and community lands (gomal,

soppinabetta and others) for captive consumption of Harihar Polyfibres. The KPL

was to deprive a rural population of over 500,000, especially the landless and

marginal and small farmers, of their basic needs of fodder for cattle and sheep,

fuelwood for cooking, small timber for agricultural implements, raw material for

rural artisans, like basket and mat weavers, and fruits for the poor.

168

The Karnataka Pulpwood Ltd. (KPL) was the issue where one can get

centrally involved through an effective people's movement. It was over the question

of eucalyptus or commercial species and more importantly, the deeper questions of

land - who controls it, who decides what species to plant and who benefits from

them. It was an enormous learning experience.

There is a continuing and ever increasing migration of tribals and rural poor

who have often been evicted more than once from their homes. This has been done

in the name of 'development' and 'scientific management' of natural resources like

big dams, power plants and other mega industrial and commercial ventures, and the

cl·eation of protected areas (national parks and sanctuaries).

One of the major challenges facing the state is to recognise people's rights

over natural resources. The tribals, fish workers and other rural poor must have

greater control over their land, water and forests, which have been sustained over

the centuries through utilizing them in a frugal and sustainable way. The continued

systematic assault on these common property resources, in the name of development

and scientific management has most seriously threatened the very survival base of

vast sections of people.

It is essential to emphasize that the rights of people always enumerate from

the responsibilities they shoulder. The tribals, fisherfolk and rural poor derive their

rights from the responsib~lities that they have shouldered over centuries, of

protecting biodiversity against heavy odds and utilized these resources in a frugal

and sustainable way. It is essential to recognize the rights of the deprived sections of

the people over natural resources that they have tried to protect against heavy odds.

In· this context, the Siddi community is using the local democratic institutions such

as Panchayat and VFC for politicization.

3.3.3.3. Sustainable Development through Cooperative Societies

The establishment of largescale Adivasi Multi Purpose Society is . another

instrument to start new platform for political education. This scheme provides exclusive

centric space to a tribal community for articulating development policy as the panchayat,

VFC cover inclusive policy by ensuring collective approach. The LAMPS helps the tribal

community to can·y on and strengthen the horizontal alliances. As the democratic process

169

is an inclusive process, therefore, it takes a lot of time to address all the problems of a

community in totality. In this context, this policy encourages the community as an

instrument to build up the resources required for the development of people. It uses the

social capital for the development of society. Further, it provides space for independent

political grouping. The photo no.6 shows the office of Siddi society in Y ellapur.

Source: Field Survey

Photo 4: Members and Office of LAMPS in Yellapur, Karnataka

The Siddi have established Siddi society under the chairmanship of A.K. Immam

Siddi in Y ella pur Taluka. The office has been open in the market behind the Y ellapur

main bus stand as shown in the about photo. The office of Sid dis in Y ellapur taluka

consists of 15 chairs one table booklets, and various copies. During the field survey

Krishna T. Siddi, Secretary was available to interact about Siddis. The Siddis of local

area visit the office from 10 to 1 pm and 2 to 5 pm. The office does not have a phone

connection, therefore, in the case of A.K. Immam Siddi or Krishna K. Siddi is not

available, the people to have to wait. It is common platform of Siddis irrespective of

religion. The data given in table no.30 shows the name of members of Siddi society under

170

multipurpose schemes and it reflects the aligning of diasporic elements under a new

bmmer. The new platform is providing essential infrastructure for diasporic connections.

Table-30

.. A society formed by Karnataka Government, LAMP Society.

No. '

Name of Mamber

I Immam A. K. Siddi(Chair man)

2 Krishna T. Siddi

3 Lawrence Kaithan Siddi

4 Joyan kostha Siddi

5 Gopal Rama Siddi

6 Subba Tammi Siddi

7 Pakira Siddi

8 RamaBabu

9 Karee Sab Yakuba Sab Siddi

10 Bujanga S. Siddi

11 Rokhi Bhayatti Siddi

12 Jujai Saveera Siddi

13 Laxmi Kunica Siddi

14 Ganpati Ramchandra Siddi

Source: Field Survey

3.4. Challenge~ of Siddi identity

Taluka

Yellapur

Yellapur

Yellapur

Yellapur

Yellapur

Yellapur

Ankola

Ankola

Mundgod

Yellapur

Yeilapur

Mundgod

Sirsi

Yellapur

The identity of Siddi community in the contemporary period represents a socio-

. cultural entity. The colonial and post-colonial period has provided various frameworks to

the Siddi community to project according to need of time and space. The retreating

movement from forest forced the Habshis of medieval period to define nomenclature

Siddi as an element of social dignity. The pre-globalisation period created an urgent need

to articulate an inclusive identity roote(i in the tribal flavour. The State failed to recognize

the Siddis as a tribal community whereas the society provided religious incorporation as a

171

new trajectory to formulate mainstream identity. The Siddi community were accepted as

followers of Hinduism, Islam ~nd Christianity.

The pre-1990 period provided new cultural signs and symbols to consolidate the

religious identity. It was an attempt by the local religious structure to assimilate the Siddi

tribal commimity as loc:;tl social force. The Siddi community witnessed the religious

symbols of Hinduism, Islam and Christianity as an element of interior decoration. The

field survey shows that the Siddi houses have been marked with photos of Jesus, Shiva,

Ganesha and numerical signs of 786. Inm1am A.K.Siddi says that 'We faced an

uncontrolleq movement of separation from Siddi identity. The religious pattern of

masters and geographical isolation had created insurmountable wall. Everybody had

believed that the Siddi as a, tribal entity will not survive for a long time. The ritl!als and

festivals of Hinduism, Islam and Christianity had completely removed occasions of mass

gatherings among the Siddis. But, the inability of these methods to improve the positions

of Siddis gradually started reverse process.'

3.4.1. R~cognition as Sch~d~led Tribe

The religious assimilation has definitely left irremovable socio-c\lltural (!lements

in the Siddi community. The politico-economic backwardness provided various occasions

to the Siddi community to interact with Gowlis and other marginalized section of society. -··

These marginalized groups started campaign for officially recognized Tribal identity. The

1980's witnessed vigorous attempt by the Karnataka Forest Department and landlords to

remove these tribal elements from forest areas. It started emergence of independent

movement. The formulation of Siddi Development society was a landmark step in this

direction. The Siddi community realized that the development of community can be

achieved by uniting. across the religious divisons. The categorization of forest into five

under JFPM provided new challenges and opportunities for the Siddi community.

The recognition of Siddi community as Scheduled Tribe provided an

independent platforum for articulation of diasporic identity. The new channels of

communication along with academic studies made the Siddis aware of the advantage for

being a diasporic identity. The phenotypical features and African folk culture was utilized

to construct diasporic nmntives. The establishment of LAMPS provided recognized

platforum to the community to participate in the political activities. Further, the

172

Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights)

Bill, 2006 has provided remarkable opportunity for not only politico-economic

development but to consolidate at India l~vel. The Bill No.l58-F of 200621 provide the

following provisions to the tribal community: right to hold and live in the forest for

habitation or self-cultivation, community rights such as nistar, right to collect, use and

dispose N.T.F.P, right for conversion of pattas or leases etc.

The bill has provided legal right to perceive the for~st according to tribal

perspective. The contestation over the interpretation of forest ha-; been finally ended. The

negative connotations attached with Siddis and other tribal groups have been remove4

once and for all. In this context, the Siddi identity has got an opportunity to consolidate

on the political lines. The section 8 of chapter IV of Bill No.158-Fof 2006 says, ''The

Sub-Divisonal Level Committee, the District level committee and the State level

Monitoring Committee shall consist of officers of the departments of Revenue, Forest,

and Tribals Affairs of the State Governments and three members of panchayati Raj

institutions at the appropriate level, appointed by the respective Panchyati Raj

Institutions, of whom two shall be the scheduled Tribe members and at least one shall be '

a woman, as may be prescribed"22 Definitely, the bill will make the Siddi community an

inclusive identity. But, the community has already embarked on the path of diasporic

identity. The diasporic tools are providing the Siddi community a universal platforum to

become part of a global identity.

3.4.1.1 Plantation of New Identity

The era of globalisation has planted new identity although it was demanded

many times by Siddi community of Ka.rnataka. The structurisation of Indian social

system is primarily a product caste and secondary of class. The five structure of

caste hierarchy defines and construct new values and parameters for respective

social groups. The maturation of medievalian forces to modernity did not provide an

alternate to transformation for laying down foundation of multi -social harmonious

fabriC. The continuity dictates the rubrics of modern Indian society.

Ram Ahuja reports "The number of crimes committed against STS was 4,306

21 India,Lok Sabha, n. 14. 00 't . ,. "" I )1(.

173

in 1992, 3,652 in 1993 and 5,019 in 1994. The increase in 1994 was due to the fact

that two additional crime- heads (Hurt and SC/ST prevention of Atrocities Act)

were added which alone contributed 40.1% of the total cases reported this year of

the total cases (5,019) in 1994, 26.2% pertained to SC/ST to hurt, 7.7% cases to

rape 2.1% cases to murder, 1.3% to kidnapping, and 48.8% to other cases."23

Definitely, the tribal community status provides a pan-Indian universal

identity. of victim social group. The articulation of political culture is largely '

governed by identity. Peter du Prez says, "Politics is centrally concerned with

maintaining or imposing an identity system. It is concerned with the consolidation

of interlocking symbols which give a sense of integrity and continuity to action. A

person like a class or a. nation has a history. and a sense of preciously maintained

unity. A collective, like a person, can be an agent with an identity relating it to the

to the other agents."24

In this context, the Siddi community has been officially positively

recognized and created framework for legitimacy. The legitimacy to get understood

as one of the marginalized section will definitely erode the accumulation of

misconceptions. The dominant and hegemonies cult\.lre could not provide alternate

spaGe for the incorporation of Africans in India.

Stuart Hall says, "It is sometimes matched by a strategic retreat to more

defensive identifie-s amongst the minority communities themselves in response to

the experience of cultural racism and .exclusion. Such strategies include re­

identification with cultures of origin (in the Carribean, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan)

the construction of strong counter - ethnicities as in the symbolic identification of

second generation of Afro-CatTibean youth, through the symbols and motifs of

Rastafarianism, with their African origin and heritage or the revival of cultural

traditionalism religious orthodoxy and political separatism for example amongst

some sections of the Muslim community"25•

2' Ram Ahuja, Social Problems in India (New Delhi: Raw at Publishers, 1999), p. 166. •

24 Peter du Prez, The Politics and Identity Ideology and the Human ima~e (Oxford, Basil Blackwell publishers, 1980), p.l. · · · · · · 25

Stuart Hall, "The Question of Cultural Identity", In Kate Nash, eel., Readings in Contemporary Politi.cal Sociology (Massachutes: Blackwell publishers, 2000), p. 117. · · ·

174

As the 40 million tribal people have not been uplifted by the process of

modernization and industrialization, the tribal entity is locking the scattered

elements horizontally at the national level. The project of dams, special economic

zones etc., have created a conciousness to unite politically. Ram Ahuja says, 'After

independence the tribal struggles may be classified into three groups (1) struggles

due to exploitation by outsiciers (like those of Santhals Mundas (2) struggles due to

economic deprivation {like those of Gonds in Madhya Pradesh and the mahas in

Andhra Pradesh) (3) struggles due to separatist tendencies (like these of Nagas and

Mizos). The tribal movement may also be classified on the basis of their orientation

into four types ( 1) Movements seeking political autonomy and formation of a state

(Nagas, Mizos, Jharkhand) (2) Agrarian movements (3) Forest based merchants (4)

Social- religious or socio-cultural movements."26 It clearly provides a chance to get

articulated politically at the paradigm for getting addressed various problems.

3.4.1.2 Status a Schedule tribe

The status Siddis a Scheduled tribe has opened new avenues of mobility.

First of all, the Siddi community has been officially accepted as a forest group. The

acceptance .of a social group as a scheduled tribe provides unlimted channels to

press upon the state for welfare activities. The constitution of India has already

ensured various channels through articles such as Art 15, 19 (5), 335, 338, 339, 339

(2), 275 (1), 164,244, 330, 332, 334 etc.

D.D. Basu says 'The constitution makes various special provisions for the

protection of the interests of the scheduled castes and tribes. Thus, I) measures for

the advancement of scheduled castes and tribes are exempted (Art 15( 4) from the

general ban against discrimination on the grounds of race, caste, ~nd like contained

in Art 15. It means that if special provisions are made by the state in favor of the

m~mbers of these castes and tribes, other citizens shall not be entitled to impeach

the validity of such provisions on the ground that such provisions are discriminatory

against them."27

26 Ahuja, 11. 23 p. 164. 27

Basu, 11. 17 p. 383.

175

The report of Steering Committee (Planning Commission) says, "There are

policies that exist today with a direct bearing on the welfare and development of the

tribals. They include Educati<;>n Policy (1986), Health Policy (1983), Forest Policy

(1988), Excise Policy (1974) and Rehabilitation Policy etc. There sectoral policies,

no doubt, can help improve the conditions of the tribals in their respective sectors,

but can't bring a holistic impact. Therefore, th~re lies an immediate need for

adoption of a comprehensive national policy for the development of tribals."28

The main issuses of tribals have further been addressed by the section 7 of

Forest Produce Management Board Bill, 2006. It says, "the Board constituted under

section 5 of this Act shall perform the following functions :Prepare a list of forest

produce available in every state ;Issue licenses for collection, processing , buying

a11d selling of forest produce of tribals and dependants ; provide financial assistance . ' .

in to the form.of either grants or loans at concessional rates of interest to the tribals

•'! dependants for setting up of projects relating to processing of forest produce in

such manner as may be prescribed ;provide marketing facility for the forest produce

;pay ~ompensation to the tribals I dependent sustaining loss in project approved by

the board in such manner as may be prescribed ; perform such other functions as

may be assigned to it by central government. "29 Thus the Siddi community needs to

gear up according to the opportunities now being offered by the Scheduled Tribe

status.

3.4.1.3 Cognition of African and Indian Tripes

The overall development programme for the Siddi community needs to

construct a methodology for clearly understanding internal dynamics of African and

Indian tribes. Merry I. White says, "In this age of alternative therapies,

transformation, psychologies, and holistic healing, the diversity of options for

personal transformation makes a reexamination of cultural beliefs concerning

healing of great iryte'rest. While in the past, healing has been inseparably tied to

religion and to a wide cluster of cultural norms, this is no longer the case as the

scientific doctor not the community preist or Shaman, becomes responsible for

'. . .

28 India, Planni.ng <:::omt~ission, n. 8 p. I 06. 29 India. Lok Sabha, Bill No. 56, 2006.

I. -.-~

176

physical or mental health and healing itself is conceptually compartmentalized. As

freed pointed out in his lectures on psycho analysis, cultural norms and ideals, like

the cracks which reveal the structure of crystal, all often seen most clearly through '

abnormal behavior". 30

There is a need to understand the contours of tribal social formation.

Although, sociologists and ·' anthropologists have been interested in small

communities, no special theory of economic development appears to have been

evolved for these groups. The general developmental programmes, therefore, have

been considered to adequate to meet their situation as well, particularly because

their problems all of smaller dimension. The developmental processes, however,

have either bypassed them or have ha~ an indifferent impact other socio-economic

forces, operating in larger areas, have been influencing these groups with different

results. In the long history of the Indian nation some of these groups got fully

assimilated as a caste or a sub-caste or as an identifiable district group in its

expansive social structure. Some groups, however failed to adjust to the new

construction with larger society and a state of maladjustment or conformation arose.

The cognition must effect upon a crystal clear framework for extending tribal

problems. Although, th.~ Siddi community is residing in the Karnataka since '

medieval period, but the· creation of well defined and organize interactive structure

is still needed for the Siddi community. It doesn't mean that they are isolated or

alien to other tribes certainly it clearly shows the dominance of mainstream culture

which fails to create extra space for the certification and assimilation of horizontal

tribal forces. The Hindu reports, "In recent years a spectre of the so called criminal

tribes' has larger to haunt the middle class records of newspapers in Delhi. There is

a marked increase is news items which claim that a gruesome murder of an elderly

coupl~was committed by a group of Sansis who robbed them of all their valuables,

or that a women living alone was brutally done to death in the dead of the might by

a group of Pardhis. These are also frequent television programmes on these

communities putting the fear of the devil in the minds of the terrified spectator; and

10 . . · Merry I. White and Others. The Cultural TranSition Human Experience and Social Transformation

. in the Third World and Japan (Lond()n: Roultedge & Kegan Paul, 1986), p.7.

177

the very words criminal tribes have become synonymous with criminally of a

mindless kind of violence." 31

3.4.1.4 Synthesization of New Community

The era of globalisation demands creation of new links by the Siddi

community in general and tribes of Karnataka in particular. The tribals of world and

India need to come at the fotefront. The politico-economic issues can be addressed

by the socio-politico unification of ciifferent tribes across the world. The state and

society must also chalk out strategy to provide a progressive outlook to the tribal

community. The situation .and character of poverty amongst ST population, besides

the classical view point also reflectt certain depressing scenarios specific to the

tribals viz (i) slippage/ lack of viable means of production in their possession. (ii)

. - Shrinking employment, particularly for the unskilled labour due to the expansion of

capital /technology intensive industry, trade and commence (iii) the ubiquitously

spiraling curse of inflat\on.

The tribal people are joining various problems which an~ uniform at macro

level and heterogeneous at the micro level. A vital c;omponent of the poverty

alleviation strategy and among it tribals is prevention of erosion of their subsistence

based economy and restoration to them of their land, forest, river, sea, water,

pasture and air life support systems. Other components could of course be added;

education, s~fe drinking water, housing, sanction, and hygiene second, the

environment. should be conserved.

Karnataka Human Development Report 2005 says, "The tribal population of

Karnataka increased to 34.64 Jakh in 2001 from 19.16 lakh in 1991. The decadal

growth rate during this period is a high 80.8% caqsed not by the spurt in fertility

lates but by the addition of several new tubes to the scheduled tribes (ST) category.

The decadal growth occurred in Mysore district (around 326.0%)Bagalkot (261.6%)

Dharwad (201.1%) and Belgaum (193.0%). The decadal growth rate is negative in

Dakshiria Kannada (-2.9%). Raichur (18.1%) has the highest percentage of ST

population followed by Bellary (18.0% ), while Chitradurga (17 .5%) which had the

"TheHinclu(Delhi), 16July,2000.

178

highest percentage of ST population in 1991 came down to third place in 2001 on

account of its bifurcation."32 The cumulative effort and same suffering and official

cognition by the state are creating a pan Indian tribal movement which needs to

carve out a longlasting space in the so called mainstream culture.

3.4.2. Search for New Trends of Mobilization

The biggest challenge to the Siddi identity lies in the construction of new trends

of mobiliztation. The pr;~ 1990s period provided lines of sedimentation in the local

religio-cultural milieu. The. kinship and Hiriyaru worship Dhammam dance etc. had

provided horizontal lines of communications along with vertical mobilization. The post-

1990s period has opened a vast horizon and the Siddi community faces greatest challenge

to construct an identity. They have four main pillar-dominant religion, diasporic

elements, schedt,tled tribe status, and low caste status. It is very difficult for the Siddis

community to leave the above three mention status.

The challenge to the Siddi identity is further complicated by the aggressive policy

of assimilation started simultaneously by the state and society. The state and society have

left the passive policy of assimilation practiced in the pre-1990 period. The post 1990

period ushered with the active policies of assimilation from state and society. It does not

mean that the Siddi community has been provided landmark development programmes

and they have opportunities for development.

3.4.2.1 Searc)t for Universal Mobility

The inability of mainstream culture to assimilate the Siddi culture and the

failure of social formation to carve out an acceptable and dignified space for the

Siddi community dictates alternate and powerful mode of mobilization. The Siddi

community, during field survey, made it class that they would critically understand '

the patterns of mobilization practiced by' the Tibetan Diaspora. The Tibetan

Diaspora is residing in Karnataka and bear's various similarities along with many

dissimilarities. The Tibetans have carefully retained religion as a source social and

cultural capital.

32Inclia, Karnataka, Human Development Report, 2005, p. 235.

179

Patricia Cronin Marcelleo says, "In India, two camps were organized for the

refuges - one at Messamari and another at Buxa Duar, a former British prisoner of

war camp in west Bengal. The Indian people joined in procuring food, medical

supplier and clothing for the refuges. Yet the carry proved inadequate as the

Tibetans could not adjust to the climate. Whereas Mussori{( at six thousand feet, had

a tolerable cool climate, both refugee camps were at lower elevations and the heat

was unbearable for Tibetans, who were used to live amid the Himalayas High

temperatures were often fatal to them, as were illness. I3ecause viruses expire at

high attitudes, Tibetans had never been exposed to them. in the lower sited Indian

camps, viruses flourished, and many Tibetans with no immu!).ities to disease."33

Similarly A.V Arakeri says regarding Tibetans in India, " The Tibetan youth

society at the mundgod Tibetan settlement has many plans and programmes like

sanitation teaching the Tibetans the practices of health and hygiene, providing the

poor with financial assistance, educating people against alcoholism and gambling,

controlling and protecting the youngsters from falling into bad habits, conducting

adult education programmes, making Tibetans to understand the local situations,

starting small scale economic projects, and teaching the values of legitimate and

illegitimate sex and the new and modern methods of agriculture. They also arrange

for Tibetan national dreams, dances and songs so that the people will be in touch

with the traditional culture and values of their cultures. "34

The Tibetan community also emphasizes the universal role of Dalai Lama as

mobilizing element. Patricia Cronin Marcello says, "May, 1990 brought reforms to

the Tibetan government - in-exile that would evoke anxiety over changes in

tradition as well as hope for the future. On this day, the Dalai Lama offered true

democracy to existed Tibetans by denoting his personally appointed cabinet, along

with the Tenth Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies - The Tibetan parliament.

The Dalai Lama spoke to his ~people saying ' from now on, the peoples decision will

be final I fell that the Dalai Lama should have no role here. The future assembly

33 Patricia Cronin Mat:cello, The Dalai Lama: A Biography (London: Greenwood Press. 2004), p.106. ~ ...... ·.·

A. V. Arakeri, Tibetans in India: The Uprooted People and their Cultural Transplantation (New Delhi: Reliance Publishing House, 1999), p. 245. · · · ·

180

will be entrusted with the power of appointing the ministers. "35

3.4.2.2. New Challenges of Mobilization

The search for the lines of mobilization has utterly disenchanted the Siddi

community with the various efforts made on the part of state and religious structure.

The pre and post 1990 period definitly provided various milestones to celebrate and

move for the upgradtion. The act of mobilization needs various elements to provide

threshold energy for the creation of vibrant momentum for interlocking at the

various levels. The Siddi. community has been dissected by the multiple dividing

lines which must be overcome before every effort.

The Indian forestry has undergone much change in the last decade, following

the .national forest policy of 1988 and the economic liberalization programme which

started in the country. The government forest are now managed primarily for

ecological services and meeting local communities subsistence needs, ending

decades of commercial forest based industries, accustomed to getting subsidies raw

materials supplies from government forests, are now expected to meet their

requirement from non-forest lands by establishing a direct relationship with the

farmers. In addition economic liberalization has exposed the industry to

international competition. The role of government which controls forest lands, has

also undergone a significant change. It is now widely recognized that the

government alope can't ensure that forests are sustainably managed, that they

provide the goods and services that are demanded of them, and most importantly,

that the livelihoods of those dependent on forests are assured and sustainable.

Consequently, local communities are being involved in the protection and

management of government forests through the joint forest management (JFM)

programme, which started on a pilot scale in the early 1990s and has now spread to

over 18% of forest lands.

The African diaspora is largely getting incorporated in the JFPM led

structure. The retreat movement from the religio-structure and need of politico­

economic justice is creating alternative framework of social formation. The joint

forest planning and management envisages detailed plans for the local groupings.

35Marcello, n. 33 p. 139.

181

The biggest problem being face to mobilize the tribals is due to lack of education

and it generally resulting into the unwillingness of people to turn up for meetings.

The local democratic institutions needs to understand conceptual framework of

tribal peoples in order to make sure that all activities and meetings take place at

times which are suitable for local people in other words at times which do not

interfere with their other daily activities. Rather than organizing the meetings during

June to Aug, Sept, Festival season morning and noon, those meetings should be

organised between January-May and October-December, time period should be

afternoon or early evening. Meetings are very important but they can also be a great

waste of time of not properly planned and organized.

The meetings should be organized in coordination of Beat Guard and KFD

officials and inform the people in advance if there is any change in the programme.

In order to increase the participation of Siddis, it must be ensured that village people

have agreed that this is a convenient there to visit. The tribal communities have very

open ended conceptual understanding of norms and values which definitely shares

and differ from mainstream values. Thus, the venues of meetings should be

preferred in the public institutions or places such as school etc.

Apart from carving out a balanced lines of mobilization the Siddi community to

chock out a clear cut strategy to assimilate the differentiating elements in the society. It

requires to carve out new symbols, norms and values which rise of segmentary line such

as religion, class and region etc. The Siddi households have adopted science and symbols

iof local religious system. The religious institutions have provided separate for social

gathering. Further, the pattern of man-iage along with religious construction pose the

biggest challenge to any constredion of unified space for socio-cultural-political

economic assertion. The Siddi community does need to get active support of civil society

in their effort to· re-define socio-cultural space. Unlike Gujarati Siddi, the Siddis of

Karnataka do not have well defined space for the articulation of modern entity. The

establishments of LAMP society have definitely provided space for the marginalization

of religious demarcations.

Krishna Siddi says that 'The Siddi community face dual problem: on the one

hand, the leadership can be made effective by uniting the community under Siddi label as

182

a local social group but on the other hand, the religo-cultural factors have imoaded in the

society deeply that without the penetration of modern ed\lcation, the society cannot be

raised at the macro level'. It clearly shows that the Siddi community has entered into the

local institutions of governance in a very limited scale and the institutions of governance

such as Gram Panchayat, Village forest Committee, Managing Committee are still

primarily pocket power of dominant sections of society. In this contex,t, the Siddi

community is constructing · a space for diaspora politics to . overcome economic

marginalization and get organized for articulation identity in the framework of diaspora t

The community has already started diaspora politics at the local level and the forces of

globalization are providing new avenues to ·the community for diaspora politics at

national and international level.

183