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How Can We Improve Access to Justice in the Criminal System?
by Rebecca Richardson
Table of Contents
INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................... 2
DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDIGENT DEFENSE SYSTEM...............................................................4CONSTITUTIONALLY ESTABLISHED............................................................................................ 4SUPREME COURT’S INTERPRETATION OF THE SIXTH AMENDMENT............................................4
DEFICIENCIES IN THE CURRENT INDIGENT DEFENSE SYSTEM.................................................6FUNDING................................................................................................................................... 6
Underpaid Defense Attorneys................................................................................................ 9Overworked Defense Attorneys............................................................................................ 10Incentives Not to Become a Defense Attorney......................................................................11
INADEQUATE SUPPORT STAFF................................................................................................. 12Investigators........................................................................................................................ 13Experts................................................................................................................................ 14Secretaries and Additional Support Staff.............................................................................14Inadequate Technology........................................................................................................ 15
THERE’S NO MALPRACTICE IN INDIGENT DEFENSE.................................................................16EFFECT ON IMPOVERISHED CRIMINAL DEFENDANTS DUE TO INADEQUACIES IN THE SYSTEM. 18
Increased Guilty Pleas......................................................................................................... 18Increased Convictions and Longer Sentences......................................................................18
WAYS TO IMPROVE THE CURRENT SYSTEM............................................................................19A HIGHER BURDEN OF PROOF................................................................................................. 19REDUCE CASELOADS............................................................................................................... 21SALARY EQUALITY................................................................................................................. 21STATE COMMISSIONS PROJECT................................................................................................ 23HYBRID PROGRAM.................................................................................................................. 26
CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................. 27
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INTRODUCTION The criminal justice system in the United States has been in a constant state of
development and growth since the inception of the United States. With time, many
Constitutional rights have expanded and evolved to provide American citizens with greater
protection under the law. However, there is one area of criminal law that has remained stagnant
since its inception- the indigent defense system. In Gideon v. Wainwright the Supreme Court
ruled that criminal defendants who are unable to afford an attorney must have one appointed to
them.1 Without this protection, the Court ruled that a defendant would not be ensured a fair
trial.2
Congress passed the Criminal Justice Act of 1964 to ensure that the Court’s ruling was
upheld.3 The Court and Congress made initial efforts to create economic equality in the justice
system by ensuring that impoverished defendants had an attorney. Yet, over time, the efforts to
maintain and sustain such equality have subsided and the impoverished are left with severe
inequality in the criminal justice system that often results in harsher prison sentences, increased
guilty pleas, and increased convictions.
For example, in Tyler, Texas, Henry Clark was accused of a drug-related offense and
spent six weeks in jail before he was actually appointed an attorney.4 Additionally, Clark spent
another seven weeks in jail before the District Attorney’s Office released the case once they
realized that the wrong man had been arrested.5 At the end of it all, Clark had lost his job, his
1 Gideon v. Wainwright, 372 U.S. 335, 345 (1963) (discussing the right to counsel for all indigent defendants’ in felony or capital cases applies to the states ). 2 Id. at 345. 3 John J. Cleary, Toward a More Effective Right to Assistance of Counsel, LAW AND CONTEMPORARY PROBLEMS, 1995, at 65.4 Brooks Egerton, They Had the Wrong Man, but No One Believed Him, DALLAS MORNING NEWS, July 16, 2000 at 27A. 5 Id.
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home, and his car and spent months in a homeless shelter.6 Sadly, Clark’s situation is neither the
most unusual nor the most deplorable; it is simply one of many.
Part I of this note will discuss the development of the indigent defense system. Part II
will discuss the deficiencies in the current indigent defense system and the reasons for those
deficiencies. Part III will address the impact that the inadequacies in the system have on those
who are most affected, the impoverished. Part IV will consider ways to improve the current
system.
The Declaration of Independence proclaims that “all men are created equal.” The
Supreme Court in Gideon declared that even impoverished defendants are entitled to a fair trial
by having the right to appointed counsel. Unfortunately, all men are not treated equally in
today’s criminal justice system, and one’s economic standing, or lack thereof can be the
difference between spending a lifetime in prison or merely receiving probation.
The indigent defense system has fallen short in the past, but the problems of the current
system could be remedied through the mandatory creation of state commissions as well as a
federal commission to examine the current problems in the system and implement change.
However, in order to produce solutions for the indigent defense system and thereby
provide equal access to justice for all defendants, one must first fully understand the issues
preventng the current system from achieving such a goal.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDIGENT DEFENSE SYSTEM
CONSTITUTIONALLY ESTABLISHED
The Sixth Amendment of the United Sates Constitution provides:
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, 6 Id.
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by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.
The Sixth Amendment clearly states that a criminal defendant is entitled to an attorney to
defend him in federal court.
SUPREME COURT’S INTERPRETATION OF THE SIXTH AMENDMENT
Initially, a defendant’s Sixth Amendment right to counsel was not addressed by the
Supreme Court. It was not until the 1930s that the Court began to heavily consider the Sixth
Amendment right to counsel.7 In Powell v. Alabama the Court held that an indigent defendant is
entitled to counsel when being charged with any capital offense.8 In 1938, the Court broadened
the right to counsel for indigent defendants, stating that this right must be afforded to every
indigent defendant being charged with a felony.9
After so much development with the Sixth Amendment right to counsel, the Court
suddenly made a decision contrary to all the progress that had been made. The decision in Betts
held that the right to counsel for indigent defendants did not apply to the states through the
Fourteenth Amendment.10 This setback was only minor. In 1963, the Court decided the most
pivotal case concerning indigent defendants, Gideon v. Wainwright was a foundational case that
7 Mary Sue Backus & Paul Marcus, The Right to Counsel in Criminal Cases, A National Crisis, 57 HASTING L.J. 1031, 1041 (2006) (discussing indigent defendants’ right to counsel). 8 Powell v. Alabama, 287 U.S. 45 (1932) (discussing right to counsel for capital offense).9 Johnson v. Zerbst, 304 U.S. 458, 463 (1938) (discussing indigent defendants’ right to counsel in a felony offense).10 Betts v. Brady, 316 U.S. 455, 473 (1942) (discussing that right to counsel for indigent defendants does not apply to the states).
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reversed Betts,11 and the case has been the center of much change and controversy in the criminal
system.
In Gideon the petitioner, Clarence Gideon, brought habeas corpus proceedings against
the Director of the Division of Corrections.12 Gideon was convicted in a Florida state court of
breaking and entering with an intent to commit a misdemeanor; it was a felony in the state of
Florida.13 Gideon could not afford an attorney and asked the state court to appoint one on his
behalf; the state court refused.14 Gideon feebly attempted to defend himself; not surprisingly,
this resulted in a guilty conviction causing Gideon to become a convicted felon.15
The Court reviewed their precursory rulings and determined that Betts was a substantial
departure from the Court’s prior decisions.16 A defendant’s access to justice in the criminal
system, to a fair trial, and to the right to be heard is contingent on the defendant having someone
on his side to advocate for him. Therefore, the Court held that every indigent defendant has the
option to retain counsel.
What many failed to realize is that, in spite of the Court’s ruling, the battle to ensure
equality in the criminal system, regardless of a defendant’s economic status, had just began.
Many questions were left unanswered, such as, what exactly does this broad statement of right to
counsel entail? What about indigent defendants who have been appointed an attorney, but have
no contact with him until there next court date?
11 Gideon v. Wainwright, 372 U.S. 335, 345 (1963) (discussing the right to counsel for all indigent defendants’ in felony or capital cases applies to the states ).12 Gideon, 372 U.S. at 336.13 Id. at 337.14 Id.15 Id..16 Id. at 345.
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Gideon left many issues unresolved, and, as such, its ruling has been diluted while the
indigent defense system is still filled with such extreme and vast deficiencies.
DEFICIENCIES IN THE CURRENT INDIGENT DEFENSE SYSTEM
FUNDING
The current system is permeated with deficiencies that can be heavily attributed to the
lack of funding. Citizens’ lack of concern for the indigent defense system may be attributed, in
part, to the feeling that the indigent defense system does not affect them. This is furthest from
the truth. A decrepit system has an impact on everyone in the community. For example, the
state of Oregon was no longer able to pay public defenders due to the excess of cases; to solve
this problem, the state delayed prosecution of twenty thousand crimes.17 As a result, thousands
of criminals were released back into the community.18
The average budget allotted to state-funded prosecution of criminals is $5 million per
year; however, less than $3 million per year is allocated to the indigent defense system.19 At the
federal level, the same problems arise. For example, in 1998 the approximate budget for
funding for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Drug Enforcement Administration, and the
U.S. Attorney’s Office was approximately $5.5 billion.20 However, the federal indigent defense
system was allotted approximately $400 million for that year.21
17 Kyung Lee, Reinventing Gideon v. Wainwright: Holistic Defenders, Indigent Defendants, and the Right to Counsel, 31 AM. J. CRIM. L. 367, 374 (2004) (discussing the efect of Gideon). 18 Id. at 374. 19 Adam M. Gershowitz, Raising the Burden of Proof: A Default Rule for Remedying the Under-Funding of Indigent Defense, SSRN 1 (2006) (discussing remedies for the current indigent defense system).20 Id. at 6.21 Bob Sablatura, Study Confirms, Money Counts in County Courts; Those Using Appointed Lawyers are Twice as Likely to Serve Time, HOUS. CHRON., Oct. 17, 1999 at A1.
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The table below notes the annual budget for the Oklahoma Indigent Defense System.
Although this budget seems rather large, in 2006, merely one District Attorney’s Office in
Oklahoma received a $9 million budget for the fiscal year.22 Its budget was almost twice the size
of that allocated to their counterparts in the local indigent defense system.
Oklahoma Indigent Defense System Budget
ProgramFY 2004
BudgetFY 2005
BudgetFY 2006
BudgetFY 2007
BudgetAppellate Services $3,488,354 $4,214,114 $4,613,231 $4,636,341
General Operations $742,714 $661,838 $652,838 $701,006
Trial Services $4,329,303 $4,182,026 $4,346,280 $4,376,373
Non-Capital Contracts $4,999,082 $5,602,312 $6,162,040 $6,569,732
Regional Offices $1,946,460 $2,198,074 $2,387,466 $2,535,185
Forensic Testing $650,000 $655,000 $655,00 $650,000
TOTAL $16,115,913 $17,513,364 $18,626,855 $19,468,637
In a few states, Pennsylvania and Utah, the indigent defense system is not funded by the
federal or state governments; instead the counties are given the responsibility of funding the
indigent defense systems.23 The District of Columbia is unique in that it receives all of its
funding for indigent defense from the federal government.24
These severe discrepancies in funding causes one to question how public defenders can
provide a fair defense if the money funded to their system is substantially lower than that of their
prosecutorial counterparts? The table below depicts how various state indigent defense systems
are funded.
Full State Funding More Than50% State
Full County
More Than 50%
22 Wes Lane for DA, http://www.weslaneforda.com/ (last visited November 15, 2007). 23 Erin Evertt, Salvation Lies Within: Why Mississippi Courts Can and Should Step in to Solve Mississippi’s Indigent Defense Crisis, 74 MISS. L. J. 213, 219-220 (2004) (Comment).24 See Id.
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Funding Funding County
Funding
Alaska MissouriAlabama MontanaArkansas New HampshireColorado New JerseyConnecticut New MexicoDelaware North CarolinaFlorida North DakotaHawaii OregonIowa Rhode IslandKentucky TennesseeMaine VermontMaryland VirginiaMassachusetts West VirginiaMinnesota WisconsinMontana Wyoming
Alabama
Kansas
Oklahoma
Pennsylvan
ia
Utah
ArizonaCalifornia GeorgiaIdahoIllinoisIndianaLouisianaMichiganMississippiNebraska NevadaNew YorkOhio South CarolinaSouth DakotaTexas Washington
THE SPANENBERG GROUP (2005)
Indigent defendants account for 80% of criminal cases; this is, of course, a large portion
of criminal defense; however, one must consider that criminal prosecutors must prosecute 100%
of crimes that occur.25 Thus, it is understandable that criminal prosecutors need more funding
because their burden is greater. Although this reasoning is valid, the disparities in funding
between the prosecutors and indigent defense system are greater than merely 20%.
On the state level, there are many examples of underfunding. In 1999, Harris County in
Houston, Texas allocated $26 million for the Harris County District Attorney’s Office while $13
million dollars was spent on the indigent defense system.26 The state of Mississippi spent
25 Gershowitz, supra note 19, at 7. 26 See Id.
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approximately $16 million to prosecute felony cases in 2000 while the indigent defense system
only received $9 million of state funding.27
The ripple affects of under funding extend far beyond concerns of attorney
compensation. The state of Louisiana has the highest adult incarceration rate in the nation;
perhaps because merely $2.10 per capita is spent for indigent defense.28 Thus, it is of little
surprise that so many defendants are incarcerated. As noted above, several other problems arise
as a result of an under funded system.
Underpaid Defense Attorneys
The discrepancies in state and federal funding become even more discouraging when
considering how much public defenders are compensated. For example, the 2000 study of the
public defenders in a Georgia County revealed that public defenders were compensated
approximately $49.86 per case.29
The starting salaries for public defenders and district attorneys are comparable,
the disparities become greater when considering earning potential. For example, in California
the public defender salaries range from $39,000 for an entry level position to $112,000 for the
public defender while the assistant district attorneys earn $52,000 and the District Attorneys earn
$168,000.30 The pay gap is much larger for the maximum amount a district attorney can earn as
opposed to a public defender. In 2002, public defenders in Wayne County, Michigan were
compensated approximately $6 to $12 per hour when considering their heavy caseload with the
amount of compensation they actually received.31 27 Id. at 8. 28 Backus & Marcus, supra note 7, at 1050.29 Gershowitz, supra note 19, at 8.30Law.com, http://www.law.com/special/professionals/nlj/earn/earns_4.html (last visited November 15, 2007).31 Gershowitz, supra note 19, at 8.
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Overworked Defense Attorneys
It is likely difficult for attorneys who want to advocate fully for each of their
clients but cannot because of the vast number of clients they represent. As such, not only do
indigent defendants become victims of the crumbling indigent defense system, the public
defenders become victims as well. The American Bar Association has provided guidelines and
principles for the indigent defense system. Principle Five states, “Defense counsel’s workload is
controlled to permit the rendering of quality representation.”32
The National Advisory Committee suggests that the maximum cases per year per
attorney should be as follows: 150 felonies, 400 misdemeanors, 200 juvenile, 200 mental health,
or 25 appeals.33 This means that an attorney has exceeded the amount of cases he can reasonably
handle if any of the above categories are exceeded. The ABA has provided estimates of the
hours of preparation that go into various types of cases. For example, a capital case requires an
average of 1,900 hours from an attorney if it results in a trial and an average of 1,200 hours if it
results in a guilty plea.34
Unfortunately, these standards are rarely abided by. In Connecticut, public defenders
may be required to represent as many as 1,000 indigent defendants per year; in Minnesota, a
public defender quit his job because the excess of cases was overwhelming.35 In one year the
attorney had 135 felony cases and 400 misdemeanors.36 In the span of seven months, a
Louisiana attorney represented approximately 418 indigent defendants.37
32 AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION, ABA Ten Principles of a Public Defense Delivery System, 2 (2002).33 Id. at 5. 34 Id. at 5. 35 Scott Wallace & David Carroll, The Implementation and Impact of Indigent Defense Standards, 31 SO. U. L. REV. 245, 269 (2004) (discussing deficiencies in the indigent defense system). 36 See Id.37 Gershowitz, supra note 22, at 11.
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In Clark County, Nevada, the average court appointed attorney had approximately 1,400
juvenile cases in 2001.38 Even in states where the caseloads are not alarmingly high, they are
still unacceptably high. In Fairfax County, Virginia, public defenders are appointed to
approximately 400 cases per year39 Even this “small” caseload is substantially beyond ABA
standards.
Incentives Not to Become a Defense Attorney
Another impact created from an underfunded indigent defense system is the incentive to
not become a public defender that is created. Public defenders regularly make much less money
than their prosecutorial counterparts.40 Additionally, the word “justice” is usually synonymous
with the U.S. Attorney’s Office or the District Attorney’s Office, not the Public Defender’s
Office.41
The rewards from one’s chosen line of work can be much greater for those who choose
to become prosecutors as opposed to public defenders. Attorney often use the District
Attorney’s Office or the U.S. Attorney’s Office as a way to move up the political ladder into
politics or judgeships.42 Public Defenders are less likely to be rewarded for their line of work, as
a community of voting citizens is less likely to vote for a candidate that defended indigent
defendants in his previous career. For example, in 2005 the state lieutenant governor of Virginia
attempted to run for the governor of Virginia; the gubernatorial candidate was accused of being
“an ACLU lawyer who defends death row inmates.”43 In reality, the candidate had been
38 Backus & Marcus, supra note 7, at 1055. 39 Id. at 1056.40 Lee, supra note 17, at 379.41 See Id.42 See Id. 43 Margaret Edds, The ACLU, Death Penalty, and Gubernatorial Spin, Virginia-Pilot, Jan. 2, 2005 at J1.
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appointed to represent two death-row inmates on appeal. Unfortunately, this record was not
something that the candidate could proudly display at an election.
INADEQUATE SUPPORT STAFF In addition to severely losing the funding battle, public defenders are also losing the
battle when it comes to having adequate support services and staff. State and federal prosecutors
often have support staffs that are larger than the actual number of attorneys in the office.
Support staff are not a luxury but a necessity for attorneys to adequately advocate for their
clients.
According to the Supreme Court, “a criminal trial is fundamentally unfair if the State
proceeds against an indigent defendant without making certain that he has access to the raw
materials integral to the building of an effective defense.”44 In order for a defendant to have
“meaningful access to justice” and “build an effective defense,” raw materials such as
investigators and experts even secretaries must be available. Without these an indigent
defendant cannot have a fair trial.
Investigators
Investigators are an essential part to building an effective defense: they are specially
trained experts that collect evidence, process that evidence, and interview witnesses.45 Although
lawyers are trained and specialize in law, the field of investigation is far outside their realm of
expertise. Yet, public defenders around the nation are being forced to act as investigators as well
as attorneys. For example, in Mississippi, a public defender can only get an investigator for his
cases if he pays for it himself.46 In Ohio, a judge decided that having a defense investigator in a 44 Ake v. Oklahoma. 470 U.S. 68, 77 (1985) (discussing that indigent defendant must have certain tools in order to have effective right to a fair trial).45 Backus & Marcus, supra note 7, at 1097.46 Id. at 1098.
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murder trial was unnecessary because the public defender had been an investigator previously,
thirty years before.47
In Montana, New York, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Georgia, public defenders are not
entitled to investigators to mount their defenses.48 While public defenders usually can not
manage to get even one investigator, prosecutors have access to the police department
investigators and/or their own investigators to assist with investigation for cases.49
Experts
Unfortunately, the likelihood of a public defender receiving an expert witness for his case
is much like the outcome with receiving investigators, unlikely. Experts are sometimes needed
to evaluate forensic evidence or DNA samples.50 Experts are viewed as a necessity for
prosecutors to have, yet as a luxury for defense attorneys to have. In Georgia, a public defender
noted that every time he has requested an expert for his case, he has been denied one by the
courts.51
In Virginia a judge denied the use of a DNA expert by the defense in a murder case that
was seven-years old.52 Re-testing and analyzing the DNA with an expert to testify to his
findings was pivotal to the case; however, the judge agreed with the prosecution’s argument that
the cost of an expert would be too great an expense to the state.53
47 Id. 48 Id..49 Id at 1099. 50 Id. at 1100.51 Id.52 Id.53 Id.
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Secretaries and Additional Support Staff
As noted earlier, public defenders have heavy caseloads, thus it is important that their
time is utilized most efficiently – by addressing legal matters. Unfortunately, many public
defenders spend much of their time answering phones or doing other secretarial work.54 In Lake
County, Montana, the two public defenders in the public defenders office function with no
paralegal or secretaries.55 As a result, the attorneys must spend much of their time answering
phones or doing other administrative work.56 For example, Alaskan public defenders must take
time away from their legal obligations to find files, copy documents, and answer phones.57
Inadequate Technology
With the development of the digital age, having access to computers and updated
technology is essential in any professional field. The current process in the legal profession is to
submit typed documents to the court as opposed to handwritten legal documents. Therefore,
when public defenders in Montgomery County, Ohio, have no access to adequate technology in
their offices, many bring their personal computers or laptops to the office in order to draft
motions and prepare other essential materials.58
In Lake County, Montana, the public defenders do not have access to legal research
electronically or through a library. When they decide to conduct legal research, they must drive
seventy miles to nearest facility at the University of Montana Law School library.59
Pertinent here, the disparity between what prosecutors are provided and what public
defenders are provided is startlingly apparent. Even in counties where the public defenders are
54 Id. at 1101.55 NAT’L LEGAL AID & DEFENDER ASSOC., Assessment of Indigent Defense Services in Montana, 21 (2004). 56 See Id. 57 Backus & Marcus, supra note 7, at 1101.58 NAT’L LEGAL AID & DEFENDER ASSOC, supra note 55, at 19.59 See Id.
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provided with the basic tools, they are still denied equipment and supplies that prosecutors are
supplied with. In San Bernardino County, California, the public defender’s office is provided a
few technological tools to conduct their work but items such as cell phones and digital cameras
are not provided to the office investigators.60 However, the prosecutors in San Bernardino
County are provided digital cameras and cell phones.61
For example, in 2005 the public defender’s office in Connecticut had to use their funding
to update the technology in their offices; the computers were updated as well as electronic legal
research.62 Compared with the rest of the nation, Connecticut’s indigent defense system seems
to be advanced; however, while the public defenders were updating computers, Connecticut
prosecutors were being trained to use state-of-the-art legal software to assist in presenting more
compelling audio and visual evidence to juries.63
THERE’S NO MALPRACTICE IN INDIGENT DEFENSEThe Supreme Court has determined that the burden rests with the defendant to prove
whether an attorney’s inadequacies in court affected the outcome of the defendant’s case.64 The
burden rests with the defendant to prove that the attorney’s counsel “fell below an objective
standard of reasonableness.”65 Additionally, the court presumes that the attorney’s conduct was
reasonable.66 Although the American Bar Association maintains that the conduct of indigent
defense attorneys will be reviewed methodically and determinations will be made concerning the
60See Id. 61 Backus & Marcus, supra note 7, at 1102.62 COMM. DIV. OF PUBLIC DEFENDERS SERVS., Annual Report (2005), available at http://www.ocpd.state.ct.us/Content/Annual2005/2005Chap6.htm (last visited November 15, 2007). 63 Backus & Marcus, supra note 7, at 1102.64 Strickland v. Washington, 466 U.S. 688, 689 (1984) (discussing test for establishing ineffective counsel). 65 See Id. 66See Id.
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efficiency and quality of counsel, such standards or principles seem to be falling by the
wayside.67
One is reminded of the infamous story of a public defender in Houston, Texas who slept
during his client’s trial in 1984.68 Calvin Burdine was on trial for murder with a possibility of
the death penalty.69 Applying the Strickland test, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals held that
the attorney’s conduct was constitutionally permissible.70
More recently, in 1991 Attorney John Been slept soundly throughout much of his client’s
capital murder trial with his head cocked back and his mouth continually falling open.71 The
trial court stated that although the attorney was sleeping during the proceedings; his conduct still
met constitutional standards since the Sixth Amendment does not require that an attorney is
awake during the proceedings.72
Courts have found that attorneys under the influence of alcohol and drugs have still
managed to adequately defend their clients.73 For example, Jimmy Bromgard was imprisoned
for sixteen years due to the incompetence of his public defender.74 Bromgard was accused of
raping a minor, DNA evidence eventually proved that Bromgard was not the perpetrator.75
Unfortunately, Bromgard’s public defender failed to perform basic lawyering skills that could
have proved his clients innocence such as investigating, hiring a forensic expert to oppose the
67 AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION, Ten Principles of a Public Defense Delivery System 2 (2002)68 Ex parte Burdine, 901 S.W.2d 456 (Tex. Crim. App. 1995) (applying the Strickland test). 69 Id. 70 Ex parte Burdine, 901 S.W.2d 456 (Tex. Crim. App. 1995) (applying the Strickland test). 71 John Makeig., Asleep on the Job, HOUS. CHRON., Aug. 14, 1992, at A35.72 See Id. 73 Lee, supra note 17, at 382.74 See Id.75 Id. at 382.
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state’s expert, filing motions, giving an opening or closing statement, or filing an appeal of the
conviction.
EFFECT ON IMPOVERISHED CRIMINAL DEFENDANTS DUE TO INADEQUACIES IN THE SYSTEMWith the extensive deficiencies in the current system, one must consider the implications
this has for those who are most affected- indigent defendants.
Increased Guilty Pleas
As indigent defendants are quickly shuffled through the system, they are more likely to
plead guilty to the charges against them. Public defenders’ overwhelming caseloads may be a
catalyst to these guilty pleas; with an overabundance of cases and low funding, there is no time
or money to investigate, appeal, or proceed with a trial.76 The American Bar Association noted
that 42% of indigent defense cases within a five-year period ended with guilty pleas at the
arraignment, the first time the public defender met his client.77 The public defenders did not
interview their clients, interview other witnesses, or investigate crime scenes.78
Increased Convictions and Longer Sentences
Indigent defendants are also sentenced to incarceration at much higher rates than criminal
defendants with hired counsel. In a 1999 study of Harris County, Texas, looking specifically at
the 30,000 felony cases that were filed for the year, indigent defendants were sentenced to jail or
prison 58% of the time while defendants with private attorneys were only sentenced 29% of the
time.79 According to a study conducted by the United States Bureau of Justice, convictions in
federal court are approximately 11% higher for indigent defendants that for those with private
76 Gershowitz, supra note 22, at 13.77 Id. at 15. 78 See Id.79 Bob Sablatura, Study Confirms Money Counts in County’s Courts, HOUS. CHRON., Oct. 17, 1999, at 1, 1999 WL 24259732.
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counsel, 88% compared to 77%, respectively.80 Unfortunately, the disparities in state courts
were larger with 71% of indigent defendants receiving convictions while only 54% of
defendants with private counsel received guilty convictions.81
Additionally, the art of plea bargaining is a necessary skill for defense attorneys to
employ in an effort to get shorter sentences for their clients. Indigent defendants are possibly
sentenced to longer sentencing in jail or prison than defendants are with hired counsel because
public defenders often do not see their clients until later in the criminal proceedings.82 As a
result, the ability to plea bargain before a grand jury indictment is lost for indigent defendants.83
WAYS TO IMPROVE THE CURRENT SYSTEM
A HIGHER BURDEN OF PROOFThe most controversial and unique remedy is implementing a higher burden of proof in
cases where the defendant is indigent. Once a state court has determined that an indigent
defense system is underfunded, it will go one step further and actually implement a remedy.84
This remedy will create a subsequent higher standard for all cases involving indigent defendants;
prosecutors will no longer prove guilt “beyond a reasonable doubt;” instead, they must prove
guilt “beyond all doubt.”85
This higher burden could be eliminated by the state’s legislature if it provides adequate
funding for the indigent defense system.86 The higher burden would provide an incentive for
80 DOJ, Indigent Defense Statistics, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/id.htm#caseload (last visited November 15, 2007).81 See Id.82 Morris B. Hoffmam, An Empirical Study of Public Defender Effectiveness: Self- Selection by the Marginally Indigent, 3 OHIO ST.. J. CRIM. L. 233 (2005) (discussing deficiencies in the indigent defense system).83 Gershowitz, supra note 19, at 19.84 Id. at 34. 85 Id. at 34. 86 Gershowitz, supra note 19, at 34.
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legislatures to adequately fund their indigent defense systems. Legislatures could prove their
compliance by ensuring that indigent defense cases do not exceed the ABA standards or by
ensuring that the funds indigent defense systems receive are equivalent to that of state
prosecutors.87
Therefore, the state legislatures would implement changes and would be held accountable
by indigent defense commissions.88 Indigent defense commissions are typically composed of
individuals appointed by the legislature, the Governor, or the state supreme court.89 The
commissions would conduct a yearly analysis to determine if the state was meeting at least one
of the two requirements; if one of the requirements is met, then the lower burden of “beyond a
reasonable doubt” would be restored.90
One might question whether a higher burden is constitutionally permissible? The Court
interpreted that the “beyond a reasonable doubt” burden was required by the Constitution, but
this requirement seems to be a minimum and not a maximum requirement.91 Therefore, at a
minimum, the “beyond a reasonable doubt” burden must be established, but the Court has placed
no limit on how high this burden may be raised. Additionally, this proposal does not violate the
Equal Protection Clause.
The 20% of criminal defendants who are non-indigent defendants will not be entitled to a
higher burden of proof; however the Equal Protection Clause only comes into effect when a
suspect class of persons is treated differently.92 For equal protection purposes, wealth is not
87 Id. at 42. 88 THE SPANENBERG GROUP, Statewide Indigent Defense Systems (2005). 89 Id. 90 Gershowitz, supra note 19, at 44.91 Adam M. Gershowitz, The Invisible Pillar of Gideon, 80 IND. L.J. 571, 585 (2005) (discussing the Gideon standard for indigent defense that has not been met). 92 San Antonio Ind. Sch. Dist. v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1 (1973).
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considered a suspect or even quasi-suspect class. Therefore, the proposal should withstand
judicial scrutiny as long as it has a “legitimate governmental purpose” and the means to achieve
this proposal is “rationally related to the purpose.”93
REDUCE CASELOADSAnother controversial yet plausible solution to the indigent defense crisis is
to decriminalize certain non-violent offenses such as drug possession, suspended licenses, or
disturbing the peace.94 For offenses that allow jail time but where the court rarely requires jail
time, these offenses could become civil offenses.95 Categorizing certain offenses as civil would
alleviate the need for public defenders and reduce the case overloads of the indigent attorneys.96
This would also allow the courts, prosecutors, and indigent offenders to focus on offenses that
are more harmful to the community as well as carry more serious punishments for the
defendant.97
SALARY EQUALITY Another option to level the playing field is to provide loan absolution for public
defenders. Since public defenders’ compensation is lower than prosecutors, public defenders
should automatically qualify for a student loan exemption program.98 This would allow in
extreme circumstances where pay is particularly low for public defenders’ law school loan debts
to be wiped away completely. In circumstances where the public defenders are receiving
substantially lower compensation then the state or federal prosecutors, the government could
93 Williamson v. Lee Optical, 348 U.S. 483 (1955); Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976). 94 Backus & Marcus , supra note 7, at 1125.95 See Id. 96 Gershowitz, supra note 19, at 43.97 Backus & Marcus, supra note 7, at 1125.98 Backus & Marcus, supra note 7, at 1126.
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provide forgiveness for half of the debt or at least place the public defender’s student loans at a
much lower interest rate.
In 2001 the American Bar Association created the Commission on Loan Repayment and
Forgiveness.99 This commission was implemented to study the effect that accepting a public
interest law position has on recent law graduates who often have student loan debt upwards of
$80,000.100 Many recent graduates are forced to leave the public service field after a few years
because the benefits of working in such a field are outweighed by basic necessities such as
providing for one’s family and paying bills. Unfortunately, the Commission on Loan
Repayment and Forgiveness disbanded in 2003, but not before creating small changes in the
legal community.101 To date, approximately 30 law schools have some form of loan repayment
assistance programs.102
For example, law students graduating from Albany University anytime after 2004 may
receive loan forgiveness up to $10,000 per year for three years if they pursue public interest law.
Additionally, at the University of California, Berkley, School of Law, students with an income
below $58,000 may receive up 100% loan forgiveness. Lastly, the Charleston School of Law
provides a one-time grant of $2,500.
This program provides an excellent opportunity for the disparities in pay between public
defenders and district attorneys to be virtually eliminated with no additional costs to the state
legislatures. Perhaps the Student Loan Repayment and Forgiveness program should be
implemented not through law schools but through state governments. This will create a more
99 Curtis Canton & Frank Coffin, Pass It On, Vol. 11, No. 3, Spring 2002.100 See Id. 101 See Id. 102 American Bar Association, http://www.abanet.org/legalservices/probono/lawschools/pi_lrap.html (last visited November 15, 2007).
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uniform and standardized program that all schools of law must abide by. It will provide greater
incentives for law students to become public defenders and as a result possibly increase the
quality of representation and the quantity of attorneys willing to represent indigent defendants.
STATE COMMISSIONS PROJECT The State Commissions Project was implemented by the American Bar Association and
the Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Assistance in 1999 to oversee the creation of
indigent defense commissions in several states.103 The state commissions essentially study the
indigent defense systems in their own states as well as surrounding states and devise
improvements in the system.104 The commissions are typically composed of individuals in the
legal community such as judges, leaders of the bar association, legislators, deans of law schools,
and board members of the state’s legal aid programs.105 For example, the state of Maine created
a State Commission Project entitled the Justice Action Group (JAG).106 This commission went
to the private sector to fundraise for the indigent defense system and quadrupled the money
received the previous year.107 More importantly, this commission lobbies directly to the state
legislature and introduced a bill to increase the current court fine surcharge, this increase would
directly benefit legal aid.108 State commissions can serve as step-stones to produce change. The
table below provides examples of the diverse State Commission Programs in the various states.
103 Terry Brooks, Indigent Defense: Efforts to Improve State Systems, CRIMINAL JUSTICE MAGAZINE, Spring 2000 at 2.104 See Id. 105 Robert Echols, The Rapid Expansion of State Access to Justice Commission, MANAGEMENT INFORMATION EXCHANGE JOURNAL 2005 at 41. 106 Id at 42. 107 See Id.108 See Id.
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State Program Statewide Public
Defender System
Commission Director or Chief PD Selection
Process, Terms & Qualifications
Director or PD Duties & Responsibilities
Alabama None Not applicable
None Not applicable
Georgia
Georgia Public Defender Standards Council (independent agency within judicial branch, est. 2003), GA. CODE ANN. §§ 17-12-1 to -12-128.
YesEleven member council. Appointed by the Governor, Lt. Governor, Speaker of the House, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and Chief Judge of the Court of Appeals. One member from each of the state’s 10 judicial districts who serve four-year terms, plus a circuit public defender, selected by a majority of the circuit public defenders, who serves a two-year term.
Director appointed by Council. Must be member in good standing of the State Bar with at least three years experience in the practice of law.
Administer and coordinate the operations of the Council and supervise compliance with rules, policies, procedures, regulations, and standards adopted by the Council.
Massachusetts YesFifteen member Committee. Appointed by Justices of Supreme Judicial Court. Three-year term. Chair elected by the Committee.
Chief Counsel appointed by Committee. Attorney. Serves at pleasure of Committee.
Overall supervision of various divisions of committee. Perform duties as defined by the Committee. Authorize all payments certified by judges for private counsel.
THE SPANENBERG GROUP (2005)
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HYBRID PROGRAM Perhaps the best solution is simply to further develop the State Commissions Project as
opposed to creating a higher burden of proof. The State Commissions Programs are typically
composed of prominent and influential individuals in the legal community. These individuals
may have the power to create change within the indigent defense system, but they cannot do it
alone. First and foremost, each state implementing a commission should become a requirement,
not merely an option. By requiring states to create a commission or task force devoted solely to
investigating problems in the indigent defense system and remedying those problems, substantial
change will likely occur. Additionally, having an entity separate from the state to focus solely
on the indigent defense system will decrease disparities between public defenders offices and
district attorney’s offices by providing an objective third party.
Secondly, the commissions must be given more power. This could come from the courts
or from the legislature. Since the commission will be specializing in indigent defense issues, the
commission itself will best know how much money should be allocated for certain needs of the
system, when this money should be allocated, and to whom. The power of the commission
should exist solely in its ability to speak on behalf of the indigent defense system and by the
state legislatures according it due deference. For example, before allocating indigent defense
funds and before even determining how much to allocate to the indigent defense system as a
whole, the state should be required to seek the advice and counsel of the commission. Upon
receiving this advice, the state must give deference to the commission’s counsel regarding its
entire decision- making.
By giving the commission this added power, a checks and balances system remains in
place whereby the commission must answer to the state and the state must also answer to the 24
commission. Of course, one must consider what penalties will the states encounter by not
seeking the counsel of the commission or by not adhering to the Commission’s counsel?
Perhaps by establishing a Federal Commission to oversee the progress of state commissions as
well as provide added force to the state commissions’ advice, this problem will be alleviated.
The states will be aware that they must make some efforts to adhere to the counsel of the state
commissions since the Federal Commission will have the ability to affect the state’s federal
funding.
One concern with requiring state commissions and a federal commission is the additional
funding needed just to establish such commissions. However, the commissions will be
established with an expiration date in mind. They will not be permanent agencies but instead
will be temporary solutions established to create change in the current system. Once the
commissions are established, there will be a set date that they expire. If at this time, the state has
created substantial improvements in their indigent defense system, the commission will be
disbanded.
The states will be provided all the necessary tools to create change with the commission’s
research stating the areas most in need, providing budgets stating how much money is needed
and how it should be allocated. However, once change has been established, the power of
overseeing the indigent defense system will be given back to the states.
CONCLUSION
Although the indigent defense system seems overrun with problems and inadequacies,
there is still an opportunity to improve the current system. The Court did not begin addressing
the indigent defense system until the 1930s and major change did not occur until 1963 with
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Gideon. When viewed from this perspective, only forty years has passed; some may perceive
that this span of time as not truly long enough to create substantial change in the system, since
change takes time.
However, the indigent defendants that yearly receive harsher sentences, increased guilty
pleas, and increased incarcerations at a rate higher than their counterparts who retain private
counsel are not likely seeing the bright side of this problem. Over two hundred years has passed
since the inception of the United States, and since that time this nation has been in a constant
struggle concerning fundamental rights in an attempt to achieve the words written at the
country’s beginning in the Declaration of Independence, “All men are created equal.” One can
only hope that with each passing day, year, and decade this nation will eventually see that
statement become a reality in all facets of our lives.
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