At the

Farthest

End

Challenges

a

nd o

f

Aspirations

Mising Youth

Adar Zehavi

and

of

2

"At the Farthest End: Challenges and Aspirations of

Mising Youth" is an outcome of a fruitful collaboration of

the Institution for Culture And Rural Development-

I-CARD and the Glocal programme of the Hebrew

University in Jerusalem.

Published by:

First Print:

Printed at:

3

At the Farthest End

Challenges and Aspirations

of Mising Youth

By Adar Zehavi

Editors

K.A Thomas, sdb

Aya Navon &

Esther Brownstein

Translators

Mising to English: Dr. Neeta Lagachu

English to Assamese: Dr. Ananta Handique

English to Mising: Puspalata Mili

Research Coordinator

Puspalata Mili

4

This book is dedicated to the young women of the Mising tribe,

almost absent from this book, yet constantly in our minds.

Your endless compassion didn't skip our eyes;

as devoted caregivers of the tribe,

as silent bearers of duties to be done,

as passionate hosts for strangers passing by.

May your wise eyes open you a gate,

may your clever hearts assure your travel days,

may you find your road for change, today.

5

Author's Note

The pictures presented in the book’s chapter headings are part

of research that was conducted with youth from the Mising

tribe. The research focused on rural to urban migration of the

youth involved, and its effects on their personal development

as well as on rural development more generally. During part of

this photography project, the participants were asked to create

a picture that would reflect the challenge they are facing on

their way to success.

The pictures were taken in various villages of the Mising

tribe and highlight the perceived gaps between notions of

success and the present situation in the village, as seen

through the eyes of the participants. The pictures also reflect

the participants' views regarding the most effective and

available ways to bridging these gaps.

The emphasis on images of success in these photos is

designed to draw attention to struggle as itself representing a

process of change. The tension between the image showing

the current situation and the title that describes a desired

future situation, is intended to put a spotlight on what is

missing in the development process of rural areas.

These photos allow the viewer to take a glimpse at the

young Mising's courage and creativity, enabling us to examine

our global village from their unique vantage point.

6

Table of Contents

Executive Summary ............................................................. 8

Preface ...................................................................................... 13

Introduction ............................................................................ 19

Chapter 1: Minding the Gap ............................................. 21

Youth and the Global phenomenon of Migration ................. 22

The developmental task of youth ........................................................... 22

Youth's rural to urban migration .................................... 28

Chapter 2: Welcome to the Mising Tribe .................. 33

Exploring the challenges of marginalized communities ..... 34

Economy .................................................................................. 34

Social structure ........................................................................ 36

Education................................................................................. 38

The challenges facing the Mising tribe ............................ 40

Chapter 3: A Closer Look at Mising Youth ............... 47

Migration as an opportunity for self improvement ........... 48

The research's aims and questions .......................................... 49

The research process ............................................................... 50

Main findings ........................................................................... 51

'Vulnerable Employment' ......................................................... 52

Chapter 4: 'Following the Yellow Brick Road' ....... 55

The Mising youth's Journey for Employment ..................... 56

Remoteness and isolation ........................................................ 57

7

The cycle of poverty ................................................................ 63

Low proliferation of quality education ..................................... 65

Migrant's achievement motivation and aspiration ................... 71

'Vulnerable Employment' and intergenerational gap ............... 74

Conclusions ............................................................................. 86

Chapter 5: The Stars of the Mising Tribe ................. 95

The Role of Dreams in Young People's Lives ...................... 69

The starless sky of the Mising tribe .......................................... 69

'Karsang Takar': the rising stars of the Mising tribe................ 101

The dreams of young people ................................................. 101

The effect of the 'Karsang Takar' programme ........................ 110

Now that I know who I am ..................................................... 111

Chapter 6: Global/Village ................................................. 021

Global Policy in Local Perspective ..................................... 121

Education as liberty: the global educational outreach efforts 123

The role of education in youth's identity formation ............... 129

Youth migration and rural development ............................... 133

Looking ahead from the farthest end .................................... 136

Epilogue .................................................................................. 138

Acknowledgements .......................................................... 140

Bibliography .......................................................................... 142

Appendix A: Interviews with Mising Youth .......... 151

Appendix B: Research Methodology ........................ 173

Appendix C: Questionnaire and discussion group

questions ................................................................................ 197

8

Executive Summary

"…As the present now will later be past… for the times

they are a-changing."

Bob Dylan

Migration flow and especially labour migration is

one of the most challenging and prominent

phenomena, shaping the realities of our current

times (De Haas, 2010; Deshingkar, 2009; Mitra &

Murayama, 2008; Robson, 2011). As such, the need

to understand, foresee, and influence this flow is

increasingly vital. This research challenges common

perceptions that view labour migrations as arbitrary

movements of people seeking better opportunities,

by pointing out patterns in labour migration and by

highlighting the forces that shape and reinforce

them.

9

This humble book draws attention to the

phenomenon of the labour migration of youth as

part of a communal reaction to changes in living

conditions. It perceives this phenomenon as a

chance, a challenge and a sign of the increasing

vulnerability of deprived communities.

Additionally, this book suggests that by dealing

with the causes of labour migration at their point of

emergence, we may improve our understanding of

the causes for migration, mitigate its negative

effects and develop innovative collaborations that

will address the challenges of migration in both

receiving and sending communities. This could

improve the ability of affected communities to

properly respond to issues such as migration,

unemployment and development.

The book focuses on a tribal rural community at

the verge of a major transformation; The Mising is a

proud and peaceful tribal community located along

the Brahmaputra River since 1200 AD. Continuing to

today, the Mising inhabit most of the lands of their

ancestors, speak their language and practice most

of their traditions. However, in the last five decades

the Mising have been struggling to keep-up with

their rapidly changing living circumstances.

01

This paper draws together findings from a

collaborative research of the Institution for Culture

And Rural Development (I-CARD), and the Hebrew

University of Jerusalem. It explores, in an open-

minded manner, how the current challenges faced

by the Mising community shape their attempts to

adapt and properly respond to these challenges.

Among those attempts, special attention is given to

the youth labour migration seeking employment in

the big cities of India, as well as to social activism

channeled by nonprofit organizations. These were

chosen due to their potential of bridging between

the excluded and isolated tribe and the broad

society of India.

This research also offers the opportunity to

rethink the role of young members of the society as

important mediators in the critical process of the

tribe's readjustment to current times, emphasizing

the passion of youth as a leading force in the

necessary process of modification and adjustment

of the tribe's socio-economic structure.

00

The main positive findings of the research are as

follows:

• Migration was found to be contributing to the

process of integrating contemporary values such

as the importance of quality education, savings

and investing into the Mising's traditional

agrarian norms.

• I-CARD, as an informal educational institution

that provides young people with a safe place,

stimulating activities and supportive environment

- through youth led initiatives - contributes

substantially to the competence and social

involvement of young people as well as to the

sustainable development of the Mising

community.

Our research recommends that the following

actions should be taken:

• Increase young people's access to alternative

livelihood options, both by expanding their life

skill-set and by creating more employment

opportunities for young people in cities and

towns.

• Improve the quality of education in the villages

by enhancing the collaboration between the

formal and informal educators, and by including

02

children and youth in the decision making

process regarding their education.

• Encourage the full exercise of the Mising

community's rights by promoting young people’s

engagement in local leadership positions, and by

encouraging positive actions through youth-led

initiatives of third sector institutions.

Enhancing the efforts of the Mising community

today will enable, to a large extent, for this

community to go through a gradual yet substantial

process of adjustments to the changing

environment and rapidly developing economy while

maintaining their unique way of life.

03

Preface

The Institution for Culture And Rural Development

(I-CARD) is located in Jorhat, Assam, a State in

North-East India. The organization is active in eight

districts of Assam1 and three districts of Arunachal

Pradesh2 and through its independent regional

bodies, it focuses on promoting the rural

development of the Mising Tribe, thus endorsing a

people's movement.

1The Assam districts include: Sontipur, Lakhimpur, Dhemaji, Golaghat, Jorhat,

Sivassagar, Dibrugarh and Tinsukia. 2 The Arunachal Pradesh distrcits include: East Siang, Lower Dibang Valley and

Lohit.

04

One of the main programmes of the organization is

the 'Karsang Takar'3. This programme is responsible

for a new wave of hope and collaboration between

members of the Mising community and the broader

society in Assam. The participating students of the

programme are school drop-outs who were once

considered to be useless youth by their community.

After one full year of training, they return to their

villages as empowered servant leaders, capable of

collaborating, mobilizing and creating active

leadership in their Mising villages.

Up to this point in the research, the students'

collaboration with the people in the villages led to

the establishment of 36 development committees

unified under the the Agency for Rural

Development Action4 (ARDA). ARDA operates in 360

3 In Mising: 'Rising Stars'

4 Since the beginning of the programme in 2002, establishing an ARDA

committee is considered to be the most challenging and rewarding tasks for

05

Mising villages, and focuses on promoting the

interests of the Mising community through

cooperation between nearby villages to a better

exercize of their rights.

Another result of the programme is the students'

collaboration with their peers to establish the

“Young Misings Association” (YMA), a youth led

initiative in the villages, where young people come

together and actively engage with both peers and

other community members, in promoting the

overall welfare of the villages along with their own

personal growth.

It is important to note the enormous contribution

of the dedicated I-CARD team-members, who

the programme's students. The ARDA committee is one of the most unique

collaborations in the Mising tribe bringing together youth and adult men and

women to act toward the benefit of their villages and tribe. In each ARDA

committee you can find members from up to ten villages working to improve

collaboration with official authorities, financial entities and other NGOs in

subjects such as aid relief, livestock, education, health, agriculture, and so on.

In most cases, the ARDA committee is the first political and social

collaboration among the neighboring Mising villages which it establishes and

evolves thanks to the work of the 'Karsang Takar' students.

06

provide the programme with its special character

and contribute substantially to the success of the

Mising 'Takars'.

Such devoted members include 'Sir' Rajen and

'Auntie' Indira who established the programme's

training center on their land and have been leading

its training programme for the past eleven years.

Their dedication and determination to improve their

society - by making a statement that 'young people

matter' - enables the 'Karsang-Takar' programme to

transform the face of the Mising society.

Rajen and Indira's choice- to give up promising

livelihood options and good positions as teachers,

for the sake of Mising youth-promotion, is

remarkable and deserves mention. Their

compassion and dedication toward the young boys

and girls who come to the center from various

backgrounds and at the peak of the complex stage

07

of adolescence- has impacted and changed the lives

of many of the 'Takars'.

In fact, Rajen and Indira's contribution to the

Mising society is reflected most powerfully in their

Karsang Takar students' attitude to life, and

especialy, in the 'Takars' sense of self confidence

and in their proactive approach to rural

development and social activism.

I-CARD’s unique approach to rural development

and youth promotion has led to a collaboration with

the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. This came out

of the need to improve the response to challenges

that emerged in young Mising's life, as well as to

articulate I-CARD's achievements in a professional

manner. One of these emerging challenges is how

to deal with the effect of the high rate of

unemployment amongst the youth; this is perceived

08

as one of the main obstacles for the development of

the Mising villages.

The diminishing ability of young adults to

provide a living solely out of subsistence agriculture

is shifting their livelihood seeking activities as they

search for alternatives. This shift also influences

their developmental transition into adulthood, as

the ability of young men to provide a living which is

an essential developmental step for completing

their transition to adulthood successfully.

As a leading organization in the realm of youth

development, I-CARD has found it necessary to

provide guidance to these young people on their

way to successful employment, and to raise the

voice of youth from all over the Northeast of India.

Our great hope is that this book will be able to

assist I-CARD in achieving its missions.

09

Introduction

"I remember my youth and the feeling that will never come back

anymore – the feeling that I could last forever, outlast the sea, the

earth and all men." Joseph Conrad

It is estimated that nearly half of the world's

population today are less than 25 years old; nine

out of ten of them live in developing countries

where the majority of the poor are children and

youth (Crivello, 2011; Himanshu, 2011; Morrow,

2013; Zaman, 2011). These young people are about

to start their transition into adulthood, while their

aspirations, expectations and opportunities to thrive

are highly influenced by uneven global processes

(Gough, 2013). One of the manifestations of these

processes is the migration of young people,

21

common in our times more than ever before

(Deshingkar, 2009; Davis, 2010; De Haas, 2010).

This book delves into the phenomena of

unemployment and migration among the Mising

youth, on their journey to adulthood, as a case

study of those global phenomena. By doing so, we

want to shed a light on the strengths, challenges

and aspirations of those young people and to

highlight rural youth's immense challenges and

efforts towards adulthood.

We wish to stress the importance of supportive

community and the vital contribution of

empowering adults to the motivation of young

people to take an active role in shaping their

society. Our hope is that through this book we will

be able to promote awareness to those efforts and

enable them to widen and fit in to the Mising tribe’s

way of life.

20

Chapter 1: Minding the Gap

"Yes, there are two paths you can go by; but in the long run,

there's still time to change the road you're on".

Led Zeppelin

22

Youth and the Global Phenomena of Migration

According to the World Development Report (2006,

p.192) 'young people are more likely than any other

group to emigrate'. Their reasons for doing so are

diverse and interrelated, and their experience holds

chance for a successful transition as well as great

risks (Crivello, 2011; Davis, 2010; Deshingkar, 2009;

Winters, 2009). This chapter is about youth; the

developmental phase of youth, the challenges

ahead of them and how migration influences them.

The developmental tasks of youth

The developmental psychologist A. E. Erikson (1968,

p.156), describes the stage of adolescence as a

significant developmental task, the essence of which

is identity formation (See also Meeus, 2010, 2011

and Kroger, 2011). Through this process young

people should be able to synthesize and integrate

23

important earlier identifications into a new unique

form of identity5. At this point, young boys and girls

should be able to contemplate and experiment with

possible adult-roles in order to find one that suits

them.

In fact, adolescence pushes young people

towards an identity crisis; a turning point in their life

that demands them to move forward from their

childhood identity to a new path. During this

process, the youth's families and communities play

an important role by setting an example for the

5 Marcia's (1980) theory of identity formation distinguished four

identity statuses that are prominent in the process of identity

formation; identity diffusion indicates that the adolescent has not yet

made a commitment regarding a specific developmental task and

may or may not have explored different alternatives in that domain.

Foreclosure signifies that the adolescent has made a commitment

without much prior exploration. In moratorium, the adolescent is in a

state of active exploration but has not made significant

commitments. Identity achievement signifies that the adolescent has

finished a period of active exploration and has subsequently made a

commitment (Meeus , 201; p: 75).

24

youth and accepting them as part of the community

(Kroger, 2003; Meeus, 2011).

According to the Indian psychologist Kalam

(2002), adolescence includes physical maturity as

well as increasing responsibilities and first steps of

independency. At this stage, new ways of thinking

and a new view of the world in comparison to origin

society are prominent. In the Indian society, which is

characterized by a variety of cultures, children are

early exposed to various value systems and yet, in

adolescence this exposure becomes an active

'thinking through', and beginning of new

commitments.

In their process of crossing over to adulthood,

rural youth around the world are facing similar

challenges that are unique to their community’s way

of life (Gough, 2013; Lloyd, 2004; Meeus, 2011).

Isolation and inequality within their societies are

25

perhaps the most notable of those challenges. Rural

areas are remote and isolated both physically and

existentially. They are usually inhabited by ethnic

minorities who are lacking influence on the forces

that shape their lives (Deshingkar, 2009; Escobal et

al. 2008; Himanshu, 2011; Morrow, 2013; Winters,

2009; Zaman, 2011).

Isolation prevents the villagers' access to quality

education, and to acquisition of non-agricultural

skills (Davis, 2010; Tikly, 2011), which are essential

outside the village. Lack of interaction with the

outer world limits the range of non-traditional

agricultural adult-roles available to the youngsters,

which are necessary to their developmental phase,

and even more so in our days, when their

environments are increasingly unsustainable (Behal,

2005; Sharma & Bhaduri, 2009; Crivello, 2011).

26

Another challenge is economic: poverty and lack of

financial means. These are highly prevalent in rural

areas around the world, regardless of the country's

economic success (Casillas, 2010; Dercon, 2009;

Fosu, 2011; Joshi, 2009; Deshingkar, 2009). In India

for example, growth in rural population led to a

reduction of lands available for cultivation

(Himanshu, 2011).

Kalbari village: 'My own Tea garden'

"…I want to be the owner of a Tea-garden… I need money …

if I'll work hard and save money I will have my own Tea

garden."

27

Together with the decrease in fertile land and

unrewarding income from agriculture, the ability of

agrarian societies to earn a living solely from

agriculture is diminishing (Morrow, 2013; Sharma &

Bhaduri, 2009). Furthermore, high rates of

unemployment are also common in the countryside,

mainly due to low infrastructure and lack of

development (Casillas, 2010; Deshingkar, 2009;

Winters, 2009).

Intergenerational relationships, which are always

complicated during adolescence, are more complex

in rural communities, where the majority of adults

are illiterate and experts solely in traditional forms

of agriculture. In light of the changes in the

environment, the inherited knowledge of parents

and adults is becoming less valuable for the

economic sustainability of their young members.

28

Moreover, parents’ illiteracy sets limitations on their

capacity to monitor the quality of their children's

education (Crivello, 2011; Joshi, 2009) and, their

economic activities often don't include integration

to the market economy (Ibid, 2009). As mentioned

above, young people's affiliation to their

communities is central for a successful transition to

adulthood. Adults' illiteracy and expertise are

currently causing an intergenerational and cultural

divide, thus challenging the process of identity

formation among rural youth (Kalam, 2002).

Youth's rural to urban migration

In the light of rural youth's developmental tasks and

challenges, one can explain their motivation to

immigrate, according to Leinaweaver (2008), as

follows: 'rural to urban migration is linked to the

idea of "improving oneself" by overcoming poverty

29

and through efforts at self improvement'. Yet there

is still a need to explain how migration paths are

formed and reinforced.

The idea of migration requires preliminary

conditions for its establishment; 'migration tends to

increase in the early phases of “development”, in

which improvements in transport and

communication, flow of knowledge, a perceived lack

of local economic opportunities, and growing level

of welfare, increase both the capabilities and

aspirations of people to emigrate' (de Hass,

2008:13; Deshingkar, 2009).

Another important factor in the formation of

migration paths are 'migration networks', that can

be defined as 'sets of interpersonal ties that connect

migrants, former migrants, and non-migrants in

origin and destination areas through ties of kinship,

31

friendship, and shared community origin’ (Massey et

al 1993:448).

Through the assistance of friends and relatives,

new migrants are able to obtain information more

easily, and receive active assistance in finding

employment and a place to live or in arranging

residence papers (De Hass, 2010; Himanshu, 2011).

In addition, these social bonds of transitional

communities are an important part of immigrant's

tendency to remit substantial amounts of their

salaries back to their homes (Ibid, 2010; Deshingkar,

2009; Mueller, 2011). The remittance sent back to

the origin communities is becoming a vital part of

their economy and thus, the social status of young

migrants, who are able to remit money back to their

homes, increases6.

6 In face of the identity formation task, the possibility to increase

one's social status is yet another incentive for migration (Crivello,

2011).

30

In the light of the above, rural to urban migration of

youth seems almost inevitable. As a global

phenomenon, this is a manifestation of our cross-

cultural social order; growing social and economic

inequalities (Cornia, 2003; Fosu, 2011; Gough, 2013),

unsustainable environments (Casillas, 2010;

Ramakrishnan, 2006; Robson, 2010) and agricultural

crises (Sharma & Bhaduri, 2009; Winters, 2009) are

just part of the conditions in which young people

today are growing up.

On the personal level, the phenomenon of

migration captures the essence of identity

formation; the emigration of young people from

their isolated agrarian communities, to major cities,

in an attempt to integrate to the broad society of

their country, intensifies the tension between the

childhood identity and their need to belong, and

the growing independency and the need to stand

32

out and form a unique adult identity. The following

chapters focus on rural youth from the Mising tribe

in North-East India as a case study of the global

phenomenon of youth's rural to urban migration.

33

Chapter 2: Welcome to the Mising Tribe

34

Exploring the Challenges of Marginalized Communities

The Mising tribe is the second largest ethnic group

in Assam State, located in the northeast part of

India. The tribe's population is estimated at

1,300,000. They are of Mongolian origin, and came

to India approximately ten thousand years ago.

They first settled in the hills of Arunachal Pradesh

in small hamlets and in an insulated manner. Thus,

they were fully independent, relying solely on the

environment for their survival. Around the year 1200

AD they began emigrating from the hills and settled

in the plains of Assam in a similar mode of

settlement, concentrated mainly along

Brahmaputra's river bank (Singh, 1992).

Economy

Much of the Mising's economy is agrarian and their

livelihood relies on the land and the river. According

35

to Singh (1992) the Misings are 'the rulers of their

own lands'. Their core practices are growing crops

(paddy fields), land cultivation, fishing and herding

livestock. For many years, their way of living

remained primitive yet sustainable. Their constant

search for fertile land demanded a nomadic life

style. Occupying new lands was done mainly by

'slash and burn' techniques aiming to clear the rain

forests’ fertile land and convert it into cultivation

fields (Ramakrishnan, 2006).

The adoption of more advanced methods of

settled-agriculture (ploughing), and their

integration in the Mising's traditional agriculture,

started during the second half of the 12th century

due to their exposure to other ethnic groups and a

reduction in available land which forced the Misings

to change their nomadic lifestyle. These brought

36

changes in the type of crops and forms of

cultivation methods (Morang, 2002; Behal, 2005).

Borgoyan village: 'Flood-resistant paddy fields'

Social Structure

Being isolated and self reliant, the Mising's social

structure evolved independently and stayed almost

"Good crops of rice are our tribe's symbol of success. A Cow

grazing in rotten paddy field will show our challenge on the

way to success."

37

untouched until last century. The Mising society

developed unique rituals and celebrations arising

from their agricultural life. They are an egalitarian

society and a peace-loving community who never

chose violent methods to promote their interests.

This attitude sets them apart from other tribes in

the state of Assam.

Traditionally, every Mising village had a self-

governed council called dolung kebang; this council,

headed by a chief (Gam), had the final authority in

decision -making processes regarding social and

religious matters, settlement of disputes, and

meting out punishment. The council meetings were

conducted in a public hall called murong which also

served as a place for gathering and celebrations

(Morang, 2002).

The Misings also had an association for the youth

in the village called mimbir-ya:me which was

38

headed by an unmarried boy and girl from the

village. The association concentrated on youth

activities in the village; their main purpose was to

facilitate the ceremonies and celebrations of the

village. In addition, the youth association offered

help to families in need of extra workforce for their

lands. The money they earned from their activities

was used for social functions (Morang, 2002).

Education

Formal education is a relatively new concept for the

Mising tribe. The first generation of academics

within the Mising community is of the penultimate

generation, and the acknowledgement of

education’s importance only began in the early 20th

century and has yet to become prevalent. Moreover,

the average rate of illiteracy in the Mising villages

39

was 70% in 1971 and dropped to 40% in 2001

(Morang, 2002).

The considerable gaps evident in the level and

quality of formal education7 in Mising villages can

be explained, among other things, by unequal

distribution of government funds for education, lack

of investment in infrastructure and means for

education and the growing rate of floods which

disturbs regular activities such as schooling. All of

which led to serious backwardness in the quality

and proliferation of high education and to high

rates of high-school dropouts (Ibid, 2002; Morrow,

2013).

Today, primary schools can be found in every

Mising village. However, the quality of education in

those schools is low: the curriculums are lacking

7 At the same year the illiteracy rates in States such as Kerala and

Mizoram stood on 9.08% and 11.51% respectively (according to

Census of India 2001, P. 1)

41

essential adjustment to the cultural and economical

needs of the tribe; non-tribal teachers, who are

most prevalent in the Mising villages, are not

engaged in effective communication with tribal

children (due to the language barrier) and they

often exploit the simplicity of the tribal people and

their lack of ability to monitor the teaching quality

(Joshi, 2009; Morrow, 2013; Tikly, 2011).

This, in addition to inadequate roads and

transportation means, and high vulnerability to

floods, impedes the integration of quality primary

education into village life (Davis, 2010; Robson,

2010).

The challenges facing the Misings tribe in the 21st

century

These days the Mising tribe is forced to modify its

time-tested traditions in an attempt to adjust to

changes in traditions the environment, and to

40

moderate external forces affecting their lives. The

Mising farmers have changed their crop patterns

due to changes in the nature of the soil caused by

floods, embankments and land degradation. A few

have adopted modern methods in their production

systems (Morang, 2002).

In places less affected by floods8, paddy fields

have been transformed into tea gardens and other

plantations (cash crops) for market economy

purposes. The changes in crop patterns on the one

hand, and unexpected environmental conditions on

the other hand, have affected the lives of many

farmers in this community, often leading to their

impoverishment9 and pushing many of them into

8 Tea garden plantation requires high and dry land, thus,

converting a paddy field to tea-garden is applicable in places which

are less prone to floods and demands investment in elevating land. 9 The price of cash crops products are highly influenced by prices

fluidity of global economy market and demand an increasing

42

destructive practices (Behal, 2005; Goldsmith, 2006;

Morrow, 2013).

Another challenge faced by the Mising

community in the 21st century is integration to the

market economy by utilization of assets. Although

most of the Misings are considered 'masters of their

own lands' (Singh, 1992; p.545), many of them lack

documents to prove it (Winters, 2009). Without

documentation they cannot translate their land to

property thus, cannot receive loans vital for

improvement and development of their villages.

Other economic and social changes are also

reflected in the Mising community; social disparity

arising from the differences in income, education

and social status is now evident in what was once

an egalitarian society (Singh, 1992). The main

investment in fertilizers and pesticide to keep the plantation at a

high quality and competitive price.

43

manifestation of those disparities is rural to urban

migration of well-off families, which adds another

tier in impeding development prospects in Mising

villages.

The traditional polity and social structures are

also affected by modernity; the Murong (Public

gathering place) is rarely found in Mising villages;

the Gam (traditional chief) is replaced by gaon

Burah (modern head of the village) who is

appointed by the district authority; and the

Panchayat (the village council) is responsible, in our

days, for regional decisions such as construction of

roads, maintenance of primary schools, water

supply and development (Ibid, 1992).

Before concluding this chapter it is important to

highlight the context of the Mising tribe in their

attempts to cope with these challenges. The Mising

tribe's constitutional status is a Scheduled Tribe

44

(plains) (Singh, 1992). In their broader society, the

Misings, like any other tribe in India, are considered

primitive and are characterized by high levels of

poverty and isolation (Joshi, 2009; Deshingkar, 2009;

Mueller, 2011). Their marginalization is reflected in

the absence of updated statistics on their situation,

indicating their remoteness from decision making

processes in the regional and national arenas.

A growing role in the deterioration of their

situation can be attributed to their exclusion from

regional development programmes (Doley, 2005).

As Behal (2005), puts it; 'inequitable distribution

systems have brought small communities towards

pauperization' (p.123).

The Misings political marginalization and total

dependency on their environment for survival has

become unsafe; the growing rate of flooding,

accelerated in the wake of climate change and rapid

45

development in China and India - especially the

construction of dams - are causing severe damage

to the livelihood of the Mising tribe and

endangering their habitat (Goldsmith, 2006).

The Mising Tribe, which was once well adjusted

to its habitat, with a rich social and cultural heritage,

surrounded by a flourishing environment, is now

facing massive obstacles in adjusting to the current

changes in living conditions. As a result, many of the

Mising youth are on the move again, seeking,

among other things, to improve their communities

and to sustain their lives.

The phenomenon of immigration of Mising youth

captures a threat and a chance for the future of the

Mising community: on the one hand, migration of

youth can lead to social disintegration and to the

loss of valuable traditions (White, 2012). On the

other hand the migrants can become valuable

46

mediators of the external forces that influence the

village, connecting the isolated village to the market

economy, thus, reinforcing and improving the

economic stability and development of the villages

(Deshingkar, 2009; Himanshu, 2011).

The next chapter sums up a study concerning rural to

urban migration of the Mising youth and its contribution

to rural development.

47

Chapter 3: A Closer Look at Mising Youth

48

Migration as an Opportunity for Self Improvement

In order to better understand the challenges facing

Mising youth, we went on a journey to explore their

efforts to adulthood, by focusing on their actions

for self-improvement through employment,

education and social involvement. In doing so, we

identified the phenomenon of migration as one of

the youth’s strategies in searching for better

opportunities.

This chapter sums up a humble yet

comprehensive study on rural to urban employment

migration of the Mising youth, a phenomenon

which became substantial in the last decade, yet its

causes, influences and prospects, have not yet been

investigated.

49

The research's aims and questions

The main questions that the research set out to

answer were the following:

What are the current migration patterns

among Mising youth?

To what extent is this migration of Mising

youth successful?

What can we learn from these patterns and

more importantly, what can be done in order

to improve chances of successful migration

and good integration into the free market

economy?

Lastly, we aspire to better understand the effect of

these migration patterns on the identity formation

of Mising youth and how this is connected to the

prospect of rural development.

51

The research process

The research was conducted between September

and November of 2012 and included 87 young men

aged 17-33 from five districts of Assam in 16 Mising

villages. Study participants were asked about their

personal background, level of formal education, life

skills and employment and migration experience. In

addition, their perceptions of community, their

dreams and aspirations were also part of this

research process.

The research was escorted by the I-CARD field

team, Young Mising Association groups and

members of ARDA committees. Among the research

methods were participatory mapping,

questionnaires, discussion groups and a

photography project (see appendix B for the full

discussion of research methodology).

50

Main findings:

From the data collected during the research we

found all migrants are males, their average age is 23

(SD=4). Their number of siblings range from 2 (10%)

to 14 (2%), of the same parents (M=5, SD= 2.5).

Most of them (75%) spend less than six hours a day

in agricultural work.

Their villages’ distance from a nearby town range

from 5 km (61%) to 30 km (8%) (M=8.1; SD=6.8).

51% of the villages were flooded three times during

2012 (M=1.7; SD=1.4). Most of the migrants gained

their education in the village (92%), and 77% of

them dropped out of school between class 3 (2%)

and 12 (18%) (M= 10, SD= 1.8). The average age at

the first attempt of migration is 20 years.

By and large, the participants in the research

were unemployed (89.8%) and their last job out of

Assam was mainly in the service sector such as

52

security, construction and gardening. We found that

in their first and only attempt to migrate, most of

them (59%), lived in the city less than a year and a

third of them didn't manage to live more than six

months in the city.

Nonetheless, the research results indicate the

formation and expansion of migration nets in the

big cities of India; 79% of the participants found

work by the help of other migrants and 73% of

them migrated with friends to their destination. In

addition, 67% of the participants reported on their

plan to immigrate out of Assam in the coming year.

Going through the data, a reflection of an un-

guided act for the expansion of youth possibilities

was prominent.

'Vulnerable Employment'

The data collected during the research describes a

unique pattern of migration by which, many young

53

Misings immigrate, mainly seeking employment, but

many return soon after their migration. For the sake

of this research we chose to define this pattern of

migration as 'vulnerable employment'.

During the discussion in groups we asked the

participants "what among your personal abilities

enabled you to find your job?" While we expected

this question to reveal the capacities and strengths

of the participants, we were surprised by their

answers that reflect the depth of the problem at

stake:

"My low qualification, I don't cost much to my

boss"

"My employer knows I'm from Assam so… he

knows I don't have education or choice..."

"I was a young child… they felt sorry for me, they

trusted me, I had patience."

54

This profile tells a silent story about the vulnerable

situations of the Mising youth in the 21st century.

Going through the data, we found that the root

causes of the 'vulnerable employment' migration

pattern were highly related to the unique challenges

of the Mising youth as rural youth, thus clearly

highlighting the ways in which isolation, poverty,

low quality education and the intergenerational gap

are influencing and shaping the 'vulnerable

employment' pattern.

The findings of the research highlight the

exclusion and deprivation arising from rural poverty

and the frustration with the employment crisis that

followed. The following chapters will try to voice

these silent stories by focusing on employment

migration, education migration and the role of

education in forming the current migration patterns

of rural youth.

55

Chapter 4: 'Following the Yellow Brick Road

"Somewhere over the rainbow skies are blue and the,

dreams that you dare to dream, they really do come true"

Leona Lewis

56

The Mising Youths Journey for Employment

Young people's developmental challenge of identity

formation pushes them on a quest to realize their

potential and fulfill their lives (Kroger, 2011; Meeus,

2011). In that sense, rural youth's tendency to

immigrate in search of opportunities for self-

development is becoming an integral part of their

adolescence, and is accelerated in light of the

challenges faced by their communities (Lloyd, 2004;

Winters, 2009; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2009).

Since most of the participants in this research

were found to match the 'vulnerable employment'

pattern of migration, the aim of this chapter is to

thoroughly examine the underlying causes which

shape and influence that pattern of migration.

The first part of this chapter analyzes the effects

of remoteness and isolation, the cycle of poverty,

low proliferation of quality education, and migrant's

57

achievement-motivation and aspirations, on the

'vulnerable employment' migration pattern. The

second part of this chapter examines the

implications of the existing migration patterns on

youth's identity formation and intergenerational

relationships.

Remoteness and isolation

Perhaps the most difficult task in implementing this

research was the journey to the villages. Even

villages that were located near a main road or small

town were barely accessible; bridges that collapsed

in the last flood (or more than a year ago), roads

that could only be crossed with a bicycle or a jeep

as well as villages that were only accessible by foot,

located one to three Kilometers from the nearest

public transportation station, made reaching the

villages a struggle.

58

Those immense efforts were, for me, a living

illustration to the word isolation that cannot be

understood without experiencing it. At times, the

journey to the village was challenging and magical,

similar to the journey in the Land of Oz10; at times it

felt like a trap- no way in and no way out.

To visualize this situation and its impact on the

youth's ability to gain the skills needed in order to

integrate into the market economy, the participants

in each village were asked to prepare a map which

would describe the current situation by connecting

the village to main towns, educational institutions,

health care services, financial institutions, computer

labs and public transportation.

10

The Wonderful Wizard of Oz is a children's novel written by L. Frank

Baum and illustrated by W. W. Denslow. Originally published in Chicago on

1900, it tells the story of a group of friends setting on a journey to have the

only thing missing in their lives, by reaching Emerald City, the home of the

Wizard of Oz, known for his ability to fulfill any wish. The only instruction they

have to reach the Wizard of Oz is to follow a yellow bricks road.

59

Two main findings were evident and repeated

themselves in almost every village; the first was the

existence of a primary school in the villages. This

finding was supplemented by the participant's

report of completing their primary education and

the negligible rate of illiteracy (4.6%) among them.

The second finding was the relative remoteness of

the village from all other institutions.

Looking at the map, which was for some of them

the first demonstration of their village in relation to

their surrounding, the participants expressed their

thoughts;

"It's hard to move out and reach places outside the

village"

"In order to study in a University we need to reach

far… we don't have public transportation and our

roads are bad… "

61

When they pointed out things they wanted to

change, they were encouraged to do so and to

describe how they can change the situation and

how this change will affect their village:

"Good roads mean everything will be closer… easy

to reach… we need good politics for that…. With good

roads we could improve our economic situation, more

investment in children’s education and development

of our village."

"We can have a community health center and good

roads to give assistance for sick people. So fewer

parents will die young"

"… Once the level of education will improve we can

bring computers to the village on our own."

Other forces shaping this migration pattern, which

are largely related to the remoteness and isolation

of the Mising villages, are both perceived and actual

lack of employment opportunities in the immediate

60

vicinity of the village. The tendency of young men

from larger families to emigrate was higher and can

indicate diminishing availability of land for

agriculture (Deshingkar, 2009; Sharma & Bhaduri,

2009).

Moreover, this research finding suggests that

alternatives for agricultural work in the form of

employment is less available in the countryside; out

of the research participants who hold a B.A degree

(14%) we found that 86% of them are currently

unemployed. This finding highlights the low return

to education i.e., loose connection between high

education and employment in rural areas (Mueller,

2011; Tikly, 2011; Winters, 2009).

'I wanted to earn money, to build my life, I have

no options in the village, but even out of Assam,

finding job with my B.A is hard.'

62

The research findings show that remoteness and

isolation are central factors influencing the ability of

Mising youth to acquire higher and quality

education, or supplementary education that can

provide valuable skills, which cannot be attained in

the village.

Moreover, lack of local employment

opportunities, and the efforts needed to reach

places are further obstacles in the youth’s attempts

for employment and self improvements.

Bearing in mind, formal education, personal

capacities, and occupational experience indicate

one's ability to integrate to the market economy,

remoteness and isolation, signify low starting points

for Mising youth on their journey to employment,

thus contributing to the formation of vulnerable

employment.

63

The cycle of Poverty

The proximity, to main roads, towns and quality

education alone, is not enough to determine access

to means of self development. Family income and

expenditure are decisive factors in that process as

well (Davis, 2010; Morrow, 2013; Winters, 2009).

In principle, this research did not include data

collection on the economic conditions of the

participants; based on other researches, poverty and

lack of financial means are our preliminary

assumption of the migrant's economic situation

(Deshingkar, 2009; Fosu, 2011; Joshi, 2009; Zaman,

2011; Winters, 2009; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2009).

During the research we found that the financial

condition of the migrant's family has an enormous

effect on shaping 'vulnerable employment'

migration patterns of the Mising youth.

64

Perhaps the most notable factor in their decision to

emigrate is the deterioration of the economic

stability of the youth’s families. Almost all the

participants in this sample have migrated for

employment purposes. 96% of them contribute to

their family economy and 43% of them are seasonal

migrants, looking to supplement their family

income during non-cultivation seasons. This

suggests the main cause of migration is an attempt

to improve the economic situation of their families,

as opposed to other waves of youth migration

aimed at independence and self development.

This economic deterioration can be attributed to

the increasingly unsustainable environment, the

absence of social security net and ineffective

measures to protect against flood damages. Those

conditions made the Misings highly affected by the

65

rapid increase in number of floods and their

devastating results.

While poverty is assumed to be the main reason

for migration, its affect on the chances of successful

integration into market economy begins long

before the migrants’ decision to emigrate; in the

race for finding employment, the migrants' levels of

education and life skills were found to influence

their chances for better employment.

Low proliferation of quality education

According to Joshi (2009), family expenditure on

child education is an indication of the ability to

fulfill the basic needs of their members (See also

Davis, 2010; Morrow, 2013). In the efforts to

education, two types of educational institutions are

available in the Mising villages and surroundings;

private and government. Access to these institutions

66

is determined by financial resources; government

education, which is synonymous to low quality and

irrelevant schooling, is affordable, while private

education is considered good quality education yet

is much more expensive.

In this research we found that of the 79% of the

participants that attended government schools, only

14% had graduated. Out of the 21% who attended

private schools only one graduated. The main

reasons for dropping out were domestic and

economic reasons (83%).

These emphasize two points: first, in optimal

economic conditions even uneducated parents will

encourage their children to gain some form of

education (Joshi, 2009; Gough, 2013). Second, in

some Mising villages parents are aware of the

significance of quality education to the future of

their children.

67

However, this awareness and encouragement are

highly influenced by economic and domestic

conditions and therefore, quality education is

considered a luxury in the Mising expenditure

budget. Without financial means available for

families to invest in child education, as a result of

economic deterioration, the access of young

members of the family to quality education

decreases (Morrow, 2013; Tikly, 2011).

As our participants explains:

"I'm the youngest of three brothers. When I was 12

years old my parents and brothers decided that I

should stay at home to help out in the house."

"I left school at age 14. I have no training or

education. I must take any job on any condition or

payment"

Our research results reflect the outcome of the

participants’ formal education; 65% of them know

68

basic English (a few words or sentences) or less,

69% did not speak the local language in the city of

destination, 85% of them dropped-out of school,

72% of them cannot operate a computer and none

of them know how to use the internet.

In addition, among the migrants who migrated

for more than a year, only 25% of them reported

that they were able to improve their skills and much

less had managed to get a promotion or some sort

of upward mobility in their working place. These are

further indications for the poor outcomes of rural

formal education, which is supposed to assist in a

person's ability to integrate into his society, and be

able to acquire new skills and knowledge through

stimulating experiences (Gough, 2013; Tikly, 2011).

Considering the highly competitive market of

employment in the big cities of India, the

integration of those cities to the global economy via

69

information technologies (internet, computers), and

the high demand for skilled employees, the Mising

youths ability to compete for good jobs in the city is

low.

` Poverty plays a role not only in the decision to

emigrate or the capability to integrate in the free

market, but also in the conditions of migration

(Davis, 2010; Deshingkar, 2009; Mueller, 2011). Even

with a good formal education, their economic

conditions are evident in their necessity to find

employment and lack of a security net allowing

them time to adjust or search for better or more

profitable jobs.

All the migrants interviewed reported they had to

be employed immediately upon their arrival and

remain employed for the duration of the migration.

This compulsory employment is one of the

determining factors of 'vulnerable employment'

71

which seems to have more influence on the kind

and terms of job they had, than their personal

abilities and their educational qualification. The

migrants could only insure their basic living

conditions through earning money, for many of

them for the first time.

"No one is taking care of you in the city, you have to

manage yourself."

The result of non-flexible migration and the

urgency of finding a job often ends in non-

negotiable employment. Factors such as type of

work, conditions of employment, and social benefits

that relate to market economy jobs are a lower

priority in the migrants' life circumstances. The

evidences on the abject attitude by employers are

thus not surprising, and are strongly contributes to

the forming of the 'vulnerable employment' pattern.

70

"My advice to boys is not leave their jobs easily no

matter what happens, unless he gets job elsewhere."

"My boss is difficult; he doesn't pay the salary on

time… when I make a mistake he is scolding instead

of teaching me what to do."

This research finding suggests that poverty is a

crucial factor in shaping this migration pattern and

a further indication for the low starting point of the

Mising youth on their journey to employment.

Migrant's achievement motivation and aspirations

In their attempts to integrate into the market

economy, much of the migrants’ ability to adjust,

learn new skills or get promotions is determend by

their achievement motivation11. Since we found

11

Achievement motivation is a tendency which refers to the positive or

negative anticipatory goal reactions in situations that involve competition with

a standard of excellence where performance may be evaluated as success or

failure (Singh , 2009; pp. 207)

72

their aspirations meaningful for their prospect of

succsessful integration, our concluding research

questions aimed to capture the participants'

perception of success and their motivation for

successful integration into the market economy.

Taking from their experience, security jobs,

driving and working in factories were chosen as

'good jobs in the city' (47%) for being fairly easy

jobs, with convenient working hours, appropriate to

their life skills, a regular and relatively high income

(compared to rural areas) and enabling

conversation with other people.

"I got knowledge by daily coming into contact with

people…"

"Becoming a welder is the best option for unqualified

person."

"… The benefit is getting money on a monthly basis."

73

Company jobs, businessman, doctor, teaching and

other jobs that require diploma, language,

experience and high learning capacities, were

chosen as 'good jobs in the city' (53%) for being

high income jobs, with higher status and social

mobility, as well as a possibility for self-

development.

"Good job is doing business, then you can have

economic freedom and you can be creative."

Though it may seem as if only half of the

participants are exhibiting modest rates of

achievement motivation, or 'know' what a good job

in the city is, we found the participants are highly

ambitious in relation to their community of origin.

The mental capacities required for adjusting and

maintaining a job in the city, that can provide

livelihood for the migrant and his family, make any

job in the city a challenge that demands of the

74

migrant high levels of resilience, adaptation and

tolerance.

Vjani village: 'Company job'

'Vulnerable employment' and intergenerational gap

The encounter of the migrants with alternative ways

of living in the city raises questions and poses

challenges on completing a successful process of

"Knowing computers is a must for finding good job in the city.

When you have good job in the city you can save money and

become a successful man"

75

identity formation (Gough, 2013; Kroger , 2011;

Lloyd, 2004; Meeus, 2011; Navarrete, 2011).

Coming in and out of the village, young migrants

express the gap between the city and the village.

The short yet influential time in the city leaves its

mark; in their dress code, attitude to life and new

habits, they bring the outer world to their

communities, and many become prominent in the

small traditional villages.

Since reaching a Mising village for the first time

was, for me, an unforgettable experience, I was

curious to find out what the migrant's first

impressions were of the big cities of India:

"I was surprised to see people rushing in the

streets."

"Even the small boys know how to operate

computer."

76

"…There were crowds of people everywhere,

skyscrapers all over."

When asked to stress their understanding of the

differences between those two ways of life, their

common answers were:

"In the city, each one is doing what they want to

do, according to their own ideas… There is no

environment for that in the village."

"Life in the village is un-satisfying… people in the

village should seek to do what makes them feel good"

"In the city everybody works. In our village, one is

working and all the family is dependent on his

salary."

By doing so, they have accurately pointed out one

of the distinct characteristics of tribal communities

i.e., the dominance of communitarian life which is

highly adapted to their isolated life style. In this

sense, an individual belonging to a tribe is expected

77

to consider his family needs as his own, and to

consider the fulfillment of his needs through

satisfying his family needs (Joshi, 2009). This stands

in complete contrast to the neoliberal economic

ideology of the city, which emphasizes competition,

capabilities and achievements of individuals over

family dependency (Banerjee-Guha, 2009; Murphy,

2010).

In addition, the family unit in tribal setting plays

an important role in the formation of children's

personality by providing culturally meaningful and

economically viable education to children (Joshi,

2009). In our days, this form of education is being

undermined by schooling system (White, 2012), the

unpredictable environment (Casillas, 2010) and the

increasing dependence on the free market for

achieving valuable functioning (Himanshu, 2011).

This change is even more significant for young

78

migrants who witness different ways of child rearing

in the city.

"In the city parents are taking their children to

school. There are roads and hospitals nearby, cars and

beautiful houses."

This exposure to alternative ways of life is a

chance and a challenge for the identity formation of

the migrant youth; on the one hand, the experience

of migration, expose the migrants to alternative

role-model. This is important because it stimulates

them to experiment with alternative adult roles in

order to choose one suitable for them.

On the other hand, in order to complete their

identity formation process, young people need the

acceptance of adults in their community. Since

isolated societies often characterized by high levels

of conformity and resistance to change, migration

79

can lead to intergenerational clash which forces

youngsters to choose one way over the other

instead of integrating both ways. The need to

eliminate parts of one’s experience as a result of a

sense of failure or rejection can undermine

successful identity formation (Gough, 2013;

Hoersting, 2011; Kroger , 2011; Meeus, 2011;

Navarrete, 2011).

For some of the migrants, seeing what is out

there and beyond their reach is a frustrating and

discouraging experience:

"You cannot bring together the city and the

village."

"In the city people are planning the future. In our

village, people leaving only for their next mile."

81

Yet, many participants are convinced that changes

should and can be integrated into the villages in

order to improve the situation:

"If we invest the same hard work that we did in

the city, in our village, we could develop our village."

"If we want to change our society we have to

change ourselves."

The experience of migration and its difficult

employment conditions left an indelible mark on

the youth. They had to adjust rapidly and with no

preparation to the demands of city life. For most of

them it was their first encounter with notions such

as schedule, communicating with strangers, dealing

with demanding bosses, with exploitation and

independent living. Their recommendations to their

peers about migration reflect lessons learned

through their experience:

80

"To know where you are headed for, learn about

the city"

"To gain skills and find a job that will provide good

income for him and his family, so that people will

respect him and follow his ways."

"To make people trust you, learn the rules and

don't cheat, be nice to people and work nicely"

Migrants' impressions of the city were driven

mainly from observations and conversations. When

asked to share 'what they have learned during their

time in the city', two themes were outstandingly

prevalent in their answers: education, and

investment. The importance of education was by far

the most prevalent theme and appeared in many

ways and angles, all pointing out first the actual

visualization of how good education is related to

good employment and better living standards.

82

"I realized that education is very important in life

because I saw that the majority of the people in the

city are educated and are having good jobs".

"After seeing the city people, I am now determined

to get my children a quality education and so I start

today to save money for my children".

The second theme could be described as

'importance of investment' which came up in the

discussions in many ways: investment in developing

personal skills, the value of time and hard work,

saving and planning for the future.

"If you have skills they will be worth money in the

city"

"Time is worth money…" [Laughter]

83

"I opened a bank account to save at least a few

thousands… I am inspired by the whole idea of saving

money for future from the city people."

The experience in the city fills the young migrants

with energy and enthusiasm to embrace the lessons

learned. Some of them described coming back to

the village as boring and said they are now

alienated from the village way of life:

"I learned to be very active in the city and now

sitting, doing nothing in the village, irritates me."

"I was happy in the city [more] than in the village

because, unlike the village, I had no time to waste in

the city. I was always working hard and earning

money…"

Yet there were a few who came back and decided

to take positive action to change things in their

village:

84

"… I also learned the importance of having a youth

club. So after landing back in my place I… formed a

youth club to look after the development of my

society…"

"Both of us are trying to change our village by

telling our friends and families about the differences

between the city and the village".

This motivation for change among the migrants

is alien to the traditional ways of a tribe -

characterized by excluded lifestyle- which usually

retards the achievement pattern of its children and

young (Singh & Shukla, 2009). That, in addition to

the absence of successful adult models who have

joined the market economy in their immediate

vicinity, suggest these young migrants' ambitions

have developed during their exposure to city life.

The research findings suggest that migration is a

decisive factor in intensifying the intergenerational

85

gap, and thus challenging the process of identity

formation among these migrants.

Before concluding this chapter it is important to

note some success stories we heard during the

conversations that came up as beautiful lotus in the

pond of rural unemployment. Although only a few

(N=3), we found migrants who managed to save

money and go back to the village to finish their

studies. A few others (N=3) managed to open a

small business in the village with the money they

saved, to renovate their family houses or reclaim

their family lands from creditors. Since no significant

differences were found to indicate their success,

perhaps their achievement motivation can explain

their accomplishments.

86

Conclusions

This chapter identified the causes for the formation

of the 'vulnerable employment' migration pattern

and stressed the effect of this pattern on the

identity formation process. Our findings shed light

on the potential of migrants as agents of change

and rural development. By emphasizing the way the

challenges of the Mising community and its youth

are shaping this migration pattern, this research can

point out accurate actions that can assist the

migrants in better integrating into the market

economy.

In our attempts to explain the 'vulnerable

employment' migration pattern, rural poverty stood

out as the most influential factor in shaping

'vulnerable employment'. We found poverty to be

the main reason for migration as well as a decisive

factor in determining their abilities and qualities as

87

employees and a crucial factor in their 'choices' of

employment.

The migrants' skill set, built by and large on the

education available in the village, was identified as

another important factor in shaping this migration

pattern. This research shows that qualification,

professional skills, knowledge of languages and

preparation for city life was insufficient in this

migration pattern.

Explanations for their inadequate life skills were

found in the isolation and remoteness of the Mising

villages, in the financial struggle of their families, in

their minimal exposure to non agrarian life and in

the un-guided process of migration.

The third explanation for the formation of this

migration pattern is the essence of youth; the

migrants' need to re-accept their community and to

be accepted by their community, their willingness to

88

take the risk and reach un-known places in an effort

at self-improvement, are all part of being young

and influence in many ways the essence of this

migration pattern.

This research finds the impact of emigration on

the process of the migrants' identity formation

considerable. What started as an economic effort is

becoming, for most of them, a life changing

experience. During their emigration, the migrants

become aware of notions that were never a part of

their childhood way of life.

In the face of the economic challenge of their

community, they are inspired by notions of good

education, market employment, saving and

investments. They find these notions to be

meaningful and contributing to the formation of

their own identity as well as a way to achieve better

89

employment, better education and better living

standards.

However at the same time this pattern of migration

challenges the process of identity formation, mainly

by intensifying the tension between their childhood

identity and their migration experience. Perhaps

what is challenging about this pattern of migration

is the exposure to possibilities that are beyond their

reach; just like reaching Emerald City and finding

out the Wizard is not there.

In that sense, their childhood experiences of a

traditional-agrarian-isolated living manner is not

enough, yet their possibilities to integrate into the

market economy are not sufficient either. The way

these young men will choose to deal with this

challenge, will be one of the factors that will shape

the future of their communities.

91

Looking at the prospect of rural development,

the most positive findings of this research are the

existence of migration nets; those nets can increase

the probability of remitting incomes and extending

the duration of migration (De Hass, 2010,

Himanshu, 2011; Morrow, 2013). The possibility for

migrants to remit money to their families can

become a decisive factor for rural development12.

Moreover, the young migrants' contribution to

the villages is not only through increasing access to

economic means but also by increasing the

potential of integrating contemporary values such

as importance of quality education, savings and

investing to their community.

12

The money sent and saved during several years of successful migration can

change the fate of the family in the village, by enabling access to means of

development, i.e. money for children's education, health expenditure, and

improvement of housing and introduction of improved agricultural methods.

90

By bringing the news of the outer world to the

most remote and isolated populations, these

migrants are among the most adequate agent for

social change. They speak the language of the

village and are very aware of the unwritten laws of

their community. At the same time, their experience

in the city usually changes their perspective on what

can be done to improve life in the village.

Our research suggests that in order to increase

chances of substantial remittances by the migrating

youth, preliminary conditions must be met, such as:

insurance schemes for migrants, assistance in

finding jobs adequate to the migrants' skills and

level of education, access to vocational trainings

and linguistic courses and, preparation workshops

to life in the city.

Since this research showed most of the migrants

contribute to their family income, and

92

acknowledging the value of education, saving and

investing; higher salaries could be translated into

higher remittances, more savings and ability to

invest incomes in further developing of personal

skills. Good utilization of the wages gap could be

the first stick in the cycle of poverty.

That being said, it is important to add that

migrant's economic success does not necessarily

translate into rural development it may also lead to

permanent migration and alienation to the

community and village life. Therefore, enabling the

achievement of identity formation (Evans, 2012;

Kroger, 2003; Meeus, 2011) is perhaps one of the

most challenging aspects in the process of utilizing

successful youth migration to rural development.

Finding a way to incorporate economically valid

values into village life while acknowledging the

importance of valuable traditions of the tribe, the

93

Mising could overcome intergenerational gaps in a

way that respects all members of the village for

their significant contribution to the future of the

tribe. That could pave the 'yellow brick road' to

ensure realization of the potential of immigration

and will keep successful young men in their villages.

The next chapter describes a unique educational

programme called 'Karsang-Takar'13 which is an

alternative to the economic migration and allows an

educational process that supports the process of

identity formation. This programme enables young

people who dropped out of school to go through a

process of empowerment, during which they are

challenged to discover their potential, find meaning

in their lives and become leaders of their

community by promoting rural development.

13

'Rising stars' in Mising language

94

95

Chapter 5: The Stars of the Mising Tribe

96

Role of Dreams in Young People's Lives

The Journey young people take from childhood to

adulthood sets them a noble challenge, driving

them to invest efforts in developing their personal

capacities and "become somebody in life" (Crivello,

2011).

This chapter will describe an alternative migration

path chosen by some rural Mising youth who

proudly call themselves 'Takars'. These young men

and women chose to join a unique leadership

training programme called 'Karsang Takar'.

The programme aspires to promote the holistic

development of the Mising tribe, by contributing to

the personal capacities and aspirations of the

Mising youth. The programme offers an alternative

to the economic migration mentioned in chapter 4

and assists young Misings in dealing adequately

with the challenge of identity formation.

97

Moreover, the programme increases the potential of

creating positive agents for social change and rural

development. This chapter will focus on the impact

of the programme on the youths’ aspirations and

role in society.

The starless sky of the Mising tribe

As described in previous chapters, the Mising tribe

is one of the poorest and most deprived

communities in Northern East India. Today, the

Mising are facing enormous challenges in adjusting

and coping with modern times; isolation, lack of

quality education, economic deterioration and

environmental changes are among their main

constraints. In addition, the lack of active leadership

and political influence have led to years of neglect

by official authorities and left the Mising tribe's

interests unrepresented.

98

These conditions also affect the Mising youth who,

despite their young age, have already experienced

life’s adversities. Dropping out of school is a

testimony to their struggles, as many of them

indicate economic problems, domestic issues and

lack of scholastic success as the common and often

related reasons for leaving school.

"My mom told me she had to choose between

buying rice for my brothers and sisters and payment

of school fees. I couldn't stand the thought that my

schooling meant no food for them. I lost my ability to

focus on my studies and failed in the exams".

"Every time my Mom and Dad fought, my mother

would run away. When she returned they would make

up and she would be pregnant. When the baby was

born, they were fighting again and my mother would

run off again ... My father drinks and doesn't help ... I

had to take care of my brothers and sisters".

"I was different… smoking, drinking, using drugs".

99

According to these young peoples’ stories, many

have become accustomed to disappointments and

failures and yet, dropping out of school is not only

described as a failure but also as leading to a

feeling of void and a dead end:

"I was valuable and successful in my studies. After

my parents stopped paying for my studies I ran away

from home, trying to find a job and manage myself

but failed. After that I came back to my village, I

started to smoke and use drugs and alcohol and got

into trouble with my friends…"

"I wasn’t doing anything at home. All day I was

working in the paddy field and engaged in house

work and I didn't talk to anyone".

"After dropping out of school, getting married was

the only option for me…."

011

These intense feelings of a ‘dead end’ in the prime

stage of their lives have an enormous impact on the

self confidence as well as on the social reputation of

these young people, which set tremendous

obstacles on the process of identity formation

(Kroger, 2003; Lloyd, 2004; Meeus, 2011). As we

have seen in the previous chapter, many of the

youth chose to deal with the implication of

dropping out of school by migrating out of Assam

in search for employment.

Furthermore, we have seen many of them often

belong to the 'vulnerable employment' pattern of

migration which exposes them to further challenges

in forming their identity. Thus, the 'Karsang Takar'

programme is designed to give adequate and

accurate answers to the challenges faced by the

Mising youth who dropped out of school, by

010

fulfilling their potential as leaders of social change

in their communities.

'Karsang Takar': the rising stars of the Mising tribe

The 'Karsang Takar' is a ten month leadership

programme, in which each year twenty young men

and women who have dropped out of school are

empowered to become active leaders and catalysts

for change in their society.

By choosing to invest in young dropouts, the

management of the programme is taking a

calculated risk: their scholastic abilities, self

confidence and sense of commitment are relatively

low. Many of them come from extremely poor

families and show behavioral problems. Yet the

organization sees the investment in the

marginalized youth as a lifetime commitment, and

012

the mission of turning them into social leaders as a

challenge that can be handled rather than as a risk.

The main reason these young boys and girls join

this programme is to develop and improve their life

skills; to develop learning abilities and find meaning

in their lives. In their opinion, improvement in these

areas will enable them to find good jobs and to

establish themselves. According to Crivello, (2011)

education has become many young people’s main

hope for escaping poverty, especially rural poverty.

In the eyes of the dropouts, joining the

programme is also a way of escaping the grim

future in the villages:

"I knew nothing in the village and I was shy; I

wanted to fulfill my life and for that I had to improve

myself"

"In the village I was not aware of life and did

nothing for myself".

013

During this extensive and demanding programme,

the trainees learn to develop and increase their

personal, cultural, and spiritual capacities, while

acquiring vital skills for becoming 'social workers'.

The main purpose of this training is to assist the

young' 'Karsang Takars' in their process of identity

formation and to equip them with the necessary

skills in order to become leasers and social workers

active in the development process of their villages.

As part of the 'KarsangTakars' philosophy, the

programme is managed and implemented by

former students of the programme and members of

the Mising tribe. These are adequate and vital adult

models for the youth to identify with and to receive

compassion and understanding from. By doing so,

the programme exceeds the boundaries of

leadership training and becomes an institution the

youth can feel themselves affiliated with:

014

"In this programme I'm feeling at home for the

first time".

One of the unique components of the

programme is the restoration and expansion of the

tribe's folklore and arts. Leaning on the rich cultural

past of their community, the young 'Karsang Takars'

become proud of and empowered by their ethnic

identity(Evans, 2012; Hoersting, 2011; Meeus, 2011).

Moreover, the cultural skills attained during their

studies are utilized in planning and implementing

interventions in the Mising villages and thus assist

to reduce resistance to change within the tribe, and

enhance communication and collaboration between

the students and the people in the village.

Given that a youth's main task is the formation of

identity, self-esteem and ambitions alongside ethnic

and religious affiliation are essential strengths

015

needed in order to succeed in completing this

process. Researches have pointed out a positive

relationship between young people's self-esteem

and their well developed ethnic identity (Evans,

2012; Koger, 2011; Meeus, 2011; Smith, 2011). The

integration of tribal folklore and arts in a leadership

programme is an important tool which substantially

contributes to the reinforcement of the students’

self-esteem and sense of capability.

The dreams of young people

During the years of adolescence young people

should be engaged in finding a purpose to their

lives. Young people's aspirations and their ideas

about themselves as grown-ups, are in many ways

what drives this process. These initial dreams,

combined with stimulating experiences that arouse

contemplating and experimenting processes, as well

016

as developing achievement motivation to act

towards desired goals, using creative thinking and

coping mechanisms, are vital for the successful

process of identity formation (Joshi, 2009; Koger,

2003).

Thus, young people's dreams are the generators

of the identity formation process. Therefore, to

capture the impact of the project on these young

people's steps towards adulthood, we chose to

trace the evolution of their dreams.

During the first year of training some are just

beginning to dream:

"I had no dreams when I was living in the village…

now I want to become a tailor and to work in the

town near my village." "When I came to the programme, I thought I could

work here in the kitchen after the programme ends.

Today, my dream is to become an owner of a shop in

my village… I would also like to become a singer in

Assamese… and in Hindi!"

017

While some already come with a dream, mostly to

improve themselves:

"before joining the 'Karsang-Takar' programme my

dream was to become a good quality individual like

school master".

"I joined the programme because I wanted to be a

respected and educated person when I grow up."

At the end of the first year some are able to

realize their initial dream;

"after finishing the 'Karsang-Takar' training I can

say now [that] I'm a good quality person".

" after finishing 'Karsang-Takar' I went back to

school and now I'm finishing my studies…"

During the three years of training and work in the

villages, these young people’s dreams keep

018

evolving. The sense of achievement, together with

the programme’s training content leads them to be

more aware, capable and willing to take the

initiative of becoming social workers for their

communities.

"I want to change the way young people think, and

to preserve my culture"

"After gaining skills and developing my personality

I became aware of things around me… when I

understood this, I decided to dedicate my life to my

community”

"my dream is to become a nurse in [my] own place

for focusing on development practice and to preserve

[my] own culture".

"I want to become a leader and to make sure the

money goes to needed places and according to plan".

019

The combination of personal development and

social contribution is still evident in the future

dreams of the 'Takars', years after they have

completed their training:

"Today, I want to open a school and to bring good

quality education to my village. I want to teach

children in the village to become good citizens and to

unite the people in my village".

"I want to complete my studies and to establish

myself… I want to find meaning in my life and to

help my community with the skills I have"

"Today I want to improve the economy of my

family and my village and to open a studio for audio

recording"

"I would like to open a beauty salon in my village

and to encourage unemployed girls to find jobs and to

work hard"

001

The evolution of the 'Karsang-Takars' dreams is

evidence that in suitable conditions, the process of

identity formation can take place and contribute not

only to the development of successful adults with a

unique personal, professional and communitarian

identity, but also contribute significantly to their

relationship with their community and develop their

competence to become meaningful to others

(Smith, 2011).

The effects of the Karsang Takar' programme

Our research findings show that this programme

has significantly contributed to the self confidence

of the participants as well as raised their motivation

to complete school, to receive vocational training or

to find work. Moreover, many graduates of the

programme are returning to their villages as

000

transformative leaders commited to the future

development of the Mising villages.

When present students were asked whether there

were changes in their lives after they joined the

programme, self-confidence, development of skills

and a sense of meaning in life were the most

common answers:

"now I know my life is important; I learned many

useful things that I could teach my friends in the

village".

"… My self confidence is better and I'm capable of

representing myself in front of people… Now I wish to

go back to my village and deal with the problems

there."

Moreover, many of the youth who failed in their

exams up to three times, now feel capable and

willing to go back and complete their formal

education. This sense of competence indicates an

increased capacity to cope with challenges, and is

002

yet another step towards their successful transition

to adulthood:

"I'm planning to go back to the village and help my

community while finishing school and then I will join

the army to serve my country. I'm sure I can do

that".

The organization's commitment to its graduates

does not stop at the end of the programme. Each

'Takar' is encouraged to complete their formal

education or to pursue some form of professional

training. The organization supports its graduates by

providing scholarships, training facilities and

accommodation for their life’s journey.

The methods implemented during the training

programme are becoming a way of life for the

graduates; it is their way to address and solve

problems, celebrate and communicate with each

other and with other people. These tools allow them

003

to maintain a positive attitude to life which is

significant in light of the social task ahead of them.

In spite of the high requirements and long

commitment needed to continue in this

programme, the percentage of dropouts from the

programme is negligible. For many of the trainees,

what started as an effort for self improvement is

becoming a life style and long term devotion to

their society.

Throughout the ten years of activity the 'Karsang-

Takars' programme has reached out to 200 young

men and women from the Mising tribe. The fruits of

this programme are evident not only in the 'Takars'

higher aspirations but also in their employment and

academic achievements; many of the 'Takars' are

now employed, taking leadership positions and

handling huge responsibilities in their NGO; one of

the 'Takars' is today the headmaster of a primary

004

school in a Mising villages in Majuli and another

'Takar' was interviewed by the National Television

network of India, as a beacon of youth leadership.

In addition, some of the young women that took

part in the programme, went back to finish their

formal education and are now employed as

designers and marketers of their own unique line of

Mising weaving and dresses. Other women went on

to professional studies such as nursing. Even a

Masters in Communication and Journalism can be

found among the 'Takars'.

These are not only remarkable examples of

personal achievement but also role models that are

important for the Mising youth in their search for

what life has to offer them.

As emphasized throughout the book, aspirations,

capabilities, and roles of rural youth in their

societies are decisive factors in shaping the future of

005

their communities. When young people's dreams of

successful adulthood contain their own

development as part of their community

development, they can accomplish a successful

transition to adulthood and at the same time

contribute to the survival and prosperity of their

community.

Now that I know who I am

The 'Karsang-Takars' programme has shaped a new,

vibrant and meaningful youth leadership in the

Mising villages. These young people recognize the

importance of their ethnic identity, their traditions

and the originality of their community as well as

their community’s need to develop the means to

cope with, and adjust to the challenges of modern

times.

006

The ‘Takars’ are most knowledgeable about the

situation of the Mising villages. Today, these young

leaders are capable of, and are actually questioning

the known Mising leaders on various issues, and will

endure in the face of troubles and opposition.

They are willing to engage in even the severest

of their society’s problems; they have walked with

their few belongings on their heads, through neck

deep water during floods, to save lives. They have

stood calm even when insurgent groups have

terrified the village people. By doing so, they have

become notable role models for their peers in the

Mising villages.

In their mission to promote development the

'KarsangTakars' managed to bring attitudinal

changes in more than 360 villages in the last ten

years. People living in far flung villages, miles away

007

from towns, who would otherwise never have heard

of developmental issues, have begun to lend an ear.

In many places, young people in the villages,

inspired and guided by 'Karsang-Takars' students,

have formed youth-led development initiatives,

which are designed to involve peers in positive

actions: help school pupils with homework, promote

hygiene and health awareness, or repair flood

damages – activities which are important to the

growth of young people and for the growth of their

communities.

Moreover, people in the village now speak of

monitoring the implementation of government

schemes, the right to information act of the

government of India, the right to education, and

midday meals in schools, national rural employment

guarantee scheme and job cards. The women are

008

beginning to visit banks with their meager savings

through the Self Help Groups.

Borgarah village: 'Well-educated children'

"We don't have money for books or pencils, we don't have chairs or

tables, and teachers in our village are not committed to their work

but, we can spend time with small children and teach them what

we know, so that they will have better chances than us".

009

To conclude this chapter we wish to highlight the

importance of the Mising youth’s efforts to dream,

to become respectable adults and to take

meaningful roles in their society. We suggest that

these efforts be guided, highlighted and

appreciated by the adults of the Mising community

and Indian society.

Mising youth should be recognized as a valuable

resource for tribal development and as promoters

of their community. Therefore, their efforts must

strengthen, expand and receive support and

acknowledgement as part of the Mising tribe's

efforts towards development.

The concluding chapter of this book will zoom

out and give a global perspective on these local

efforts for the development of rural communities.

021

Chapter 6: Global / Village

"Find the cost of freedom buried in the ground…"

Crosby, Still, Nash & Young

020

Global Policy in Local Perspective

Migration in the 21st century and specifically

youth’s rural to urban migration is a well known

global phenomenon which is becoming increasingly

prevalent and has a significant contribution in

shaping the faces of villages and cities around the

world (Cornia, 2003; Deshingkar, 2009; Sharma &

Bhaduri, 2009; Verner, 2005; de Hass, 2008).

This research focused on the developmental task

of youth as a force that shapes the phenomenon of

youth migration as well as being influenced by it. In

addition, this research indicates the potential of

young migrants as a catalyst for change and as

important mediators in the process of rural

development.

In this research we delved into the unique

challenges of the Mising youth as rural youth

belonging to a tribal community which is an ethnic

022

minority in the State of Assam in North East India.

The research indicates the challenges of this rural

community as leading forces in shaping the

phenomenon of youth’s rural to urban migration.

These challenges, which were emphasized and

analyzed throughout the book, are, in many ways,

common to many other rural communities of tribal

or ethnic minorities around the world (Cervantes-

Godoy, 2010; Davis, 2010; Deshingkar, 2009;

Himanshu, 2011; Fosu, 2011; Lloyd, 2004; Zaman,

2011). Therefore, this book can be seen as a case

study of the global phenomenon of rural to urban

migration of young people.

This chapter examines the relevance of the

research results to the global efforts of rural

development and focus on the following issues: the

global efforts for education in rural areas; the role of

education in the process of identity formation of

023

rural youth and the potential of migrant youth as a

catalyst for change and advocators for rural

development.

Education as liberty: the global educational outreach

efforts

According to Easterly (2002), literacy is considered

today as liberation from ignorance, and education

as valuable capability for human functioning. Thus,

for more than a decade education has been

recognized by international entities as an essential

part of human rights and people's valuable

functioning (Lloyd, 2004; Sen, 1999; Tikly, 2011).

This recognition has led to the collaboration of

international development bodies - such as the UN

and the World Band - with governments and

international NGO's, and to immense efforts and

024

investments in promoting primary education in

developing countries (Gough, 2013; Morrow, 2013).

The Indian government’s efforts to promote

development by incorporating education through

schooling in rural areas (Chandrasekhar, 2013; Ibid,

2013; Joshi, 2009; Ibid, 2013; Tikly, 2011) can be

seen as part of those development strategies.

Indian government reports about the millennium

goals attainment for education, show that

significant progress was done in the past fifteen

years14. India succeeded in sending its rural

population to primary schools, thus increasing the

population’s level of education (Idib, 2013). The

access of rural population to government education

indicates the ability of global entities to collaborate

with governments and to achieve realization of

cross-border and cultural policies.

14

According to the World Bank Data, school net enrollment was 79% in 2001 and increased to 92% in 2008

025

However, the actual results of such efforts are

poorly maintained primary school buildings in every

village, inadequate or indifferent teachers who find

their mission impossible or negligible and irrelevant

curriculums which hardly contribute to children's

aspirations or capacities (Chandrasekhar, 2013;

Morrow, 2013; Tikly, 2011; White, 2012).

The findings of this research, persisting with

other research findings (Deshingkar, 2009; Ibid,

2013; Ibid, 2012; Winters, 2009), show that while

acquiring education through government

institutions in rural areas does provide basic skills

such as reading and writing, it fails to improve skills

or to develop learning capacities that are much

needed in order to integrate into the broader

society of India. Thus, the enormous potential of

subsidized government education has yet to realize

itself.

026

In our days, there is an expensive alternative to

government education in rural areas: private

education. This is a blessing for the well-off families,

yet the financial means needed for its attainment

pose a barrier on access to quality education for

poor populations and by that, contradict the

perception of education as a human right as well as

the perception of education as a means to eradicate

poverty (Davis, 2010; Himanshu, 2011; Tikly, 2011).

And so, even in remote places around the world one

can find traces of our global social order which

manifest in growing social inequalities and

dependence on financial means in order to achieve

valuable functioning.

The discouraging impact of government

education in rural areas, i.e. education which in

many ways perpetuates the cycle of poverty rather

than provide meaningful tools for young people to

027

develop themselves, emphasizes the complexity of

translating global policies into effective local actions

(Morrow, 2013; Tikly, 2011; Winters, 2009).

From a global perspective, it is beyond the

capacity of international entities to adjust and

monitor global policies and tuning it to cultural and

social context, yet, the unifying approach for

education is impeding the attainment of those

noble goals and can explain the "dismal scenario

evinced in rural development" (Behura, 1992 in

Joshi, 2009).

The much needed adjustments of global policies

require local reaction and attention to global

efforts. The proliferation of government quality

education as well as supplementary education

programmes in rural setting is not impossible, and

today it plays a crucial role in bridging diverse

societies, and preparing rural communities to cope

028

with their unique challenges (Tikly, 2011; Robson,

2010; Winters, 2009; Zaman, 2011).

Salmora village: 'Long-term solutions'

This research found the ability of alternative and

innovative educational programmes, such as the

'Karsang-Takars', as essential in rural context to

"Bamboo Bridge is a symbol of our society's dependence on

temporary solutions. We should invest in children's education

so that they will develop long lasting solutions for our

society"

029

provide appropriate and meaningful supplementary

education.

Providing quality education for rural areas also

requires further attention on behalf of international

development entities to examine the

implementation of global policies; to question the

validity of the methods being applied, to better

articulate the goals being aimed for and to check

the validity of indicators being chosen for

promoting development (Gough, 2013; Tikly, 2011).

The role of education in youth identity formation

As mentioned throughout the book, education has

a decisive role in developing personal capacities as

well as in developing youngsters' identity, both of

which are crucial to the personal capacities of

children as they grow up and, to their successful

adulthood.

031

One of the main findings of this research indicates

the enormous challenges of Mising youth in

properly managing the task of identity formation. In

their first steps towards independence, many of

these youth, who dropped out of schools, choose to

immigrate to big cities in an un-guided attempt to

cope, among other things, with the task of identity

formation.

Reaching the city without preparation for what

they are about to see and experience, many of them

face dangers they did not anticipate or cannot cope

with. On their return from the city, they are more

aware of constrains they face and often find

completing the process of identity formation even

harder.

Perhaps the most obvious deficiency in this

context is the lack of guidance and adequate

guidance at this stage. While their parents'

030

traditional education is most valuable for the

successful development of their ethnic identity, it is

less viable as economic strategies in face of the

effects of climate change and agricultural crisis.

On the other end, their formal education is

valuable for developing basic skills, yet insufficient

for integration in the broader society of India or in

the market economy. As a result, these young

people are simply not prepared to cope with the

challenges of growing up.

Moreover, this crisis is accelerated in the face of

the tension between the different educators in their

community. In the context of a tribe, the concept of

formal education was regarded for many years as an

alien intruder that can be dismissed as irrelevant for

the education of children. On the other end, formal

education agents disregard tribal parents as

educators who have an important role in the

032

process of their children’s rearing. Thus the un-

guided efforts of youth in that context are partially a

result of the disharmony, and dysfunctional

educators' network.

This research found the synergy of traditional

and contemporary values in the education of rural

youth as well as the integration and cooperation of

the different educators as vital for the successful

and adequate transition of these youth to

adulthood.

Thus, rural communities ought to engage and

collaborate with government authorities and other

supplementary education entities in defining what

the educational needs of their children are and how

they may be achieved.

In that sense, a mutual recognition of the

importance of the different educational frames, and

their integration into a holistic and harmonious unit

033

that operates to supplement the varied educational

needs of young people, is vital. Integrating children

and youth in that process would also be valuable for

improving the quality of education in the village.

Youth migration & rural development

Amartya Sen (1999) defines the concept of

'development', as the expansion of capabilities, i.e.

the ability of individuals and communities' to

promote or achieve valuable functioning. In the

beginning of the 21st century, when the ability for

self-determination is extremely dependent on

financial ability, ethnicity and political power, a tribal

community's capabilities to achieve valuable

functioning is decreasing sharply (Chandrasekhar,

2013; Deshingkar, 2009; Gough, 2013; Himanshu,

2011; Morrow, 2013; Winters, 2009; Zaman, 2011)

.

034

In the face of global phenomena such as climate

change and the agricultural crisis, those

communities are becoming more and more

dependent on government and international aid,

and are exposed to environmental and nutritional

insecurity (Casillas, 2010; Morrow, 2013; Mueller,

2011).

As we have seen in this research, the young

generation of the Mising community is perhaps the

most proactive segment of it, trying to cope and

increase valuable functioning of their community.

The phenomenon of migration is perhaps one of

the most notable efforts of those young people to

react to the challenges of our times.

In their journeys they are exposed to, inspired by

and recognize, the importance of values relevant to

the expansions of their capabilities and aspire to

incorporate those values into their lives, thus

035

forming new definitions for rural wellbeing and

prosperity.

By doing so they are allowing the diffusion of

new ideas and means, the articulation of demands

and the implementation of culturally meaningful

methods for education, by bringing awareness in

their mother tongue.

On a global perspective, in terms of the search

for more adequate and viable promoters of quality

education and development of rural areas, this

research can point to those young migrants as one

of the most appropriate agents in tuning global

policies to suitable local actions.

Aiming at obtaining development goals,

encouraging these young people to take an active

role in adjusting global efforts to local needs, can

be part of what is missing for the success of rural

development.

036

Moreover, the migrant youth, who recently became

familiar with the dominant social order, can redefine

their community's valuable functioning providing

their better integration into the market economy

through. This can allow the realization of diverse

notions of wellbeing.

Looking ahead from the farthest end

Since this book is a call for action, the potential of

rural youth as agents for social change and

development of their villages was highlighted

throughout. In order to fulfill their potential,

responsible actions should be taken on behalf of

adults and peers from their community; to enrich

youth education by providing meaningful skills for

finding employment as well as spiritual and cultural

guidance during the process of identity formation.

The responses of official institutions, NGOs and the

037

Mising community as a whole to the needs of those

young people can make the difference.

Supporting programmes that provide vocational

training, capacity building and ethnic development,

in addition to the development of new strategies to

support migrants in the cities or peer-net initiatives

for consultancy and assistance, are part of what can

and should be done for the Mising youth. This is

important for the competency, and for the

capabilities, of rural communities to thrive, as well

as for the country's development and economic

growth.

038

Epilogue

“You never know beforehand what people are capable of, you have to

wait, give it time, it's time that rules, time is our gambling partner on the

other side of the table and it holds all the cards of the deck in its hand,

we have to guess the winning cards of life, our lives.”

José Saramago

The results of poor education and unsustainable

environments can be found today in every major

city around the world. Fleeing from rural areas and

coming to the city, entire families live on and under

benches, at the end of train stations, at the entrance

to holy places or at the edges of rich

neighborhoods. In the city they are still very much

rural; poor, isolated, uneducated and deprived of

most of their human rights.

The Mising community, as a rural agrarian

society, are today on a turning point in time: the

039

youth we met during this research are ready and

willing to adjust. In their actions they express the

needs of their society, in their aspirations they speak

of development and in their ideas to bridge the

gaps, they can be part of the important efforts to

promote their community's human and civil rights.

Yet we must not abandon them with the

responsibility of shaping the future of their tribe.

The Mising community can stay as they are and

take the risk of joining the staggering numbers of

environmental refugees expected to huddle into the

cities in less than a century. They can awaken to the

sound of concerned youth calling for change. The

capacity of adults to embrace the young, to

accompany them in their journey, to listen and to

lend a hand can ensure the ability of present and

future generations of the Mising to hold on to their

lands, language and culture. Time will tell.

041

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank The Hebrew University of Jerusalem for

the internship coordination, the financial support and the

professional guidance throughout the process. I wish to share

my appreciation to I-CARD Director, Fr. Kalapurackal Thomas,

sdb and thank him for his impressive involvement to the

realization of the book.

I want to thank the incredible team members of I-CARD,

and especially the field team, for facilitating the research and

allowing optimal conditions for profound and professional

research within a limited budget and tight time frame. I would

also like to thank ARDA (Agency for Rural Development

Action) members for reaching out and collecting information

about young migrants from their villages and motivating them

to participate in the research.

One of the main obstacles of this research was language

limitation. I offer my deep appreciation to the translators

found in each village, who were willing to help us overcome

the language barrier; for their patience, thoughtfulness and

endless supply of tea. Additional appreciated assistance was

given by the Masters of Social Work students at Bosco

Institute, Jorhat. I wish to thank them for their willingness to

help in the implementation of the research during their field

work.

A special gratitude goes to our hosts: the churches that

invited us to stop by or spend the night on our way from one

Mising village to the other; we are grateful for their warm

hospitality, open hearts and good food. To the wonderful

Mising families who were ready and willing to treat us as

royalty and to make sure our stay was comfortable and joyful.

040

I want to share my love and gratitude to my brother Yair

Zehavi for his natural curiosity and passion for converting dry

data to a life's portrait.

And of course, a big gratitude and a warm place in my

heart is given to the Mising youth that I met along the way,

who were willing to get together and share their experiences,

ideas, challenges and dreams. I was moved by their courage to

examine their situation in society, and their openness and

ability to share their concerns. I'm grateful for the smiles,

laughter, singing and dancing, for the questions asked and

answers responded, and especially for letting me in.

042

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050

Appendix A: Interviews with Mising Youth

The following paragraphs are summative translation

of some of the group discussions held during the

research. The essence of the translation reflects the

spirit of the conversations and indicates the

remarkable ability of the participants to share of

their hopes and concerns. Dr. Neeta Lagachu, who

lent her time and skills translating some of the

recorded conversations, managed to engage in the

mission while showing respect and sensitivity to the

messages of participants.

4.11.2012; Lakhimpur District, Salmora village:

Traversing the dusty, sometimes muddy and

sometimes dung-dotted path, which can hardly be

given the appellation ‘road’, we arrived at this

village for a tete-e-tete with its inhabitants, more

specifically its youths. They recounted their bitter-

052

sweet experiences, of their encounter with the world

outside their home and their region, with sagacity

and maturity one would hardly expect from people

their age.

S', realized very early [in life] that for some

reason, life in Salmora did not provide him any

fulfillment. Being just a matriculate, job options too

were limited. Weary of this uninspiring existence, he

decides to explore life outside his home state.

Armed only with resolution and just enough money

to tide over for a couple of days, he reaches first

Mumbai, and then Goa. In both places, he noticed

that people kept themselves busy.

In Mumbai, he worked 12 hours daily for 5

months, and realized the importance of time-

management. He was greatly attracted by the beach

culture of Goa where he worked daily for 8 hours

and the infectious happiness emanating from the

053

people there. But like true sons of the soil, youths

like S' return home, firmly resolved to do something

for their own people. He starts a small business by

opening a computer shop providing DTP and Xerox

facilities while a friend, of the same village, opens a

garage for repairing cars, bikes and bicycles.

Other youths, like A', also shared their

experiences and the reasons that propelled them to

leave their home and region. They were particularly

impressed by the people of Tamil Nadu and

Bangalore, their good nature and the required

modicum of respect they bestow on all people,

whether high or low. Here, both men and women

leave their home in all equality, and with a feeling of

safety.

Assam, they say, is the opposite. Class

discrimination is very much prevalent here. People

are egoistic, materialistic, cruel and full of their own

054

self-importance. They recount that, it was at the

start of their journey, in their very own State, that

they encountered one of the evil faces of society. In

their childhood in the village, they had heard their

elders say that Guwahati, the biggest city of Assam,

was full of dacoits.

This was proved right when in the railway station

at Guwahati, 2 policemen accosted the 3 youths

with the prime purpose of filching money. Standing

their ground, and using presence of mind, they

extricated themselves bravely from this situation.

The youths further understand that other places

are advanced and developed due to the presence of

industries and the concomitant job-opportunities. In

villages, such facilities are not available to them. For

a 5-rupee pen, they have to traverse a long distance

spending most of the time, more than 10 times the

amount of the pen.

055

According to them, most people in the cities

realize the need to save for a rainy day. While in the

villages, one works only to survive, to have two

square meals a day. Those who get jobs in the cities

leave their homes in the villages and start imbibing

the pattern and ways of city life. People change for

the better too once they step into city life. It is

noticed that youths generally while away their time

drinking rice beer and playing cards in the villages

but in the cities, one passes the time meaningfully.

D' narrated the difference in attitude and

perspectives between people of the same region.

His search for employment led him to serve as a

driver in Itanagar. There, he was struck with wonder

and admiration at the simplicity, affableness and

egalitarian nature of the hill people.

He recalls his Arunachalee employer’s

humanitarian treatment towards him, how he sat

056

and ate at the same table treating him as his equal

despite the difference in education and position. It

was like a breath of fresh air for him since people

holding higher positions in his home State hardly

do the same to their subordinates.

29.10.2012; Jorhat District, Majuli Sub Division,

Vjani village:

In the places which they had visited, they realized

that proficiency in English, knowledge of computer,

and a smattering of the local language are

necessary requirements. The necessity of English

was not so much felt in their village but as they

reached the cities, they came to know of its value.

The cities also greatly impressed upon them the

value of time. Some learned repairing machinery

and welding, while most of them worked as security

guards.

057

As security guards, the only difficulty they faced

was standing continuously for 8-10 hours. In some

jobs, like in the automobile factory where they

worked, some locals/employers tried to take

advantage of their ignorance. For example, some of

the youths were asked to deposit some of their

earnings as security or as Provident Fund amount

but the same was not returned to them.

The youths gradually understood that they were

duped because of their unfamiliarity with the

English language and because they were still green

horns. Back in the village and wiser due to

experience, they now see farming and investing on

pig farms as the options available to them.

The youths also said that only after travelling to

cities, they have come to know and realize their own

capacity and talent for doing particular jobs. Since

some of them have worked in the Fire Department

058

in cities like Chennai, they are ready to take up any

such opportunities if offered to them in their own

State. Some of them remarked that they were able

to learn new languages like Hindi in these cities.

Further, they advised those youths interested to

go outside their State to equip themselves first with

some knowledge of computer or have an ITI

diploma in order to get a decent job. If this is done,

the struggle becomes a bit easier.

9.11.2012: Tinsukia District, Sadiya Sub Division,

Borgarah village:

Most of the Mising youths preferred security jobs in

cities such as Bangalore, since it at least offered

them 10,000/- per month which otherwise would

take 6-12 months to earn here in Assam. But still,

the money does not substitute for the love and

059

affection of loved ones. The cell phone was the only

saving grace that kept them going during the low

moments of their struggle for existence. They

missed their loved ones - since they could not see

or touch them from so far. They recounted their

experience with friends which included a few

Africans who encouraged them in many ways. They

advised them about the value of saving for the

future, since a day would come when they will have

family and children.

Bangalore and its people particularly appealed to

them. Initially, the tall high-rise buildings

intimidated them but gradually they got used to it,

and in fact some youths would like their village to

also become such a city so that they can remain

busy here too just as they were in the cities.

Computer-related work is a good job option in

the cities because even if you are blind, you can

061

operate a computer if you can memorize the keys. It

is also the most comfortable since by just sitting in

one place you can earn a lot. It is the age of

computers. Knowledge of computers can fetch you

any job.

Another youth said that he would like to become

a businessman and for this social skills and public

relation skills are pre-requisites. But to start a

business, patience, education and initial investment

are necessary.

They would advise a younger brother of a village

to first complete his studies before pushing off to

cities. If need be, they will provide pen, paper,

pencil, etc. when required. To a persistent person,

they will narrate the pain and struggle they faced in

the cities.

A youth remarked that had he had enough

education with computer and spoken English skills

060

in his kitty, he would not have done the job of a

security guard, and said that he opened a bank

account only after his sojourn in the city. Today that

he is married and has a daughter and a son and

wanted a better life for them, he is saving for their

future.

They came back from the city, with good

learning and also aware of different living styles.

30.10.2012; Jorhat District, Majuli Sub Division,

Vjani village:

What abilities were required to get a job as security

guard? Why did they choose you?

Considering their minimal education level, the

youths got such jobs. The advantages of the job

included accommodation, area allowance, provident

fund, bonus, etc. In this way, they could send money

back home. They liked doing their jobs.

062

In Bangalore city, they gained confidence and

experience, learned how to speak English, and

learned computer skills. Their public relation skills

also improved. They came back to help in the

paddy/rice fields but the floods have proved a

deterrent. Hence, there are no job options in the

village. They would definitely like to see their village

developed by doing something concrete but

economic constraints impede them. Some therefore

have decided to go back to Bangalore to again look

for jobs.

Any difference between their village and the city

they particularly noticed while doing the jobs?

In the city they had to work for a minimum

period of 8-12 hours a day and they were bound to

go to their duties regularly. They had no choice. But

in the village, it was up to them. When they felt lazy

sometimes, they could skip going to the fields, etc.

063

That independence was there. And in the rice fields,

the maximum time span for daily work was 6-8

hours. Some of them earned some decent income

by farming and small-scale agriculture-related

activities like opening fisheries, growing mustard

seeds and vegetables, etc.

If the opportunities available in the cities, of

earning a decent living, are provided in the village,

they would prefer working at home. Also the cost of

living is not as high as in the cities.

They will immediately dissuade the younger

generation, if they evince interest to venture out to

larger cities. But if someone has talent and wants to

pursue his higher studies, or who is qualified for a

good job, they will not stop such a person from

going.

Are there any success stories from the village

whom they can emulate?

064

Yes, there is a person and he is still in Bangalore

and has a high ranking job with a good salary.

Good jobs in a city according to them are:

Computer; Teaching - for social and individual

development; Factory work like packaging; Tourist

Hotel employment15; Doctor - for social service

since human life is important; Shop-owner; as

Salesman - it offers good salary and since it is

business-oriented.

If there is no flood in their village there will be

success, and life will take a good turn.

15 Hotel employment is a good job because you meet good people, get to eat good

food - it is good for the self also since we also learn how to cook which comes in

handy later. They would prefer to work as room-boys, in the banquet department,

house-keeping department, etc. esp. in the last since you get to meet and converse

with good and different people. Experience counts more here.

065

10.11.2012: Tinsukia District, Sadiya Sub

Division, Borgarah village:

In Goa, a youth worked in a hotel, Grand Hyatt, as

the Garden Supervisor. He got the job because he

was good in public relation. He got friendly with an

English person who was the Project Director, and he

helped him to get this job.

Another youth worked as security guard, and got

the job because he went out of his way to help his

boss even when outside duty hours. Their soft

spoken attitude and pleasant manners also worked

in their favour. Another was appointed as security

guard after facing an interview and showing his

experience certificate. Friends too came to their

rescue often when they were looking for jobs.

They went to work in cities since they get paid

double of what they get here. Also, after coming

066

back at least they can advise the future generation

about the pros and cons of city life.

What was your first impression of the city? I was

surprised to see the sea of humanity rushing here

and there, the rules which everyone has to follow

regarding not smoking or drinking in public spaces,

especially in places like Goa. Time is not wasted in

the cities like in the villages. The cities also offer

many opportunities to earn one’s livelihood. In the

city, they felt good. They could see prosperity more

than poverty there unlike in the village where it is

vice versa.

A youth disclosed that his stay in the city inspired

him to learn driving. He understood that he could

not continue his security job till his old age. And so

as soon as he reached his village, he started

learning driving though he has still to get his

license. And for this, he is saving some money.

067

The youths were also personally transformed in

the sense that they learned the value of respecting

parents whom they generally took for granted. In

the cities, some of the youths saw some values

being enacted that was worth emulating, like

children holding the hands of old parents while

crossing the road or taking a walk in the park.

If the youths of the village are not interested in

studies or farming, they will not dissuade them to

go to cities but would advise them to shy or stay

away from any bad activities like fighting or stealing

since there would not be any guardian to save them

in a stranger’s land.

Being a driver is also a good job according to

one youth since it does not entail any hard work like

farming. He would especially like to drive an SUV.

Here too, some youths gave their preference for

computer-related jobs since whenever you look for

068

a job the first thing they ask for is knowledge of

computers and spoken English. Such jobs further

give one some dignity and respect.

Another youth said welding is a good city job

since for uneducated people like him, this is the

best job, and another boy said working as a security

guard is the best. His ex-employer has been

contacting him to resume his duty in the city. For

illiterate people like him, it is the best job option.

29.9.2012 Lakhimpur District, Helem village:

D' left school since mother died early and the father

remarried immediately. He had to take care of his

younger sisters. Immediately after dropping out

from school due to financial problems, he left the

village for Nagaland in 2010.

He then went to Bangalore from there in the

same year and worked in a restaurant as a kitchen

069

helper. The work was easy since he had to work only

for 3 hours a day. The manager was also very good.

Except for the language and water problem,

everything was fine. The room he was provided did

not have water for bathing. He had to leave his

work and come back to his village in March 2012

due to jaundice.

With the money he saved he could retrieve his

family land in his village... After that, he went to

Arunachal Pradesh to work for a month. D' agrees

that he learnt conversational skills from his

experience in the job. He would advise his friends to

first finish their education before looking for jobs in

cities. D’s dream job was to be an army man for,

according to him, it is a good profession. His only

regret in life is that he could not finish his

education.

071

His friend who was more educated than him (had

passed his Higher Education) fared better in his life,

was more successful. He was particularly punctual,

patiently tolerated the scolding of his seniors and

his employer and worked hard.

30.9.2012 Lakhimpur District, Helem village:

M and A were employed in Hyderabad; they first

reached the place in 2010, worked as Company

Security Guards; their boss took their identity card,

and Scheduled Tribe certificate and appointed them

without any interview. Their job entailed recording

the arrival and departure timings of visitors to the

company, and sometimes doing night shifts.

The other youth worked first in Bangalore as

driver in 2006. But because he was paid less, he

shifted to Hyderabad to work as a Security Guard.

The purpose of working in cities was mainly to earn

070

some money to send home to their family. In

village, this option was not available and they would

have just whiled away their time.

They recount the success story of a village youth,

who left the village for Itanagar at an early age. His

skill in driving and hard work helped him to buy his

own car and even employ 2 people. He saved for

10-15 years patiently and the knowledge of life

skills has proved beneficial for him.

Their stint in cities has made them responsible

and aware of a different life around them.

In their villages whenever a calling letter arrives

for some job or interview, it either gets misplaced or

they are not informed of its arrival. Sometimes, they

did not understand its content for not

understanding the language of communication,

mostly English. There was no one who was

sufficiently educated to guide them.

072

A good job in the city: running a business instead

of a government job appeared to be a better option

because of the independence it offers.

Regarding advice to drop-out youths: They

would advice them to go to the cities to earn

money instead of wasting their time doing nothing

in the villages.

One complaint that they have against some of

the employers in cities is that sometimes they did

not pay them in time despite the initial assurance

given them.

073

Appendix B: Research Methodology

The Research Questions:

1. What are the current migration patterns

among Mising youth?

2. To what extent is the current migration of

Mising youth successful in terms of

livelihood, rural development and

transition to adulthood?

3. What can we learn from these patterns and

more importantly, what can be done in

order to improve the chances of successful

migration and good integration to the free

market economy?

Research Process and Stages

The research was a gradual process that took place

over a four month period and contained six major

074

stages. Each stage was designed and implemented

based on the experience of previous phase.

First Stage: Literature Review

The first step of the research was to write a

literature review, which focused on three major

aspects of the research: youth, migration and the

Mising tribe. The aims of this stage were:

To better understand the different aspects of

rural to urban migration of young people in

rural North-East India.

To highlight the key components that

characterizes this type of migration.

To frame the migration in the context of the

Mising tribe.

This was done by reviewing academic articles,

research papers, books and statistical data, which

constituted the foundations of the research. At this

075

step, key themes were identified as potential focal

points for the research.

One of the challenges during this stage was

finding reliable and relevant information about the

Mising tribe. The most recent official statistics on

the Mising were collected in 1971, a fact which in

itself reflects their social marginalization. Thus,

creative tools had to be implemented to collect

accurate data.

Second Stage: Initial Mapping and Designing of

the Research Tools

The second phase of the research included in-depth

interviews with young migrants and other members

of the Mising community.

The aims of these interviews were:

To gather impressions from the field.

076

To identify common themes that surfaced

during the interviews.

To examine ways of formulating and asking

questions.

To define the appropriate setting and length

for the research.

In the light of the literature review, the interviews

focused on livelihood options for young people,

education and skill sets for market employment,

and the village's access to goods and services.

In addition, respondents were asked about their

migration experience and the effect of that

experience on their perception of life in the village.

Overall, nine young men from three Mising villages

in two districts of Assam participated in this part of

the research. Based on the findings of both the

academic reading and these initial interviews we

developed the first set of research tools. These tools

077

included participatory mapping, a questionnaire

with open and closed questions, participant

observation and the researcher's experience and

encounters.

Third stage: Experimental Implementation of the

Research

Aims and Scope

This experimental implementation stage of the

research included 13 participants from two villages

at Dhokhuakhana subdivision. The aims of this stage

were:

To test the applicability of the research

To understand the requirements to

successfully conduct the research

To adjust the methodology and make it as

appealing as possible to the target group.

078

Tools and Process

A. Participatory Mapping:

As the location of the villages was found to be one

of the main factors for migration, gathering

information about the location of the villages in

relation to the nearest town was essential for the

research. Applying the method of participatory

mapping was chosen to illustrate the situation and

stimulate participation and discussion among

participants.

The interviewees were asked to build a physical

map using cardboard images and old newspapers.

They were asked to mark their village and the

nearest town, and to place the roads connecting the

village and the town. After completing this process

the participants were asked to place cardboard

images that represented available educational

institutions, medical institutions, financial

079

institutions, computer labs, and public

transportation options to other parts of Assam.

They were also asked to position the Brahmaputra

River in relation to their village; to share information

on available protection from floods and the number

of floods that took place in the past year.

At the end of the process the length of time

needed to reach each of those places and their

most commonly used means of transportation was

documented. This process often led to a vibrant

discussion amongst the participants, regarding the

effects of the remoteness of the village on their

lives. We preferred this method of subjective

reporting over more accurate data collection

methods, since the study focused on the

participants' perception of distances rather than the

actual distance as a factor affecting the inclination

to migrate.

081

B. Questionnaire

The purpose of the questionnaire was to identify

the profile of the Mising youth who have high

chances of migrating out of Assam and to

characterize the quality of their migration.

Additionally this tool aimed to obtain information

on the participants' perception regarding their skills,

motivation and learning experience and to examine

whether this influenced the course and outcomes of

their migration.

The pilot questionnaire - which was answered

only by migrant youth - contained 18 closed

questions, five semi-open questions and six open

questions. The questions consisted of five parts:

personal background, education and skills set,

employment, migration experience, and relations

(with peers from the village/city, parents and adults

from the village).

080

The questionnaire was written in English and

translated to the local official language - Assamese.

It was then given to an I-CARD team member who

spoke English, but was not part of the research

team, to look over. The questionnaire was read and

translated orally back to English in order to track

mistakes in translation and to improve un-clear

phrasing.

This questionnaire was given to thirteen

participants from two villages in Dhokhuakhana

subdivision. However, most of them were returned

incomplete or not filled out by the target group,

and were therefore rejected.

C. Participant Observation

This tool was primarily directed to gather

impressions about the Mising youth's physical and

mental conditions by observing their practices in

082

their cultural environment. The tool was

implemented by the researcher during each of the

research meetings in the villages. The tool was

implemented by writing notes about the

participants' living conditions and emotional

comments during the conversations. The

opportunity to do so helped to clarify the

magnitude of challenges facing the Mising

community and its youth. It was also used to

observe the community's strengths, mutual

guarantee and cultural richness.

D. The Researcher's Experience and Encounter

During the research, I diligently documented my

own experience using a research diary. The aim of

the diary was to enhance learning from experience,

to identify key aspects that needed improvement,

and to integrate my impression during the research

083

when relevant. The research diary was also used as a

tool for self reflection and examination on my effect

on the research procedure.

Initial Analysis and Adjustments

The third stage of the research revealed difficulties

in conducting the research in the villages. Its

contextual analysis reflected the need to adapt the

research's methodology, setting and

implementation.

Methodology adjustments:

Two main findings were clear with regard to

research methodology: first, it needed to be more

suitable for the participants' common

communication channels; and second, it should be

more interactive in order to increase involvement

and active participation. Thus, the questionnaire was

084

adjusted to include only closed and semi-open

questions.

Additionally, two research tools were added: a

photography project (see fourth stage of the

research) and group discussions. The photography

project was designed to increase involvement and

enhance intercultural dialogue. The group

discussions were added as a way to incorporate the

open questions while reducing time spent on

phrasing written answers. Another reason for

integrating an open discussion in the research was

to encourage the involvement of the participants by

leaning on their common channel of expression –

oral dialogue.

Setting Adjustments

The research setting was a crucial part of this stage;

it was clear that better field-coordination was

needed both for finding participants and for

085

creating a safe and intimate setting for the research

meetings.

In order to cope with those challenges, we gave a

lecture during one of the conferences held at the I-

CARD center. The lecture was intended to increase

involvement of young members from the Mising

community and I-CARD team in the research

process. The lecture gave some background on the

research, described its purpose, and was used to

promote the research in the villages, stressing the

importance of the setting requirements for

conducting the research. It was also an opportunity

to improve collaboration with the field team of the

organization and contributed to improvements of

the conditions of the research in the villages.

Implementation Adjustments

Another important understanding from the third

stage of the research was that finding participants

086

and creating trust and familiarity with them and

their communities was fundamental for the

successful implementation of the research. This

required extending the length of our visits to the

villages.

In order to reach a desirable quota of participants

within a limited time frame, the research needed to

be implemented simultaneously in several villages,

requiring additional facilitators.

In order to reach the desired number of

participants, Master of Social Work (MSW) students

from Bosco Institute were asked to take part in

implementing the research as part of their field

work. The participating MSW students who agreed

to take part in the research were given a lecture on

the background of the research, explanation of its

different methods and research tool kit with the

materials needed in order to conduct the research.

087

Fourth Stage: Final Implementation of the

Research:

Aims & Scope

During the implementation of the fourth stage of

the research, we reached 13 villages in five districts

of Assam and interviewed 69 participants in their

respective villages. The research meetings were

conducted either behind closed doors (in

classrooms or houses) or outdoors in isolated areas.

The aims of this stage were:

To implement the revised research.

To include as many participants as possible.

To enrich the coherence of the research

findings through its diverse methodologies.

Tools and Process

E. Participatory mapping: see pp. 178

088

F. A revised questionnaire

The revised questionnaire contained 16 closed

questions, and 4 semi-open questions. 14

questions were referred to all participants and 6

referred to migrants only. The questionnaire

consisted of four parts: personal background,

education and skills set, employment and migration

experiences. The aims of the questionnaire

remained the same. The explanations and questions

of the questionnaire were read aloud, and

additional clarifications were given when needed.

G. Group Discussion

The purpose of the group discussion was to gain an

understanding regarding the youth's experience in

the city and its effect on their lives.

Overall, seven group discussions were held

during the research. Their length ranged from 20

089

minutes to 60 minutes, depending on the size of the

group (6-13 participants) and the level of group's

active participation. The discussions were conducted

with the assistance of both a local translator from

the village and a translator from I-CARD. The

conversations were recorded (after getting

permission from the participants) in order to allow

analysis and accurate translation into English.

H. Participant observation: see pp 181

I. The researcher's experience and encounter: see

pp. 182

J. Photography project

The aims of this photography project were twofold:

1. To create the base for an active interaction

between the research participants in each

group, thereby increasing their involvement

and their reflection on the essence of the

issues that were discussed.

091

2. To create an intercultural tool that will

enable people from different cultures and

languages to relate and interact with the

core issues of this research.

The participants were asked to capture an image

that explained their "challenge on their way to a

successful life". This method was used as a means of

expression of the participant's own perspective

regarding their future and the future of their

community.

The fourth stage of the research was completed

within two months. Leaning on the adjustments of

the third stage, we were able to achieve the aims of

this stage. This enabled us to move forward to the

next stage of the research – the data analysis phase.

090

Fifth stage: Data Analysis

Descriptive Statistics

The quantitative data was processed and analyzed

using descriptive statistics to give an overview of

the research population. It was used to identify the

prominent type of migration, factors that contribute

to its prevalence and its effects on the research

population.

Diagnostic Analysis

The qualitative data was first translated and then

analyzed in several ways:

Main themes which kept rising from the group

discussions, interviews and the questionnaires

were classified and cross checked.

These findings were also cross checked with key

issues that emerged from the different sources

collected during the literature review phase.

092

Meaningful or representing quotes from the

group discussions' recordings were translated

and documented.

Personal Experience

The intense and meaningful time I spent with the

Mising community during the research

implementation refined my personal perspective on

the issues at stake. These personal observations

contributed substantially to a fuller and deeper

personal understanding of the realities and

challenges faced by the Mising youth. It also

exemplified their strengths, capacity, and potential

to cope with these challenges and to generate

effective changes in their community.

Academic perspective

Another perspective was more academic, and

reflected a global perspective on the issues at stake.

093

The experience from this isolated case study was

compared to the conditions and challenges of other

tribal communities around the world. Those

experiences were combined as part of the research

analysis process.

Writing

The research results and analysis were incorporated

as part of this book which focuses on the challenges

and aspirations of the Mising youth as a case study

of the global phenomenon of rural youth migration.

In order to increase the validity of the research

findings and analysis, and to communicate them

coherently, I consulted both with professionals

familiar with the tribe and with experts from the

Hebrew University throughout the writing process.

094

Sixth stage: Back to the Field

The idea behind this phase of the research is mainly

accountability. As part of the research team's

commitment to its participants, the results and

analysis of the research were summarized and

translated to the local language, and then sent back

to the participants and other stakeholders from the

Mising community who took part in the execution

of the research or were interested in its results.

This was important not only as a measure of

accountability but also as part of the participatory

approach of the research. The participants were

considered as the most vital and active stakeholders

of the research all along. As such, they contributed

not only in providing relevant data but also in

shaping and influencing the research

methodologies and its outputs.

095

Additionally, Reporting back to the participants is

aimed at raising awareness among the participants

regarding the extent of the phenomena and to

motivate the young Misings to take positive actions

in addressing this situation.

"Voicing" the Message of the Research

In addition to the book, other research products are

designed to spread the message of the participants

to relevant audiences:

Photographs: The photos that were taken

during the photography project will serve to

communicate the message of the

participants to external audiences and the

international development community. The

pictures will be sent to relevant exhibitions

thus creating a platform for the message of

the young Misings around the world.

096

Short Film: As a supplementary process to the

research, the eleventh batch of the 'Karsang-

Takar' students filmed and edited a movie

that reflects their perception of the main

challenge on their way to success and

targets all Mising youth, and especially

potential young migrants.. The movie was

created based on the principles of youth-led

development and serves as a statement. The

movie was designed to raise awareness to

the benefits and challenges of urban

migration and the advantages of becoming a

skilled employee.

097

Appendix C: Questionnaire and group discussion

questions

Request and consent to participate in a research

Hello,

We, Puspalata Mili and Adar Zehavi, ask you to participate in a study

conducted as part of graduate studies in the Department of International

Community Development of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and I-

CARD, Institution for Culture and Rural Development in Jorhat, Assam.

The research is focusing on Mising youth's employment and its effect on

rural development.

The study is designed for young men aged 15-29 who were raised in a

Mising village, and migrated out of Assam, or plan to do so in the coming

year

The research is including participatory mapping, one questionnaire and a

group discussion. This study is anonymous and there is no possibility for

self identification. All information which will be delivered will remain

confidential. You can stop participating in the study at any time

The importance of this research is its ability to increase knowledge and

understanding regarding the strengths and challenges of rural youth and to

design programmes which will improve the chances of young Misings to

strive and develop their communities.

We will be happy to answer any question regarding the research and hope to

inform you of its findings.

Thank you for your cooperation and consent to participate in the research

Puspalata Mili and Adar Zehavi

I read the research explanation and I agree to participate in it:

Signature________________ Date_________________

098

Personal background

1. Age:__________

2. No. of siblings ________

3. Your place in the order of birth _______

4. Name of your village ____________________

Education and skills set

5. Please mark the type of the last school you've attended:

a. Private b. Government

6. Please mark the location of the school:

a. Village b. Town

7. Please mark your level of education

a. B.A graduate (Yes/ No)

b. Completed Higher secondary school (Yes/ No)

c. Dropped out at class _______ please mark all the reasons for dropping out:

i. Failing to pass exams

ii. Economic problems

iii. Domestic problems

iv.Social problems at school

v.Other ___________________________________

099

8. Please mark your current knowledge in the following subjects:

Language spoken in city:

Fluently 1 fluently speaking basic speaking don't

Speaking reading no reading or know

and writing writing

English:

Fluently fluently speaking basic speaking don't

Speaking reading no reading or know

and writing writing

Computer:

Don't know basic can operate can operate

windows windows and internet

Employment

9. Have you attended a job interview when you lived in the village?

a. Yes b. No

10. How much of your time (during one year) you spend in agriculture work?

a. 1-2 hours a day

b. 2-6 hours a day

c. 6- 10 hours or more

11. Do you participate in your family's economy?

211

a. Yes b. No

12. Are you currently employed?

a. Yes b. No

13. What is/was your last occupation?

____________________________________________________

14. No. of months in the job _______________

15. How did you get this job?

a. I work in my family's plot

b. Friends told me about this work

c. I went into offices and asked

d. I read an ad in the newspaper

e. Other________________________________________

16. Are you planning to migrate out of Assam

a. Yes

b. No

Questions for migrant youth only

17. When did you migrate for the first time outside of Assam? _________

18. What is your cause of migration?

a. Employment

b. Education

c. Other _____________________________________________

210

19. Do you come back to your village during cultivation period every year?

a. Yes b. No

20. Did you emigrate with friends or relatives? a. Yes b. No

21. Please mark your knowledge in the following subjects before emigrating:

Language spoken in city:

Fluently 1 fluently speaking basic speaking don't

Speaking reading no reading or know

and writing writing

English:

Fluently fluently speaking basic speaking don't know

Speaking reading no reading or

and writing writing

Computer:

Don't know basic can operate can operate

windows windows and internet

22. Please mark three skills that you find most beneficial in finding a

good job in the city

a. High education (B.A)

b. Fluent speaking reading and writing of Hindi

c. Fluent speaking reading and writing of English

212

d. Computer skills

e. Personal connection to people from the city

f. Former job experience and good resume

Main questions for open discussion group:

1. Which of your personal strengths and skills are/were useful

for your work?

2. What were/are the advantages of your work?

3. What have you learned from your experience in the city?

4. Is your life changed since you moved to the city? If so, could you

elaborate on that?

5. What will you recommend to a young boy from your village if

he would consult with you about moving to the city?

6. Describe a young man of your age from your village who

succeeded in his life:

7. Describe a good job in the city: what is good about this job

and what are the requirements needed to get this job?