cd. grijns van der tuuk and the study of malay - sabri …. grijns van der tuuk and the study of...

CD. GRIJNS

Van der Tuuk and the Study of Malay1

1. Introduction

Herman Neubronner van der Tuuk (1824-1894) owes his internationalfame mainly to his pioneering work in the field of Austronesian historicallinguistics and his fundamental studies of the Batak, Old Javanese andBalinese languages. The majority of his writings have appeared in Dutch,but some of his work is now available in English. Especially important isthe translation of his Tobasche Spraakkunst (Grammar of Toba [Batak]),which was edited by A. Teeuw and R. Roolvink (Van der Tuuk 1971), andthe wealth of material from his Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandsch woorden-boek (Van der Tuuk 1897-1912) as incorporated in P.J. Zoetmulder's OldJavanese-English dicüonary (Zoetmulder 1982). Throughout his product-ive career as a scholar, Van der Tuuk also pursued the study of Malay. Hisfirst and last (posthumously published) articles were on the Malaylanguage. As his Malay studies are scattered over a large number of minorpublications, most of them moreover written in Dutch, it seems notinappropriate to give an English summary of his work and ideas on theMalay language and its literature more than a century after his death.

I shall first consider when and under what circumstances Van der Tuukengaged in the study of Malay (Section 2). Next I shall briefly discuss hismethod of collecting data and his linguistic insights (Section 3), and afterthat give a survey of his publications and collected materials on Malay(Section 4). Finally I shall discuss the ideas he formed on the Malaylanguage (Section 5).

1 This article is a slightly revised version of a paper presented at the SeventhInternational Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, organized in commemorationof the lOOth anniversary of Van der Tuuk's death by the Department of Languagesand Cultures of Southeast Asia and Oceania of the University of Leiden at Noord-wijkerhout from 22 to 27 August 1994. Also in commemoration of this centennial, A.Teeuw wrote an article on Van der Tuuk as lexicographer (Teeuw 1996). I amindebted to K. Groeneboer, who is preparing the publication of Van der Tuuk'sletters to the Netherlands Bible Society (Groeneboer, forthcoming), for valuable com-ments and additions.

CD. GRIJNS is a retired senior lecturer from the Department of Languages andCultures of Southeast Asia and Oceania of the University of Leiden, where he alsoobtained his Ph.D. He has specialized in Indonesian and Malay sociolinguistics and isthe author of Kajian bahasa Melayu-Betawi, Jakarta 1991, and Jakarta Malay; Amultidimensional approach to spatial variation, 2 vols, Leiden 1991. Dr. Grijns maybe contacted at Nieuwstr. 202, 3011 GM Rotterdam.

BK1 152-III (1996)

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2. Periods and circumstances1

Van der Tuuk was bom on 23 February 1824 in Malaka and until the ageof ten or eleven lived with his parents in Surabaya. His father was a highgovernment official, so the use of correct Dutch will have been the rule athome. But through contacts with servants and playmates Van der Tuukcertainly familiarized himself with Javanese and the local pasar Malay.After his gymnasium (grammar school) years in The Netherlands, heenrolled as a student of Law at Groningen University. However, he soonthrew himself into the study of various languages, including Portuguese,English, Arabic, Javanese and Malay. In late 1845 he moved to Leiden,where his studies of Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian were guided by, amongothers, Th.W.J. Juynboll. I do not know whether he studied Malay onlywith the aid of the existing publications and without the assistance of ateacher.

His first publication in the field of Indonesian languages dates from1846. It is a long review of J.J. de Hollander's edition of the story of JohorManikam (De Hollander 1845c; Van der Tuuk 1846). De Hollander hadbeen appointed Reader of Oriental Languages at the Royal MilitaryAcademy in Breda in 1845 and had just published both an elementary anda comprehensive textbook for the study of Malay (De Hollander 1845a,1845b). Perhaps out of respect for the already prestigious Reader, the 22-year old Van der Tuuk replaced his name with the pseudo-initials 'S.B.',which stand for 'Surabaya' (K. Groeneboer, personal communication). Iwill deal with the content of the review in Section 4. Here it should benoted, however, that with this first publication Van der Tuuk alreadytestified to an amazing competence in the field of Malay literature.

On 8 December 1847 the Netherlands Bible Society appointed Van derTuuk as an afgevaardigde voor het Bataksch (delegate for the Bataklanguage) and assigned him the task of studying the Batak language andtranslating the Bible into that language. He visited London in mid-1848 (caMay-September) in order to study the Batak manuscripts kept there. Hetook advantage of the opportunity to compile a catalogue of the Malaymanuscripts belonging to the collection in the East-India House (Van derTuuk 1849a).

On 2 September 1849 Van der Tuuk arrived in Batavia, travelling on toSurabaya to visit his relatives a week later. From late 1849 until early 1851he stayed in Batavia, owing to a serious illness, in spite of which he

2 The story of Van der Tuuk's life is known mainly from the publication of some ofhis letters, as well as some other documents, by Rob Nieuwenhuys (Nieuwenhuys1982; see also Nieuwenhuys 1988), and from J.L. Swellengrebel's study of Van derTuuk's work with the Netherlands Bible Society (Swellengrebel 1974-1978 1:112-46). Teeuw's 'Foreword' to the Batak grammar includes a concise biography (Vander Tuuk 1971 :XIV-XX). A ruller biography is to appear in Groeneboerforthcoming.

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continued to study intensively. In about August 1850 he wrote a treatiseon what he called Centralisatie-Maleisch, for which the reader is referredto Section 5 below. During this period he must have acquired a thoroughknowledge of the Malay dialect of Batavia, which enabled him many yearslater to publish J.D. Homan's word lists (Homan 1867, 1868) and to makenumerous annotations to these, as will be described in Section 4. Thesewere also months during which he was preoccupied with thoughts aboutand plans for his future task and, among other things, the linguistic positionof the Malay language, as will be discussed in Section 5.

Early in 1851 he was finally able to continue his journey to Padang andSibo(l)ga. As he discovered that the Batak language in Sibo(l)ga had beenprofoundly affected by Malay, he settled in early 1852 in Barus, which islocated to the northwest of Sibo(l)ga and was directly administered by theNetherlands Indies Government. There he collected the material for hisbrilliant description of the Batak language, which he was to publish in TheNetherlands after 1858.

As his knowledge of the Batak language developed, he increasinglyapplied himself to comparative studies. Still in Barus, he was able to obtainsome works on various languages of the Philippines. As a result of hisreflections on the position of Malay he published a treatise in 1856 on[Leijdecker's] 'High-Malay' Bible translation, which was in fact anattempt to make a clear distinction between the different varieties of Malay(Van der Tuuk 1856). At the end of his period of field research in the Batakregion, in April 1857, he walked all the way to Padang. This trip (andseveral others he made) must have given him ample scope to broaden hisknowledge of the Minangkabau language and of local Malay.

He returned to The Netherlands via Batavia. It is not known exactlyhow long he stayed in Batavia, or elsewhere in Java, but he arrived in TheNetherlands in October 1857. The next ten years were devoted to studyand writing. He first published his Batak reader (in four volumes, Van derTuuk 1860-1862a) and his Batak dictionary (Van der Tuuk 1861), followedby the Toba Batak grammar in two volumes (Van der Tuuk 1864c and1867a). His fundamental criticism of Taco Roorda's theories was set out ina pamphlet against the Delft/Leiden professor that appeared before thegrammar (Van der Tuuk 1864b). The polemic was continued through 1864and 1865 (Van der Tuuk 1864d and 1865a, e).

In the meantime Van der Tuuk also published an outline of the grammarof the Malagasy language (Van der Tuuk 1865b). After the Bible Societydecided to send him to Bali for his future study, he explored the relation-ship between Kawi (Old Javanese) and Javanese, which he discussed in anappendix to the Malagasy grammar. From October to December 1860 or1861 he taught Batak to the later famous German missionary L.I. Nommen-sen. Other German missionaries who studied Batak with Van der Tuukinclude A. Schreiber, the author of a German-language concise Batakgrammar that was based on Van der Tuuk's notes for these lessons (see

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Swellengrebel 1974:143). During the years 1862-1864 Van der Tuukguided W.H. Engelmann, who was preparing for linguistic research in theSunda area, in the service of the Bible Society.

Particularly during the last years of his 'furlough' in The Netherlands hereturned to the study of Malay. After a three-week visit to London in mid-1865 (K. Groeneboer, personal communication), he published an English-language catalogue of Malay manuscripts of the Royal Asiatic Society(Van der Tuuk 1866d). This was followed by an extended Dutch version ofthe same work, in which he pointed out the typically Malay character ofthe Hang Tuah story, qualifying it as real Malay life presented in real Malay(Van der Tuuk 1866e:2). He also published some Malay texts (Van derTuuk 1866a and b; 1868b) and discussed another one (Van der Tuuk1866c). He further reviewed or criticized some recently published Malaydictionaries and other linguistic works in the field of Malay studies (Vander Tuuk 1865c and d). He intended compiling a new Malay dictionary,but the prospectus for this yielded very few subscriptions, if any, so that hegave up this plan (Van der Tuuk 1864a; Nieuwenhuys 1982:114, 120).

His ambitious plans are reflected in the announcements in Trübner'scatalogues of some works that never appeared. In March 1865, forinstance, Trübner announced: 'Dr. H.N. van der Tuuk has nearly ready forpublication "A Malay and English dictionary, including the dialects ofMenangkabaw and Batavia, together with references to the cognatelanguages". It will form a volume of about 800 pp. and be published inlarge 8vo, price 30 s. The same gentleman has in hand also a Malagasy dic-tionary, of the publication of which we shall give due information.'(Trübner's 1865:19.) Two months later Trübner announced: 'Dr. H.N. vander Tuuk is engaged on the compilation of a Descriptive Catalogue of theMalay manuscriptfs] in the Great Libraries of Europe.' {Trübner's 1865:57.) Another notification, of July 1866, ran: 'We hope soon to be able toannounce the publication of a Malayo-English grammar by the samedistinguished scholar' (Trübner's 1866:294).

Towards the end of this period in The Netherlands, in 1868, Van derTuuk found an opportunity of editing a collection of Lampung texts in afacsimile edition. At the last moment he delayed his departure for Bataviain order to comply with a request by A.B. Cohen Stuart to publish thework on Batavian Malay by J.D. Homan posthumously (Homan 1867,1868).

On arrival in Batavia (23 July 1868) Van der Tuuk learned that he couldnot proceed to Bali immediately due to the current local wars (and later,due to an epidemie that afflicted the island). During the first half of Augusthe made a trip to the Preangan regencies, visiting Buitenzorg (Bogor),Cianjur (where, in the company of Cohen Stuart, he met the missionary S.Coolsma), Bandung (where he stayed with Engelmann), and Garut, andalso K.F. Holle's tea estate Waspada (Nieuwenhuys 1982:137-40).

As Van der Tuuk was unable to take up his work for the Bible Society in


Bali, he was temporarily employed by the government. He moved to theLampung district, where he did some in-depth research into the localdialects while travelling across the area. In September 1869 he returned toBatavia, physically exhausted, and immediately went on to Buitenzorg torecuperate. Here he took Sundanese lessons three times a week and hadregular, friendly contact with Coolsma (Van den End 1991:139). Heencouraged Coolsma to sort out his lexicographic notes for the purpose ofcompiling a dictionary, and subsequently read through the first drafts.Partly on Van der Tuuk's recommendation, the Bible Society assigned theSundanese translation of the New Testament (and later also of the OldTestament) to Coolsma (Swellengrebel 1974:207-10).

By December 1869 Van der Tuuk was back in Batavia, and probably inlate December he travelled on to Surabaya, where he prepared his transferto Bali. From Bali he occasionally visited Batavia again to examinecandidates for the Civil Service, namely in the years 1873, 1874, and 1875.His last visit to Batavia took place in 1889 (see Noorduyn 1988).

Early in 1870, again in the employment of the Bible Society, Van derTuuk settled permanently in Bali, at Bulèlèng, where until his death on 17August 1894 he worked on his huge Kawi-Balineesch-Nederlandschwoordenboek, posthumously published by J.L.A. Brandes (and the fourthvolume partly by G.A.J. Hazeu, D. van Hinloopen Labberton, and D.A.Rinkes) (Van der Tuuk 1897-1912). As Teeuw points out, it seems thatduring the last ten years of Van' der Tuuk's life, from 1884 on, 'little sub-stantial new information was added to the manuscript of the dictionary',due to technical, administrative and health problems (Teeuw 1996:127).

In 1873 Van der Tuuk left the Bible Society and entered governmentservice. The government charged him with the posthumous publication ofH. von de Wall's voluminous Malay-Dutch dictionary, the third volume ofwhich appeared in 1884, with Ph.S. van Ronkel publishing an Aanhangsel(Appendix) in 1897 (H. von de Wall 1877-1884 and 1897). Various otherpublications give evidence of Van der Tuuk's continuous engagement inthe study of Malay (Van der Tuuk 1873, 1875c, 1876 [?], 1878, 1879a,1879b and 1881a, 1881b, 1881c, 1886, 1892-1893). He made himselfheardfor the last time in his posthumously published, and as always ratherpolemical, supplement to Malay lexicography (Van der Tuuk 1894).

The above brief survey of Van der Tuuk's life and work clearly dem-onstrates that it is hardly possible to think of any period in his life when hedid not occupy himself with the study of Malay. Nor would it be possibleto isolate this study from the general development of his linguistic insightsor from his contacts - mostly by mail or via rather controversial publica-tions - with other scholars or interested laymen. In the next Section, I shallbriefly discuss the linguistic background of Van der Tuuk's work.

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3. Methods of collecting data and linguistic insights

In the 'Foreword' to the English version of Van der Tuuk's Toba Batakgrammar, Teeuw describes Van der Tuuk's methodology with respect to hislinguistic research and analyses certain aspects of Van der Tuuk's linguisticbackground (Van der Tuuk 1971: XX-XXXIV). He observes that it ischaracteristic of Van der Tuuk's methodology that on the one hand hestudied the language through intimate and long-standing contacts with itsspeakers, while on the other he based his analysis not on oral informationbut primarily on written materials, which he either purchased in the form ofexisting manuscripts or had committed to writing by native speakers.

In 1856, while he was living in Barus and was fully occupied with fieldresearch in the Batak region, Van der Tuuk wrote an article on the MalayBible translation, in which he argued that 'Consultation of the nativesabout their language is very risky and may be useful only for verifying thepronunciation; the meaning of words is better learned from an assiduousapplication to the study of Malay writers than from speaking to peoplewith insufficient education to understand questions about linguisticproblems' (Van der Tuuk 1856:179). What he wrote from Lèhan thirteenyears later, towards the end of 1868, after travelling all over the Lampungarea, is wholly in agreement with this statement: 'I do not want to stay here[in the Lampung area], for there is hardly any literature here, so that I haveto piek up everything from the mouths.of the Natives' (Nieuwenhuys1982:145). He wrote from Tarabanggi, in the Lampung area, half a yearlater that he was looking forward to leaving for Bali, 'where I will be ableto accomplish infinitely more than I can here, for there one has a civilizednation and a well-established literature' (Nieuwenhuys 1982:149).

So it is not only the availability of a tape recorder that distinguishes themodern fieldworker from Van der Tuuk, for whom the only really reliablebasis for the description of a language was language as committed towriting. Teeuw points out that 'in this respect there is a curious ambival-ence in his attitude: he quite intensively and successfully exerted himself tobecome fluent in the language he investigated, by using every opportunityto talk with the native speakers ... But unlike a modern fieldworker he didnot compose his vocabularies by eliciting oral lexical information andnoting this down in the form of a card index or some other documentation.Written texts, either those which he already found or which he hadespecially noted down for him, formed the basis of his dictionaries.'(Teeuw 1996:124.)

As Teeuw observes, the description of Van der Tuuk's linguistic back-ground turned out to be a much more complicated task than anticipated(Van der Tuuk 1971 .XXII). Although Van der Tuuk fiercely challenged thetheories of others, he was never very explicit about his own theoreticalstandpoint. One particular target of his attacks was Taco Roorda, with hisphilosophical approach to language and his claim that 'the logical analysis


of language should serve as a basis for all scholarly study of language'(Van der Tuuk 1971 :XXVÜI).3

Uhlenbeck concluded (Uhlenbeck 1964:53) that the study of Javanesewas not exactly furthered by the dispute between the two. However, Vander Tuuk has convincingly demonstrated that many of Roorda's ety-mologies were untenable due to his ignoring the results of comparativelinguistics. Van der Tuuk further refuted the suggestion that Javanese, as akind of 'basic' language (especially as it was described in Roorda's Javan-ese grammar), should serve as a model for the description of other Indo-nesian languages (Van der Tuuk 1971:XXV-XXVI).4

Typical of the linguistic theory of his time was Van der Tuuk's beliefthat every language in fact constituted a degenerated system. In thePreface to Part Two of his Batak grammar he writes: 'I do not believe thatanyone will ever be able to represent a language well if he does notdisabuse himself of the striving for a complete system, for every language ismore or less a ruin, in which the plan of the architect cannot be discovered,until one has learned to supply from other works by the same hand what ismissing in order to grasp the original design' (see Van der Tuuk 1971:XXVIII and XLHI). It is in this light that we should interpret Van derTuuk's pronouncement that the adequate description of Malay had toawait that of the more ancient Kawi language (Van der Tuuk 1864b:48,note 1).

However, Van der Tuuk also emphasized the practical value of compar-ative studies of the Malayo-Polynesian languages (in which for him Malayalways played an important part). Just before his departure for Bali hewrote to the Bible Society: 'It is my ambition to develop the comparativestudy of these sister languages to such an extent that in future each ofthem will be easier to learn' (3 July 1870; Nieuwenhuys 1982:151-2).Seventy years later J. Gonda regularly repeated this argument to propagatethe study of Austronesian comparative linguistics, in which he lecturedextensively.

3 Teeuw indicated some striking correspondences between Van der Tuuk's linguisticprinciples and K.W.L. Heyse's System der Sprachwissenschaft (Heyse 1856), a copyof which was included in Van der Tuuk's library. This applies particularly to Van derTuuk's ideas about the origins of language and the metaphorical nature of language(for theories about 'gesture sounds' and sound symbolism, and so on, see Van derTuuk 1971:XXX-XXXI). Curiously enough, Heyse's book is not infrequentlymentioned appreciatively by his antagonist Roorda (see Noordegraaf 1985:347-9,351, 353, 396, 403). L. van Driel fully endorses this discovery of Teeuw's, andmoreover observes that Van der Tuuk's linguistic ideas also have affinities with K.E.Becker's Organism der Sprache (Van Driel 1984:286, 288; 1988:252; Becker 1841).4 For the controversy between Van der Tuuk and Roorda, see also Uhlenbeck1964:51-3, Van Driel 1984 and 1988:8, 252-3, and Noordegraaf 1985:294-6, 397and 409.

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4. Publications on Malay and collection of Malay materials5

In Section 2,1 mentioned all of Van der Tuuk's publications which repres-ent a direct contribution to our knowledge of Malay. Here I will discussonly some of his Malay literary and lexicographic works which I considertypical of his oeuvre. I shall not deal with all of his minor polemicalwritings; in fact, practically all of Van der Tuuk's writings include somecontroversial statements, these polemics in most cases giving us an insightinto his views on the form and function of different varieties of Malay.These views will be the subject of Section 5. At the end of the presentSection, I will add some notes on the Malay manuscripts left behind by Vander Tuuk.

The first example I would like tp discuss is Van der Tuuk's review of DeHollander's Johor Manikam edition (De Hollander 1845c; Van der Tuuk1846). His criticisms can be summarized as follows. Under the motto Apaguna pasang pelita/jikalau tidak dengan sumbunya (What use is itlighting a lamp if the wiek is missing), he censured De Hollander forchoosing a trivial text from the rich and almost virgin stock of Malaymanuscripts. He testifies in several annotations to his intimate knowledgeof the existing publications on Malay and to his familiarity with theavailable manuscripts. He observes that the major studies on Malay havebeen carried out by French and English scholars.

Van der Tuuk refuted De Hollander's assumption that the text was adirect translation of an Arabic original by comparing it with other Malayversions and fragments of the story found in the publications of P.P.Roorda van Eysinga and Raffles. He explained the differences betweenthese versions as being the result of their forming part of an oral tradition,giving examples of the same kind of variation between other texts whichall go back to the same Indian or Perso-Arabic original (Van der Tuuk1846:790, note 1). He further pointed out that it was necessary to consultthe Malay manuscripts kept in London.6

Van der Tuuk additionally argued, on the basis of the meanings of theproper names in the original languages (Arabic and Persian), that there isno sense in looking for any actual historical background of the story, asDe Hollander tried to do. He also reproached De Hollander for the manyerrors he made in the vocalization of Arabic words, due to an inadequateknowledge of Arabic. Van der Tuuk concluded by adding an extensive list

5 Van der Tuuk's publications are most of them listed by H.H. Juynboll in theEncyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-Indië (Encyclopaedie IV, 1921:456-7) and, in arather scattered way, in the bibliographies of P. Voorhoeve, A. Teeuw and E.M.Uhlenbeck (Voorhoeve 1955, Nos. 37-39, 41, 53, 54, 113, 144 (see also Nos. 145 and146, and p. 22), and 152; Teeuw 1961:149-50, 153; Uhlenbeck 1964:103-4, 170). K.Groeneboer's publication of Van der Tuuk's letters to the Netherlands Bible Societywill include a biography and a full bibliography (Groeneboer forthcoming).6 Apparently manuscripts were lent out by the London libraries at the time andcould even be consulted abroad, as we can gather from p. 792, note 1.


of textual, lexicographic and other observations and criticisms. These wereformulated in a constructive tone, now and then praising De Hollander'sachievement. This review of no less than 19 pages shows how Van derTuuk, as a young student, already pursued the study of Malay languageand literature at a high level of scholarship, independently and innov-atively.

Presumably not long after his 1848 visit to the London libraries, Van derTuuk reyiewed J.C. Fraissinet's Geschiedenis van vorst Bispoe Radja(Story of the ruler Bispoe Radja) (Fraissinet 1849; Van der Tuuk 1849b and1850). He expressed his appreciation of the fact that here was a missionaryseriously studying the language while still in Europe. It becomes clear fromFraissinet's edition of the text that a comparison of different manuscripts isnecessary for a proper edition of any Malay text. This is a theme on whichVan der Tuuk constantly harped when discussing the work on Malay textsof others. Here again he made a good many critical remarks and cor-rections.

These two early reviews set the pattern for almost all of Van der Tuuk'slater writings on Malay philology: they are always amply annotated andcomprise a mixture of grammatical and lexicographic observations, withmuch attention being given to problems posed by the jawi spelling and tothe origins of borrowed words. The comments are sometimes written in inthe text in the form of sudden exclamations; in other cases they areaccommodated in long footnotes.

Unfortunately many of Van der Tuuk's writings are marred by theabrasive tone in and the needlessly offensive remarks with which heattacked his adversaries. He was apt to vent his anger especially on theincompetence of missionaries, officials, and academie teachers. Hence thetitle of Nieuwenhuys' book, De pen in gal gedoopt (A pen dipped in bile),based on a letter from Van der Tuuk himself (Nieuwenhuys 1982:49), isvery appropriate. On the other hand, Van der Tuuk was always ready tohelp anybody who seriously tried to study a language, whether they werescholars or lay persons. He was a complex and intriguing character. How-ever, this is not the place to enlarge upon his personal sympathies and anti-pathies.

It would be an overstatement to say that Van der Tuuk was the pioneerin the field of literature in Indonesia, for much spadework had already beendone, especially on Javanese. However, the study of Malay literature wasraised to a higher standard by his very first publications, and his owneditions of various texts are of a high quality. The most important Malaytexts edited or summarized and discussed by him are, in chronologicalorder: Abdullah's Malay version of the Pancatantra (known among theMalays as Hikayat Kalilah dan Dimnah) (Van der Tuuk 1866b); the storyof Boma (Van der Tuuk 1875a); the story of the Pandawas (Van der Tuuk1875b); and some Malay wayang stories (Van der Tuuk 1879b and 1881a).The earlier published seventh volume (stukje) of the Malay reader (Van

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der Tuuk 1868b) was also meant (like the Pandja-Tanderan) as a readerfor Indonesians. It comprises the following stories: Hikayat Siti Hasanah,Hikayat raja benua Yaman, Hikayat anak raja mengasihani katak,Hikayat seorang raja yang lalim dimurkai Allah swt; in addition someproverbs have been added as a space filler.

It was of course not by chance that Van der Tuuk published the articleon Malay wayang stories in the course of his work in Bali on OldJavanese. The receipt of this article is mentioned in the minutes (Notulen)of the Bataviaasch Genootschap of August 5th, 1879. The articles on thestories of Boma and of the Pandawas were originally written in English;receipt of the Dutch translation is reported in the Notulen of 6th July 1869;see also Notulen 4-1-1870 and 5-4-1870.

In his treatise on the Malay wayang stories, Van der Tuuk observes thatthe majority of these stories appear to be translations of works which nolonger exist in Java. This explains the striking correspondence with thepoems that were still current in Bali, which must be older than the Malayversions, as influence of Balinese on Malay literature is hardly imaginable(Van der Tuuk 1879b:489).

It is one of Van der Tuuk's merits that he had an eye for the autoch-thonous elements in the Javanese and Malay literary works that are basedon Indian or Perso-Arabic originals. About Kawi (Old Javanese) he statedunambiguously that its grammar is Malayo-Polynesian in spite of the highpercentage of Indian elements in its vocabulary. One should not call it adaughter of Sanskrit, he said, but rather 'a Javanese woman dressed inIndian garb' (Lassen 1862:54, note 1). He formulated his views on therelationship between the Malay and Perso-Arabic literatures as early as1846, as was pointed out in the above discussion of his first book review.

We can observe Van der Tuuk's 'Indonesia'-oriented stance in the sys-tematic way in which he always compared similar texts and versions ofparticular stories in the 'Malayo-Polynesian' world with their sources fromthe Indian or Perso-Arabic world. In other fields of Indonesian culturalhistory, especially archaeology and the history of religion, where theIndian element is also often dominantly present, the approach to theancient cultures of Java for a long time was from the perspective of theexpansion history of Indian culture.7

In the context of Van der Tuuk's specifically linguistic contributions tothe study of Malay, his lexicographic work is most prominent. As early as1864 he conceived a plan for compiling a Malay dictionary, but, as hewrote to Engelmann, there were too few subscriptions, so that he gave upthe project (Van der Tuuk 1864a; Nieuwenhuys 1982:120). In 1865, appar-ently using the materials he had already collected for this abortive under-

7 The 'Greater India' debate was recently summarized by J.D. Legge (Legge1992:8-9) and also in D. Lombard's reflections on 'les limites de 1'indianisation'(Lombard 1990 111:9-14).


taking, he wrote a critical article on the existing Malay dictionaries (Vander Tuuk 1865c). Here he discussed especially J. Pijnappel's Maleisch-Nederduitsch woordenboek (Pijnappel 1863), which is largely an adapta-tion of W. Marsden's A dictionary of the Malayan language, whichappeared in 1812 (while a Dutch/French translation was published byC.P.J. Elout in 1825), combined with J. Crawfurd's Malay dictionary,which, together with his Malay grammar, appeared in 1852 and at the timewas regarded in Britain as the Standard work (Marsden 1812; Elout 1825;Crawfurd 1852).

Van der Tuuk had discovered many errors here, copied from bothMarsden and Crawfurd, and argued that there was an urgent need for anew Malay dictionary. He also formulated some criteria which a goodMalay dictionary should meet: words from literary texts (in jawï) of whichthe pronunciation was not known should not be Romanized; and wordsborrowed from Arabic should be entered according to their Malaypronunciation and with the meanings they had acquired in Malay. In orderto avoid unnecessary repetition, a Malay dictionary should moreover bepreceded by 'an outline of the grammar and phonetic system of the lan-guage' (Van der Tuuk 1865c: 183; this article contains an English versionof the proeve (sample) included in the Prospectus of 1864, see Van derTuuk 1864a). He ended by giving a list of some 60 missing or incorrectwords (Van der Tuuk 1865c: 184-6).«

In a review published in De Gids of 1866, Van der Tuuk praises H.C.Klinkert, who was the first to publish a collection of Malay proverbs. Fromthese one can glean many details about the life and customs of the Malays,while Klinkert's treatise constitutes a worthwhile complement to theexisting Malay dictionaries. Inevitably, Van der Tuuk also made a numberof critical comments here. He regretted that Klinkert had not mentioned hissources, so that it was impossible for the reader to know whether theseproverbs came from the language of Riau or belonged to 'a kind of spokenlanguage that does not deserve to bear the name Malay' (Klinkert 1866a;Van der Tuuk 1866h:174). Van der Tuuk also agreed with Klinkert'scritical comments about Malay textbooks and reading materials publishedby the government (Van der Tuuk 1866h: 177-9; Klinkert 1866b).

Van der Tuuk's appreciation of Klinkert's merits later decreased. Fromhis home in the Lampung area he wrote to the Bible Society: 'I am afraidthat Klinkert, who spent only two years in Riau, and never studied Malaybefore that, applied himself to the translation of the Eible too soon' (9 June1869; Nieuwenhuys 1982:148). In a letter in the Padangsch Handelsbladof 1873 he censures De Hollander for relying overmuch on Klinkert's dic-tionary, which he qualifies as grossly superficial, saying that, of Klinkert's

8 I have compared this list with the Indonesian Standard dictionary, Kamus BesarBahasa Indonesia (Kamus 1991), where most of these words appeared to be listed.

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two main informants, one is 'conceited', while both are 'stupid' (Van derTuuk 18739).

Among Van der Tuuk's linguistic studies of Malay, the study ofBatavian Malay always occupied a special place. He must have acquiredhis thorough knowledge of this dialect of Malay during his stay in Bataviabetween late 1849 and early 1851, and (probably) also during his staythere on his way to The Netherlands in mid-1857 - he did not need manymonths to familiarize himself with a new language.

In his above-mentioned article on the 'High Malay' Bible translation(Van der Tuuk 1856:182), Van der Tuuk lists some twenty Batavian Malaywords which are completely different from what he styled Centralisatie-Maleisch (authentic, educated, Standard Malay, see Section 5 below). Inaddition, he identified eight words as also belonging to the Malay ofBatavia in Raffles' list of Balinese words (see Raffles 1817 II:LXXI-CLXI).It seems, he writes, 'that the Malay of Batavia includes more elements fromJavanese than from Centralisatie-Maleisch. However, also manySundanese words, as well as Balinese words, have crept into this dialect, asis explainable from the large number of Balinese slaves who used to live inBatavia. Since many of the Malay manuscripts that are in the possession ofDutch persons have been copied in Batavia, and have thus been consider-ably affected by the locally spoken form of Malay, it would be desirable forsome linguist to familiarize himself better with this Malay dialect.' (Van derTuuk 1856:182-3.)

The fourth volume of Van der Tuuk's Bataksch leesboek (Van der Tuuk1862a) contains some remarks about Batavian Malay. On page 109 thefollowing pantun is quoted:

Dari mana nja-idatêngnja lintah ('From where, my dear, comes the leech?dari sawah turun kakali It goes down from the rice field to the river;dari mana nja-i datêngnja tjinta From whère, my dear, comes love?dari mata turun ka-ati It goes down from the eye to the heart.')

Van der Tuuk observes that this pantun must have been made up inBatavia, since only there is final -h not pronounced, so that lintah (leech)rhymes with tjinta (love). He further observes that [H.] von de Wallpronounced the Malay suffix -kan as -kan or -ken, which is at variancewith the pronunciation rules of Malay. 'This pronunciation is usual inBatavia, where Javanized Malay is spoken, but is not heard in otherplaces' (Van der Tuuk 1862a:124-5). Some further remarks about the pro-nunciation of Batavian Malay are made on page 163.

Only months later did a qualified linguist apply himself to the systematicstudy of Batavian Malay. He was the classicist Dr. J.D. Homan. He began

9 An offprint is kept in the Leiden University library, cat. No. 868E 39/16, theexistence of which here for some time has remained unknown; see Teeuw 1961:149.


collecting Batavian Malay words probably around mid-1863. Unlike Vander Tuuk, he recorded only spoken language material during lessons withtwo different informants and interviews with other speakers. He very soondiscovered the essential difference between the spreektaal (spokenlanguage) and the Bataviasche schrijftaal (Batavian written language)(Homan 1868:62-6). From the many lexical and morphological exampleslisted by him it is clear that this 'Batavian written language' is generalliterary Malay interspersed with elements from the local Batavian verna-cular. It is the same type of Malay as that found in the Malay manuscriptsthat were copied in Batavia, which had 'been considerably affected by thelocally spoken form of Malay', as Van der Tuuk put it (see above).

Thus Homan's fieldwork method appears to be more modern than thatapplied by Van der Tuuk in the course of his work in the Batak area.However, we should bear in mind that Homan had no choice, and also thatthe relationship between the spoken and the written language among theBatak was essentially different from the situation in Batavia, as theirliterature had its roots in their own speech community. In Batavia almostevery written text, and, I should say, even every performance based onsome written text, invariably bore some relation to 'high' Malay, that is, toa speech variety that was different from the local vernacular.10

Homan's untimely death on 14 July 1864 put an end to his undevelopedproject of great promise. The Javanist A.B. Cohen Stuart, with whom hehad been in regular contact, thereupon requested Van der Tuuk to publishHoman's word lists. Van der Tuuk, who was still in The Netherlands at thetime, knew that he was the only person capable of doing this and agreed,although he had to finish the job in great haste because of his departure forBatavia. In fact, he was able to spend only twelve days on the second part(K. Groeneboer, personal communication).

The products of his efforts were two small books containing some 600words collected by Homan, to which Van der Tuuk had added many notesand an alphabetically arranged index of Batavian words in Roman script.Homan had not included words that already occurred in the dictionaries ofJ.F.C. Gericke (of 1847, 'with the Appendix', i.e., the Supplement byRoorda and Meinsma of 1862), J. Rigg (of 1862), W. Marsden (of 1812,though possibly Elout's Dutch and French translation of 1825 is meanthere), and P.P. Roorda van Eysinga (of 1855 and/or 1863). Van der Tuuk,however, added the words indicated as Batavian in Rigg (Homan 1867and 1868; on the words taken from Rigg, see Homan 1868:V). Thecorrespondence between Homan and Cohen Stuart was also published.Van der Tuuk, in his introductory notes, emphasized the importance ofBatavian Malay for the knowledge of Balinese, Javanese and Old Javanese(Homan 1867:VI, 1868:VII; see also Nieuwenhuys 1982:154), and explicitly

10 For a definition of 'vernacular', and on Jakarta (Batavian) Malay as an independ-ent vernacular, see Grijns 1991 1:14-53.

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stated that it was a local variety of Malay and not some kind of'brabbeltaal' ('gibberish', Van der Tuuk's term for highly unstable formsof pidginized Malay) (Homan 1867:V).

After many deliberations about the need for a new Malay dictionary, thegovernment in 1855 commissioned H. von de Wall to compile such a work.The vocabulary was based on the Malay of Riau, where Von de Wall wentto live for some years. The first volume appeared in 1872. It ran to 1102pages and comprised only words beginning with a vowel (alif in jawiscript) (H. von de Wall 1872) as well as with the letter b up to bakijjah.When the author died in 1873, he left behind a manuscript of more than125 handwritten fascicles.

Van der Tuuk, now in the service of the government, was charged withthe task of publishing the dictionary. The bulky manuscript was sent tohim in instalments, so that he was unable to move compounds to differententries in the many cases where he disagreed with the arrangement chosenby Von de Wall. The book was published in three volumes in Batavia (H.von de Wall 1877-1884; with an appendix by Ph.S. van Ronkel 1897).Correctly, though not exactly courteously, the title page contained thestatement that 'all redundancies have been left out' from the text. In fact,the content of Von de Wall's first (and only) volume, that of 1872, wasreduced to 20% of the original.

When one runs through the original volume, the need for drasticreduction becomes immediately apparent. With every basic form Von deWall had included every potential derivative, whether it actually occurredin the language or not, also where the meaning was perfectly predictablefrom the meaning of the base, and without giving examples testifying tothe existence of the word. Another kind of redundancy was that resultingfrom the inclusion as separate headwords of different spellings of the sameword in many cases and of Arabic plural forms.

Van der Tuuk added many useful notes, such as references to parallelforms or to the source languages of loanwords. He seldom added newentries, because he had never lived in Riau himself and wanted to makeclear that Riau Malay deviated considerably from the language of Malayliterature, which was 'almost completely ignored' by Von de Wall (H. vonde Wall 1877-1884 I:VII). In agreement with Van der Tuuk's ownprinciples were Von de Wall's inclusion and explanation of frequentlyoccurring proper names, such as Arjuna, Asmara, Betawi, and so on. Hecommends Von de Wall's work for 'the numerous hitherto unknownwords and precise explanations of meanings. As long as Malay will bestudied, Von de Wall should be gratefully remembered.' (H. von de Wall1877-18841: VII.)

Unfortunately the results of Von de Wall's big project did not come upto the high expectations entertained of it. In spite of the fact that his workwas never completely superseded by later dictionaries - partly due to thenotes added by Van der Tuuk - the few remaining copies of which the


Batavian paper has not crumbled away are now seldom consulted. Teeuwcould only conclude that 'in spite of all the time, care and money spent,this dictionary did not become the Standard and lasting work as had beenhoped and expected, mainly as Von de Wall took virtually no account ofliterary source material (which was not, anyway, available in sound, criticaleditions). There are practically no text references or illustrative examplesand its unattractive get-up certainly did not promote the use of thisdictionary.' (Teeuw 1961:24.)

Von de Wall's son, A.F. von de Wall, protested against the way Van derTuuk had abridged his father's work. He especially disagreed with theelimination of the large number of derivatives (A.F. von de Wall 1878). Inmy own comparison of some twelve entries in Von de Wall 1872 with Vander Tuuk's edition, this reproach proved to be unjustified. The principle ofconciseness, for that matter, had already been applied by Van der Tuuk tohis own Batak dictionary (Van der Tuuk 1861:VI), and he stuck to thisprinciple in the edition of Von de Wall's work.

In spite of its many shortcomings, H.C. Klinkert's dictionary became themost commonly used Malay-Dutch dictionary (Klinkert 1893). In his last,posthumously published, treatise, the supplement to the Malay dictionaries(Van der Tuuk 1894), Van der Tuuk fiercely inveighed against Klinkert inhis usual blunt way, accusing him of plagiarism (p. 19), lack of balance, andunreliability on account of the many errors. The acerbity of its tone doesnot detract from the quality of this treatise as another solid piece of work;the lexical index comprises no fewer than 440 entries.

In fact, this last, 60-page work by Van der Tuuk was directed once moreagainst everything about the way Malay was studied and used by othersthat gave him cause for worry. What lay at the root of his unease was theway in which the relation between the Malay of the literature, the Malayof Riau, local varieties of Malay such as that of Batavia, and various kindsof 'brabbeltaal' Malay was viewed and valued. This problem will be thesubject of the final Section of this essay.

Here a few words should be said about the Malay manuscripts collectedby Van der Tuuk. Thanks to the fact that he bequeathed all his specialistbooks and his manuscripts to the University of Leiden, his completecollection is now generally accessible in the Leiden University library.J.L.A. Brandes had all the books and papers at Van der Tuuk's home inBali listed and catalogued his (Old) Javanese, Balinese and Sasak manu-scripts in Batavia (Brandes 1901-1926). Because H.H. Juynboll was com-piling a catalogue of Malay and Sundanese manuscripts in The Nether-lands at the time (Juynboll 1899), Brandes proposed that Van der Tuuk'sMalay manuscripts should be shipped to Leiden without delay. Juynbollmanaged to describe a large number of them, while the remaining ones arelisted, not entirely completely, in Ph. S. van Ronkel's Supplement-cata-logus (Van Ronkel 1921). A collection of Malay letters that forms part ofLOR 3388, for example, is not described.

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The list which Brandes had drawn up in Bali is kept in the LeidenUniversity library (Douza room, L23). As far as Malay is concerned, thisprovisional list includes about 65 titles of kitab-kitab and 12 of syair-syairin jawi script, and some 70 titles of works in Roman script. By way ofcomparison I would indicate that the Old Javanese, Javanese, and 'Bali-Javanese' manuscripts from Van der Tuuk's legacy as described again,after Brandes, by Th.G.Th. Pigeaud, come to about 850 items, many ofwhich include more than one text (Pigeaud 1968:19, 112-244).

In this provisional list Brandes comments that many of the Malaymanuscripts are badly damaged and often worn at the spine, so that theleaves are loose, while many texts have their beginning and end missing.This is a consequence of the fact that most of the Malay manuscripts werebought by Van der Tuuk, whereas almost all his manuscripts from Bali arecopies made on his special order.

5. Van der Tuuk's view of Malay

Van der Tuuk occupied himself with Malay in a typical love-haterelationship throughout his lifetime. His love for Malay is apparent from allhis efforts to promote the use of a pure, original form of Malay. His hatredand scorn for everything and everybody who threatened that purity isexpressed in his many polemical writings. When Van der Tuuk first statedhis position vis-a-vis the various kinds of Malay in his inimitable style (Vander Tuuk 1856:11), the old debate about 'high' and iow' Malay that wentback to the days of Francois Valentijn (ca 1690) was still topical (see, forexample, Roorda 1856; De Hollander 1864; Pijnappel 1865; an excellentsurvey is given in Hoffman 1979).

Van der Tuuk rejects the terms 'high' and iow' Malay and also avoidsthe confusing term spreektaal (spoken language). He distinguishes threesorts of Malay: Centralisatie-Maleisch, Locaal-Maleisch, and Conventie-Maleisch (Van der Tuuk 1856:172-3). 'Centralisatie-Maleisch is the lan-guage generally read and understood by educated Malays. It has beenused in writing in, among other places, Aceh, the Malay Peninsula, Palem-bang, Pasei, Bantên (Bantam), and even Mecca; its home territory is theMalay Peninsula, where it is still correctly spoken by Malays in placeswhere the Chinese are not yet dominant.'

'Locaal-Maleisch is Malay as it is used, with greater or lesser differ-ences between the various dialects, by Muslim Malays in everyday life ...In letter-writing and in religious works every Malay makes use, to the bestof his ability, of Centralisatie-Maleisch; however, since at present mostMalays are not sufficiently educated to avoid particular words that areused only in their own dialect and replace them with words that are incurrent use in the Peninsula, one may safely assume that Centralisatie-Maleisch is now written exclusively in the Peninsula.'

' Conventie-Maleisch is the language that is related to Locaal-Maleisch


and to Centralisaüe-Maleisch in the same way as was the lingua franca[Van der Tuuk spells it 'lingua Franca'] to Italian. It lacks linguistic rules,as, being spoken by foreigners, it adopts such rules as everyone sees fit toprovide it with according to his own lights; it deserves the qualificationbrabbeltaal (gibberish) or linguaccio.' 'The more educated the Malay, theless use he will make of Conventie-Maleisch in his dealings with co-reli-gionists; whereas uneducated Malays will not infrequently use wordswhich they have never come across in writing but have only heard usedby foreigners'.

As was mentioned in Section 2 above, Van der Tuuk was attacked by avery serious illness in Batavia in 1850. He had to be admitted to theMilitary Hospital before he was able to leave for the Batak area. At onestage his illness drove him to the verge of insanity. A few days before thiscrisis, he wrote two very incoherent letters to the Bible Society (the first ofwhich is dated 20 August 1850, while the second (undated) was writtensome days later). He realized himself that these letters were strange, buturged the secretary not to treat them as the 'mad ramblings of a disorderedbrain' and to forgive him their disjointedness, which was due to 'an ailingbody' (see for this whole episode Nieuwenhuys 1982:45-54, and thefacsimile of the first letter on page 50).

If we respect Van der Tuuk's own wish and try to grasp the real sense ofwhat he wrote in near-fatal exhaustion, we find that he had given muchthought during his forced stay in Batavia to the position of Malay and thespread of contaminated Malay as a result of the ongoing expansion ofIslam." He feit that there was an urgent need for a description of pureMalay, and that the government must change its policy, which encouragedthe spread of impure Malay.

While still in hospital, he wrote a treatise on Centralisaüe-Maleisch. Hewanted to demonstrate the feasibility of creating a language which, withthe support of education, would be fit to 'express the intentions' of theBible Society 'in an intelligible language that could be understood to as faras the east coast of Africa and the west coast of America'. For the devel-opment of pure Malay, the cleansing of the Augean stables of 'quackery'with this treatise was preconditional. He refers repeatedly to subjectivityand objectivity and to the notion of 'system' {stelsel, systeem), saying, forinstance, that 'a system is blurred by the destruction of any of its con-stituent parts'. Behind these words we perceive an inner protest againstthe amateurish way in which Malay was studied and against the power ofall the unsystematic and subjective variation which he encountered inwhat he called later, in 1856, Conventie-Maleisch.

Van der Tuuk read part of this treatise to his friend E. Netscher, as thelatter wrote in a letter to the Bible Society of 25 September. Netscher, who

The other subjects he dealt with in both these letters will not be discussed here.

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himself later published some Malay texts in Tijdschrift voor IndischeTaal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, was of the opinion that this work 'one daywill be appreciated as one of the cornerstones of our knowledge of Indo-nesian {Indische) languages' (Nieuwenhuys 1982:45). According toNetscher, the manuscript had been sent to the Bible Society 'a month ago'.However, Van der Tuuk only writes in his letter of 20 August that heintended sending it along with this letter. In the second letter he refers in avery obscure passage to 'the first sections' of his 'Centralisatie-Maleisch' , but immediately goes on to say that he is unable to send off'the first sections with the indexes'. Thus, while we may safely assume thatthe work did exist at the time, it is uncertain whether it was actually sent.The Bible Society informed Van der Tuuk more than once that the manu-script had not arrived, and in fact it has never been found (K. Groeneboer,personal communication).

Van der Tuuk saw the expansion of Islam as a channel via which Malaymight push aside or influence the local vernaculars, as he was to observesoon after arriving at Sibo(l)ga (see below). In the two letters underdiscussion he refers twice to Islam. In connection with the aim of histreatise on Centralisatie-Maleisch he wrote: 'The banner of Islam is thecolumn of fire for the student of languages in these regions', naming 'theanti-Christian administrative system ... and the centralizing religion ofconquest of the centralizing Mohamed' as the adversaries frustrating theBible Societies' and his own purposes.

As an example of Van der Tuuk's critical comments on the impurities ofMalay as found in published texts, dictionaries and grammars, I would referto his review of the third edition of De Hollander's Handleiding (Text-book) (De Hollander 1864; Van der Tuuk 1865d). Here he observed thatDe Hollander, in his grammatical description of Malay, was too muchinfluenced by Roorda's Javanese grammar (Van der Tuuk 1865d:528). Healso argued once more against the distinction between 'high' and 'low'Malay. His criticism is relatively mild, however, apparently because hediscerned in De Hollander's work a serious attempt to study the Malay ofthe literature. He nevertheless considered the geraamte (skeleton, frame-work) by Pijnappel - namely Pijnappel's 26-page mini-grammar - a muchmore reliable grammar of Malay for the beginning student (Pijnappel 1862;Nieuwenhuys 1982:118).

Because Van der Tuuk delimited his Centralisatie-Maleisch rathernarrowly, the sources of new literature in good Malay were not veryabundant. P.J. Veth, in his discussion of Van der Tuuk's 1856 article on the'High Malay' Bible translation in De Gids as late as 1864, seems to agreeentirely with Van der Tuuk on this point. He writes: 'One may safelyassume that Centralisatie-Maleisch now is only written in the Peninsula'(Veth 1864:601). And further: 'Every Malay dictionary and grammarshould be focused on Centralisatie-Maleisch, and one should "not rest"until "Conventie-Maleisch" or the high or low brabbeltaal introduced by


Europeans is completely banished from the circle [of the dictionaries andgrammars] and replaced by pure Malay'. He moreover feit that it wasunnecessary for Europeans to receive training in this 'brabbeltaaV (Veth1864:602).

Nevertheless, Veth (who never visited the Indies) seems to have noticedthat in Van der Tuuk's classification of the various kinds of Malay, therelation between the written and the spoken language was insufficientlytaken into account, and he did not know what to make of the twelfth(!)edition (1863) of P.P. Roorda van Eysinga's Noodzakelijk handwoorden-boek der Nederduitsche en laag-Maleische taal (Basic concise Dutch andLow Malay dictionary). What criterion should be applied to a dictionary ofLow Malay? Perhaps, Veth suggested, one should distinguish between aconventional {conventionele) colloquial language (omgangstaal) and aconventional written language, which distinction might then best corres-pond to the old distinction between Low and High Malay (Veth 1864:60312).

Thus, long before our present state of knowledge of the development ofMalay and Indonesian, a contemporary scholar (whom Van der Tuukcertainly respected) already suspected that Van der Tuuk somehow failedto appreciate the positive and innovative role of spoken Malay. In retro-speet, Van der Tuuk's choice of a variety of Malay that merely existedoutside the Netherlands Indies, and thus was not subject to control fromany Dutch colonial language policy, as Standard for his Centralisatie-Maleisch was also unfortunate.

About the language of Riau, which the government soon afterwardsofficially regarded as normative, Van der Tuuk's judgement was not whollypositive. In the introduction to Von de WalPs dictionary he complains that'the Malay of Riau is rather different from the language of the Malayliterature ...', and 'Riau Malay is better than the language of Singapore, butif one can go by Von de Wall's statements, it has apparently also beenaffected by the broken language spoken by the many Chinese who havesettled in Riau. Moreover, Von de Wall includes words which arouse thesuspicion of the student of Malay that the Riau language has also beeninfluenced somewhat by the brabbeltaai: (H. von de Wall 1877-1884I:VL)

The introduction of some courses in Low Malay in The Netherlands,namely in the curriculum of the Delft Academy, where prospective civilservants were trained, was certainly against Van der Tuuk's principles.These courses were available to students in their final year from theacademie year 1860-1861 on (Fasseur 1993:150). Even as late as 1893 Van

12 In his survey of linguistic studies in the Indies (Veth 1864), Veth also discussedVan der Tuuk 1864b (clearly disapproving of the tone of Van der Tuuk's attack onRoorda, see Veth 1864:422-4), as well as Van der Tuuk 1860-1862a and 1861, DeHollander 1856, and Pijnappel 1862 and 1863.

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der Tuuk expressed his misgivings about the fact that the Minister for theColonies, LD. Fransen van de Putte, had made colloquial Malay acompulsory subject in the 'B'-grade examination for prospective civilservants (Van der Tuuk 1893:189). He set himself up as guardian of correctMalay in many of his writings.13

Van der Tuuk had followed developments in the Indies closely evenwhile still a student. So he wrote to a friend before his departure from TheNetherlands in 1849 that Batak manuscripts had become rare in Sumatrathanks to the Malay 'Omars' (Muslims) (Nieuwenhuys 1982:34). On hisarrival at Sibo(l)ga he decided against settling there because the inhab-itants were already Malays, in contrast to the situation of 20 years previ-ously (Nieuwenhuys 1982:54). In 1854 he reported that the governmentwas promoting the spread of Islam by using Arabic and Roman charactersinstead of the Batak script in government schools. Too few Dutch civilservants had a sufficient knowledge of Malay literature to enable thegovernment to prevent teachers from clandestinely using lessons forIslamic religious teaching. Even the distribution of his own Bataktranslation of a fragment of the book of Genesis was indirectly prohibiteddue to the Government's bias against Christianity - the consequence ofwhich attitude was the further spread of Malay (Nieuwenhuys 1982:81-2).

In the Introduction to his Toba grammar (1864c, 1867a) Van der Tuukdiscussed the decline of Mandailing Batak as spoken in the southernBatak districts as a result of government influence. He wrote: 'Because theBatak - when they are not engaged in divination - do not take thedifference between the written and the spoken language into account,they write it more easily and better than do many people from an educatednation who are chained to a traditional language form. In Mandailing thenatives, under the influence of school teachers and interpreters - some ofthem foreigners - appointed by officials, are on the way to writing theirlanguage poorly. In government schools, too much authority is assigned toBataks who have become Muslims, and, as new converts, seek as much aspossible to shine by using Malay words.' (Van der Tuuk 1971:L-LI.) In hislast work, Van der Tuuk points out that especially the heads (the lowernative officers) are 'well versed' in 'brabbeltaal' (Van der Tuuk 1894:42).

The same objections to the use of 'brabbeltaaV by the MandailingBatak and the role of the heads were vented by Van der Tuuk in a polemicagainst a (so far unidentified) Dutch gentleman hiding behind the initialsA.E.C. This man had visited the Mandailing area and there met the youngBatak Willem Iskander, who had been educated in The Netherlands. This

13 By way of comparison it is worth mentioning that N. Adriani, another well-knownlinguist in the service of the Dutch Bible Society, also practised purism by replacingMalay loanwords and Malay or Dutch syntactic structures with autochthonous wordsor structures in the Sangirese texts he published after the completion of his thesiswhile still in The Netherlands(l) (Swellengrebel 1974-1978 11:29).


Willem had translated a moralistic Dutch story into Mandailing Batak, andVan der Tuuk expressed his disappointment at the fact that even thisnative speaker of Batak had used some 'brabbel' Malay words (Van derTuuk 1866f, see also Notulen 8-1-1884:5; on Willem Iskander, see Poeze19861:16-7).

Van der Tuuk complained repeatedly about the general ignorance ofMalay among the Dutch. So he wrote in his Toba Grammar in 1867: 'Nolanguage has suffered so much from the craving for system as Malay,simply because there is so little system in it. It is generally held to be easy,but even so none of its numerous students has yet succeeded in making itclear' (Van der Tuuk 1971:XLIV). In 1873 he wrote to the Bible Societyabout 'Malay, in which no European is able to express himself properly,yet this language has been studied by us for centuries. The study of Malaywas begun only for the sake of translating into it (the Bible translatorshave never published any Malay text!), and the foolish idea that it is easyto learn persists down to the present day.' (Nieuwenhuys 1982:167.)

Also in 1873, he reacted disappointedly to De Hollander's publication ofMalay fables, which De Hollander believed to be written in a pure form oflanguage, namely Minangkabau [Malay] (De Hollander 1871:55). Butaccording to Van der Tuuk it is 'brabbeltaal', 'which has been given adignified appearance' by the use of Arabic script and the insertion of somewords that are used in Padang, and would not seem out of place inBianglala (a periodical published in Batavia). One example may suffice toshow that Van der Tuuk was not exaggerating: on page 74 of the fablesone finds the phrase kasi tunjuk sama aku, 'show me', which even nowone would call pasar Malay. In this connection Van der Tuuk wrote: '... nolanguage of the Indian Archipelago is so poorly studied as Malay, justbecause everyone believes they know it so well that they do not hesitateto use it in every kind of situation' (Van der Tuuk 1873, pp. 1-3 of theoffprint).

The quality of Malay texts had also suffered much at the hands ofcopyists, especially those in Batavia, who introduced their own, localvariants into them. An example of this is provided by the Malay wayangtexts discussed by Van der Tuuk (Van der Tuuk 1879b and 1881a). 'Thelanguage is far from pure and falls into the category which Roorda'sstudents erroneously call "everyday speech'". Another example is thetext of the story of Samaun. Van der Tuuk had two manuscripts of this text,which had been 'so terribly mutilated by a Batavian copyist that a nativeMalay would find it difficult to understand the language, they aboundwith so much Batavian Malay' (Van der Tuuk 1866c).

Besides his colleagues, the Government, Islam, and Batavian copyists,the Christian mission was also frequently the target of Van der Tuuk'scriticisms. He found it regrettable that missionaries received insufficientlanguage training before being sent abroad, while the quality of whattraining they did receive was deplorable. The two missionaries from the

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Utrechtsche Zendings Vereeniging (Utrecht Missionary Society) in Baliwhom Van der Tuuk met upon his arrival in Bulèlèng (Bali) in 1870 onlyhad a knowledge of 'brabbel' Malay (Nieuwenhuys 1982:155). Theirschool was well attended, but this would probably have been different if'brabbel' Malay had not been taught there (Nieuwenhuys 1982:154). Themissionary R. van Eek, with whom Van der Tuuk stayed at Bulèlèng forsome time from April 1870 on, knew Balinese better than Van der Tuuk hadexpected, but Van Eck's visitors could mostly speak 'brabbel' Malay. Asa result, Van der Tuuk decided to go and live on his own in order to be incloser contact with speakers of pure Balinese (Nieuwenhuys 1982:153).

Of more general interest are Van der Tuuk's objections to the influenceof Christian publications on the development of Malay. A former Residentof Timor, I. Esser (the linguist S.J. Esser's grandfather), announced in aChristian magazine in The Netherlands in early 1866 that he was planningto start a Malay daily newspaper under the title De Evangelie-bazuin;Nafiri Indjil; Satoe soewara wolanda bagi radja orang Israël, kapaladjamadtnja, ia-itoe Jesoes Christoes dan goena segala bangsa di tanahHindia Nederland (The Gospel trumpet; A Dutch voice on behalf of theking of the Israelites, head of his congregation, namely Jesus Christ, for thebenefit of the peoples of the Netherlands Indies). Esser further reportedthat some 100,000 copies of various Christian texts (probably for thegreater part written by himself) had already been distributed, mostly onbehalf of the association for the promotion of Malay Christian literature14,which had been founded in Batavia in 1853.

Anyone who can read the Malay title of Esser's Evangelie-bazuin willunderstand that Van der Tuuk pounced upon the 'brabbel' Malay inwhich it was written (Van der Tuuk 1866g and 1867b). Because he alsodiscerned elements of the 'High Malay' (i.e., Leijdecker's) Bible translationin Esser's use of the language, he spoke sarcastically of 'High' Brabbel-Maleisch.15

Another polemic about Brabbel-Maleisch was started by Van der Tuukagainst F.S.A. de Clercq, and via him against A.F. von de Wall (Van derTuuk 1878). De Clercq had been a Controleur (officer in the colonial civilservice) in Menado, and after that deputy inspector of native education inthe Moluccas, Sumatra, and East Java before being appointed inspector ofnative education in Batavia in 1877. He was the author of a number ofarticles on the Malay spoken in the Minahasa and Timor, and hadpublished a Moluccan Malay word list in 1876.16 Van der Tuuk praised this

14 Vereeniging tot bevordering van Maleische Christelijke Lectuur / Perhimpoenanakan melebihkan pembatjaan kitab-kitab Masehi (see Van den End 1991:29).15 On Van der Tuuk's personal feud with Esser, see Nieuwenhuys 1982:121-33 andSwellengrebel 1974-1978 1:129-32, 250.16 On De Clercq see Encyclopaedie I, 1917:491, and Teeuw 1961:48, 49, and 99.

Van der Tuuk and the Study ofMalay 375

latter work because it did 'not distort the facts' and fully displayed thelanguage 'in its horrific form' (Van der Tuuk 1878).

In a letter to Van der Tuuk, De Clercq had commented favourably on afew little books written by A.F. von de Wall for use in native schools.About these Van der Tuuk writes that Von de Wall's language is a 'Malaythat does not belong anywhere, as it is a mixture of Riau, Batavian, anderrors taken from the dictionaries'. De Clercq's rather positive evaluationwas due, according to Van der Tuuk, to his long residence in the Moluccas,'where the native indiscriminately apes his Dutch masters who have alsogiven him the gift of Christianity'. He scoffs at Von de Wall junior, whowas 'so successfully studying the Malay of Riau' at Pintu Besi in Batavia(in his personal offprint Van der Tuuk has added a handwritten commentthat Von de Wall had better leave his [Batavian] coconut estate and settlein Riau). About Abdullah (i.e., Abdullah the Munsyi) he says that his idiomwas the language of 'a Malay corrupted by English missionaries' (Van derTuuk 1878).

The Malay of the Minahasa found no favour in Van der Tuuk's eyes,either, so that he could not unreservedly recommend R. van Eek for anappointment as teacher of Javanese and Malay at the Dutch Willem IIIgymnasium in Batavia, as 'he has taken his Malay lessons with an Alfoerfrom the Minahasa' (Van der Tuuk 1875c). In his last work, Van der Tuukturned on the missionary N. Graafland, who had written that the Malayspoken by native Christians in the Minahasa deserved to be called a Malaydialect (Van der Tuuk 1894:52-3). 'Assigning the status of a dialect(tongval) to a language that has been introduced by missionaries who arenot native speakers of that language and is used by natives who arespeakers of an entirely different language, is like claiming that the Englishof some Jewish hawker in Rotterdam is a dialect of the language ofShakespeare.' Van der Tuuk also refers to the newspaper Tjahaja Siang(Daylight), published in the Minahasa, of which Graafland had been the_editor, in which occasionally Malay words had to be explained by meansof Alfoer equivalents.17

This not very subtle thrust at Graafland contrasts sharply with whatGraafland had written in 1868 under the title 'The criterion for publicationsin the Malay language' (Graafland 1868).18 Here Graafland acknowledgesthat one should try and find a Standard in good, clear manuscripts, but atthe same time points out that Malay is a living language, and that thenatural development of a language cannot be stopped. For example,changed meanings tend to become new meanings in their own right:whereas Klinkert gives as Malay equivalent for 'arithmetic' ilmu kira-kira,in the Minahasa ilmu hitungan is now generally used [Indonesian: ilmuhitung, CDG].

17 On this newspaper and the variety of Malay used in it, see Manoppo 1983.18 See also Teeuw 1961:61-4 on this problem in a historical context.

376 CD. Grijns

Graafland preferred to qualify Minahasan Malay as 'vulgar' (plat) or'accommodation' Malay, as it had developed from people's need to makethemselves intelligible. It was not Conventie Malay (Van der Tuuk's term)in the sense of a language of one's own making. After all, the Malay ofRiau-Penyengat was a local variety of Malay just as any other. Graafland'sargument creates a well-balanced impression. He acknowledges Van derTuuk's expertise, and shows himself also to be familiar with the latter'susual, polemical style of arguing. He remarks, not without a touch of good-natured irony: 'To fall into the hands of this gentleman is terrible' (Graaf-land 1868:432; see also Graafland 1892).

Leaving aside Minangkabau and the South Sumatran languages studiedby Van der Tuuk, the only Locaal-Maleisch variety about which he haswritten in some detail is the Malay of Batavia. In 1865 he wrote withregard to that language: 'In Batavia the Muslim natives speak a Malay thatis completely different from Malay as spoken by Europeans, Chinese,Arabs, and other foreigners. This Malay, although widely divergent fromthe Malay of the Padang uplands or the Malay Peninsula, is by no meanstherefore "low" Malay, as it is not a brabbeltaal but a language which,although it comprises more European elements, is not inferior in richness toits sister languages and is well worth a closer acquaintance.' (Van der Tuuk1865d:530-l.)

In fact, Van der Tuuk always spoke of the Malay of Batavia. Homan'sremark that it was a dialect of Sundanese was countered by him with thestatement that it was '... rather Balinese. Although it still contains manyBalinese words, ... it seems to have been strongly influenced later byJavanese (particularly from Banten), Sundanese, and Malay.' (Homan1867:8.)

As was stated above, we are dealing here with a language without awritten literature. Van der Tuuk suspected, however, that Batavian Malay.would in some respects become the key to our knowledge of Balinese andJavanese. 'Even Javanese words which are frequently found in Malaypoems and stories but no longer are alive in the language, it seems, ... canbe explained with the help of Batavian Malay.' (Homan 1867:VI.) Later hewrote from Bali that the study of Batavian Malay had turned out to be ofgreat value for his work on the Kawi-Balinese dictionary.

Van der Tuuk was a linguist and philologist to the core. However, I donot recall his ever speaking enthusiastically about the beauty or eleganceof (pure) Malay literature. G. Koster mentions Van der Tuuk's irritation atthe epilogue of the story of the Pandawas, which was written in the formof a syair. He quotes Van der Tuuk as saying: 'There follow four pages ofdrivel in the limping rhyme of the copyist, a native of Java (Van der Tuuk1875[b]:l)\ and states that Van der Tuuk apparently 'failed to grasp thepoint', that is, to appreciate 'the narrational musing of a dagang' (Koster1993:96). One wonders how Van der Tuuk would have appreciatedKoster's analysis of Malay narrative and whether he would have joined


him in 'roaming through seductive gardens' (following the title of Koster'sthesis).

The above survey only claims to be exhaustive to the extent that it is anattempt to describe Van der Tuuk's concern with the form and function ofMalay in all sorts of ways. In conclusion I can only express my admirationfor his remarkable contribution to the development of the study of Malay,besides his major work on Batak and Balinese, and much else besides. Inparticular the way he dealt with manuscript materials, his lexicographicacuteness, and his unrelenting struggle to come to terms with all varietiesof written Malay that did not meet the standard he had set for the purity ofMalay are worthy of our praise. That he did not emerge victorious fromthat particular struggle will not amaze anybody who realizes how full afield of challenging problems the relation between the different varieties ofMalay and Indonesian, written and spoken, still represents for the presentgeneration of Indonesianists, a hundred years after Van der Tuuk.

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