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Proto-Aztecan Vowels: Part IIIAuthor(s): Lyle Campbell and Ronald W. LangackerSource: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Oct., 1978), pp. 262-279Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1264281

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PROTO-AZTECAN VOWELS: PART IIILYLE CAMPBELL AND

STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK,ALBANY

5. Aztecan cognate sets6. Uto-Aztecan cognate sets5. The cognate sets below, numbered(1)-(198), yield for the most part fairlystraightforward PA reconstructions. Thelist contains most of the Pochutec formsfor which GA cognates are available.

Highly problematic sets are omitted, asare a handful of very obvious late loans;further research will no doubt turn upfurther cognates shared by Po and GA,but not terribly many. Naturally, asubstantial number of PA reconstructionscan be made on the basis of GA alone, inconjunction with UA data from outsideAztecan, but we have not attempted to dothat here.Vowel length is difficult,as notedearlier, and sources (even a single source)sometimes differ. In such cases, we haveselected that form, from the alternativescited, which agrees most closely withlength as attested in other daughters (seen. 24 above). The symbol V is used whenwe cannot decide between *i and *i,because the Po vowel drops or gives noclear evidence. Also, it should be borne inmind that differencessuch as that betweenoa and owa, or ia and iya, are moretranscriptional than real. We omit basicabsolutive suffixes from noun reconstruc-tions.(1) all, everything *moci: Po noco, CNmoci, T nocI, Z noci, Pi muci. Thesource of the m/n variation is unclear.(2) ant *?iika-: Po ?iket, CN ?iikatl, T?ikatl, Pi ?iikat.(IJAL,vol. 44, no. 4, October 1978, pp. 262-79]? 1978by The University of Chicago.0020-7071/78/4404-0002 $01.37

RONALD W. LANGACKERUNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA,

SAN DIEGO

(3) arrive, find *ahsi: Po asi, CN a?si,T asI, Z ahsi, Pi ahsi.(4) ashamed *pinaawa: Po pinawa, CNpiinaawa, T pinowa, Z pinaawa, Pi-pinaawa.(5) ashes *nos-: Po nost, CN nestli,T-nestlI, Z -nes, Pi nesti.(6) ask *tlahtlani: Po tatenli, CN tla?-tlani, T tla?tlanIa, Z tahtaniya, Pitahtani.

(7) atole *atool-: Po etul, CN atoolli,T atulI, Z aatool, Pi atuul.(8) avocado *aawaka-: Po aweket, CNawakatl, T owakatl, Z aawakat, Piaawakat.(9) back, shoulder *topo?-: Po -d?po?(-d'potz), CN tepoCtli,Pi tepu?-.(10) bat *?inaakan: Po ?inaka, CN ?ina-

akan, T ?onokatl, Z ?iinaaka, Pi?inaakan. This may be related to PUAto suck, vampire bats being abundant;60that might explain why Aztecan has *?and not the expected *c before *i.Otherwise, the first vowel has irregularcorrespondences. The Po form may bea loan from GA.(11) be night, be dark *tlayowa: Potayue-, CN tlayoa, T tlayowa, Z

tayowa, Pi tayuwa.(12) bed,frame *tlapoc-: Po tepost, CNtlapectli, T tlapectlI, Z tapec mat, Pitapec.(13) begin *peewa: Po pew-, CN peewa,T piewa, Z peewa, Pi peewa.(14) big *weey(i): Po wyom (?) (huhi6m),CN wee(y)i, T bieyl, Z weeyi, Pi weey(i).(15) bird *tootoo-: Po tutut meat, CNtootootl, T tututl, Z tootoot, Pi tuutut.60Cf. Miller's **?un (n. 13 above), p. 58.262


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(16) blood *as-: Po est, CN estli, TyestlI, Z esti, Pi esti.(17) blow *piiCa: Po piCe, CN piiCa,T pica, Z -piiCa,Pi piiCa.(18) boil *moloonV: Po molun-, CNmoloni, T molunI, Z molooni, Pimuluuni.

(19) bone *oomV-: Po ot, CN omitl, T-mI-, Z oomit, Pi uumit.(20) burn *tlatia: Po tati, CN tlatia,T tlatIa, Z taatiya, Pi tatiya.(21) burn, be hot *tlatla: Po tate-, CNtlatla, T tlatla, Z -tata, Pi tata.(22) buy *kowa: Po ku(e) (cua; cueimperative), CN kowa, T koa, Z kowa,Pi kuwa.(23) buzzard*?opiiloo-: Po ?upilut, CN?opilootl, T ?opilutl, Z ?ohpiiloot.(24) call (speak) *nooCa: Po nuCa, CNnooCa, mo-noonooCa speak, discuss, TnuCa,Z nooCa,Pi nuuCaspeak.(25) carry *maama: Po mama, CNmaama, T mama, Z maamaa.(26) child, baby *konee-: Po konet, CNkoneetl, T konietl, Z koneet, Pi kuneet.(27) chile *ciil-: Po cil, CN ciilli, T cilI,Z ciil, Pi ciil.(28) clean *powa: Po pue (pue impera-tive; puc past), CN popoa, T pohpoa,Z pohpoowa, Pi puupuuwa. GA showsreduplication.(29) close *?akwa: Po ?ekwe,CN ?akwa,T ?akwa,Z ?akwa,Pi ?akwa.(30) comb *?ikawaas-: Po ?okwast, CN?ikawaastli, T -wastlI, Z ?ikawaas, Pi?ikuwas.(31) come *waallaah-: Po wala-, CNwaallaa-, T walo-, Z waalaa-, Pi waal-aah-. Forms vary with tense and aspect,suppletive in many dialects; perhapsfrom waal- directional+ -yah go. (1 + y> 11 generally in GA.)(32) come *wii?: Po wi?, CN wii?, T

-bi?, Z wiiCa,Pi wii?.(33) corn *tlayool-(?): Po teyul, CNtlayolli, T taull, Z tagool, Pi tawiyal.

This is probably from tla- unspecifiedobject + ooya/wiya to shell corn + 1passive nominal, i.e., somethingshelled.This may account for the variation inthe forms and for the displacement ofthe y.(34) corn dough*tis- (perhaps *tos-): Potost, CN testli, T testlI, Z tisti, Pi tisti.The e/i variation is unexplained; if *tos-is correct, then the i in Z and Pi can beattributed to vowel harmonization orpalatal assimilation. (Cf. also 75.)(35) cornhusk *tootomoc-: Po totomostearof corn,CN totomoctli, T tutomoctlI,Z tootomocti, Pi tuutumuc.

(36) cornfield*miil-: Po mil, CN miilli,T mill, Z miil, Pi miil.(37) cotton *icka-: Po osket, CN ickatl,T ickatl, Z ickat sheep, Pi ickat. Theoriginal meaning was apparently down,as in CN tla-cka-yo-tl down; it wasextended to mean sheepin many dialectsafter the Conquest and the introductionof sheep by the Spanish.(38) count *po(wa): Po po, CN poowa,T poa, Z powa, Pi puwa.(39) coyote *koyoo-: Po koyud, CNkoyootl, T koyutl, Z koyoot whiteman,Pi kuyuut.(40) cry *cooka: Po cuka, CN cooka,T cuka, Z cooka, Pi cuuka.(41) dance *-htootia: Po -otudi-, CN-iPtootia, T -IhtutIa, Z -ihtootiya, Pi-ihtuutiya.(42) deer *masaa-: Po mesat, CN mas-aatl, T masotl, Z masaat, Pi masaat.(43) defecate, have diarrhea*aapii?a: PoapiCe-, CN api?a, Z aapii?akti rivulet,Pi aapiiCa.Perhaps etymologically *aa-water + -piiCablow.(44) descend *tomo(wa): Po -d?mu(d'mu), CN temo(a), T temo, Z temowa,Pi temu.

(45) die *miki: Po mok, CN miki, TmIkI, Z miki, Pi miki.(46) do, make *ciiwa: Po cue (or Ewe)

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(chua present, chue imperative, chucpast), CN ciiwa, T ciwa, Z ciiwa, Pi ciwa.(47) drunk*VwVnti: Po unti, CN iwin-tia, T ibIntI, Z wiinti-. For Po either*iwVnti > *iwnti > unti or *iwVnti >*ownti > unti is possible.(48) dry *waaki: Po -wak, CN waaki,T -wokI, Z waaki, Pi waaki.(49) ear *nakas-: Po nekest, CN nakas-tli, T -nakas, Z nakasti, Pi nakas.(50) ear of corn, driedcorn *son-: Po son,-sn-, CN sentli, T sentlI, Z senti.(51) eat *kwa: Po kwa, CN kwa, T kwa,Z kwa, Pi kWa. The nonpresent allo-morph is *kwah,from PUA **kwa?abythe second vowel-loss; Po a is thenregular, since it is followed by saltillo.The present form is *kwah-a, *-a oftransitive present, where *h is regularlylost medially.(52) end, run out *tlami: Po temi, CNtlami, T tlamI, Z tami, Pi tami-.(53) excrement *kWitla-: Po kutet (orkwtet) (cutet), CN kwitlatl, T kwItlatl,Z kwitat,Pi kwitat.(54) extinguish *seewi: Po sewe/?ewe,CN seewi, T -siebI, Z seewi, Pi seewi.(55) face *iis-: Po ist, CN iistli, T is-,Z iis-, Pi iis.(56) fade, tire, be afraid *soota: Posute, CN sotlawa, Pi sutawa.(57) fall *woi: Po o?o- (ozc past, otz6zfuture), CN we?i, T befI, Z we?i, Piwe?i.(58) far *wohka: Po weke, CN we?ka,T behka, Z wehka, Pi wehka.(59) fingernail *isto-: Po ost, CN istetl,T -Iste, Z istit, Pi istit. Z and Pi evidencevowel harmonization.

(60) fire *tai(h)-: Po tet, CN tletl, Ttle-, Z tit, Pi tit. External comparisonassures the *ai reconstruction, thoughassimilation of these vowels perhapsbegan before PA (PSUA *tahi, 307).Just how the modern forms developedis not certain. Perhaps CN and T

monophthongized the vowels, *ai > e,while in Z and Pi *ai > *ey > i. Alter-natively, perhaps *a was raised to *oand final *i dropped, in which case Po ewould be the correct reflex before salt-illo (**tahi > *toh > Po te), and CN andT would follow (*o > GA e). Thisspeculation might account for the CNpostpositional form tle-ko in the fire,where -k rather than -ko is expectedafter vowels (i.e., *tleh-ko, with thechoice of -ko over -k as a vestige of thesaltillo). The i of Z and Pi wouldperhaps be through *tohi > *toi > ti-.(61) fish *micim: Po micom, CN micin,T mIcI, Z mici, Pi mi?in.(62) five *maakWil-: Po makwil, CNmaakwilli, T mokwillI, Z maakwil, PimaakWil.

(63) flower *sooci-: Po sucot, CN soo-citl, T sucItl, Z soocit, Pi suucit.(64) fly *pataanV: Po patan-, CN pat-laani, T patlonI, Z pataani, Pi pataani.(65) fly, mosquito *mooyoo-: Po moyut,CN mooyootl, T muyutl, Z mooyoot,Pi muuyuut.(66) foam *posoonal: Po pusonel, CNposoonalli, T -posunal-, Z posoni tofoam, Pi pusuni to foam. The first twovowels seem to have been interchangedin Po. The Po, CN, and T forms arebased on posooni tofoam.(67) foot *iksi- (or perhaps *ikso-): CNiksitl, T -IksI, Z iksit, Pi iksit. It isnot certain whether Po -so- is cognate;if so, perhaps *iksi- is the better recon-struction. Relevant, but puzzling, areCN sopilli toe, T iksopIl his toe, and Piiksipil toe.(68) four *naawi: Po nayom, CN naawi,T nobI, Z naawi, Pi naawi. The Po formmay incorporate a plural suffix; the yis by analogy to eyom three.(69) get well, loosen, soften *kasaani: Pokasani, CN kasaani, T kasonI, Zkasaan-, Pi kasaani.

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(70) give *maka: Po meke (meque im-perative, meca present), CN maka, Tmaka, Z maka, Pi maka.(71) gourdvessel*siika(1)- (?): Po oskast,CN sikalli, T sikallI cup, Z siikal, Pigiikal.This is a very speculative set; it isdoubtful that the Po form is a true

cognate, since the correspondences arequite irregular.(72) grass *saka-: Po seket, CN sakatl,T sakatl, Z sakat, Pi sakat.(73) green *sowi: Po sui (xui), CNsosowia appear green, T sosubI unripe,Z sosowi get green, Pi susuwik. The GAforms are reduplicated.(74) griddle *komaal-: Po komal, CNkomalli, T komol, Z komaal, Pikumaal.

(75) grind *tisi (perhaps *tosi): Po toso,CN tesi, T tesI, Z tisi, Pi tisi. If *tosi iscorrect, perhaps Z and Pi i can beaccounted for by vowel harmonization.(76) grinding stone *motla-: Po -mot,CN metlatl, T metlatl, Z metat, Pimetat.

(77) hair *Con-: Po Con, CN ?ontli,T ?ontlI,Z ?onti, Pi ?un.(78) hand *maa(y)(V)-: Po may, CNmaa(y)itl, T -mo, Z maayit, Pi mey. InPi *aay > (*ay) > ey. (*maah- occursin compounds.)(79) hard, strong *cika(awa)k: Po cikek,CN cikaawak, T cIkowak, Z cikaawak.Another apparently related set is CNtlakWaawak, takWaawak, i takWaawak,also meaning hard (cf. 276). (For theoptional *awa, see section 2.2 above.)(80) harvest corn *piska: Po poske-,CN piska, T pIska, Z piiska shell,husk, Pi piska.(81) have, keep *piya: Po bia, CN piya,T pla, Z piya, Pi piya.(82) head *kwaa(y)(V)-: Po k ay (quait,moqua), CN kWaay(i)tl, T -kwo, ZkWaay,Pi kwa(h)- orehead. (*kWaah-ncompounds.)

(83) hear *kaki: Po keki, CN kaki, TkakI, Z kaki, Pi kaki.(84) heavy *atiik (possibly *eetiik): Poeti, CN etiik, yetiik, T yetik, Z etiik,Pi etik. Since there is great variationdialectally between e- and ee- in GA, itis difficult to be certain of the length ofinitial e. Given the compensatory length-ening at the loss of initial *h-, we mightexpect a long first vowel in this form(cf. 244).(85) house *caan-: Po -can, CN caantli,T contlI, Z -caan, Pi -can.

(86) how *keem: Po kem, CN keen(in),T kiemI, Z kenin, Pi keen.(87) how much, how many *keeski: Pokiskom, CN keeski, T kieskI a little,Pi keski. The Po form may have aplural suffix incorporated.(88) huipil, quechquemitl*kockeemV- (?):Po keskemt, CN keckeemitl, T keckiem-Itl shawl, Z keckeemit. This is perhapsa speculative reconstruction, since it isnot certain that the Po form is not aloan from GA.

(89) I *noh: Po nen, CN ne?, T naha,Z neh, Pi naha. The Po form may showrepetition of the initial consonant (cf.180).(90) iguana *kwo?-: Po kWisomcuix6m),CN kweCpal-glutton, T kweCpalI,Pikuuke?pal. Po and GA incorporatedifferent endings; Po -om may be anabsolutive suffix (cf. 61). In Pi, the firstsyllable may be from reduplication:*kwekwe?-> *kWeke?-by dissimilation)> kuuke?- (by vocalization of the labialcomponent of kw).(91) immature *soli- (?): Po s?li (z'li),CN selik, Z seelik, Pi selik.(92) in, inside *-ihti-k: Po -tok, CN-iPtik, T -IhtIk, Z -ihtik, Pi ihtik. Sincelocative words in languages throughoutMesoamerica (including Aztecan) arefrequently derived from body parts,this probably derives from stomach,

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INTERNATIONAL OURNALOF AMERICANLINGUISTICSwith the locative suffix k: CN itetl,-iti, T -ihte, Pi ihtit.(93) itch*koskia: Po koski, CN kekeskia,T kekeskIa,Pi kekes-.GA showsredupli-cation.

(94) kill *miktia: Po mokti, CN miktia,TmIktIa,Z miktiya,Pi miktiya.(Cf.45die.)(95) know *mati: Po meti, CN mati,T matI, Z mati, Pi mati.(96) land, earth *tlaal-: Po tal, CNtlaalli, T tlollI, Z taal, Pi taal.(97) leaf *sVwV-: Po sut, CN siwitlgrass, T sIbItl, Z siwit. For Po, wemay suppose *sVwVt > *sVwt > sut.(98) leave *kiisa: Po kise, CN kiisa,T kisa, Z kiisa, Pi kiisa.(99) lick *palowa: Po pelu, CN papaloa,T pahpaloa, Z pahpalowa. The GAforms show reduplication.(100) lie down*teeka: Po teke, CN teeka,T tietieka, Z teeka, Pi teeka. T showsreduplication.(101) look for *teemowa: Po -temu-,CN teemoa, T tiemoa, Z teemowa, Piteemuwa.

(102) lose *polowa: Po polu-, CN poloa,T poloa, Z polowa, Pi puluwa.(103) louse *atomV-: Po atomt, CNatemitl, T atImItl, Pi atimet. T showsvowel harmonization, and Pi vowelinterchange.(104) male *okic-: Po okost, CN okictli,T okIctlI, Z okicti, Pi ukic.(105) man *tlaaka-: Po teket, CN tlaak-atl, T tbkatl, Z taakat, Pi taakat. Poshows vowel harmonization.(106) marry *naamiktia: Po namokti,CN naamiktia, T nomIktIa, Z naamik-tiya, Pi naamiktiya.(107) master, father *teek-: Po -teku(tecu), CN teekwtli, T -tieko, Z teeko,Pi teeku.(108) meat *naka-: Po neket, CN nakatl,

T nakatl, Z nakat, Pi nakat.(109) moon *mee,-: Po mest, CN mee?-tli, T mie?tlI, Z mee?ti, Pi meeCti.

(110) mother*naan-: Po -nan-, CN naan-tli, T nontlI, Z -naan-, Pi naan.(111) mouth *teen-: Po ten, CN teentli,T tien-, Z -teen, Pi -teen.(112) much *moyak: Po myek (or miek)(miec), CN miak, T meyak, Z miak,Pi miyak. In CN, Z, and Pi *oy >*ey > i(y).(113) navel *siik-: Po sikt, CN siiktli,T -sik, Z -siik, Pi siik.(114) near *-naa(wa)k: Po -nak, CN-naawak, Z -naawak, Pi naawak.(115) neck *koc-: Po kost, CN kectli,T kec-, Z kecti, Pi kec-.(116) night *yowa(1)-: Po owel, CNyowalli, T yowalI, Z yowal, Pi tayuwa.This is derived from yowa- to becomenight.(117) nose *yaka-: Po yeket, CN yakatl,T yeka-, Z yeka-, Pi yakat. In T and Z*a has assimilated to the preceding y.(118) old*weewoh-: Poewe-,CNweewe?,T bieben-, Z weewet. Perhaps a recon-struction with -t rather than -h wouldultimately be more accurate, as seen inthe plural, weewetket.(119) on *-pan: Po -pen, CN -pan, T-pa(n), Z -pan, Pi -pan.(120) on top of *-(i)kpa-k: Po -kpak,CN -(i)kpak, T ikpak, Pi -ihpak, -hpak.(121) one *see: Po se, CN see, T sie, Zsee, Pi se. Variants in compounds pointto older *seem, e.g., CN sem-itta tolook at one another, Z seen-tii-liya tounite, Pi seen-ta-kWao eat together.(122) open *tapowa: Po tepu, CN tlapoa,T tlapoa, Z tapowa, Pi tapuwa.(123) owl *tokoloo-: Po tekolot, CNtekolootl, T tekolutl, Z tekoloot, Pitekuluut. Po may be a loan; if not, itshows vowel harmonization.

(124) paper (amate, a species of fig tree)*aama-: Po amet, CN aamatl, Tomatl, Z aamat, Pi aamat.(125) pass *panowa: Po penu, CNpanoa, T panoa, Z panowa, Pi panu.

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(126) pine, kindling *oko-: Po okot, CNokotl, T oko-, Z oko-, Pi ukut.(127) pitcher, pot, jug *koomV-: Pokumt, CN koomitl, T kumIt, Z koomit,Pi kuumit.

(128) plant, bury *tooka: Po tuke-, CNtooka, T tuka, Z tooka, Pi tuuka.(129) pregnant *oo?-: Po usti, CN oCtli,T uCtlI,Z oo?-, Pi u?-.(130) put, place *tlaalia: Po tali, CNtlaalia, T tlolIa, Z taaliya, Pi taaliya.(131) raise, ascend *tohko Po teku, CNtle?ko, T tlehko, Z tehko, Pi tehku.(132) raise, stand, chat *koCa: Po kos-/kCe, CN keCa, T keCa, Z keCa, PikeCa.(133) reed *aaka-: Po aket, CN aakatl,T okatl, Z aakat bamboo,Pi aakat.(134) road, trail *oh-: Po ot?kan, CNo?tli, T ohtlI, Z ohti, Pi uhti.(135) roasting ear *eeloo-: Po elut, CNeelootl, T yelutl, Z eeloot, Pi eelut.(136) run *-tlalowa: Po -telu-, CN -tla-

loa, T -tlaloa, Z -talowa, Pi -taluwa.(137) saliva *cihcV-: Po coc, CN ci?citl,T cIhcalI, Z -cihci, Pi -cihcal.(138) salt *ista-: Po ostet, CN istatl,T istatl, Z istat, Pi istat.(139) scorpion *kooloo-: Po kulut, CNkoolootl, T kulutl, Z koloo?in sp.insect, Pi kuulut.(140) see *ihta: Po -ote, CN itta, TIhta, Z ita, Pi ita.(141) seed *aa?-: Po -ac-, CN actli,T -octlI, Z -aac.(142) sew *Coma: Po Come, CN Coma,T Coma,Z -Coma,Pi ?uma.(143) shake *?alowa: Po ?ulu, CN ?eCe-loa, T ?eCeloa,Z ?eCelowa,Pi ?ehCeluwa.GA shows reduplication; Po seems toshow vowel harmonization.(144) shout, bark *tlah?i: Po ta?o-,CN ?a??i, T ?ah?I, Z ?ah?i, Pi ?ah?i.

GA shows consonant assimilation.(145) sick *koko(wa) (?): Po kokoa,CN kokoa, T koko-, Z kokowa hurt,Pi

kuku. The Po form may be borrowedfrom GA.(146) silk-cotton tree (ceiba) *pocoo-: Po

pocut, CN pocotl, Pi puucut. Thelength variation is unexplained.(147) sing *kwiika: Po kwike (cuique),CN kwiika,T kwika,Pi takwiika.(148) six *cikwaseem: Po cukose/cigon(chucoce, chigon), CN cikWasee,cikw-asem- in compounds before a vowel,T cIkWasie,Z cikWaseen, cikWasin,PicikWasin.The Po development obviouslyinvolves some irregularity. Here is onepossibility: *cikwaseem > *ikWase >*ciwkwase> cukose. Although Pochuteccigon is listed with six, it was probablyreally seven; compare CN cikoome?(Eikoom-,cikoon- in compounds). Gen-erally, numbers greater than five arerapidly lost in Middle American langua-ges when they are about to be replacedby Spanish, and only Spanish terms areused for higher numbers. This is trueof Pipil as well, where individuals mayhave heard names of numbers betweensix and ten, but do not actually knowthe value of the names.

(149) skin, leather *kwotas-: Po kWetest(cuetext), CN kWetlastli,T kwItlastll, ZkWetas,Pi kWetasti.(150) skirt *kWeey(V)-: Po -kWey, CNkweeyitl,T kWieyItl, kWeeyit, i kWeeyit.(151) sleep *koci: Po koco- (coxc past,coch6z future), CN koci, T kocI,Z koci, Pi kuci. If the final vowel of thePo futureform is attributedto analogicalinfluence, *koci can be reconstructedinstead (cf. 274).(152) slow *yooliik: Po -yulik, CN yoo-lik, T yulik, Z yooliik, Pi yuulik.(153) snake *koowa-: Po kuet, CN koo-aatl, T kowatl, Z koowaat, Pi kuwat,kuuwat.(154) son, boy, child*pil?iin-: Po -b?l?in,CN pil?iintli, T pIl?intl, Z piili, Pipil?in.

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(155) soot *tiil-: Po til, CN tliilli, Ttlill, Z tiil, Pi tiil.(156) sound, ring *?iliinV: Po ?ilin-, CN

?ilini, T ?IlinI, Z ?iliini, Pi ?iliini.(157) spin thread*?aawa: Po ?awe-, CN?aawa, T ?owa, Z ?aawaal spiderweb,Pi ?aawa weave.(158) spindle *malaka-: Po -meleg-/malage-, CN malakatl, T malakactIkcircular,Z malakat, Pi malakat.(159) squash*ayoh-: Poeyut,CNayo?tli,T ayohtlI, Z ayohti, Pi ayuh.(160) stay, remain, leave *kaawa: Po

kawa-, CN kaawa, T kowa, Z kaawa,Pi kahkaawa leave, mukaawa stopcrying,remainsilent.(161) stinking *ihyaak: Po iyek, CNiPyaak, T Ihyok, Z ihyaak, Pi ihyak.The a expected in Po for the secondvowel was palatalized to e by theadjacent y.(162) stone *to-: Po tot, CN tetl, T -tetl,Z tet, Pi tet.(163) sun *toonal-: Po tunel, CN toon-alli, T tunalI, Z toonal, Pi tuunal.(164) sweep *(tla-)ocpaana: Po tacpane,CN ocpaana, tlacpaana, T tlacpona,Z ocpana, tacpana, Pi ucpaana, tac-paana. The *tla- is a nonhuman unspeci-fied object prefix.The vowel of the stemdrops in composition.(165) teach *mactia: Po mesti, CNmactia, T mactIa,Z mactiya, Pi mactiya.(Cf. 95, to which this form is related.)(166) thin,skinny*pVCa(awa)k: Po peek,CN piCaawak,T pI?wak, Z piCaawak,Pi piCaawak. (For the optional *awa,see section 2.2 above.)(167) thorn *wi?-: Po wisti, CN wiCtli,T blItlI, Z wi?ti, Pi wiCti.(168) thread*ikpa-: Po opket, CN ikpatl,T ikpatl, Pi ikpat. Po shows consonantmetathesis.(169) three *eeyi: Po eyom, CN yeey(i),T yeyl, Z eeyi, Pi yey. The Po formseems to incorporate a plural suffix.

(170) throw *mootla: Po mote, CNmootla throwstones, T mutla, Z -mota,Pi -muuta.(171) throw, break *pos: Po bos, CNpos-teki, T pos-tekI, Z pos-teki, Pipus-teki to bend. (Cf. 193, 218.)(172) throw, stir, move *ooliinia: Pouluni, CN oliinia, T ulinla, Z ooliiniya,Piuuliini. Po showsvowel harmonization.(173) tie *ilpi-: Po olpi-, CN ilpia, TIlpIa, Z ilpiya, Pi ilpiya.(174) tire *sVyawi: Po syewi (cyeui),CN siawi, T slyabI, Z siowi. *aw > ow

in Z.(175) tomato *toma-: Po tomet, CNtomatl, T tomatl, Z tomat, Pi tumat.(176) tortilla, baked thing *saamV-: Posamt tortilla, CN samitl adobe, TsomItl adobe, (Pi saamaaniya toasttortillas). This is ultimately borrowedfrom Proto-Mixe-Zoquean *sam to heatsomething, from which many otherMesoamerican languages have bor-rowed similar forms. Compare Mixean*ami. This explains why PA has s in anenvironment other than before frontvowels.(177) tree, wood *kwawi-: Po kwagut(quaguit), CN kWawitl, T kWabltl, ZkWawit,Pi kWawit.For Po, one suspects*kwawit > *kwagwit > *kwagwt >kwagut.(178) turkey *tootol-: Po totol, CN too-tolin chicken,T tutol- chicken,Z tootolbird.Po shows vowel harmonization.(179) turtle *aayoo-: Po ayut, CN aay-ootl, T oyutl, Z aayotoociin armadillo(literally turtlerabbit), Pi aayuu-?in.(180) two *oomo: Po omem, CN oome,T ume, Z oome, Pi uume. The Po formshows either duplication of the conso-nant (cf. 89) or incorporation of aplural suffix.(181) untie *toma: Po tome, CN toma,T tohtoma, Z tohtoma, Pi tuhtuma.The T, Z, and Pi forms are reduplicated.

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(182) urinate *siisa: Po sise-, CN -sisa,T -sisa, Pi siisa. Compare also urine*siis-(?): CN siistli, Pi siisti.(183) wait *cia: Po ce, CN cia, T CIa,Z ciya, Pi ciya.(184) want *noki: Po nki, CN neki, TnekI, Z neki, Pi neki.(185) wash *paaka: Po peke, CN paaka,T poka, Z paaka, Pi paaka. Po showsvowel harmonization.(186) water *aa-: Po at, CN aatl, To-, Z aat, Pi aat.(187) weave *ihkVti: Po ig?ti, CN ikiti,

Z ihkiti, Pi ihkiti.(188) what *tla-: Po te, CN tle(in), Ttli(n), Z teen, Pi tay. For GA, *tla(in)can be reconstructed, with *ai evolvingto ei, i, or ee.(189) where *kaa(n): Po ka, CN kaan,T konI, Z kaan, Pi kaan.(190) white, clean, clear *cipa(awa)k: Pocupek, CN cipaawak, T cIpowak, Zcipaawak, Pi cipaawak. (For the op-tional *awa, see section 2.2 above.)(191) who *aak: Po ak, CN aak(in),T okI(nu), Z aakoni, (Pi ahakahsomeone, kaah who).(192) wide *patla(awa)k: Po patek, CNpatlaawak, T patlowak, Z pataawak,Pi pataawak. (For the optional *awa,see section 2.2 above.)(193) work *takiti: Po tokdo- (tocd6zfuture), CN tekiti, T tekItI, Z tekiti,Pi tekiti. Compare the related Po nountokot work(GA tekit(1)).(194) woven mat *potla-: Po -pot/b?tet,CN petlatl, T petlatl, Z petat, Pi petat.(195) wrap, hang up *(pi)pilowa: Popib?lu, CN (pi)pilowa, T plloa, Zpilowa, Pi piluwa. Some of these formsshow reduplication.(196) write, paint *(tla-)ihkwVlowa: Potag?lua, CN i?kWiloa,T IhkWIloa,ZihkWilowa, Pi ihkWiluwa. *tla- is thenonhuman unspecified object prefix;compare CN tla?k ilo? scribe, painter,

T tla-hkWIloa,Z ta-hkWilohkehescrib-iente, Pi ta-hkwiluwa.(197) yesterday *yaalwa: Po alwa, CNyaalwa, T iyolwa, Z yaalwa, Pi yaaluwa.Pi u is a transition vowel.

(198) zapote *?apo-: Po ?epot, CN ?ap-otl, T ?apotl, Z ?apot, Pi Caput.6. The UA cognate sets below aredivided into two groups. Those numbered(201)-(289) can be posited for PUA. Thosenumbered (301)-(317) can be posited onlyfor Proto-Southern-Uto-Aztecan (PSUA)

on the basis of current evidence. Quitepossibly, northern attestation of theselatter sets will be forthcoming, but to theextent that it is not, they may provide thepoint of departure for more systematicwork leading to possible evidence for theSouthern Uto-Aztecan (SUA) subfamily.For the most part these cognate sets arelimited to those for which a PA recon-struction was offered in section 5, andthese in turn were limited to those forwhich there is a known Pochutec cognate.The discussion is at times quite tentative,and a few sets are speculative; these are solabeled. The PUA and PSUA reconstruc-tions do not always follow those of WH(1962) or Miller (1967) 61 in particular,we have tried to ascertainvowel length forour protoforms, though the evidence isnot always clear. When VVH or Milleroffers a reconstruction for a set weconsider, we give their reconstructiontogether with their number for the set(identified by the respective codes VVHand M). Except in the case of Coracholand Aztecan, for the most part we simplycite forms listed in VVH and M; we havenot checked these forms in the originalsources, nor have we tried systematicallyto supplement them, though we havesupplied additional forms (from various61See VVH (n. 5 above) and Miller (n. 13above).

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INTERNATIONAL OURNALOF AMERICANLINGUISTICSsources, including elicitation) on numerousoccasions. We have verified most of theCora (Cr) and Huichol (Hu) forms,62andthe tentative PC reconstructions are ourown.We have not reproduced all the formscited by VVH and M to support theirreconstructions;we have limited ourselvesto representative examples when thesesuffice. Generally speaking, we give theTarahumara (Ta) and Yaqui (Y) formsfrom Taracahitic; the Papago (P) form torepresentPimic; the Luisefio (L) form forTakic; the forms for Hopi (H) andTiubatulabal (Tu); and the SouthernPaiute (SP) form to represent Numic.Examples from other languages are citedas necessary. These languages includeMayo (Ma), closely related to Yaqui;Varohio (V), also known as Guarijio,which probably belongs in the Taracahiticsubfamily; Western Tarahumara (WTa),which sometimes differssubstantiallyfromother dialects; Northern Tepehuan (NT),Southern Tepehuan (ST), and Tepecano(To) from Pimic; Cahuilla (Ca) andSerrano (Sr) from Takic; and Kawaiisu(K), Shoshoni (Sh), Comanche (Cm),Panamint (Pn), Mono (Mo), and NorthernPaiute (NP) from Numic.(201) ashes **nasi: PA *nos- (5), Crnasi, Hu nasi, PC *nasi, Ca nisxi-

(M10). For Ca, we posit **nasi > *nos-(i)-xi > nisxi-; **a > *o in Cupan isnot uncommon, and vowel harmoniza-tion of precisely this type is attestedelsewhere in Ca. WTa napiso and Ynaposa corroborate the first syllable;62Primarily in A. McMahon and M. A. deMcMahon, Cora y Espanol (Mexico City:Instituto Lingiiistico de Verano, 1959), and J.B. McIntosh and J. E. Grimes, Niuqui ?iquisi-cayari: Vocabulario Huichol-Castellano Castel-lano-Huichol (Mexico City: Summer Institute ofLinguistics, 1954).

conceivably the second syllable is re-flected in NP -tusi-.(202) awl, needle **wi-: PA *wi?- thorn

(167), Cr ?ikare?e, Hu iwipame, Tawica, Y wica thorn, SP wii-, Mo wihti(**wi M14). It is not clear how the Crand Hu forms relate to one another orto the reconstruction.(203) big **wii: PA *weey(i) (14), Crbe?e, Hu weriiya grow, PC *we?e,Ta we very, P gi?i, Ca -wet, H wiiko,SP wii- be long ago (**wi- VVH100;**we M39a). In PA, H, and SP, loss of

**? leaves a long vowel.(204) bird **?uutu: PA *tootoo- (15),Cr ?uuraaka?i woodpecker,Ta curugi,H cooro bluebird,Tu culus- woodpecker(**?utu M41).(205) blood**i-: PA *os-(16), Cr suure?eHu suuriiya, PC *suur-, WTa ela, Yohbo, V heera, P iPid, L oow-, Sr ic-,H iIWa (**et/ew M47). For Proto-Aztecan-Corachol (PAC) we posit *os-yo-; see section 4.2. Compare, however,Aztec so to bleed.

(206) blow **puCa: PA *pii?a (17), Cr-hiici, Hu hii?iya, PC *hii?i, Ta puca,Y puh-, P wuso, Sr puih, H poyakna,Tu pusk, Mo puuhi, NP -buhi (**pu?M49a).(207) boil **molo-: PA *moloonV (18),Ca pismulul-, Sr munan, Tu mon?-moono- (M51). WTa rono may belong.**'1 > n is expected in Ca.(208) bone **oho: PA *oomV- (19), Huuume, PC *uume, WTa o?oci, Y ota, Poo?o, Sr o-, H 66qa, Tu oobaa- muscle,Mo oho (**oho VVH61; **o(ho) M52).For PAC we posit *oomo, which inturn derives from **ohomi, with incor-porated plural suffix. PA *oomV-,presumablyactually*oomi- (GA oomi-),is accounted for either by raising (*-a >*-i) or by assimilation of **i to **u dueto the precedinglabial (**u > *i later bythe regularsound change).

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(209) boy **pi-: PA *pil?iin- son, boy,child (154), P wiappoi-, Cm pihi?a-boys, Cm nahbi?a boys who are relatives(**pi M56). The initial wi of the P formis the expected reflex of **pi. The nahin the second Cm form is a reciprocalprefix; the construction is regular.(210) break wind **hu?a: PA *ihyaakstinking (161), Hu -?ia, WTa hu-stinking, Y huhaa, V hu?uraskunk,P uigas from bowels, Ca hu?u-, Sr huu?,SP uu- (**hu smell, odor M391a).For PAC, we posit **hu?a > *hPa >*hia; loss of medial laryngeals iscommon (cf. section 4.2), and **u > *iis regular. In PA, *hia developed atransition glide: *hiya. This becomes*hiya by assimilation, and *ihya resultsfrom metathesis (cf. section 4.3).(211) call, name, speak **ni?oka: PA*nooCa call, speak (24), Cr niuukariword, Hu -niukii talk, PC *niuka, Tane?oga voice, Y -nooka speak, P nii?okispeech,P iiioka talk, Cm niha- name, becalled, Mo niya name, call (**niok/neoktalk M432a). For PA, we posit either**ni?oka > *nioka > *nyoka >*nyoCa > *nooCa, or **ni?oka >*nhoka > *nooCa(through compensa-tory lengthening) (cf. section 4.2). Onepossibility for Numic is **ni?oka >*ni?aka > *ni?a > niha/ni(y)a.(212) cave **tiiso: PA *ostoo- (section4.3), Cr tasta?a, Hu teeri, PC *tee,WTa reso, Y teeso, P ciho, H tihs6(**tiso VVH118; **teso M81). Vowelharmonization, CV-metathesis,and CC-metathesis are involved in the derivationof the PA form.

(213) charcoal **tuhu: PA *tiil- soot(155), Cr ti?iskWa,Hu tii-, PC *tii-,Y maatu, P cuhug night, L tuu-, Htoovi, Tu tuu-, SP tuu-, Mo tuhu(**tu(hu) black M45a). The commonlong vowel resultsfrom loss of laryngeal.(214) clean, sweep **?opa-: PA *-ocpa-

ana (164). This highly speculativerecon-struction is based on the PA form,PUA **pak- wash (285), and **?o, aninstrumental prefix possibly meaningwith (object in) hand;for the latter, noteProto-Numic *ca- with hand,forcefullyand P so?i- with object in hand. Possiblesupport is found in PA *cipa(awa)kwhite, clean, clear (190), from Po (upekand GA *cipaawak. *?opa(-awa)-kwould be a workable alternative re-construction for 190 (section 2.2), withanalogical influence from *cika(awa)khard, strong (79) or other adjectivalforms.

(215) comb **wiis: PA *?ikawaas- (30),Cr mWa?iki,Hu ?ikuweeta, PC *?iki,P igasvikud, H wiisi, SP wisia- feather,NP wiiona (**wes M95). In P, gas(< *was) is the corresponding element.P and PA indicate **a, but Hu, H, SP,and NP indicate **i. For the PC formand the first syllable of the PA form,note WTa tecika and Y hicikia. This setis obviously problematic.(216) cooked, ripe **kwasi: PA *ikwsik(section 4.3), Cr kWasi,Hu ikWasi,PC*kwasi,Ta wasi fruit, Y bWasi,P bahi,Ca qwasi-, H kwasi, Tu wis-, SP kWasi-(**kWa,si/kWasi VH50; **kWase/kWasa/kWasiM152c).(217) coyote **kWa: PA *koyoo- (39),Cr waabe?e, Hu kausai fox, Ta basaci,Y woii, P ban, Sr wahei, H kWewwolf(**kWaMl10a; **wa MllOb). For PAwe posit **kWa> *ko-. Miller's tworeconstructions can be collapsed sincekw and w are related as the fortis andlenis reflexes of **kw in UA.63 Initialkau- of the Hu form conceivably ismetathesized from *kWa.

(218) cut **tik-: PA *tokiti work, cut(193), Hu -teke break, PC *tek, P63 See Langacker, Non-Distinct Arguments inUto-Aztecan (n. 44 above).

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INTERNATIONAL OURNALOF AMERICANLINGUISTICS-cik, H tiki, Tu tidiha, SP tikani-(**tiski/tiskaVVH113; **tek M117).(219) die **muuki: PA *miki (45), Crmiici dead, Hu miiki dead, PC *miikidead, Ta muku, Y muuke, P muuki, Srmuukit the dead, H mooki, Tu muuginhurt, SP mukua soul, spirit (**muuki/muukuVVH86; **muk(i) M128a).(220) dry **waaki: PA *waaki (48),Cr wahci, Hu waki-, PC *waaki, Tawaki-, Y waake, P gaki, Sr waak, Hlaaki, Tu waagi- (**waki VVH99;**waki M143).

(221) duck, (down?) **?ika: PA *icka-cotton, down(37), H cikimana mud-headduck, SP cika (**?ek M145). This set isspeculative. Down, the possible transi-tional sense between duck and cotton,is attested in CN; note that the Aztecanform has frequently been extended tosheep.(222) ear **naka: PA *nakas- (49), Crnasaih, Hu naka, PC *nakasa, Ta naka,Y naka, P naak, L -naq, H naqvi, Tunanha-, SP najqa- (**na,ka VVH47;**naka M148a). The source of s in PA,Cr, and (the uncertain) PC forms isunknown (cf. 205).(223) eat **kWa?a: PA *kWa*kWah on-present) (51), Cr kwa(a), Hu -kWa?a,PC *kwa?a, Ta a?wa swallow, Tako?wa eat, WTa go;a, Y bwa?a-, Pba?a/ko?i-, L kWa?,H kwii (**kwa(a)eat, swallow VVH48; **kwa M152a).**kWa-> ko- in Ta and P. How Taa?wa swallowis related is unclear.

(224) excrement **kWita: PA *kWitla-(53), Cr cwita,Hu kWita,PC *kwita,Tawita, Y bwita,P biit, H kwita,Mo kwita-(**kwiutaVVH54; **kwit(a)M126).(225) extinguish **tuuka: PA *tookaplant, bury (128), Cr ti, Hu tiya, PC*ti, Y tuuca, Y tuuku go out, P 6uus,H tooka, SP tukWaq,NP tuga (**tus-VVH121). The relation of the PA formis speculative. Possibly, **tuuca (Y

tuuca, P cuus, perhaps Hu tiya) wasoriginally causative (with **-ca, acausative suffix), while **tuuka was theintransitivego out.(226) eye **pusi: PA *iis- face (55), Crhi?isi, Hu hiisi, PC *hiisi, Ta busi, Ypuusi, P wuhi, L -puus, H poosi, TupunZi-, Mo puhsi (**pu,si VVH5;**pusi/pu?i M160a). For PA, we posit*hiisi > *hiisi (by vowel harmoniza-tion) > iis-. The varying length of thefirst vowel in the daughters may becompensatoryfor loss of prenasalizationof the following consonant (as in Tu);the whole matter of prenasalizationneeds more careful study (cf. 222).(227) fall **wi?i: PA *wo?i (57), Cr -be,Hu -weCe,PC *-weCe,Ta wici, Y wece,P giis, Tu wii?wii?i, SP wi?i (**wi.?iVVH101; **we M163). PA *wo?o is ex-pected, but this has apparently under-gone the a-raisingrule (cf. section 4.3).(228) fingernail **suti: PA *isto- (59),Cr site-, Hu site, PC *site, Ta sutu,Y suttu, P huuc, L sula-, Tu sulun-,SP sicu-, Mo -situ (**suutu/siutuVVH26;**sut M298a). The PA form has under-gone vowel-loss and i-epenthesis.(229) fish **mi: PA *micim (61), Pnparwi, Mo pahkwi, NP parwi (M173).This set is very speculative. i-r and -ware both spirantized or lenis reflexes of**m,64and fortis -hkwi n Mo could be asecondary development from -w, sincew is also the lenis allophone of **k.Thus *-mi, with spirantized **m, ispossible for Proto-Numic (pa is water).However, other forms for fish, such asH paakiw, suggest alternate analyses.(230) flow, run **wa-: PA *waallaah-come (31), L waniica river, H wari run,Tu wa?a- run away, SP wayaa- hang,flow out (**wa M176). Speculative. Ifthe lenition of **m to w is taken into64 Ibid.

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account, many other forms might beconsidered, e.g., WTa ma run.(231) flower **siyotu: PA *sooci- (63),Cr suusu?u, Hu suuturi, PC *suutu-,Ta siwa bloom, WTa sewa, Y seewa, Phiosig/hiosig, NT yosigai, L -soo, H si-,SP si?i- (**se/si/so M178). **siyotu canprobably be analyzed as **siyo bloomplus the active participial ending **-ti.The development **siyo > *siyi > *sii-,followed by regular sound changes, willaccount for the vowels of L, Y, Ta(except for length), and SP (except for?, which may be a remnant of the *y).For H, **siy- > *siy- > *si is likely. TheP and NT forms suggest *hiyosi- forProto- Pimic,with simplificationto eitherhiosi- or yosi. The reconstruction of*syotu- (> *sootu) for PAC is discussedin section 4.2 (n. 37 above).(232) fly **muu-: PA *mooyoo- (65),ST muwaly, L mukWa?is flea, SPmuuval, Mo mui- (**mu M180).

(233) four **naawo: PA *naawi (68),Cr mWaakwa, u nauka, PC *nawka, Tanawo, V na(w)o/na?ago, H naaloyom.The PUA form consists of the reciprocalprefix **naa- and **woo- two (282).H naal6- develops regularly from thePUA reconstruction. In V, the regular**w > gw is probably responsible forthe g of the second variant. The PCform incorporates an old accusativesuffix *-ka;65 the numbers have beenreshaped in Cr, and the relation ofmWaakwao *nawka is uncertain, but*nawka > *mawka > *maakWa> mWa-akWas not out of the question.(234) give **maka: PA *maka (70), Ymaka, P maak, NT makai, Sr maq, Hmaqa, Tu maha-, SP maka- (**maskaVVH83; **maka M196a).(235) go **miya: PA *wii? come (32),Hu -mie, Hu wiiyafly, Ca iriy-, Sr mia-,65 See Langacker, Accusative Suffixes inProto Uto-Aztecan (n. 49 above).

Tu miy-, Mo miya (**mi(ya) M197).The relation of the PA form is specula-tive, but Z wiiCamakes it more likely.Recall that w is a spirantized reflex of**m; perhaps *? should be considered afortis rendition of *y (cf. 253). Cairiy- shows the development **miya >*rWiy-> ijiy-, where **m > rw > j isanother path of lenition attested for**m. Also relevant is *simi go, whichcan be reconstructed for PSUA on thebasis of P himi-, Ta simi, and Y siime(**simi/sime M198). Ultimately, **miyacan be derived from **mi-ya by assimi-lation; cf. **mel (= **mil) flow, run(M177).(236) go out (fire) **?u-: PA *seewiextinguish (54), Ta co?wi put out fire,Y cupuk finish, P cu(i) put outfire, Tucupa burn out, Mo cuhpa sink out ofsight, disappear (**?upa M171). Rela-tion of the PA form is speculative, butit is enhanced by the Po variant ?ewe.The P form indicates **tu- (cf. M78,M172).(237) grass **paso: PA *saka- (72), Huseepai, WTa sowe, Y baso, P sa?i, Hpash6, H soho planted grass, alfalfa,wheat, Tu pal)Wared clover (**(pa)sa/(pa)?a M204). This set is problematic,and the relation of the PA form is specu-lative. It is suggested that **paso >*pasa by vowel harmonization, resultingin the initial *sa of PA *saka- and pos-sibly the initial syllable of the Hu andP forms. Also pertinent is PSUA *samaleaf (310).(238) grind **tusu: PA *tisi (or *tosi)(75), Cr tPisih, Hu tiisi, PC *tisi, Tarusu, Y tuuse, P cuhiwi, H tos-, Tu?utus-, SP tusu- (**tuusu/tuusiVVH75;**tus- M206a). An alternative recon-struction would be **tisu, which wouldyield PA *tosi, regularly; forms appar-ently reflecting **tusu would theninvolve vowel harmonization, and the

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INTERNATIONAL OURNALOF AMERICANLINGUISTICSY form would requirevowel interchange.The Hu and P forms may be derivedfrom passives (cf. the Cr passive tiisiand H toosi sweet cornmeal).(239) grindingstone **mata: PA *motla-(76), Cr mWaata,Hu mata, PC *mata,Ta mata, Y mata, P maccud, Ca mala-,H mata, Tu manaa-, SP mata (**mataM283).(240) hair **kuupa: PA *ikpa- thread(168), Cr kipWa,Hu kiipa, PC *kiipa,Ta kupa, P kuup, H koopa top of head(**kuupa VVH137; **kupa M209).The PA form derives through vowel-loss and i-epenthesis.(241) hair, head **?oni: PA *Con- (77),Y cooni, P sof- head of choppinginstrument,H c6kya brains,Tu comool,SP co- head (**?o(ni) VVH38; **?oniM219c).(242) hand **maa: PA *maa(y)(V)- (78),Cr mWahka?a,Hu -maamaa, PC *maa,Ta ma-, Y mamma, P ma-, L -maa, Hma, Tu maa-, SP ma-, NP mai (**maVVH128; **ma M215).(243) hear **kahi: PA *kaki (83), Ykahi, P kai-, Sr qava-, Tu ha?i (**kahi/kaha WH126; **ka M221). The con-sonants assimilate in PA.

(244) heavy **piti: PA *otiik (or *ee-tiik) (84), Cr hete, Hu hete-, PC *hete,Ta bite, Y bette, P wiic, Sr pic.P, H piti,Tu pili (**piuti VVH3; **pete M223).If the first vowel of PA is long, it is fromcompensatory lengthening at the lossof *h- (< **p-).(245) hold **?aki: PA *?akw(a) close(29), P saaku, L cakWicatch, SP ca?i-catch (**?a(k) M234).(246) husband **kuuma: PA *iknoo-widow, orphan (section 4.3), Cr -kiln,Hu kina, PC *kiina, Ta kuna, Y kuuna,P kun, L -kuuir, H kooira, Tu kuuia-,SP kuma (**kui)a VVH97; **kunaM504a). The medial consonant reflectsthe lenition pattern**m > rw > r > n,

which is carried to different degreesin differentdaughters.66The PA form isprobably cognate; semantically husband> widow > orphan is conceivable.Phonologically, we suppose **kuuma >*kuurjWa> *kuur3o > *kuuno >*kino > *iknoo, the last stage involvingvowel-loss and epenthesis.(247) I **ni?: PA *noh (89), Cr inee,Hu ne, PC *ne, Ta nehe, Y nehpo,Ca ne?(e), H ni?, SP ni(?).(248) keep, leave **piya: PA *piya have,keep (81), Cr piya?uhisin lose it, Hupiiya remove,PC *piya, P wia, SP piyaileave,SP piya?jwileft over(**pia M256).(249) know **maati: PA *mati (95),Cr -mWa?ate ecognize, Hu maati-, PC*maati, Ta maci, Y -mahta teach, Pmaac, H maaciwa be known as, Hmaamacirecognize,H maat- appear,welldemeaned, Tu maag-, SP mai- find,discover(**mati VVH25; **ma(i)/mati/ma?i M249).

(250) leg, thigh **kasi: PA *iksi- (pos-sibly *iksi-) foot (67), Cr iika, Hu iika,PC *iika, Ta kasi, P kahio, L -qaasi, Hqaasi (**kasi VVH41; **kasi M435).The PA form has undergone vowel-lossand i-epenthesis. Also relevant aresimilar forms for foot: Cr -cepWa,Hukeeta, PC *ke-, H kiki, Tu irigi-, Mokihki (**ke M189).(251) louse**ati(-mi): PA*atomV- (103),Cr ate, Hu ate, PC *ate, WTa ahte, Yetem, P aa?ac, Sr acim-, H ati (**atiVVH24; **ate M269). The **-mi is anincorporated plural suffix. The Y formshows vowel harmonization, and the Pform reduplication.(252) man **taaka: PA *tlaaka- (105),Cr taata?ah, Y takaa, L ataax, Htaaqa, Tu tahambis old man (**takaVVH145; **taka M272).66 Langacker, Non-Distinct Arguments inUto-Aztecan.

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(253) moon **miiCa: PA *mee?- (109),Cr maskiraqi, Hu meCa/meeCe, PC*meeCa,WTa meca, Y meeca, P masad,L mooy-, H miiya, Tu miiya, SP mia-,NP miha (**miya VVH158; **me(y)a/meca M286). For Cr **meeCa >*meCa > *maCa > mas- is likely; Pshows the same vowel harmonization.Notice the alternation between *? in thesouthern languages and *y in thenorthern languages (cf. 235).(254) mother **yi?i: PA *yoh (section1.5, n. 19 above), Ta iye, Y ae, Ma aiye,P ji?i, L-yo?, H yi- (**yi?i VVH106;**ye M486a).(255) mouth **tini: PA *teen- (111), Crteni, Hu teni, PC *teni, Ta rini, Y teeni,P cifi, SP tin-, NP tiipa (**ti,ni VVH19;**teni M293). **tini > *tini > tii- isnot unlikely for NP.(256) much **mi(?)i: PA *moyak (112),Crmui?i, Hu miire, PC *mii-, Ta we(ka),V weika, P mu?i, L muyuk, H wiiyaklots (**mu(?)i many M276). Miller's**mu(Q)i is a phonetic variant of**mi()i formed by assimilation of **ito **m. Recall that w is the lenis reflexof **m. k(a) representsan old accusativesuffix. Note that **i often becomes ywhen ** drops to leave **ii.(257) navel **siku: PA *siik- (113), Cr-sipu, Hu sitemusi, Ta siku, Y siiku, Phik, SP siku- (**sisku VVH68; M301).Possibly *si- can be reconstructed forPC, but the details are problematic.(258) neck **kuta: PA *koc- (115), Crkihpi, Hu -kiipii, PC *ki-, Ta kuta,Y kutanaa, P kus(v)o, NT kusna-,Ca -qilY,Tu kulaa-, SP kuta- (**kustaVVH154; **ku(ta) M303). Ca -qilYcanregularlyreflect *kot. The PA and Pimicforms point to **? rather than **t.(259) new **pii: PA *peewa begin (13),Cr hehkwa, Hu heekWa-,PC *heekwa,P wicij, H piihi, Mo pitihtihpi new one,young one, NP pidi (**pe M305).

See section 4.2. The P, Mo, and NPforms suggest **piti, with the longvowel in other daughters possiblyresulting from loss of medial **t. Thisin turn suggests some relation to **pitiarrive(**piutiVVH143; **pite M8).(260) nose **yaka: PA *yaka- (117), Taaka, Y yekka, P daak, H yaqa, Tuyahaa-, SP yaka- (**yaska VVH110;**yaka M308).(261) on **-pa(-n(a)): PA *-pan (119),Cr-hapWa,Hu -pa in,PC *-pa, Ta moba,Y beppa above,H -pa, Tu -p/-ba- to, in,on, Sh -pan.Also relevant is PC *-na at,place of (Cr -na, Hu -na). The elementha in the Cr form and be in the Y formboth reflect**pi-, a third-personsingularpostpositional object pronoun.(262) on **-ku-pa: PA *-(i)kpa-k on topof (120), Sh -ku'pan inside, NP -kupa.Cf. 261. This set is speculative.(263) one **simayu: PA *see, *seem-(121), Cr sei, Hu se(w)i, PC *se(w)i,Y senu, P himako, To himad, H siika,SP -silji/suu-, Sh si'mi, NP simi/siwayu (**si- VVH65; **se(me) M507).kV in P and H representsan accusativesuffix. himad is the expected Pimic reflexof **simay-. With an understandingof w as the lenis reflex of **m (throughthe intermediate stage irw), the otherforms can be derived in a reasonablemanner. For the first SP form, **simayu> *simay > *simi > -si0wi; for thesecond, **sima > *sirjwa> *siwa >*siw > suu-. The Sh development is**sima > si'mi by vowel harmoniza-tion. In NP, **simay(u) becomes eithersimi- or, with lenition, siwayu. We mustsuppose **sima > *sema > *semu >senu for Y, or possibly **simayu >*semyu > *senyu > senu. **simayu >*siway > *so(w)i (> PC *se(w)i) wouldgive us the PAC form (section 4.2),which simplifies through loss of *w inCr and Hu, and after vowel assimilation

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INTERNATIONAL OURNALOF AMERICANLINGUISTICSthe *w is lost in PA as well: *so(w)i >*so(w)o > *sao > *see. An alternativeform in Aztecan, GA se(e)m-, se(e)n,may continue the fortis variant of *mrather than the lenis variant: **sima >*so(o)m > *so(o)n > se(e)n (*m > n isregularfor GA in word-final position).(264) owl **tikul- (or **tukul-): PA*takoloo- (?)(123), Cr tukuruu, Humiikiri, WTa utugulu, P cukud, Htokori, Tu tukluluh(**tukur(i)VVH105;**tuku M313). NP kuhu may beconnected. The daughters show vowelharmonization and other modificationsthat are not fully understood. Similarforms are widespread in AmericanIndian languages and may involveonomatopoeia.(265) pine **woko: PA *oko- (126), Crhuku, Hu huku, PC *huku, Ta oko, Ywoko, Ca wexe-, H 16q6, Tu woho-, SPoko-, Mo wohqo (**wosko VVH142;**woko/hoko M320).(266) put down **tiika: PA *teeka liedown (100), Cr te, Hu teya, PC *tea,Ta rika, Y teeka, P ciik, SP tika-measure, NP tiki put, place (**tiskaVVH18). For Hu, **tiika > *teeka >*teka > *teya > PC *tea > teya islikely. From PC *tea, Cr te derivesby monophthongization, a multiplyattested phenomenon in the evolutionof Cr.

(267) reed **paka: PA *aaka- (133),Cr haka, Hu haka, PC *haka, Ta baka,P waapk, Sr paqa-, H paaqa, Tu pahaa-,SP paka- (**paska VVH8; **pakaM344). The P form is reduplicatedregularlyfrom *pak.(268) road **po()i: PA *oh- (134), Crhuye, Hu huye, PC *huye, WTa bowe,Y boo&o,P woog, NT woi, ST woi, Lpe-, Sr pdq-/po?, H pi-, Tu poh-,SP poo-, Cm pu?e, Pn po?i, Mo poyo(**po VVH4; **po M350). For PC,*ue > *uye. A similar development

may be posited for Mo prior to vowelharmonization.(269) rock, stone **ti-: PA *to- (162), Cr

tete, Hu teete, PC *tete, Ta rite, Y teta,P &ipa mortar, L too- (**te M354b).The second syllable in PC, Ta, and Yprobably reflects the absolutive suffix.(270) saliva, spit **Cu?a-: PA *cihcV-(137), Cr -?i?aara, Ta su?-, Y cici,Ca -cu?an-, H t6ha, Tu tuhu?a, Motuhi, NP hiici (**?i- VVH114; **?i?/?itM406; **tu M405; M408). (Also noteCr hihke and WTa a?kia.) This andrelated sets are complex and need morecareful examination. If both **?i- and**tu- can be reconstructed, as Millersuggests, perhaps as related cognate setsin different grammatical roles, then**?u might be a blend or analogicalformation.

(271) see, find **tiwa: PA *ihta (140),Ta riwa, Y tea, P ciig, L toow-, H tiwa,Tu tiw- (**tiwa VVH21; **te(w) M365).The PA form has undergone vowel-loss,epenthesis, and CC-metathesis.(272) shine (sun) **toma: PA *toonal-sun (163), P toonal-, H to6- (**torja-lashine, sun VVH155; **ton hot M238a).This set illustrates the lenition sequence**m > Iw > ir > n. This sequence mayaccount for vowel length in PA and P:**toma > *tojWa > *towrja >*toorIa > *toona-. NP -dua- may berelated through **toma > *towa >*towa > *tuwa > -dua-.

(273) sick, die **ko?o(ko): PA *koko-(wa) sick (145), Cr ku?ukuri chile,Hu kuukuri chile, PC *ku?ukuri chile,Ta ko hot (chile), Ta oko hurt, Yko?oko hurt, hot (chile), Y koko die,P ko?o/sko?ok, L qe?e kill (pl.), SPqu?u- (**kou?i/ko,?o kill, die (pl.)VVH45b; **ko(ko) hurt, die, sleep (pl.)M129c). PC, Taracahitic, and possiblyP indicate PSUA *ko?oko, which couldalso yield PA *koko by reduction.

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(274) sleep **ko?i: PA *koci (151), Cr-ku?i, Hu -ku?i, PC *-ku?i, Ta koci,Y koce, P koos, SP axquu- (**kos?i/kos?o VVH34; **ko?i M129b). P koosand the alternate forms kuCu and-kuuCu in Cr and Hu respectivelysupport **ko?o, as noted by VVH.This set is obviously valid, but thevocalic reconstructionand evolution areproblematic. *koci is a possible alter-nate reconstruction for PA.

(275) snake **kowa: PA *koowa- (153),Cr ku?uku?u, Hu kuu, PC *ku?u, Ybaakot, P ko?ovi rattlesnake,SP tokoa-rattlesnake (**ko(wa) M395). PA, PC,and P point to *ko?o(wa) for PSUA;loss of the laryngeal yields *oo in PA.(276) stiff, straight, hard **takWa-: PA*cika(awa)k hard, strong, PA *tlakw-aawak (?) hard (79), L takaat straight,honest, SP tahkWaia stiffen (**takWahard M216). The relation of the firstPA form is somewhat speculative (cf.79, 214).(277) swell **poCa: PA *oo?- pregnant(129), Cr -husai fill, gorge, Hu husafill,PC *husafill, Ta bosa, Sr p6c-, H p6s-,NP poosi (**poCa/posaM429).(278) three **pahayu: PA *eeyi (169),Cr waihka, Hu haika, PC *haika, WTabaikia, Y bahi, P waik, L paahay, Hpaayom, Tu paay, SP pai-, Mo pahi(**pahi VVH1; **pahi M510). Variousdaughters show merger of **ay to i,loss of medial **h, and other develop-ments. In WTa, for instance, we maysuppose **pahayu > *pahay > *bahi(cf. Y) > bai-.(279) tie **puuli: PA *ilpi- (173), Huhii, Ta bure, P wuul-, L pooni, Tupuun- (**puli/pula VVH97b; **pulM437). Vowel-loss, epenthesis, and CC-metathesis applied to the PA form.

(280) tree, wood **ku(?)a: PA *kwawi-(177), Cr kiye, Hu kiye, PC *kiye, Taku, P ku7agi, L kulaawut, H ki-, Tu

ku- SP ku-, SP kuhkwa- gather wood(**ku firewood VVH137; **kui treeM170f). **kua > *kwa- n PA, probablyalso in H. In PC, **kua > *kia >*kiya > *kiye (cf. 268).(281) turtle **ay-: PA *aayoo- (179),Hu aye, PC *ay-, Ca ayi-, Sr ay- rattle,H aaya rattle, SP ayas (**ay M445).(282) two **woo-: PA *oomo (180),Cr wa?apWa,Hu huuta, PC *huu-, Tanawo four, WTa oka, Y wooi, P gook,L weh, H 166y6m, Tu woo, Mo wooh-simi eight (**wo- VVH103; **woM509a). The numbers have been re-shaped in Cr, and the relationship of theCr form is uncertain. PA and H incor-porate the plural suffix **-mi. The Pand WTa forms incorporate the accu-sative suffix *-k(a). H 166- is the regularreflex of **woo-.

(283) urinate **si?-: PA *siisa (182),Cr -si?i-, Hu siiya, PC *si?i, Ta isi, YsiPi-, P hi?a, L sila, H sisi-, Tu si?i,SP sii- (**siu,(i)/siu(a) VVH67; **si?M447). The long vowel in PA and Huresults from loss of *>.

(284) want **naki: PA *noki (184), Hunaaki?eri love, Ta naki, K -minee try,Mo -manahqa try, NP naki chase(**naki M452). L naki close may belonghere. The suffixes cited from K and Mocan be related to this reconstructiononly speculatively. We suggest forProto-Numic either *-ma-naki or *-mi-naki try, with vowel harmonization to-manahqa in Mo and loss of *k togetherwith *ai > ee for K. In addition, anumber of verb suffixes,generallyfuturein meaning but also embracing alliedsemantic notions, can probably all berelated to **-naki: PC *-ni, Y -ne,Ma -nake, L -n, Ca -ne(m), H -ni, Sh-nuhi, Mo -hna?i emphatic imperative,NP -na incomplete action.(285) wash **pak-: PA *paaka (185), Yhipaksia, P wakona-, L pa6xam (M454).

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(286) water **paa: PA *aa- (186), Crhah, Hu haa, PC *haa, Ta ba?wi, YbaaVa,P wa-, L paa-, H paa-, Tu paa-,SP paa- (**pa VVH123; **pa M455a).(287) what **hita: PA *tla-(188), Crtita, Hu tiita, PC *tita, WTa taciri,Y hita, L hica, H hiita. PC showsconsonant assimilation.

(288) white **tosa: PA *ista- salt, white(138), Hu tusa, PC *tusa, Ta rosa-,Y tosa-, P toha, SP tosa- (**tousaVVH-31; **tosa M458). Vowel-loss, epen-thesis, and CC-metathesis derive thePA form.(289) who **haka: PA *aak (191), Crha(?)-, Hu keehate who pl., PC *ha, Yhabe, To ha-, L hax, H hak, Tu agi, SPaka, NP haka (**ha(ki) WH138).(301) ant *sika-: PA *?iika- (2), Tasikuwi, V sekwi (M5). The Ta and Vforms suggest Proto-Taracahitic *sika-wi (Y eesuki could come from this withvowel interchange). Cr ?arii and haikisimay be related somehow. This set isspeculative to a certain degree.(302) arrive *asi: PA *ahsi (3), Hu aasi,WTa seba, P ahi (**asi/asi VVH59).(303) ask *tani: PA *tlahtlani (6), Crtaiwau, Ta ta, P taaii, ST tania (**taniVVH92; **ta M13).(304) cry *?oaka: PA *cooka (40), Hu-?ua(ka), P soosa(ka)/soak, NT suaki,ST suwak- (**?oak Ml14). The PAform may have developed through **oa(interpreted as *owa) > *oo, since *wa> o on occasion (cf. 217, 246). Alter-natively, *owa > *ow (through reduc-tion and loss) > *oo.(305) deer *maso: PA *masaa- (42),Cr mwasa, Hu masa, PC *masa, Ymaaso, V mahoi (**mas M125). PAand PC show vowel harmonization.Thesecond syllable, *so, may be related tothe Cupan form for deer,e.g., L suuka-.The first syllable may be reflected inWTa comali.

(306) far *mi(h)ka: PA *wohka (58),Cr imi, WTa mehka, Y mekka, Vmehka, P milkNT mika (**meka M165).PA *w representslenited **m.(307) fire *tahi: PA *tlai(h)- (60), Crtaih, Hu tai, PC *taih, Ta rahi-, Y tahi,P tai (**tahi VVH150; **ta(h)i M423d).(308) forehead *kowa: PA *kwaay-head(82), Cr kWaa?i,Ta kowara, Y kobahead, P kua, NT kova- (**kowa M190).Notice Z iis-kWaay,Pi kWa(h)-,and Ykoba-mehe?i, allforehead.(309) hot *tata: PA *tlatla burn, be hot(21), Ta rata, Y tata (**tata M423e).(310) leaf *sama: PA *iswa- (section4.3), Cr samwa, Hu sama/sawa, PC*sama, Ta sawa, Y sawa, P haahag(**sawa VVH64; **sawa M255). Lenis*m is reflected as w. The P form isreduplicated from *hag, which is theexpected reflex of *sawa. PA *sVwV-(97) is no doubt relatedin some way, butit is not clear just how (cf. n. 47 above).This set also probably bears somerelation to 237 **paso grass, in which**so sometimes harmonizes to *sa.Certain Cupan forms for grass fitbetter with this set than with 237: Lsaamut, Ca samat, Sr hamt (M255); aPUA reconstruction is therefore likely,but better data are needed to clarify thePUA situation.

(311) leave, remain *kawa: PA *kaawastay, remain, leave (160), Ta ka?wa layeggs, Y kaba lay eggs (**kawa M156).Speculative.(312) mother *nana: PA *naan- (110),Cr naana, Hu naana godmother, PC*naana, WTa nana, Y nana little girl,senorita, ST -nan (**nan M487).(313) seed (corn) *pa?i: PA *aac- (141),Cr ha?i, Hu ha?i, PC *ha?i, Ta paciear of corn, Y baci (**pa?i corn M103).(Cf. 226 eye, **pusi, which also takes onthe sense of seed.) Similar forms forcorn, seed are widely borrowed in

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PROTO-AZTECANVOWELSMesoamerican languages; they seemultimately to be borrowed from Proto-Mixe-Zoquean *pa?i (*pi?i) leachedcorn.(314) sew *Coma: PA *Coma (142), Psoom (**Coma VVH37). The first syl-lable of WTa wasi and the medialsyllable of NP a?o?na may be related.Possibly also relevant is **?um closeeyes (M92): Ca cumi-finish, Sr cuum-?ak, SP -cu?maa-, Cm cahcu?ma-finish up somethinginvolvingthe hands.(315) sing *kwiika: PA *kwiika (147),Cr cwiikarisong, Hu kWika,PC *kwiika,Ta wikara, Y bwiika(**kwikaM379).(316) turkey *totoli: PA *tootol- (178),Hu turiivame wildduck,Ta tori chicken,Y totoi chicken, Ma totori chicken, Pcuculi hen (**totoli chicken M85).

Similar forms for turkey (with semanticshifts including chicken after the intro-duction of chickens following the Con-quest) are widely borrowed in languagesthroughout Mesoamerica; the originalsource is unknown.

(317) wovenmat *pata: PA *ptla- (194),Cr peeta, WTa pela, Y hipetam (**petaM277). This is ultimately a loan wordfrom Proto-Mixe-Zoquean *pata. *patayields the correct PA form by a-reduc-tion, but the other forms point to*pota, which would have been retainedas such in PA. The Cr, WTa, and Yforms are perhaps later borrowingsfrom Aztecan, in any case the precisestage and form of the borrowing are notknown and are thus open to question.

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