BrokenBarricades:TheOaxacaRebellioninVictory,Defeat,andBeyondCollectiveReinventions

Oaxacastreetbarricade,2006

Ananalysisofthe2006Oaxacarebellionanditscontradictions.Itsdiversityencompassedworkers,indigenousgroups,Stalinists,anarchistsandothers.Itsweaponsandtacticsincludedgeneralassemblies,strikes,barricades,mirrorsandfireworks.

Apdfversionofthetextisavailableathttp://www.collectivereinventions.org/andtheauthorscanbecontactedthere.

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BrokenBarricades:TheOaxacaRebellioninVictory,Defeat,andBeyond

(ByCollectiveReinventions)*

Thefollowingtextistheresultofacollaborativeeffort,andisthefruitofaconsiderablenumberofmeetingsanddiscussions.Itreflectsthegiveandtake,eventhehesitations,ofanongoingconversation.ItshouldalsobenotedattheoutsetthatthisessaymakesnopretenseofbeingadefinitiveaccountoftheOaxacarebellion,norisittheproductofadirectlyobservedorlivedexperienceoftheeventsthemselves.Likeallsignificanthistoricalevents,therearemanytruthsinsteadofoneAbsoluteTruthtobediscoveredintheOaxacarebellion.Inanycase,thisanalysiswaswrittenataliteraldistancefromtheunrestinMexicointheperiodunderdiscussionhere.Whilethetextisunashamedlypartisan,inthesenseoftakingthesideoftheOaxacanrebels,andspecificallythemostradicalamongthem,itisnotaworkofmereadvocacyorapologetics.Stilllessdoesitrepresentthekindofventriloquismcommontotheleft:itdoesnotspeakforOaxaca,whichcanmostcertainlyspeakforitself.Itseekstoaffordsomeperspectiveontherebellion,andtorevealsomeoftherootsofacomplexphenomenon,andnothingmore.

ItiswrittenaftertheapogeeoftheOaxacarebellion,butwiththecertaintythatthismovementisnotover,thatinoneformoranotherthestrugglethatbeganin2006willcontinue.OuranalysisispresentedinthehopethatwillshedsomelightonOaxacabeforetheuprisingismythologized(byantiauthoritarians)distorted(byalltheLeninistvanguardswho,intheirarrogance,areeagertoimparttheirsternlessonstothemassesinOaxaca)orsimplyfadesaway,farfromtheglareoftheproverbialmediaspotlight.

ISinceallofthis,wewillnotbethesameatallasbeforewecantbeandwedontwanttobe.OaxacanresidentquotedinLabatallaporOaxaca(EdicionesYopePower,Oaxaca:2007)

*Forthelasthalfof2006,andcontinuingwellinto2007,thecityofOaxaca,MexicowastheepicenterofarebellionthatdefiedboththetheMexicanstateanditslocalincarnation,thegovernorUlisesRuizOrtiz.Inthisdefiance,thesocialmovementthatemergedinOaxacachallengedothernexesofpower,capital,andclasswithinMexico,assumingamarkedlyantihierarchicaland,overtime,antisystemiccast.Asitgrew,expandingwellbeyonditsinitialfocusanddemands,theuprisinginOaxacaalsodispelledconventionalnotionsofcentralityandimportancetiedtoquantitativecriteria:aprovincialcapitalinthesecondpooreststateinMexico(afterChiapas),acitybestknownbeyonditsbordersasatouristdestination,becameforatimethefocusofconsiderableattentiononthepartofradicalopinionthroughouttheworld.

WhileitsharedcertaincharacteristicswiththeZapatistamovementinneighboringChiapasmostimportantlyinitsstrongorientationtowardindigenouspeoplesandthedefenseoftheircommonlandsandtraditionsitalsodifferedfromtheEZLNinothersignficantways.TheOaxacanmovementaroseinanurbanenvironment,evenasitdrewsupportfrom(andembodiedtheconcernsof)therural,largelyIndiancommunitiesintheOaxacanhinterland.Also,unliketheZapatistas,ithadnoarmy,onlycrowdsofdeterminedmenandwomen,supportedatkeymomentsbycontingentsofyouthswillingtofightthepoliceinthestreetsofthecity.

Crucially,inOaxacatherewasnocharismaticleaderinthemoldofthevolubleSubcomandanteMarcos.[1]Instead,therewasareferencestatedagainandagaininthediscourseofthemovementtothefactthatthiswasamovementdelosdeabajo,ofthosefrombelow,meaningboththattheparticipantsprimarilycamefromthebaseoftheMexicansocialpyramidbutalsothatthemovementitselfwascontrolledbyitsrankandfileandnotbythosewhosoughttobecomeitsleaders.Therebellionfoundorganizedexpressioninanassembly,anddidsointheplural,notthesingular.NotonlydiditgiveitselfthenameofthePopularAssemblyofthePeoplesofOaxaca,itwasamovementinanearpermanentstateofassembly,orratherassemblies,atleastinitsbeginningphase.

Beyondthequestionofthemovementsformreminiscentofthetraditionsofdirectdemocracydeartotheantiauthoritarianleftthereisalso,ofcourse,oneofitscontent.Here,onetreadscautiously.WhilemanyreportsontheOaxacauprisinghavestresseditsradicalism,itsinnovativeness,itsstatusasthefirstrebellionofthe21stcentury,theseclaimshaveoftenbeenmadeinthefacile,overblownlanguagethatisthehallmarkofleftisttriumphalism.[2]SuchaccountsofthemovementoftenreadlikeamoralityplayinwhichthenoblePeoplewho,inthenavechantofLatinAmericanmilitancy,willneverbedefeatedfightvaliantlyagainstEvilIncarnate(UlisesRuizOrtiz,theMexicanstate,Yankeeimperialism).GiventherealitiesofOaxaca,itsgrindingpovertyanditsbrutal,corruptauthorities,suchadepictionisnotwithoutitsaspectsofverisimilitude.ButithardlydoesjusticetothecomplexitiesoftheOaxacanrebellion,andprovideslittlebasisforadiscussionofitsimplications.

Othermorecritical,butequallyshrillvoicespointedouttheweaknesses,thecontradictions,theinsufficienciesoftherebellion.ThearidMarxistsoftheInternationalCommunistCurrentdispensedtheirusualverdictonallsuchuprisings:notproletarianenough.AnarchistinsurrectionistsinMexicoCitydenouncedarebellionthatdidnotabolishthestateandcapitalismovernight.Again,insuchanalysestherewerekernelsoftruth:theOaxacanrebellioncouldbeunderstoodasakindofradicalpopulismtherewerebureaucratspresentinAPPOfromitsinception.Buttodismisstheentirerebellioninthiswayonlyshowedwheredogmacanleadto:acuttingoffofthebranch(orpedestal)onwhichonestands.ThereisnoneedtoendorsetheOaxacan

movementuncriticallyandbecomeyetanotherleftistcheerleader,butattitudesofdisdainfulsuperiorityormaximalistdenunciationareequallyunhelpful.Unless,ofcourse,onewantstomissthefullsignificanceoftherebellionentirely.[3]

Thatsaid,onemustrecognizethatevenattheheightoftherebellion,whenthefiresofOaxacawereseenasbeaconsofhopearoundtheworld,certainparadoxeswerenotedbysomecommentators.Herewasamovementthatresonatedinternationallywiththoseopposedtothestatusquo,andyetwithinMexicoitselftherebellionfoundnolargeecho,andnosequelsintermsofmassactionsorsimilarrebellions.WhiletherewasextensivecoverageofOaxacaintheMexicanmedia,therewasnogeneralstrikeinthecountryinsupportofthosebeingcrushedbytherepressivepowerofthestateinNovember2006.One,two,manyOaxacasdidnoteruptacrossMexico.

WherethesituationistRaoulVaneigemsawaOaxacaCommuneandinthisrhetorichewasmerelyrestatingathemeusedbyothersbeforehimalargenumberofMexicanssawsomethingelse.Rightlyorwrongly,theyviewedOaxacaasbeingoneormoreofvariousthings:acorporatist,selfinterestedstrikebyteachersarebellionbelongingtotheindigenouspeoplesofOaxaca,andnottherestofMexicoanentirelylocalaffairthatwasfortheOaxacanstodecide.Whiletheinfluenceofmediadistortionsinsuchperceptionscannotbediscounted,itdoesnotexplaineverything.WhatisclearisthatsomethingintheOaxacanmovement,orincurrentMexicanrealities,workedagainstitscallingforthothersuchmovements.Understandingthisisperhapsthegreatestanalyticalchallengeconfrontingthoseidentifyingwiththemovement.

IITogettoaplacewhereanswerstotheabovequestionscanevenbeventured,onemustrenouncetheconceitofbelievingthatonecanexplainOaxaca,asiftherewereasingleexplanation(orsetofexplanations)thatcouldbeadduced,orasifthoseinthestreetsofOaxaca(orelsewhere,forthatmatter)werewaitingforsomesortofbenevolentactofcriticalinterpretationthatwouldbestowsignificanceonwhattheyhavealreadymadesignificantintheirownlives.

Itisalsonecessarytobackupabit,andtoallowonetobeastonishedagainatwhatdidtakeplaceandcontinuestotakeplaceinOaxaca.IfsuchacommotionhasbeenmadeabouttheOaxacarebellion,itisinthefirstplacebecauseofallthecommotionoccurringinOaxacaitself.BeginninginJune2006,andcontinuingvirtuallywithoutinterruptionforthenextsixmonths,thesocalledcommonpeopleofOaxacadiduncommonthings.

Inanepochinwhichenvironmentalissuesseemtotrumpallothers(andthereisnodenyingtheirfundamentalimportance),itisworthrememberingthatthereisahumanenvironment,andasocialworld,aswell.WhatoccurredinOaxaca

wasanexampleofradicalenvironmentalchange,oneaccomplishedwithaminimumofresources,andamaximumofinitiativeandcreativity.ItevenextendedtothekindofnovelrecyclingplanimplementedonthebarricadesofOaxaca:scrapsofjunk,evenentireautomobiles,wereputtonewuses.Thewallsofthecitywererepaintedwithgraffiti,featuringspraypaintedinvectivesandstencileddesigns.Notallofthiswasatthelevelofpoetryfartoomuch,infact,remainedatthelevelofmeresloganeeringbutitdidachievetheeffectofremindingaworldthathadseenOaxacaasonlyaquaintandpicturesquemarkettownthatindeedsomethingwashappeninginthisplace,thatthecitywasabattlegroundwhoseidentitywasbeingdisputed,itsphysiognomyrefashioned.

ThiseruptionofthemarvelousinOaxacacaughtmanybysurprise.IntheabsenceofseriousresearchconductedonthesceneoranycomprehensiveattempttolettheOaxacanrebelstelltheirstoriesforthemselves,variousreadymadeanalyseswereputintoservice,withoutmuchconcernastowhetherweretheywerecommensuratewiththesituationtheypurportedtodescribe.ItisnotonlythecorporatemediathatengagesinsuperficialreportingmanypostingonIndymedia,whileclearlymotivatedbysomethingotherthancommercialgain,havebeenguiltyofthesame.Inspiteofthesocalledinformationage,languageandculturalbarriersstillexistthathinderafulltranslationofaneventlikeOaxacaintowords,andforthatmatter,evenSpanishwords.

ManyleftistsupportersoftheOaxacamovementhaveproducedaquickandeasysolutiontotheriddleofitsorigins:itisallduetotheravagesofneoliberalism.Moreover,inatextbookcaseofasimplisticlinkingofcauseandeffect,theOaxacauprisingischaracterizedasaresponseto,andrevoltagainst,thedeleteriousimpactofNAFTAandtheWashingtonConsensus:thesetofenforcedtradeagreementsandfinancialpoliciesthatconstitutethearsenalofneoliberalism,whichisonlyanewernameforlaissezfaireandmonetaristeconomics(oftheChicagoschoolthatwroughtsuchhavocinChileandArgentina,forexample).[4]

Ofcourse,justbecauseanargumentissimplisticonethinksoftheonepositingtheU.S.sneedforcontroloveroilsuppliesastherootcauseofitsinvasionofIraqdoesntmeanthatitiswhollywrong.ThequestioniswhetherneoliberalismisthecasusbelliofthesocialwarinOaxaca,oreventheprimarytargetofthosewhohavetakentoitsstreetsinprotest.

Certainly,thedamageswroughtbyneoliberalismcanbeandhavebeenmeasured.Forthepastnearly20years,Mexicohasbeencaughtinthevortexofaglobalizinghypercapitalismanditstransforming,destructivepowers,ofwhichNAFTAwasonlyarelativelysmallexpression.[5]BeforetheimplementationofNAFTA,thebillionaireTexanpopulistRossPerotwarneddarklyofthegiantsuckingsoundthatonewouldbeabletohearasNorth

AmericanfactoryjobsmigratedsouthoftheU.S.border.HeneithercarednorwasclairvoyantenoughtoknowthatthepostNAFTAhorrorshowhetriedtoscareAmericanvoterswithwouldplayoutinafarmorecomplicatedwayasfarasMexicowasconcerned.

HydraulicforceswouldhollowouttheU.S.economywithouttransferringsubstantialnumbersofindustrialorpostindustrialjobstoMexico,outsideofthoseinthemaquiladora(assemblyforreexport,usingmainlycomponentsofnonMexicanorigin)zonealongtheU.SMexicanborder.Andsinceitwasindeedaquestionofaworldmarket,andofadrivetofindthelowestpriceforlabor,Mexicowasonlyoftransientinterestfortransnationalcapital.MexicobegantolosejobstoChinaandelsewhere,asitsexportsectorwasundercutbyproductsfromareaswherelaborcostswereevenlowerthanitsown.InvestmentsinthesmallelectronicssectorinMexicohaveyieldedarelativelylownumberofjobsinhightechnologyassemblyandmanufacturing,andthesehavebeenclusteredaroundJaliscoandMexicoCity,andinthemaquiladorazonejustdescribed.Intermsofinformationtechnology,whatresultedwasanenclaveeconomy,andnotanykindoftakeoffoftheMexicaneconomyasawhole.(Formoreonthissubject,seeKevinP.GallagherandLyubaZarsky,TheEnclaveEconomy:ForeignInvestmentandSustainableDevelopmentinMexicosSiliconValley,Cambridge,Mass.(2007).)

Moreover,themagneticpulloftheUnitedStateswhichfordecadeshasbeenunofficiallyimportingacheaplaborforceforitsagriculturalandservicesectorsfromMexicodidnotdisappearwithNAFTA.AsignificantnumberofOaxacanworkershavecontinuedtomigratetoelNorte,andtheirremittanceshavebecomeamajorsourceofincomeintheOaxacaneconomy.

ThislargerstoryisreallyonlypartofthestoryinsofarasOaxacaisconcerned,however.IfNAFTAandthechangeswroughtbyneoliberalpolicieshaveshapedoppositionalcurrentsthroughoutMexico,includingOaxaca,andsharpenedtheirlanguageintermsofadenunciationofforeigncapitalandglobalizationingeneral(acritiqueofdomesticMexicancapitalbeinganothermatteraltogether[6]),theydidnotalonegeneratethesocialcrisisthatledtotheOaxacarebellion.

InthecaseofOaxaca,thiscrisispredatesNAFTA,andeveninthecurrentperiodthereareotherfactorsatwork.ThePlanPueblaPanama,forexample,whichisdesignedtoprovideinfrastructurefortheeasiertransportationofgoodsandresourceshasbeentargetedbyOaxacanprotesterswhoseeitasleadingtoafurtherintegrationoftheirregionintoanareadominatedbyNorthAmericancapitalism.Thismayindeedbetheendresult,butthePlanPueblaPanamawaslargelyaninitiativeoftheMexicanstate,actinginconcertwithothercountriesintheregion.Itmayultimatelyservetheinterestsofforeigncapital,butitalsohasasouthMexicanandCentralAmericandimension.

AndwhilethereisofcoursealargercontexttotheOaxacarebellion,itsimmediatedimensionswereshapedlessbyneoliberalismintheabstractthanbyconcreteregionalcharacteristicsofsocialstratification,culture,andhistory,includingthetraditionoforganizedprotestinOaxacastate.Thisalsomeantthatwhilethemovementhadalocalcoloration,auniquelyOaxacanidentity,itwasforthisverysamereasonadeeplyrooted,embeddedphenomenon,onethatcouldnoteasilybesuppressed,removed,orindeedreplicatedelsewhere.

Therebellionwasfurtherdefinedbythekindofpowerstructureitopposed,whichagainhadspecificallyOaxacanfeatures,onesnotnecessarilyfoundeverywhereelseinMexico.InOaxaca,thedinosaursofthePRI(InstitutionalRevolutionaryParty,thepoliticalpartythathadperpetuateditsruleatthenationallevelthroughclientelism,repression,andthecreationofalargepublicsector)werestillinpowerinOaxacastateandpracticingtheirdecadeslongtraditionsofcorruptionandbrutality,usingcaciques(politicalbosses)astheirlocalsurrogates.Foralongtime,powerhadbeenenforcedinOaxacaatthepointofagun,coupledwithakindofinstitutionalizedbribery:thegrantingofsubsidiestovariousorganizations,includingthoseperceivedtobeapotentialthreattothesocialorder.UnderUlisesRuizOrtizspredecessor,JosMurat,thesesubsidiesweregiventoindigenousgroups,includingsomeorganizationswholoudlyproclaimedtheirMagonistaradicalism,suchastheCIPORFM(PopularIndigenousCouncilofOaxacaRicardoFloresMagn).[7]ThewithdrawalofsuchsubsidiesbyUlisesRuizOrtizmayhavebeenthefirstofthemanymisstepshemadeinconfrontingoppositiontohisrule.

UlisesRuizOrtizsdecisiontounleashhispoliceagainstanencampmentofteachersontheirannualstrikeforbetterpayandimprovementsintheeducationalsystemwasthesparkthatignitedarebellion,producingabroaderandboldersocialmovementinthestreetsofOaxaca.WhatemergedwhenthecloudsofteargasclearedinJune,2006wasAPPO,thePopularAssemblyofthePeoplesofOaxaca.Itscreationinwhatwasaclassicexampleofacollectiveinvention,withnoindividualauthororinstigatorwasamanifestation,andthedirectexpression,ofastrugglethathadbecomebothwideranddeeper.Theassemblypartofitsnamewasanassertionofthesupposedsovereigntyofitsrankandfile,whichmeantthatthemovementwould,intheory,nolongerbebeholdentotheteachersunionanditsbureaucracy.

IIIWhenlookedatretrospectively,thetrajectoryoftheOaxacarebellionresemblesthatofoneofthefireworksthatwereusedasimprovisedweaponsbythemovement.Therewasasmolderingatthebeginning,aswiftascent,andthenanexplosionthatleftpiecesandburningembersscatteredontheground.Intryingtodiscernjustwherethebrightestsparkswere,somerecapitulationofthekeyepisodesinthemovementisnecessary.Furthermore,aninterpretationofthemovementsriseandfallrequiresacloserscrutinyofits

variouscomponents.

APPOwasaproblematicentityfromitsinception.Itquicklybecameclearthat,initsemphasisonakindoflowestcommondenominatorunity,APPOhadbecomeallthingstoallpeople,beingpartbureaucraticcondominiumandpartsocialmovement.Fortheantiauthoritariancomponentoftherebellion,itwasanexampleofdirectdemocracy.FortheStalinistsoftheFPR(RevolutionaryPopularFront,anorganizationcontrolledbytheCommunistPartyofMexico(MarxistLeninist)),whoseoperativesmovedaggressivelytoinstallthemselvesinpositionsofleadership,empoweringthemselvesasspokespersonsforAPPO,itrepresentedagoldenopportunitytoexpandtheirinfluence.Otherpoliticalgroupings,suchasNIOAX(TheNewLeftofOaxacainwhichthepolticoFlavioSosaandthefirstpoliticalprisoneroftheOaxacanmovementhadfoundhislatestperch),sawanopeningforamoreconventionalkindofpoliticaladvancement.Inthewordsofthosewholatercriticizedsuchmanipulationandopportunism,APPOwasviewedbysomeasatrampoline:itspowercouldbeleveragedtoachieveotheraims,whethersecuringelectiveofficeorfurtheringtheagendaofaMarxistLeninistparty,orbothatthesametime.ThemuchvauntedautonomyofthebaseofAPPOwasoftenmorehonoredinthebreachthaninreality,atleastwithintheassemblyitself.

Asmentionedpreviously,theOaxacarebelliondidnotappearexnihiloorsimplyasaspontaneousresponsetoeconomicandpoliticalcircumstances.TherehadbeenalongstandinghistoryofoppositiontothestatusquointhestateofOaxaca,oneinwhichthetacticoftheplantn(protestencampment)hadbeenusedrepeatedlyindeed,itwaspartoftherepertoireofsocialprotestinMexicogenerally.Overtwodecades,Section22oftheteachersunionhaddemonstrateditscombativenessanditsdemandsoftenexceededpurelyeconomiccategories:bettereducationforindigenouspeopleshasbeenforemostamongthem.However,therehadalsobeenaclearlimittothekindofstrugglewagedbytheteachers.WhileoftenportrayedasaltruisticchampionsoftheindigenouspeoplesofOaxacaandbehindthisidealizedportraitthereisindeedsometruththeteachersstruggleclearlyalsohadanelementofselfinterest.

Forexample,itwasnoaccidentthattheleadershipoftheteachersunion,immediatelypriortointerventionoftheFederalPoliceinOctober2006,waspreparedtocutadealandsellouttherestofAPPO.ThisbetrayalwasdenouncedbytherestoftheOaxacanmovement,includingtherankandfileoftheteachersunionitself,butthepicturewasnotassimpleasacleardivisionbetweenunionbureaucratsontheonesideandradicalbaseontheother.Withintheteachersunion,andinoppositiontoitsmoremainstreamleadership,theStalinistsoftheFPRhadaconsiderablefollowing,andthiswastheorganizationalfulcrumthatallowedthemtoeffectivelycolonizemuchofAPPOitself,installingtheiractivistsinkeypositionsandattemptingtocurtailandsilencetheantiauthoritariancurrentswithinthelargerrebellion.Itisperhapsno

surprisethatradicalOaxacanteachers,wholiketheircounterpartsinsomanyothercountriesseethemselvesasbearersofconsciousnesstotheunenlightenedmasses,wouldalsobesuchavidMarxistLeninists.

Beforethisdrearydenouement,however,agooddealelsehappenedinOaxacathatwasduetotheinitiativesofthemovementsbaseandwhichlargelyescapedthestrictcontrolofitsprotobureaucraticrepresentatives.TheseoutlinedanewconfigurationofsocialpowerinOaxaca,butnotintheclassicsenseofdualpowersooftendiscussedbyrevolutionarytheoristsinthetwentiethcentury.InOaxaca,thisreconfigurationwasmoreimplicitthanexplicit,morenomadicandmobilethansomethingobjectified.Thisrelativefailureofthemovementissomethingitscriticsontheleftpointto,buttheyoverlookthefactthatitwasinitsownexistenceinactsthattheParisCommunehadvalueintheeyesofMarx.

WhatstillisntclearatthislatedateiswhathappenedinsideAPPO,andwhatitsproceedingswerelike.Weknowthattherecountlessmeetings,andthatvariouscommissionswereelectedwithspecifictaskstoaccomplish.Inthisrespect,theredoesseemtohavebeenaprincipleofmandatesthatoperatedwithinAPPO.Butthefactthatvariousspokespersons(anditworthreiteratingthatthesewereforthemostpartStalinists)continuedtospeakforthemovement,withoutanyaccountabilitytoitsbase,throwsthisintoquestion.Thefactthattheassemblyinsistedonfunctioningonthebasisofconsensus,atleastinitsfirstfewmonths,isalsointeresting,butnolessproblematic.Strictadherencetoconsensuswouldseemipsofactotomitigateagainsttheabilityofaradicalminoritytohaveitsviewpointsexpressedintheassembly.Antiauthoritarianswithinthemovementwouldlaterdiscoverthelimitsofsuchaprinciple,andofanillusoryconsensusthatinanycasewasnotsomethingthatbotheredtheunscrupulousoperatorsoftheFPR.Atpresent,wehavenotranscriptsavailabletoseeifthedeliberationsoftherankandfileofAPPOmeetinginassemblywere,infact,analogoustothedebatesofthePetrogradSovietortorevolutionaryworkersassembliesinBarcelonain19361937.ForalloftheuseofthetermOaxacaCommune,atthispointitcanonlybeunderstoodatbestasagoalthemovementaspiredto,andatworstasmerewishfulthinking.

Whatisclear,however,isthattheperiodofOctoberNovember2006wasthehighwateroftheOaxacarebellion,andthedecisivestageforthemovementinastrategicsense.WiththeentryoftheFederalpoliceintothecityonOctober29,2006,themovementwasconfrontedbythearmedpoweroftheMexicanstate,andnotjustthepoliceandgoons(porros)ofthegovernor.Followingthisintervention,therebellionwasfirstplacedonthedefensive,beingdislodgedfromitscentralpositionsinandaroundthezcalo(townsquareorplaza)andfallingback,underthepressureofriotpoliceandteargasfiredfromhelicoptersandontheground,towardtheareaaroundtheuniversity.

OnNovember2,2006,asthepolicemovedtowardtheuniversitytosilencethemovementsremainingradiostation(onethathadservedasavitalmeansofcoordinatingresistancetothepolice),adefensewasmountedbytherebellion,usingthebarricadesthathadalreadybeenerectedinthecity.Determinedstreetfightersweresuccessfulinthwartingthepoliceadvanceintotheuniversity,andforatimeitlookedasthoughthemovementhadregainedtheinitiative.Butafterthisvictoryinthestreets,protesterssoughttoretakethezcaloonNovember25,2006,andindoingsotheyfellintotrapdesignedexpertlybytheauthorities,wholaunchedtheirownviolentcounteroffensiveagainstthemovement.Theresultsofthiswouldbecountedinthescoresofwoundedprotesters,thekillingsconductedbyporros,theimprisonmentofactivists,andageneralstrategicsituationinwhichthemovementwasforcedundergroundandliterallyputontherun.

WhentherebellionraiseditsheadagaininOaxacaCityinearly2007,itwasnotthesamemovement.Themovementconfrontedakindofpolicestateatthelocallevel,whileitsowncontradictionshadsharpened,reachingthebreakingpoint.Already,onNovember25,2006,atacrucialmomentofconfrontationwiththepolice,theselfstyledleadershipofAPPOhadtriedtoremovetheCincoSeoresbarricade,onlytobeshouteddownbyitsdefenders,whorefusedtomove.AmoregeneralsplitbetweentheStalinist,officialfaceofAPPOandtheantiauthoritariancurrentswithinitsbasewasintensifying,andwouldemergeinbroaddaylightinearly2007.

IVInthebeginningofSeptember2006,atatimewhenbarricadessurgedthroughoutthecityofOaxaca,itwasevidentthatanunprecedentedoccurrencewastakingplace:

thecityhadbeenconvertedintoalaboratory.Neverinthecontemporaryhistoryofthecountryanditscitieshadbarricadesbeenerectedonsuchalargescale(andneitherhadtherebeenspontaneouscreationsofsuchamplitudeinanurbansettinginMexico),somethingthatalsoimpliesthatneverbeforehadthepopulationofacitytakencontrolofsuchanextensiveurbanarea.HectorBallesteros,IntroductiontoPuntosB:Cartografiasdeunaciudadencrisis:Oaxaca2006,interactiveDVD,2007(http://puntosb.blogspot.com)

Aswellasanarrativeofpoliticsatthemacroandmicrolevels,theOaxacarebellionshouldbeunderstoodintermsofthecreationofanalternativesocialspacewithinthecityofOaxacaitself.Thisspacewascreatedbymeansofoccupations,theerectingofbarricades,andinthelargestreetprotests(calledmegamarches,often,butnotalways,accurately)conductedbythemovementoveraperiodofmanymonths.AsmuchasanymeetingofAPPO,thisiswherethemovementexpresseditselfand,likesomanyothersimilarmovements,freeandcreativeexpressionwasoneofitscentral

characteristics.Therebellionitselfwasakindofstreamingtorrentofwords,images,anddeeds.Theselefttheirimprintonthewallsofthecity,ontheintersectionsofitsstreets,andinthemindsofitsinhabitants.WhenthepolicereoccupiedthecenterofOaxaca,oneofthefirstactsoftheauthoritieswastoorderapaintingoverofallgraffiti,anactthatresultedinswathesofdifferentcoloredpaintreplacingtheslogansandstencilsofthemovement.Thisabstractpoliceartwasdesignedtoerasealltracesoftherebellion,butallitdidwastoprovidethosewithcansofspraypaintafreshcanvasfortheirworks.

AsHectorBallesterosimpliesinhisremarkaboutOaxacabecomingalaboratory,therebellionhadanexperimentalqualityintheusesitmadeofthecity.Whateveritsshortcomingsintermsofpoliticalclarityoranabilitytogeneralizeitsstruggle,therebelsofOaxacashowedaremarkableendurance,asawellasaconsiderabletalentforimprovisationandinnovation.

Oneofthemythsthathasgrownuparoundthemovement,andneedsdispellingevenattheriskofupsettingmanyofitssupporters,isthattherebellionwascompletelyorevenessentiallynonviolent.Whilethemovementseemstohavemadeacollectivedecisionnottoescalateitsownviolence,andtoactinselfdefenseofthespacesitoccupied,itwasnotapeacefulstruggleinthepacifistsense.Instead,itwasahybrid:somethingmorethanamovementconductingcivildisobedience,andsomethinglessthanurbanguerrillawarfare,ithadaspectsofboth.

Thetermasymmetricalwarfareisabuzzwordamongmilitarytheorists,aeuphemismforabattleinwhichthesidesareunequal,orwagequalitativelydifferentkindsofcombat.Forsuchanalysts,theOaxacamovementmayultimatelyserveasatextbookcase.Aninterestingexampleoftherebellionscreativityishowparticipantsgaveanewandpositivemeaningtothephrasesmokeandmirrors.Atcrucialpointsinthebattleswithpolice,groupsofbazuqueros(namedfortheplastictubestheyusedaslaunchersforfireworks)wouldshootskyrocketsatthepolicelines,therebypartiallyoffsettingtheeffectofvolleysofteargasdirectedattheprotesters.Buseswerealsosetonfireandrolledtowardpolicelines:thesewerecalledkamikazes.(Ifnothingelse,theOaxacarebellionhasaddedsomenewwordstothelexiconofradicalsocialprotest.)

Mirrorswereusedbothtoreflectlightandtoputmattersinadifferentlight.WhenapolicehelicoptercircledoveracrowdofprotestersonNovember1,2006,hundredsofhandmirrorswereusedbythoseonthegroundinanattempttoconfuseordisorientthepilot.Ifnothingelse,itshowedtheMexicanarmedforcesthattheyweredealingwithamovementthatwasnoteasilyintimidated.Afterreportsofrapesandotherviolencebypoliceagainstwomenwhohadbeenarrested,protestershelduplargermirrorstothefederalpolice,whocouldseetheirfacesinthemirrorswiththesuperimposedwords:Iamarapist.

OneofthemostinterestingaspectsoftheOaxacarebellion,andonethatmayinfactdefineitforposterity,hasbeenthedegreetowhichwomenhaveparticipatedinit,creatingtheirownspacewithinthemovementandundertakingimportantinitiativesoftheirown.Inthis,theyhavedirectlychallengedthereigningmachismoofMexicansocietyingeneralandthepatriarchaltraditionsofindigenouscultureinOaxacastatespecifically.TheradicalredefinitionofgenderrolesisatopicmuchdiscussedinthewellappointedcampusesofNorthAmericanandEuropeanacademia.InOaxaca,suchchangehashadamoredowntoearthandsubstantivemeaning:relationsbetweenmenandwomen,andamongdiversecategoriesofpeoplegenerally,arebeingrenegotiatedineverydaylifeandinthecontextofaradicalsocialmovement.

Womentooktheleadinoneofthemostremarkableepisodesintherebellion:thetakingoverofalocaltelevisionstation,whichthenresumedbroadcastingasamovementstation,withtheoccupierscreatingnewprograms,conductinginterviews,andradicallyalteringthebalanceofmediapowerwithinthecity.Notofallofthesebroadcastswerefreeofdogmaorrepetition,butinatleastsomeofthemarebellious,alternativespiritshonethrough.

Youngpeoplealsoplayedamajorroleinallphasesoftherebellion,contributingbothlaninthestreetfightingandtakingtheinitiativeincreatingalternativemediathatplayedavitalroleassourcesoftacticalintelligence(aboutpolicemovements,forexample)andasameansofcommunicatingtheideasofthemovementtothesurroundingpopulation.Thesemediaincludedtheradiostationsusedbythemovement,aswellaspublicationslikeBarrikadaandvariousculturalworkshopsthatbroughtfreshperspectivesandnewidiomstosocialprotestinOaxaca.Andthiswasalldonewithoutyoungeractivistsevernarrowlydefiningthemselvesasprotagonistsofarevoltofyouth.

However,therewasafarfromprogressiveaspecttotherebellionsrelationtoitsveryyoungestparticipants,andthiswasthecurious(andperhapsculturallyspecific)useofchildrenasmascotswhomimickedadultsingivingstagedperformancesofspeechesbeforemucholderaudiences,mouthingwordsthattheyclearlycouldnothavewritten,muchlessfullyunderstood.Thiswasrepeatedinsimilarlyscriptedappearancesbychildreninprogramsbroadcastbytheoccupiedtelevisionstationandbythemovementsradiostations.WhatmayhavelookedcutetoaOaxacanaudienceonlyseemstoanoutsidertobebothcontrivedandcloying,howeverbenignitsintentionmayhavebeen.DocumentariesmadebyU.S.andMexicanindependentmediahaverecordedsuchsceneswithoutanycomment,displayingakindofpaternalisticindulgencethatironically,andnodoubtunintentionally,echoespaststereotypesofindigenouspeoplesasnatureschildren.

Intermsofthesocioeconomiccategoriesrepresentedinthemovement,great

attentionhasbeenpaidofcoursetotheroleofteachers,atleastinitially,andthatplayedbytheworkingpopulationgenerallyinOaxaca,alongwiththeinhabitantsofpoorneighborhoods.MarxistshaveseentheheterogeneityofthemovementasitsAchillesheel:itwasnotstrictusensua"trulyworkingclass"phenomenon.ThismayindeedbeareasonwhythemovementdidnotreceivetangiblesupportelsewhereinMexico,unlikerecentstrikestherethathavereceivedanactiveresponsefromotherworkers.Buttheissueofclass,inaerainwhichsomanyfixedsocialcategories,includingclassstructure,arebeingdisarticulatedorrecomposed,isonethatisinneedofaradicalrethinkingtobeginwith,especiallyasthemuchtoutedmodernproletariatdeartosituationistsandothershasyettomakeitsappointedrendezvouswithhistory.Thereisnodoubt,however,thatasociologicalinventoryoftheOaxacanmovementwouldrevealspecificcharacteristicsthatmaynotbefoundelsewhere,eitherinMexicoorinothercountries.

*

[Bannercaption"Protectus,MostHolyVirginoftheBarricades".Oaxacas,2008.]

Wheredoesthesoundcomefrom?Itisthesoundofthebarricade

TheSoundoftheBarricade,asongoftheOaxacarebellion

OnecategoryofparticipantsthatisdiscussedbyMexicanobservers,butbyfewoutsiders,isthatofthechavosbanda,atermthatisdifficulttorenderintoEnglish,butwhichmeanssomethinglikestreettoughsorhoodlums(aFrenchequivalentmightbeblousonsnoirs).Thisgroupplayedanactiveroleintherebellion,especiallyonthebarricadesandinthefightingwithpolice,andbecamesoconspicuousastofigureinthepolemicsofothers.Notsurprisingly,sincetheseweremembersofthelumpenproletariat(andonemustremember

justhowpejorativeandsubjectiveatermthisis,andthatitisanotherofMarxsmoredubioustheoreticallegacies),theywereviewedwithscornbytheStalinistsoftheFPRandbythosewithamoresecuresocialstatusgenerally,suchastheteachersandthepettybourgeoiselementswhowerealsopartofthemovement.Anditisnotanunambiguousstory,forthatmatter.Manyofthesepoliticizedstreetfighterswereinfluencedbyanarchistideas(anotherreasonwhytheyweretreatedwithsuchdisdainbyMarxistLeninists),butthatdidntmeanthattheirautonomousactionsalwaysmadestrategicsensetotheorganizedanarchistsinOaxaca.Clearly,however,itwouldbeinterestingtoknowmoreabouthowsuchtensionshaveplayedoutsincetheendofNovember2006,andtolearnwhathashappenedtothechavosbandasincetheebbingoftherebellionasamovementinthestreets.

Inadditiontothoseonthebarricades,theotherradicalfociioftheOaxacarebellionwerecomprisedofthosegroupsandindividualswithinAPPOwhochallengedthehegemonyoftheFPRStalinistsovertheformalstructuresoftheassembly.Theseantiauthoritarians,wholooselycomprisedtheMagonista/antibureaucraticwingofthemovement,didhaveaconsciouspoliticalperspective,onethatwascommittedtofreedebateandtheautonomouspoweroftherankandfileofAPPO.HavingbeenoutmaneuveredbytheFPRintheearlyphaseoftheassembly,theseelementswhoincludedthegroupsthatmakeuptheAlianzaMagonistaZapatistaandthemorerecentlyformedVOCAL(VocesOaxaqueasConstruyendoAutonomayLibertad,orOaxacanVoicesConstructingAutonomyandFreedom)wereinaweakpositiontochallengetheStalinists,especiallywhenthebaseofAPPOcouldnolongermeeteasilyoropenlyinthewakeofthesevererepressionintheweeksandmonthsafterNovember2006.However,thesegroupsdidpublicizetheirvehementcriticismsoftheFPRsmanipulativepoliticsanditscharacterassassinationsofthoseopposedtoitsviselikeholdonAPPO(forEnglishtranslationsofmaterialsdetailingthepositionsoftheantiauthoritarianleftinOaxaca,seewww.collectivereinventions.org).

ShortlyafterthesedivisionswithinAPPOcameoutintotheopen,theleadingactivistofVOCAL,DavidVenegas,wasimprisonedbythestate,givingtheantiauthoritariansinOaxacaafigureandacause(politicalprisoners)aroundwhichtheycouldrally,astheyalsotriedatthesametimetodisseminatetheirantiStalinistviewsonthefutureofthemovement.However,theimprisonmentofVenegasdeprivedthemofaneloquentandsharptongue,onethatwasunafraidoftakingthefighttotheFPR(VenegaswasreleasedfromprisonforthetimebeinginearlyMarch2008,butstillfacestrialonanumberofcharges).Inlate2007,theantibureaucraticwingofAPPOheldapublicmeeting,whichcalleditselftheThirdStateAssemblyofAPPO,onethatwasconvenedinanopenbreakwiththeFPRorofficialwingofAPPO.Thisbroughttogetheranumberofgroups,aswellasrepresentativesfromneighborhoodsandthe(former)barricades,includingaconsiderablenumberofyoungantiauthoritarians.

WhilethisdevelopmentseemedtoindicatethattherewasaclearopeningfortheantiStalinistsectortogrowandestablishitselfonitsowntermsasanautonomousmovement(withorwithouttheuseoftheAPPOname,whichsomeinVOCALsawasalreadybadlycompromisedbytheactionsoftheFPR),itappearsthat,forthetimebeingatleast,theOaxacanantiauthoritariansarewagingavaliantbutlonelybattle,makingdowithlimitedresourcesandattractingonlyarelativelysmallnumberofpeopletotheircause.

StaterepressionandthebureaucraticpoliticsoftheFPRanditsteachersaffiliatehavetakentheirtollinOaxaca.Themovementisnolongerwhatitwas,andnolongermobilizesthecrowdsitdidinitsheyday.Thrownonthedefensive,whatremainsoftherebellionhasbeenreducedtoalmostasingledemandtheone,overridingissuethathasbeentherefromthebeginningtheremovalofthereviledUlisesRuizOrtizfromoffice.Indoingso,themovementhasbecomeselflimiting:itnolongerovertlyembodiesavisionofadifferentsociety,somethingthatisadmittedlyveryhardtodoinpresentcircumstances.Still,meetingstakeplace,andyounganarchistshavebeenespeciallyactiveinkeepingtheflamesoftherebellionfrombeingentirelyextinguished.Meanwhile,theteachersunionhasgoneitsownwayagain,andwhilemakinganappealforthereleaseofpoliticalprisoners,hasessentiallyreturnedtotheterrainofcorporatist,economicdemands.

ThelastpagesoftheOaxacarevoltclearlyhavenotbeenwrittenyet.However,iftherebellionisevertobecomeamassphenomenonagain,andifitsmessageistobetakenupelsewhereinMexico,itwillhaveto,somewhatparadoxically,reconnectwiththelargerOaxacansocietywhiletryingtobreakoutofbeingnarrowlytypecastasapurelyOaxacanmovement.Itisaverytallorder,anditseemsarrogantforthoseontheoutsidetocriticizetheshortcomingsofarebellionthatwentasfarastheoneinOaxacadid.Butturningablindeyetothemovementsweaknessesanddilemmasisofnousetoanyone.

Vitcanbecalculatedthat,withlittleeffort,morethan10,000menwouldbereadytocometothisparishfromthesurroundingmountains,boldliketheclimateoftheland,asiswitnessedbytheatrocioushappeningsthathavetakenplace,moreinthisoneprovincethaninalltheothersoftherealmandsowaryarethesementhatIhaveheardandknowthingsabouttheminthisbusinessthatcannotbesaidofveryexperiencedcaptains.Fr.AlonsodeCuevasDvalos,BishopofOaxaca,inhislettertotheviceroyfromTehuantepec,April1660[8].

*IntryingtotracethecontoursofthelargercontextinwhichtheOaxaca

rebellionemerged,oneisremindedofexplorersseekingtheoriginsoftheNile:italldependsonhowfarbackonewantstogo.Astheabovecitationindicates,theOaxacaregionwasconsideredarebelliouslandafullcenturyaftertheSpanishconquestofMexico,anditwasthesceneofseveralmajorrevoltsagainstcolonialauthority.Indescribingthesamerevoltof1660thatsoalarmedthegoodBishopofOaxaca,anotherofhiscompatriotsreferredgravelytocircumstancesofrebellionandbadspiritthatprevailedintheregion.

Supportersofthecurrentrebellionhavebeentemptedtodrawadirectlinefromincidentslikethe1660Tehuantepecrevolt,whichoccurredinthesouthofwhatisnowOaxacastate,totheeventsoftoday,viewingthecontemporarymovementasbeingonlythelatestepisodeinanunbrokentraditionofaboriginaloppositiontoWesternsocietyinallitsguises,whetherintheformofSpanishconquistadors,theMexicanstate,U.S.imperialism,orglobalizedconsumerculture.Thisthemehasfrequentlyappearedinthediscourseofindigenousradicalismitself,wheretheconnectionbetweenpastandpresenthasbeenmadeliteralinthecelebrationof500yearsofresistanceonthepartofnativepeoplestoforeign(i.e.,nonindigenous)domination.

Ifonesympathizeswiththethrustofthisargument,therearenonethelessproblemswithanyidealizationofnativetraditions,andwiththeconstructionofanimperfectlyunderstoodcommunalitysetagainstthesupposedlyabsoluteevilsofModernity.Instatingthis,onedoesnotimpugn,ordescribeasfalseconsciousness,theviewpointsoftheindigenousthemselvesabouttheirlives,theirstruggles,andtheirfundamentalgrievancesagainsttherulingorder,bothlocalandglobal.Onthecontrary,itaccordstheseviewpointstheautonomytheydeserve(whoelsebuttheindigenouscanspeakfor,ratherthanjustonbehalfof,nativecultures?),anditrecognizesacertainincapacityonthepartoftheoutsideobservertograsptherealitiesofindigenoussocieties,toseetheworldinthesamewayasthoselookingatitthroughautochthonouseyes.

However,recognizingsuchalimittounderstandingdoesnotrequireawholesaleabandonmentofcriticalfacultiesinfavoroftheemptygeneralitiesthatcharacterizesomuchofthelanguageofFirstWorldsupportersofFourthWorldradicalism,rhetoricthatismoreemotivethananalytical,andmoreacclamationthanasubstantiveencounterwithindigenousrealities.Toreadsomeaccounts,onewouldthinkthattherehadexistedsomepreColumbianGoldenAgeinwhichpeace,equality,andcooperationreignedthroughoutthelandsthatwouldcometobeknown(inhomagetotheirEuropeancolonizers)astheAmericas.Putsimply,thislegenddoesn'tallowfactstogetinthewayofitsutopianstoryline.Itignoresortrivializestheexistenceofhereditary(andabsolutist)authority,castes,slavery,andtribalwarfareintheindigenousworldpriortotheConquest.

ToreturntorealityandtothesituationinOaxaca,akeychallengeforoutsiders

(andthestatusofbeinganextranjeroisnotonethatisnecessarilypossibletoovercome,butmaybeonethat,whenallowancesaremade,affordsaperspectivethatisofvaluepreciselybecauseofitsfocallengthfromthesubject)ispreciselythatofgrapplingwiththerelationshipoftherebelliontoindigenousculture.Participantshavestressedthattherehasbeenastrongimprintleftonthemovementbytheexampleoftraditionalpracticesandcustoms(usosycostumbres,whichcanalsobetranslatedascustomarylawor"traditionalpractices")observedinmanyvillagesinOaxacastate.Thisinfluenceisunderlined,tobeginwith,bythecentralimportanceattachedbythemovementtotheideaandpracticeofanassembly,withtheassemblyformbeingconstruedbyparticipantsasintegraltotherebellionsexperimentindirectdemocracyin2006.

Theelementsofusosycostumbresthataremostoftendescribedbyobserversandbyindigenouspeoplesthemselvesare,inadditiontotheimportanceofthevillageassemblyasthesovereignbodyofconsensualdecisionmaking:1)thesystemofcargosorofficesthatavillagecitizenisexpectedtoservein2)aformofobligatoryandunpaidlaboronbehalfofthecommunityknownastequio3)apracticeofreciprocalexchangeofgiftsandservicesknown(inZapotec)asguelaguetza4)adeepcommitmenttothevalueofcooperationand5)thecontinuingcommunalownershipoflands.

Itisworthnotingthatnearlyallofthesepracticesandcustomsareonesthathavechangedovertime,andhaveundergonefundamentaltransformations,ashas,ofcourse,theverystructureofindigenoussocietyinMexico,beginningwiththedisappearanceofitshereditarynobility.Moreover,iftodaysusosycostumbresarenotwholeandintactpracticesfromanotheragethathavebeenpreservedinsomekindofculturalamber,theyarealsonotuniform,varyingconsiderablywithinOaxacastate.

Asanexampleofhowhistoryhasmodifiedwhatarepresentedastimelesstraditions,onecantaketheexampleofoneofthem:tequio,generallydescribedasunpaid,butobligatory,laboronbehalfofthecommunity.Alongwiththeimportanceofcooperationinindigenousvillages,thispracticeisoftenadducedasalivingexampleofmutualaidinacommunalsociety,whichinmanycasesinOaxacaitundoubtedlyis.However,itisinterestingtotracetheetymologyoftheworditselfandtoseethedifferentmeaningsithasacquiredinvariouscontexts.TequioisderivedfromtheNahuatl(Aztec)wordtequitl,andoriginallymeanttribute,asinlaborandlandsduetothetraditionalnobility(thepreColumbian,indigenousrulingcaste)orotheroverlords(includingtheAztecconquerorsofotherindigenoustribes).ItwaslaterintegratedandcodifiedasthetributesystemoftheSpanishcolonizers,whodeftlymadeuseoftribalandcastedivisionswithinindigenoussociety,fissuresthathadalreadyplayedamajorroleinfacilitatingtheConquestitself.

Whiletequio,asitispracticedincontemporaryOaxaca,mayconjureupin

someNorthAmericanorEuropeanmindsavisionofvoluntarycollaborationasinthecommunitygardensofBerkeleysPeoplesParkin1969orinstillearliercooperativeendeavorsinProvoAmsterdamitspositiveconnotationsareagainsomethingthatdevelopedandweremodifiedovertime,andnoteverywhere.InpartsofCentralAmerica,thenegativemeaninghasnotbeenlost:inNicaraguanSpanish,tequiosomeansoverbearing,cumbersome,orbothersome,clearlyshowingitsrootinawordassociatedwithcoercedlabor,obligation,andduty.

Thesystemofcargosisalsoproblematic,andhardlymeritstheenthusiasmofantiauthoritarianswhoareproponentsofassembliesandrevocabledelegates.Inapproximately15%oftraditionalOaxacanvillages,womenareformallybarredfromparticipatinginthevillageassembly,andfromholdingoffice(acargo).ThisfacthasrecentlyreceivedagooddealofattentionintheMexicanmediaastheresultofthecaseofEufrosinaCruzMendoza,whocouldnotstandforpresidentinhernativevillageofSantaMaraQuiegolani(inOaxacastate)forthesimplereasonthatsheisfemale.SuchanexampleofakindofgenderbasedapartheidshouldgiveseriouspausetoanyonetryingtoseeOaxacanvillagesasbeingcontemporaryanaloguestotheruralcollectivesoftheSpanishRevolution.ItalsounderlinesthedegreetowhichthecontemporaryOaxacanmovementbrokenewgroundvisvistraditionalindigenousculture,especially(butnotonly)inregardstogenderroles.Inmanyways,then,theOaxacarebellionwasnotanatavisticortraditionalphenomenon.TheassemblyintheurbanOaxacarebelliontotheextentthatitfunctionedasagatheringoftherankandfileparticipantselectingmandated,revocabledelegateswassomethingdifferentthananassemblyofallthecitizensofaindigenousvillage.ItmayhavehadalinktocommunalpracticesinOaxacastate,butitwasalsoaninnovationcomparedtothosesametraditions,withmoreincommonwithautonomousformsproducedinotherstrugglesinLatinAmericainrecentdecades,rangingfromChile1973(thecordonesindustriales)totherecentpiqueteromovementinArgentina.

Therelevanceofindigenouscustomsandpracticesisopentoquestioninotherrespectsaswell.InmanytraditionalOaxacanvillages,oneisobligedtoperformsociallyusefullaborandtoacceptresponsibilityinanumberofdefinedpositions(theaforementionedcargos).Ifonerefusesorevadessuchobligations,oneisdeprivedofcitizenshipinthevillage,ineffectbecomingostracizedfromthelifeofthecommunity.OaxacanswholeavetheirvillageandbecomeimmigrantworkersintheU.S.andCanadastillmustfulfillsuchobligationsinordertoretaintheirstatusasvillagecitizens.Itistestimonytotheimportanceofsuchanidentitythatmanysuchimmigrantsreturntotheirvillagestoacquittheirresponsibilitiesitisrevealingoftheambiguitiesofsuchanidentitythatitscommunalityimpliesacertaincoercionandthattodaythenotionofwhatisvoluntaryorfreelygivenisunderminedbythefactthatvillagememberscanpayotherstoperformtheirtequioobligations:theruralcommunemeetsthecashnexus,andnotonlyatthispoint.RemittancesfromOaxacans

workingintheU.S.andCanadaservetobuoythestateeconomy,buttheyhavealsotransformedaspectsofvillagelifeinruralOaxaca,bringingsatellitedishesandotherappurtenancesoftheconsumersocietysodisdainedbyFirstWorldsupportersofindigenouscultures.

Furthermore,inthepresentarrayofsocialpowerinOaxaca,thesystemofusosycostumbrespracticesthathavealegal,codifiedstatusinthestatecanbeunderstoodasaformofrecuperation,asawayofintegratingtraditionalindigenoussocietyintopreexistingstructuresofpoliticalandsocialpower.Theofficialenshrinementofusosycostumbrestookplacein1995duringthetenureofthePRIgovernorJosMurat,atpreciselyatimewhentherulingeliteinOaxacafeltunderattackbydemandsforautonomyfromindigenousmovementsinthestate.AcarefulstudybyAlejandroAnayaMunozrevealstheelitesstrategy,inthefaceofthisthreat,tohavebeenoneofcooptationandtheintegrationofindigenousdemands,combinedwiththetraditionalresortofbuyingofflocalcaciquesandmakingpayoffstovillagersatelectiontime.[9]

Whatthen,intheend,canbesaidabouttherelationshipoftraditionalpracticestothesocialmovementinOaxaca?Clearly,thereisone,butasexplainedabove,itisnotunequivocal.Thisdoesnotmeanthatitistrivial,either,orthattheindigenousperspectiveissomehowonlyasecondaryquestion.However,adefinitivetheoreticalpositionvisvistheseissuesmaybeachimera.Ratherthantryingtoarriveatananswerthatinanycasecouldneverbedefinitive,butonlyapproximate,onemayhavetoposequestionsinstead,andtoinsistonthewrinklesinalandscapethatothersseeasflatoruncomplicated.

Forunconditionalanduncriticalsupportersofindigenousstrugglestherearenosuchconceptualproblems.Theysimplyendorsetraditionalpracticesasbeinginnatelyegalitarianandcommunalsomeevengosofarastomakeextravagantclaimsaboutthecosmovison(viewoftheworld)ofnativepeoples,raisingthedissimilaritybetweentraditionalandmodernmentalitiestothelevelofpureontologicaldifference.[10]Thisaclassicexampleofanessentialistargument:thereisatrueIndiannessthatisahistorical,immutableandorganic.Andwhatemergesfromsuchthinkingisakindofidentitypoliticsbasedonanindigenistfundamentalism.

Conversely,traditionalMarxiststendtobepreemptivelydismissiveofanyargumentonbehalfofradicalpeasantriesandtheircommunaltraditions.Inthis,onehearsthevoiceoftheMaster:theMarxwhofamouslyreferredintheopeningsectionofTheCommunistManifestototheidiocyofrurallife.Thereis,ofcourse,moretotheMarxistargumentthanmerecondescension,includingayoungerMarxsownrhapsodizinginTheGermanIdeologyaboutacommunistsocietyinwhichhecouldhunt,fish,andphilosophizeallonthesameday,withouthavingtobedefinedbyanyoneactivity.[11]However,foralmostallMarxists,whobasetheirperspectiveonatheoryofnecessary,

inevitablestagesofhistory,thereisonlyonepossiblepassagetoapostcapitalistfuture,andthatgateisopenedbytheindustrialworkingclass.Allotheragencyonthepartofsubordinatedsocialelementsisdiscountedatbest,itcanbeanadjuncttotheactionsoftheworkingclass,whomustplayavanguardrole(except,althoughthisisneveradmittedbyMarxisttheorists,whentheymustfollowtheleadoftherealvanguard:theradicalintelligentsiatowhichthetheoristsbelong).

Inrecentyears,however,Marxistteleologieshavebeenthrownforaloopmorethanonce,anddissidentMarxistshaverecognizedthis.AutonomistMarxismhasshownitselftobemuchmoreopentoaconsiderationofnontraditionalsocialmovements(inArgentinia,Bolivia,andMexico)asbeingchargedwithradical,anticapitalistpotentialities.Unfortunately,theirwritingsonthesubjectoftenveerintopostmodernistselfparody,aswhenthetermsvalorization(asapositivetermrelatingtoradicalprotagonistsandtheirautonomousactions)andbiopoliticsappear.

Incontrast,theanarchisttraditionhistoricallyhasbeenfarmoreopentotheconsiderationofradicalinitiativesbypeasants,andhasgonemuchfurtherthanMarxisminincludingacritiqueofthedominationofnature(aprojectthatisattheheartofproductivistLeniniststates)aspartofitsrejectionofsocialhierarchies,thestate,andcapital.Itpreciselyforthisreason,alongwithaninsistenceontheimportanceofcooperationandcommunity,thattheworksofKropotkin,Rclus,andLandauerhaveacquiredanewrelevance,evenforsomeMarxists.AndinthecaseofLatinAmericananarchistthinkers,andthekindsofissuespresentinOaxaca,thereisamuchmoredirectconnection.PeruviananarchistsintheveryearlyyearsofthetwentiethcenturynotonlyweretryingtointegrateindigenousperspectivesintotheirtheoryofhowanAndeanlibertariancommunismcouldbeachieved,theyincludedAndeansamongtheirranks.Thereisacertain,sweetironyinthefactthatthehistoriesandmovementsthatseemedsoantiquatedorobsoleteto20thcenturyLatinAmericanMarxists(withafewexceptions,JosCarlosMariteguiamongthem)arenowreceivingtheattentiontheydeserve.HistoriansofLatinAmericananarchismcontinuetouncoverapastthathasimplicationsinthepresent,andtheyhavenotyetbeguntoexhaustthesubject.[12]

AsforOaxaca,oneneedlooknofartherthanitsmostfamousanarchistnativeson:RicardoFloresMagn,whoseinfluenceonthecurrentsocialmovementthereissuchthatthereisanentiresectorwhoseorientationisMagonista(andthishasbeendescribedinaprevioussection).Although,andthiswasalsomentionedearlier,thereisapossibilityforanyradicaltendencytobeneutralizedorboughtoffbythestate(andtheredoesseemtohavebeenakindofrecuperatedMagonismamongthevariouspoliticalcurrentsinOaxaca),atthecoreofMagnsownthinkingisanuncompromisinginsistenceonrevolutionarytransformationandthelinkingofendsandmeansinthestruggletobringaboutafreesociety.Hisanarchismincludedmorethanamere

sensitivitytoindigenousissues:inaveryrealsense,theseconcernswereatthecoreofhisradicalvision.

Magnfamouslydeclaredin1911thattheMexicanpeoplearesuitedforcommunism,bywhichheemphaticallymeantlibertariancommunism,anegalitariansocietybeyondthestateandcapital,andbeyondthetyrannyofpartybossesofwhateverstripe.Andthiswasnomereassertionofhisowncredo:hebasedhisaffirmationonobservationsmadeinOaxacaandelsewhereinMexico,whereheknewthatatraditionofcommunalownershipandcooperationhadsurvivedintothetwentiethcentury:

TheMexicanpeoplehate,byinstinct,authorityandthebourgeoisie.EveryonewhohaslivedinMexicocanassureusthatthereisnoonemorecordiallyhatedthanthepoliceman,thatthesoldier,admiredandapplaudedinallotherplaces,isseenwithantipathyandcontempt,andthatanyonewhodoesntmakehislivingwithhishandsishated.

Thisinitselfisenoughforasocialrevolutionwhichiseconomicinnatureandantiauthoritarian,butthereismore.FourmillionIndiansliveinMexicowho,untiltwentyortwentyfiveyearsagolivedincommunitiespossessingthelands,thewaters,andtheforestsincommon.Mutualaidwastheruleinthesecommunities,inwhichauthoritywasfeltonlywhenthetaxcollectorappearedperiodicallyorwhenrecruitersshowedupinsearchofmentoforceintothearmy.Inthesecommunitiestherewerenojudges,mayors,jailers,infactnobothersomepeopleatallofthistype.(Regeneracon,September12,1901.TranslationbyChasBufe,DreamsofFreedom:ARicardoFloresMagnReader,AKPress(2005))

ThecommonlandsquestionisonethathasintriguedanumberofradicalanalystsofthesituationinOaxaca.WhileonemightwanttobelievethatinOaxacaandChiapassomesortofequivalentoftheRussianmirsurvivesasaopeningthroughwhichsocietycouldmakearadicalleaponthebasisofcollectivepropertyandcommunal,cooperativepracticesintolibertariancommunism,intheabsenceofgreaterproofthisisonlyutopianspeculation.Asitisnow,theruralcommunesofOaxacaareoftenlockedindisputeswitheachotherovertheircollectivelyownedlands,andthedemandforindigenousautonomyoftenseemsmoreacallforakindofradicalautarkythananygeneral,revolutionarytransformationofsociety.

FormodernizingcapitalismorproductivistMarxism,socialdifferencesaretobesteamrolledinthenameofhomogenization,aprocessinwhichthereisnoplacefortraditionalpractices,exceptintheirinstrumentalizationasfolkloreorculturalwindowdressing.Butiftraditionalsocietiescanbecharacterizedpreciselybythequalitiesthatdifferentiatethemfromdominantsociety,thereisanotherkindofdifferencethatcannotriseupinaconsensual,collectivesocietyatthevillagelevel.Whatisnotthereisacertaincomplexityand

variation,aswellasanaleatoryqualitythatisusuallyassociatedwithamoreurbanlife.Thereislittlepossibilityofasubculture,andultimately,ofpoliticsinsuchcommunities.ItisnoaccidentthattheinitialsiteoftheOaxacarebellionwasinOaxacaCityandnotthecountryside,afactthatalsolargelyaccountsforitsassumingadifferentcomplexionthantheZapatistamovementinChiapas.

Moreover,thereisadangerinimbuingtraditionalsocietyorsomeradicalpeasantrywitharedemptive,salvationistmissionthatreplicatesthatformerlyassignedtotheindustrialproletariat.TodaysantiauthoritariansruntheriskoffurtheringakindofcontemporaryThirdWorldismintheiruncriticalsupportoftheZapatistasandtheOaxacanmovement,andevenmorenuancedinterpretationssometimesreekofvicariouspleasure,theenjoymentofradicalviolenceatadistance,onethatisbothgeographicandsocial.TheremustbesomemoremeaningfulandcreativewaytoengagetheOaxacarebellionthanthatwhichbasicallycorrespondstowatchingthestreetfightingofothers(andlamentingthefactthatcircumstancesdontallowonetoengageinthesamesortofactivityoneself).

Howeverlaudabletheconcept,mereemulationisanothernonstarter.Inthefirstplace,especiallyforthoseinadvancedcapitalistsocieties,alltheworldisnotlikethisplacecalledOaxaca,muchasonemightliketothinkso.Tobesure,therearecopsandcorrupt,arbitraryauthoritieseverywhere,andtothatextentonecouldsay,ifonewantedtoengageinemptyposturing,thatWeAllLiveInOaxaca.ButthespecificmixthatgeneratedtheOaxacarebellion,theparticularsocioeconomicstructureandhistoryofthecityandregion,isnotreproducedinthemetropolesoftheNorth,oreveninthoseoftheSouth,forthatmatter.

However,itwouldbeamistaketounderstandtheOaxacarebellionasonlyalocal,andlocalized,phenomenon.Oaxacaisliterallypartoftheworld,andespeciallyinthecontextofaglobalizedeconomy,whetheritwantstobeornot.OaxacanworkershaveemigratedtotheUSandCanada,andhavebroughttheirpoliticswiththem.ThecirculationofpeoplewhomovewithinMexico(andoutsideit)isimpelledbyforcesthataffectthoseinothercountriesandregions,andtothatextent,othershaveastakeintheoutcomeofrebellionssuchasthatinOaxaca.ThisstakegoesbeyondtheabstractionsofpoliticaleconomyoreventheconcreteencounterswithsomeaspectofOaxacathatmightoccurineverydaylife(ifyouliveinCalifornia,forexample,thepersoncleaningyourdishesinarestaurantorpickingthefruitandvegetablesthatenduponyourtablemightverywellbeOaxacan).

VI

Geographyisnotanimmutablething.Itismade,itisremadeeverydayateachinstant,itismodifiedbymensactions.

EliseReclus,LHommeetlaterre(19051908)

ForthoseoutsideofMexico,especiallyintheUnitedStatesandCanada,astudyofthevariousprocessesthatlinkthesecountriestoMexico,andtoOaxacaspecifically,isperhapsmoretimelythananillusoryattempttofullyunderstandthequestionofusosycostumbres.ThephenomenonoflargenumbersofOaxacansseekingworkintheNorthisgenerallywellknown,buttherearemoreaspectstothisthanthesimplequestionofremittancesorevenofthestatusofillegalimmigrantsinahostile(i.e.,increasinglynativistandracist)sociopoliticalenvironment.

OaxacanworkershavebroughttheircultureandtheirpoliticswiththemintheirtravelstotheNorth.Theyhavecreatedtheirownlabororganizations,withtheirownpublications,andhaveoftenbroughttotheseactivitiesaspecificallyindigenousperspective,whichcannotthereforesimplybeassimilatedasHispanicorMexicanAmerican.ItwouldseemincumbentuponsupportersoftheOaxacanrebelliontolearnmoreabouttheOaxacansinCalifornia,Oregon,orBritishColumbia,forexample,andabouttheirstruggles,whichhaveincludeddemonstrationsinLosAngelesin2006againstpolicerepressionbackhomeinOaxaca.[13]

TherearealsowaystomakeconnectionstoOaxaca,andtomakeaconsciouschoicetoaidthemostradicalwingofthemovementthere.Thereismaterialsupportthatcanbegiventoorganizationsthereareproteststhatcanbe(andhavebeen)organizedatMexicanconsulatesinsupportofpoliticalprisoners,andintheUnitedStatesgenerallyagainstantiimmigranthysteria.Therearealso,andnotsecondarily,words:onesthatgobeyondmerereceivedopinion,evenofthealternativekind.Thebesttributetotherebellionistopartakeofitsspiritintakingrisks,andbystickingonesneckout,evenonthewrittenpage.

Inacontemporaryeracharacterizedinmanypartsoftheglobebywar,misery,andenvironmentaldestructionandmadeallthemoredrearybymassindifference,resignation,ordistractioninthefaceofthis,especiallyinthemisnamedadvancedsocietieseventsliketheOaxacarebellionareasinspirationalastheyarerare.Onecanbefairlycertainthat,atleastinLatinAmerica,otherradicalsocialmovementswillemerge,andthattheytoowillhavetheirantiauthoritarian,emancipatorycurrents.Butunlesstheseconsolidatethemselvesandbecomeconsciousoftheiraimsandtheirenemies(whoinclude,inadditiontothegeneralsandthugsoftheright,thebureaucratsandcaudillosoftheleft),theyaredoomedtoremaininginterestingfootnotestohistory,ratherthandoorsthatopenontoabrighterfuture.

March2008

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FOOTNOTES1]ForalloftheZapatistasdisavowaloftheirbeingavanguardinthetraditionofLatinAmericanMarxismLeninismadisavowalthatledtotheEZLNbecomingthefavoritearmyoftheworldanarchistandaltermondialistemovementsitisstillnotclearhowfarMarcoshasmovedfromtheMaoistbackgroundofhisyouth.Foralloftheeditions(incountlesstranslations)ofeveryutteranceoftheSubcommander,nooneamongthelegionsofZapatistsseemstohaveaskedthemselvesafewobviousquestions:WhyisitthatitisalmostalwaysMarcostheintellectualwhoisboththeideologueandstrategistoftheEZLNwhospeaksinthenameoftheIndiansoftheLacandonjungle?HowdoestheauraofcelebritysurroundingMarcosdifferfromothercultsofpersonality?Andjustwheredoesinternationalismbegin,andMexicannationalismend,intheZapatistaprogram?Afterall,theEZLNdoesntcallitselftheZapatistaArmyofNationalLiberationfornothing.

2]TheOaxacanexperiencehasattractedparticipantwitnesseswhohaveproducedinterestinganddetailedaccountsofevents.ItalsobeenamagnetforthekindofrevolutionarytouristdenouncedlongagobyHansMagnusEnzenberger(TouristsoftheRevolution,DreamersoftheAbsolute,London:1988)andwhosebreathlessdispatchesfromthefrontlineshavenotnecessarilybeenaccurateorinformative.Intheformercategory,onemustmentionGeorgeLapierre,whosechroniclesofthefirstsixmonthsoftherebellionarerichindetailandinsight,andarefranklyvastlysuperiortotheearnest,buthighlysimplisticarticlesthatcompriseNancyDaviessThePeopleDecide:OaxacasPopularAssembly,NewYork:2007.Unfortunately,LapierresaccountswrittenoriginallyinFrenchhavenotyetbeentranslated.ManyofhisaccountscanbefoundcompiledinthespecialissueoftheFrenchjournalCQFD,LaLibreCommunedOaxaca,JanuaryFebruary2007(www.cequilfautdetruire.org).

3]FortheICCsverdictonOaxaca,seehttp://www.internationalism.org/.FortheanarchistinsurrectionistcritiqueofAPPO,whichinitsitemizationofthevariouspoliticalmaneuveringswithinAPPOwasbothprescientandprecise,seethetextbytheCoordinadoraInsurreccionalAnarquista(http://espora.org/okupache//b21hart_imp.php?p=1249&more=1).AnotableearlyanalysisoftheOaxacarebellion,andonethatavoidedthepitfallsofeitherabstractdenunciationoruncriticalsupport,wasThisIsWhatRecuperationLooksLikebyKellenKass,publishedinAMurderofCrows,no.2,March2007.http://libcom.org/library/whatrecuperationlooksrebellionoaxacaandappokellenkass

4]AkindofvulgarMarxismisthecommoncurrencyofmuchofwhatpassesforradicalanalysisthesedays.Andinaneraofwar,economicturbulence,andaglobalizedcapitalismthatindeedhasbattereddownallthewallsofChina(asiftofulfillMarxspredictionof1848),thisshouldnotbesurprising.The

campaigntovindicateMarxdoesnotstopthere,however,andwhenthetermvulgarMarxismisuseddisparaginglybyawriter,itusuallyonlymeansthatheorsheisabouttodeployaslightlymoresophisticatedargument,butonestillbasedonMarxistcategories.ItisthisDeeperMarxismthatrulesboththeacademicandmilitantleft,includingthepartsofboththatstylethemselvesasantiauthoritarian,whoserelianceonaMarxistcrutchonlyshowstheirlackofautonomouscriticalskills.WhilethecritiqueofMarxismpastandpresentliesoutsideofthescopeofthepresentessay,itissomethingimpliedintheorientationofourtendencytowardrenewalandreassessmentinconceivingofanemancipatorysocialproject.

5]TofullyunderstandthedimensionsofthecrisesthathavebuffetedtheMexicaneconomyinrecentdecades,onemustgobackatleasttothedebtcrisisof1982,whentheMexicanstateintheparadoxicalpositionofbeingbothaproducerofoilrevenuesandadebtornationreceivingrecycledpetrodollarsintheformofloansfrominternationalbanksdefaultedonitsdebtpayments.Bymeansofapolicyofausterityandprivatization,Mexicoqualifiedin1987forarescuebyinternationalfinancialinstitutions,onenegotiatedbynoneotherthantheconsigliereoftheBushfamily,JamesF.Baker.FurtherconcessionsonthepartofMexicowouldbedemandedonthepartoftheClintonadministrationaspartofanotherbailoutprogram,allofthisformingapreludetotheimplementationofthetermsoftheNAFTAtreatyand,simultaneouslyandinresponsetoNAFTA,thebeginningoftheZapatistarebellioninChiapas.

6]SeetheinterestingpointsraisedaboutthenationalistleftinMexicobytheGrupoSocialistaLibertarioinitscritiqueoftheEZLNsOtherCampaign(translationcanbefoundatwww.collectivereinventions.org).

7]SeethearticlebyDavidRecondo,Oaxacaelocasodeunrgimen,Letraslibres(Mexico),February2007.Magn'sownanarchismisdiscussedlaterinthepresentessay,asaretherevolutionarypoliticsoforganizationssuchastheAlianzaMagonistaZapatista.

8]QuotedinJudithFrancisZeitlin,CulturalPoliticsinColonialTehauntepec,Stanford:2005,p.168.

9]AlejandroAnayaMuoz.Autonomaindgena,gobernabilidadylegitimidadenMxico:lalegalizacindeusosycostumbresenOaxaca,MexicoCity:2006.

10]Foroneexampleofthis,seeBrendaAguilar,AutonomasLatinoamericanos:AlgunasreflexionessobreUtopasPosibles,2008(http://anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=7625)

11]ForaMarxistcritiqueofaradicalismbasedonpeasantotherness,see

TomBrass,NeoliberalismandtheRiseof(Peasant)NationswithintheNation:ChiapasinComparativeandTheoreticalPerspective,TheJournalofPeasantStudies,Vol.32,Nos.3&4,July/October2005.

12]See,forexample,WilfredoKapsoli,Ayllusdelsol:anarquismoyutopaandina,Lima(1984),aswellasbooksbyOsvaldoBayer(onthePatagoniangeneralstrikeof1921)andSergioGrezToso(onthehistoryofChileananarchism).

13]ForbackgroundonOaxacanworkersintheUnitedStatesandCanada,seeLynnStephen,TransborderLives:IndigenousOaxacansinMexico,California,andOregon,DukeUniversityPress(2007)