bride kidnapping (ala kachuu) in kyrgyzstan

8/10/2019 Bride Kidnapping (Ala Kachuu) in Kyrgyzstan

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Discuss that Ethnographic knowledge is never value-neutral, although it can appear to be

so when it is obtained through scholarly or scientific enquiries (HIRSCH) in reference to

contemporary interventions to prevent bride kidnapping (ala kachuu) in Kyrgyzstan.

Ethnographic fieldwork is a method of gaining new knowledge. Positivists try to be value-

neutral or objective. Interpretivists are subjective, accepting that values are important and

that their own cannot always be avoided. Critical social researchers discover flaws and faults

in societies, and find ways of dealing with these by studying the oppressed by giving them a

voice (OReiley, 2009, p.65).These paradigms are the different ways we understand social

reality and the nature of knowledge. It is my view that ethnographic knowledge in

contemporary interventions to prevent bride kidnapping are not value-neutral because

interventions preventing the practice aim to bring about change. Social critical researchers,

who create the interventions, do not seek to merely understand the practice, but challenge

it. My reasons to appeal in favour of this are displayed through my discussions of the

conflict between cultural and human rights, the differing values of Kyrgyz and non-Kyrgyz

peoples, and the complex social arrangements in Kyrgyz society which are not completely

understood or accepted by all.

The history of bride kidnapping is a controversial issue in Kyrgyzstan. The practice was

originally called kiss the girl (kyzkummay) where a Kyrgyz man would set eyes upon his

potential future bride and ask her fathers permission to challenge her in a horse race. If the

father agreed, the girl would get a fifteen second head start with a whip to resist being

captured. If successfully captured, the man earns the right to ask her hand in marriage (Leo,


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2013, p.4). Currently, the practice bride kidnapping (ala kachuu) comes in many forms. The

typical abduction is portrayed by a man abducting a girl with his friends in a car, bringing her

to his house where his female relatives persuade her to accept the marriage via a marriage

scarf. This can take up to hours as the potential bride resists from placing the marriage scarf

on her head. Once accepted, she moves into the grooms house, leaving her family and any

previous obligations. Other varieties of the practice include the kidnapping being criminal

abduction and rape, or an elopement where the girl is involved with the kidnapping because

the couple are enacting their desires of marriage and to avoid bride price (Borbieva, 2007,

p.124). Some kidnappings do create happy couples but it is thought that marriages

conducted in this way increase rates of domestic abuse, divorce and suicide (Vice, 2012).

Ala kachuu was outlawed during the Soviet era and still remains illegal, but since

Kyrgyzstans independence incidents have increased; about 50% of ethnic Kyrgyz women

are married this way (Kleinbach, Salinjanova, 2007, p.218). Reasons explaining these surges

of incidents are under much debate, demonstrating different valued and non-valued

assessments of the practice. Some hold the practice has increased because it symbolises a

renewed Kyrgyz tradition and national identity which was denied under soviet rule

(Handrahan, 2004, p.208). Some believe that due to an economic collapse from a regime

that provided economic security, ala kachuu is an easier and cheaper process of marriage

that escapes excessive bride price payments allowing the poor to marry (Werner, 2004,

p.60-61). Others argue an increase in male dominance, due to revived conservative gender

ideologies, explains increasing incidents (Handrahan, 2004, p.210), as female life

opportunities and rights were previously protected under the soviet regime.


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Cultural and human rights are two concepts that do not often go hand in hand. Cultural

relativism is in line with positivism. It is the understanding of other cultures and that their

ways are relative within their social context, beliefs, customs and ethics. This understanding

is not judged according to ones own cultural ways. Depending on ones social context, their

marriage process will usually relate to it. Marriage is a central life cycle event and an

important rite of passage. Marriage ceremonial methods are sensitive to change and are

different across the world, due to peoplesheritage. Heritage is the preservation of tangible

and intangible culture from historical pasts, but as these traditions can create oppression,

for some, it calls upon universal human right actions (Silverman, Ruggels, 2007, p.3).

Protection and preservation of cultural heritage is linked to cultural rights (Logan, 2007,

p.33), which is an aspect of human rights. This overlapping can create conflict between

those desiring cultural identity and others claiming universal human rights. I will apply this

to ala kachuu to demonstrate that cultural approval does not mean universal agreement.

Cultural relativists would claim that bride kidnapping is right in Kyrgyzstan because the

culture approves of it, but it is not right in the west where we do not approve of kidnapping.

Across cultures, cultural and human rights will conflict, as not all have similar social

contexts, beliefs, customs or ethics. The problem of universal human rights and a global

ethic is that morality is ambiguous (Silverman, Ruggels, 2007, p.4); what is considered moral

in one society may not be considered immoral in another, and this is why human rights

activists and international law specialists avoid discussion of cultural rights (Logan, 2007,

p.34). If there are externally imposed preventions in ala kachuu they will reflect opposing

values, ideologies, concepts, not universal standards. Interveners forget Kyrgyz culture has

different social contexts. If these understandings and explanations are left out,

interventions may appear to be value-neutral as cultural differences have not explained why


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the practice occurs, thus ethnographic knowledge appears to be value neutral. It would be a

mistake to assume people and a culture's moral beliefs are wrong because they a different

to ones own way of life and beliefs; there is no universal standard of morality. It is apparent

to me, that there is no right outlook we should have on life, or way that we should live;

different outlooks are due to peoplesvalues, which are attained by an individuals unique

world view. What constitutes as right or wrong is determined by personal opinion.

Differing viewpoints across cultures it makes it difficult for ethnographies to be value

neutral. The Kyrgyz proverb every good marriage begins with tears(Smith, 2005) denotes

the performance of the girl resisting once she has been kidnapped. She is expected to cry,

fight and attempt escape, before accepting the marriage proposal. The resistance act is a

Kyrgyz tradition where she asserts her honour, as Kyrgyz females should not publicly express

eagerness to marry, even in non-kidnapped marriages (Borbieva, 2007, p.123-125). For

westerners this act is bewildering; our culture anticipates weddings with excitement,

happiness and eagerness; completely opposite to Kyrgyz tradition. In my view, this expected

act of resistance belittles actual resistance, making it difficult to distinguish between girls

who are not resisting for traditional reasons. In Kyrgyzstan no distinction is made between

consensual and non-consensual kidnapping (Borbieva, 2007, p.127), demonstrating differing

values where in the west all marriages are perceived as consensual. Western values teach us

that kidnapping is not something to condone but 92% of Kyrgyz people marry their

kidnappers (Kleinbach et al, 2005); demonstrating that bride kidnapping is widely tolerated

and consensual in Kyrgyz society.


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Many girls marry their kidnappers, against their will, because of psychological and cultural

pressures, and a series of social reasons. In Kyrgyz society it is the view that only real

Kyrgyz women submit(Kyrgyzstan: The Kidnapped Bride, 2004) and if a young girl refuses

to marry her kidnapper she effectively rejects her own Kyrgyz identity (Handrahan, 2004,

p.222). Kyrgyz girls are brought up to be agreeable, respectful and to not challenge their

elders (HRW, 2006, p.88, 104). If they were to run away she would be deemed as stubborn

and argumentative and her family would be disgraced (Werner, 2009, p.323). Disobeying

elders has a high social cost; seniority gives the right to tell others what to do, thus many

young men and women do things they would rather not. The kidnappers family use sweet

and harsh words to persuade the girl to accept the marriage proposal and the womans

parents have the final say on whether the marriage occurs (Borbieva, 2007, p.123-124). The

woman is not the only one who is under a great deal of pressure to marry. Elders desire

their sons to marry when he reaches a certain age, especially if they are poor as it is a cheap

and quick method (Abdurasulov, 2012), which results in significant family gains due to

Kyrgyzstan being a patrilocal society. It is the view that eldersdecisions ultimately bring

their young happiness, even if they cannot see it (Borbieva, 2007, p.146). From this, it

appears girls and boys have little choice but to consent, accept that it is their tradition and

do as they are told or otherwise face social stigma.

In many countries true love is usually the main consideration when choosing a marriage

partner; in the west we are not tied down by age hierarchies. But in Kyrgyz society, it is

believed that children are the source of happiness and build love in marriages (Borbieva,

2007, p.138). Whilst many kidnappings appear to be unwelcome and unforeseen to most

non-Kyrgyz people, elders believe that long lasting love grows naturally in the course of


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married life (Borbieva, 2007, p.142). This demonstrates that there are many marriage

ideologies explaining differing reasons as to why people marry. An ideology such as true

love may be difficult to envisage in a society of small dating opportunities (Kleinbach et al,

2005), so kidnapping is useful in that sense. Interventions are produced because they

consist of conflicting ideologies to those which it is being imposed upon. Consequently,

interventions are not value-neutral because they may not take into account necessary and

beneficial aspects.

Feminist ethnographies are not value-neutral as they are bound to theoretical feminist

ideologies. The goal of feminist research falls under the critical research category. It

critiques non-feminist ways, aiming to end womensunequal social position and their

deprived rights. Kyrgyz women are oppressed by the social traditions previously described

which often disallow individual choices. The feminist viewpoint of ala kachuu is that it is a

test of manhood where men mark their ethnic coming-of-age - hunting, capturing and

physically forcing Kyrgyz women to marry them (Handrahan, 2004, p.208). If this is a true

view of Kyrgyz men, it can be argued that feminist research is value-neutral, but by using

words such as hunting and physically force itshows that values are incorporated. If this

is an untrue view of Kyrgyz men, then feminist ethnography fails to take account of Kyrgyz

values and the researchers focus too heavily on their own, making simple assumptions,

forgetting differing social contexts. Feminists writings on ala kachuu do not take into

account that women can attain gains through it. When women are performing resistance

they look around the house to figure out if the family has money and how large the family

is, predicting what future life will be like; this strategising overcomes their deprivations as

young brides (Borbieva, 2007, p.154). From this I can conclude that feminist researchers lack


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some self reflexivity as their conception of the moral problem conflicts with traditional

Kyrgyz female responsibilities.

Russell Kleinbachs research on bride kidnapping is highly regarded and his aim is to prevent

non-consensual bride kidnapping. In my view, his ethnographic knowledge incorporates

both value and non-valued aspects. Kleinbach does not want to prevent the practice

altogether which embraces local opinions of ala kachuu. However his distinction of

consensual and non-consensual kidnapping reflects his own evolved western ideologies. His

interventions to prevent the practice include pledges of resistance of being kidnapped for

females, which make clear whether they consent (Kleinbach, 200-a). A pledge from males

makes them agree that they will practice ala kachuu if and only if the woman consents

(Kleinbach, 200-b). This contemporary intervention recognises individual values and does

not forcefully impose western values, as it still allows the practice to occur. The Human

Rights Watch (HRW) report demonstrates critical research, their concluding chapter explains

and urges the Kyrgyz state to strengthen their law enforcement response on bride

kidnapping (HRW, 2006, p.126). Kleinbachs statistics show that of 73 alleged cases, 57 were

not pursued (Kleinbach, 2006). A further example of the need for law enforcement

strengthening is the penalty system; one is incarcerated for 11 years if they steal a cow and

only 3-5 years for bride kidnapping (Abdurasulov, 2012). The current situation reflects young

womenslow power and status in Kyrgyz society and that abuse of brides is tolerated.

Interventions are based upon differing ideas of marriage and human rights. A criticism of

Kleinbachs research is that the statistics presented are a small number of cases which may

not be truly representational of the Kyrgyz society and thus readers can assume the bad

experiences of ala kachuu occur to most Kyrgyz women (Borbieva, 2007, p.153). But as


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victims do not generally want to draw attention to themselves, they do not often file suits

(Abdurasulov, 2012), thus the number of cases may be larger.

Ethnographies should aim to take a positivists stance, otherwise if moral preconceptions are

not set aside then judgemental attitudes will impede understanding of differing beliefs and

desires that explain unfamiliar practices. Complete objectivity may never be fully obtained

because it refers to morals and will affect what is seen and concluded. Writing field notes is

an active process; interpreting significant events which are dependant on the observer. If

ethnographic fieldwork does not include all positive and negative cases of ala kachuu

ethnographies will be bias and not value-neutral. The knowledge attained from non value-

neutral ethnographies will in turn create non value-neutral interventions. If this is the case,

contemporary interventions will not seek to understand the relevance of bride kidnapping in

Kyrgyz cultures own social context. The practice occurs for many reasons and has multiple

outcomes.

If interventions are based upon simplistic understandings, policies enforced will not suit all

Kyrgyz individuals, especially if the practice is seen as a beneficial ceremonial method, in line

with their cultural traditions, and is necessary and practical for the continuation of Kyrgyz

society and their values. If interventions were value-neutral they would have to completely

understand the beliefs, customs and ethics of the Kyrgyz people which derives from their

heritage. If complete understanding was achieved, I question that external interventions

would even transpire and that perhaps Kyrgyz state interventions would occur as their law

states that ala kachuu is illegal, but is practiced and tolerated. Externally imposed

interventions reflect opposing values, ideologies and concepts, and should not conclude


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that a country with conflicting views is wrong. There is no correct way of living and

international organisations should not assert their power to enforce non value-neutral

cultural changes that suit their own external values. Thus, any externally imposed

intervention would limit the possibility of a value-neutral intervention. Westerners are

troubled that Kyrgyz individuals cannot make their own desired choices (Borbieva, 2007,

p.174). Psychological and cultural pressures and other differing social reasons explain why

ala kachuu occurs in Kyrgyzstan demonstrating a different marriage ideology.

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bride kidnapping (ala kachuu) in kyrgyzstan

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