bjp manifesto - an analysis

Dr. D. Narasimha Reddy, [email protected]

BJP Manifesto: An Analysis

It would warm any Indian’s heart when she/he reads this from the BJP Manifesto: To build a

Modern India: the best foundation is our own Culture; the best tool our own hands; and the best

material our own aspirations. Though the manifesto tries to stick to this frame, it often goes

beyond, especially where profits abound.

BJP manifesto begins with price rise, probably recognizing its devastating effect on common

persons economy. However, it comes up with six promises, which do not address the core issue

of price rise. First, it talks of strict monitoring and special courts to stop hoarding. With

privatization of godowns and amendments in Essential Commodities Act (reducing the number

of commodities), how does this happen is not explained. Secondly, it proposes Price Stabilisation

Fund. The proposal is vague enough. It is not clear if they want this Fund to be utilized for

primary procurement from farmers, or subsidization of consumers, because the problem is in the

middle, as their first promise of prevention of hoarding suggests. Thirdly, unbundling of Food

Corporation of India into procurement, storage and distribution. No doubt,there are many

inefficiencies in FCI, but would unbundling alone solve those problems? One cannot be sure if

FCI unbundling would have a negative effect on price rise.

Importantly, in this bag of promises, BJP manifesto promises a single “National Agriculture Market”. It is obviously a suggestion coming from neo-liberalists and supporters of

LPG approaches. We have to assume that this means there will be no restrictions of food grain

movement between the States. Who benefits from this free trade, between the States? Obviously,

large supply chains ending their supplies into huge malls. Will this ease the prices? Not

necessarily, as experience in other countries shows. Probably, they also know it would not.

Necessarily, this would require further changes, including land consolidation, corporatization of

agriculture and mechanization. In one single sentence, a sort of black hole, BJP manifesto

negates the words of the Manifesto Committee Chairman, in the beginning of the document: “ In

a highly mobile and globalized world, it is imperative for a nation to know its roots that provide

sustenance to its people.” BJP, in promising a single “National Agriculture Market”, is forgetting

the interests of crores of consumers and farmers, in a single sweep.

Interestingly, in this section of promises, BJP assures to provide “Real time data, especially to

farmers - on production, prices, imports, stocks and overall availability”. This assurance is

probably to help farmers in planning their crops. Even if it is not meant for that, crop statistics in

India are a real concern, given that it depends on estimates, which vary between 30 to 50 percent.

Commodity contracts, forward trading, commodity futures always do benefit from such real time

data. Today, there is no mechanism which can reach the farmer, or a data set which the farmer

can access to do crop planning. One would wonder how and when this real time data would be a

handy tool for farmers and consumers. Even if it becomes a reality, how exactly the availability

of real time data would control prices?

That’s it, on price rise. Is that all? Would prices be controlled by these measures? If these were

the only measures required, why UPA hesitated in taking such steps? The political costs of price

rise can be huge, as the realization has dawned on NDA before. Yet, the underlying economic


lure of allowing ‘price rise as usual’ is equally great. One can surmise BJP is presenting a

particular perspective on price rise, and would not like to address it directly. It would not address

the rising imports of edible oil, sugar, pulses and other food grains. It would not look at impact

of oil prices on food inflation. It would not acknowledge the role of fiscal measures of rising

food prices. Just these six promises, and the price rise issue is addressed. Ofcourse, it leaves the

door ajar by saying several steps would be taken, which includes these six.

BJPs promises on job creation, employment, corruption and black money, in the manifesto are

general in nature. It does promise to take on ‘governance deficit and policy paralysis’. These are

the oft-repeated clichés of corporate interests, who wanted ‘zero’ procedures to clear their

proposals, by every Ministry, including Environment Ministry. Probably, coupled with this, BJP

promises review of outdated laws, and converge overlapping legislation, as well as remove

contradictory and redundant laws. Environmental clearances have been the target of private

infrastructure and mining projects. Because BJP does not specify, a reader would not be able to

come to a conclusion on whether this promise of ending ‘governance deficit’ is intended to

benefit India, or Indian Inc.

BJP Manifesto aptly identifies the problem of poor delivery, as follows: “we are known by a

culture of missing links and lack of last mile connectivity. We have water but no pipeline to

carry it; we have schools but no teachers; we have computers and machines but no electricity; we

have scientists but no labs; we have instruments but no one to work on them.” And, it promises

to address this by remove bottlenecks and missing links; focus on proper planning and execution

for right outcomes; strive for scale and speed with futuristic vision; and Build institutions for

today and tomorrow. This lack of specificity indicates that there is no real thinking, or a promise

which is not different, or deficit of ideas. We can see such broad, non-specific promises in many

areas highlighted by the Manifesto.

However, this did not deter the writers of the Manifesto from mentioning credibility crisis of

UPA.

BJP manifesto emphasizes that it would give full justice to Seemandhra, indicating that this party

being a votary of small states and Telangana seems to view that separation of Telangana from

Seemandhra is the source of injustice to Seemandhra.

Funnily, BJP manifesto promises to transform Public-Private Partnership (PPP) into People-

Public-Private Partnership (PPPP) model. This is probably the first acknowledgement that

ruling classes would look at people and public as two distinct separate words. Ofcourse, some

sections of people have been asking for People-Panchayat-Private Partnership (PPPP) model.

Notwithstanding this funny part, BJP wants to actively involve people in policy formulation and

evaluation through various platforms. It does not specify how it will be done.

Among the manifestoes, a new promise by BJP is to promote 'open source' and 'open standard'

software. It would be important for governments in India to do this. It will help in increasing


employment, decrease intelligence snooping and perhaps help in transparency and Indian

entrepreneurship.

BJP intends to undertake rationalization and convergence among the Ministries, departments

and other arms of the Government will be ensured to focus on delivery. This would mean

reduction in number of Ministries. However, one is not sure how this will help in increasing

delivery. With centralization, huge bureaucracies have emerged in Delhi, leading to

concentration of resources and inevitably leading to corruption, nepotism and lobbying.

Rationalisation and convergence of Ministries should be preceded by decentralization, more

autonomy for panchayats and local governments. Otherwise, it would result in higher

concentration of powers and resources.

In judicial section, BJP has many promises, which is a surprise. It wants to fast track the

clearances of pending cases. However, it has two significant promises, to ‘review all laws and

scrap redundant and contradictory laws’. Since the process of such review has not been

mentioned, such as how open and participatory it would be, sections of people are likely to be

alarmed about where and in which direction this review happens. Environmentalists are likely to

worry about laws governing environmental regulation. This promise of review, scrap and reform

laws is mentioned thrice, indicating the ‘unexplained’ thrust of BJP on such a task. Specifically,

it promises to ‘frame the environment laws in a manner that provides no scope for confusion and

will lead to speedy clearance of proposals without delay’. This promise pre-supposes confusion

and links it with delays. This would alarm environmental activists, no doubt.

However, advocates for change in the context of climate change, and lovers of ecology and

nature, would be reassured to read a slew of promises made by BJP in the section on ‘Flora,

Fauna and Environment - Safeguarding Our Tomorrow’. It includes commitment to clean

production, protection of diversity, garbage disposal, green buildings, pollution control, etc. It

also wants to launch a National Mission on Himalayas.

BJP also promises to ‘undertake labour reforms, besides other steps to create a conducive

environment for investors’. BJP also intends to ‘bring together all stakeholders to review our

Labour laws which are outdated, complicated and even contradictory’. UPA government also did

promise changes in labour laws, to encourage investment, which would mean more liberal labour

laws. Probably, this would lead to scrapping/review of laws and procedures related to minimum

wages, working conditions, contracts, etc.

BJP would also encourage Indian companies to go global. As it is Indian multi-national

companies are working in tandem with Western countries in many countries of Africa. One is not

sure why BJP wants to replicate American model of colonization, rather ancient Indian model of

trade relations.

BJP promises to create courts specially equipped to deal with Intellectual Property Rights (IPR)

cases. It also promises to ‘embark on the path of IPRs and Patents in a big way’. With no

explanation, before and after, BJPs perspective on IPRs not being clear, both these promises

definitely need monitoring. In the past, when patents are being given on neem and other Indian


products, to multi-national companies, Swadeshi Jagaran Manch was vociferous in its protests.

But, with IPRs in genetic modification and seed patent technologies, Indian seed companies and

farmers are facing huge problems. Instead of addressing such issues in IPRs, if this promise is

aimed at protecting false, under-quality IPRs, BJP would be doing a disservice to India and its

science, knowledge and application.

BJP promises to develop India into a Global Hub for Arbitration and Legal Process

Outsourcing. Will it mean opening the gates for foreign legal firms, as being pressurized by US,

under WTO clauses? Or, is it going to help Indian legal firms to begin their business abroad.

Given the current conditions, obviously, the beneficiaries would be US legal firms. It would have

serious implications, not just on legal structures, but also on governance and policy making.

BJP declares that job creation would be central to its economic model and this model would

increase employment opportunities. How is not explained. However, in various places, it

promises to increase employment in traditional occupations and agriculture. This is a promise

that would be welcomed by critics of UPA government’s policy of reducing employment in

agriculture and rural areas. Yet, BJP did not get deterred or does not see contradiction in its other

promise to make urban areas attractive to move in. BJP manifesto says it will look at

‘urbanisation as an Opportunity rather than a Threat’.

BJP which has been trenchant critic of UPA on many occasions and on many important areas

surprisingly does not have any path-breaking, or creative promises to make, especially in areas

such as policing, controlling illegal migration, governance, black money regulation, corruption,

etc.

BJP continues to see ‘food security’ as a scheme, for supplying food, and does not broaden its

view to integrate concerns on food grain production, and basket of food grains to include millets,

etc. decentralization of food production, procurement and distribution has not been considered by

BJP as an option to increase availability of food for the poor.

In the section of minorities, it mentions only Muslims indicating that BJP needs to broaden its

view of what constitutes ‘minorities’. However, the promises mentioned are superficial and non-

specific.

BJP sees the emergence of a neo-middle class, who have just emerged from poverty. It wants to

responds to their aspirations for services and standards, and give this class handholding support.

This manifesto says, “We have to give the taste of a developed country to this very generation.

We have to take a quantitative and qualitative leap. The time of knee jerk reactions and

incremental changes has gone. What we need is a quantum jump and a total change.” One would

wonder what this means.

In sports, this manifesto promises sports schools, facilities, scholarships and incentives, but skirts

the big problem of corruption, nepotism, discrimination and political interference.


BJP promises ‘to set up a National Commission on Education to report in two years on the state

of education and the reforms needed. Based on the report, BJP will implement a National

Education Policy’. Yet again, main issues in education are not mentioned or addressed. It is

surprising to read that this party which talks of national building on its cultural ethos does not

have a perspective of what needs to be done. How does its slogan of ‘shreshtha bharat’ become a

reality without any thought in this direction?

BJP would ‘re-visit the policy framework for investments, both foreign and domestic, to make

them more conducive’. Thus, it is not averse to increase in foreign investments in India. It leaves

it to the imagination of the reader about in which areas this would be increased. However, it is

explained later that FDI would be allowed, barring in multi-brand retail, in areas where job and

asset creation is guaranteed.

In agriculture, apart from the regular slew of promises, BJP promises to ‘reform the APMC Act’.

There is no more explanation of why and how. Given that Confederation of Indian Industry and

other corporate company bodies clamour for agri-market liberalization, and the promise of single

‘National Agriculture market’, BJP is promising to further liberalise the agricultural commodity

markets and align them with liberal economic model.

BJP says, “Genetically Modified (GM) foods will not be allowed without full scientific

evaluation on its long-term effects on soil, production and biological impact on consumers.” This

is one bold declaration from a national party. However, this promise is structured in such a way

that it can be interpreted in anyway, and does not betray its actual position. It also indicates a

compromise, between forces against GM crops and corporate-supported interests, within BJP.

BJP also promises to link MGNREGA to agriculture. It promises to set up a 'Organic Farming

and Fertilizer Corporation of India', to promote organic farming and fertilizers, and provide

incentives and support for marketing organic produce. It would also formulate a “National Land

Use Policy”. This policy should be able to prevent diversion of fertile agricultural land to non-

agricultural purposes.

BJP promises to provide water for all farmers, through a special project, and also through inter-

linking of rivers. All other promises on water are rather vague and do not seem to address the

problems of budget, technology, maintenance and water scarcity. Most promises on water are

general and do not generate confidence.

However, BJP has not thought it important to respond to the current issues of rising costs of

production, quality concerns in seeds and fertilizers, reduced access to variety of seeds,

increasing role of corporates in Indian agriculture, pressure of agri-imports on market prices,

unregulated behavior of seed and pesticide companies, increasing agricultural monopolies in

seeds, pesticides, machinery and marketing.

BJP does not preclude the option of nuclear energy, even while promising the formulation of a

National Energy Policy. Ofcourse, it promises energy conservation, renewable energy and gas

grids. Somehow it is silent on Nuclear Liability Act, and the deeds of UPA in nuclear arena,


which includes buying both untested, and obsolete, nuclear reactors, from France, Russia and

USA. There is no promise of nuclear autonomy, even while the rhetoric of ‘independent nuclear

programme’ is repeated. BJP promises to review Indian nuclear doctrine. What is this nuclear

doctrine, and how this review would end up? It is probably meant to indicate that BJP would be

more tough than the UPA. Will BJP be able to make Indian nuclear programme independent of

business and policy influence of USA, France, Australia and Russia? we will not be able to come

to such conclusion, from this Manifesto, despite play of words. Nuclear programme is likely to

be on its course, as set by Manmohan Singh.

“We will also encourage and incentivize private sector investments - both domestic and foreign,

in science and technology and in high-end research aimed towards innovation. Leveraging of

technologies such as information technology, biotechnology and material sciences would be

done with special importance…… promoting international science and technology cooperation

towards achieving the goals of national development and security, and making it a key element

of our international relations.” All these and more promises on science and technology can be

interpreted to show the interest of BJP in bringing multi-national companies into science-related

businesses, and building monopolies in health and agricultural sectors.

However, by devoting more than a page on the science and technology, BJP hints at the

importance it accords to this, in its economic model. Be that as it may, it ignores its own

celebrated approach of building on the Indian culture. In fact, Dr. Murali Manohar Joshi quotes

Al-Andalusi, a Spanish scholar in the 11th Century, in his monumental work 'Tabaqat al-Umam',

who had discussed the state of science in different countries: "The first nation to have cultivated

science is India… India is known for wisdom of its people. Over many centuries all the kings of

the past have recognized the ability of Indians in all branches of knowledge. Indians, as known to

all nations for many centuries, are the metal (essence) of wisdom, the source of fairness and

objectivity. They are the people of sublime pensiveness, universal apologues, and useful and rare

inventions."

Even after quoting this, BJP wants to ride on science and technology of the modern world, which

has negative impact on environment and ecology, and is completely oriented towards profit-

making and in general resource intensive. Science and technology in the modern world is

completely inter-twined with business, riding on the legal assurance of IPRs and unsustainable

solutions.

A section is titled, as “External Security - Its Boundary, Beauty and Bounty”. One would wonder

what is this beauty and bounty in external security.

In general, manifestos are aimed at enthusing sections of society to vote favourably by promising

them what they are expecting. However, this manifesto promises more to unknown beneficiaries

more than identifiable beneficiaries. It devotes an entire page of promises for 8.7 lakh

companies, but has just a two-line promise for more than 20 crore population dependent on self-

employment. It devotes almost two pages which might cockle 1.3 million lawyers and litigants in

3.2 crore pending cases, and a mere half-page for women, who are major constituents of Indian

population.


Most of the promises in this BJP manifesto are general, do not address specific problems, do not

offer specific solutions and do not give clarity about the direction of their promise. They are all

more of assurances, explanations and criticisms. Across the manifesto, BJP uses the word

‘review’ 17 times, indicating its interest in changing the situation. Many of these reviews are also

related to some fundamental changes and not a review of some scheme or policy of UPA. More

than thrice it mentions review of laws, outdated, antiquated, redundant and contradictory.

On important and major areas of failure of UPA, BJP does not offer any creative change. In

corruption, governance and pricing of minerals (coal, gas, etc.), BJP merely assures that things

would change. It does not respond to many issues and challenges before Indian populace, which

includes denial of access to and injustice in distribution of natural, economic and social

resources, under-regulation of profit-making enterprises, commercial surrogacy, etc.. Thus, the

principal message seems to be: if BJP comes to power, the juggernaut of Indian

government would continue in the same course set by UPA, and the change of guard

(individuals) would deliver better results.

Yet, this manifesto creates space for new sections, not included by other party manifestos before

and now. It does break some ‘barriers of limits’, in usual manifestos, especially by talking of

ecological future, and building on Indian traditions. However, such new promises suffer from

logical problems, structuring, wording and contradictions.

At the end, BJP promises a Amritmay Bharath. However, before, we need to digest the bitter

pills of foreign direct investment, nuclear programme, liberalization, PPP models and corridor-

growth. We need to endure the tangy taste of support to IPRs, National Agriculture Market and

GM crops after full scientific evaluation. Amrit comes from the promise to support traditional

knowledge, agriculture and employment in rural areas.

bjp manifesto - an analysis

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