berkshire 9ooxpes dictionary ± of chinese biography...• v • • volumes 1-3: list of entries...

Berkshire

Dictionaryof Chinese

Biography

Editor in Chief: Kerry Brown, University of Sydney

宝库山中华传记字典

Volumes 1–3

Forthcoming 2013

Brochure Contents 目录

June 2012

Volumes 1-3: List of Entries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v

Publisher’s Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii

About the Editor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x

Sample Articles

Volume 1: Xia/Shang Dynasty–Sui Dynasty (2100 bce–618 ce)

Volume 2: Tang Dynasty–Yuan Dynasty (618 ce–1368)

Batu Khan 拔都汗 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1Franck BILLÉ, University of Cambridge

Volume 3: Ming Dynasty–Peoples Republic of China (1368–1979)

Matteo Ricci 利玛窦 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11Frances WOOD, British Library

Chiang Kai-Shek 蒋介石 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18Jonathan FENBY, British journalist and authorDIAN Qu, Oxford UniversityChieh-Ju LIAO, University of Cambridge

Characters & Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30

Geographical Locations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

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Berkshire

Dictionaryof Chinese

Biography

Kerry BrownEditor in Chief

Berkshire Publishing grouPgreat barrington, Massachusetts

Volumes 1–3

宝库山中华传记字典

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Editor in Chief Kerry Brown, University of Sydney

Editorial Advisory BoardChristopher Cullen, Needham Research Institute, Cambridge University

Julia Lovell, University of LondonPeng Guoxiang, Peking University

Chloe Starr, Yale UniversityJan Stuart, The British Museum

John Wills, Jr., University of Southern CaliforniaFrances Wood, British Library

Associate EditorsPatrick Boehler, University of Hong Kong

Winnie Tsui, The Chinese University of Hong Kong

Berkshire Publishing GroupMarjolijn Kaiser, [email protected]

Karen Christensen, [email protected]

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• v •

• Volumes 1-3: List of Entries •

Volumes 1-3: List of Entries第一-三卷：条目表

Xia and Shang 夏商 (2100–1045 bce)

Fu Hao 妇好

Yu the Great 大禹

Zhou 周 (1045–256 bce)

Confucius 孔子

Laozi 老子

QU Yuan 屈原

Zhou, Duke of 周公

Warring StateS period 战国 (770–221 bce)

Gongsun Long 公孙龙

Han Fei 韩非

Mencius 孟子

Mozi 墨子

Sunzi 孙子

Xunzi 荀子

Zhuangzi 庄子

Zou Yan 邹衍

Qin 秦 (221–206 bce)

Li Si 李斯

LÜ Buwei 吕不韦

Qin Shi Huangdi 秦始皇帝

han 汉 (206 bce–220 ce)

Ban Gu 班固

Ban Zhao 班昭

Cao Cao 曹操

Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒

Li Guang 李廣

Liu Xiang 刘向

Sima Qian 司马迁

Sima Xiangru 司马相如

Wang Chong 王充

Wang Mang 王莽

Wang Xizhi 王羲之

Wu, Emperor (Liu Zhi) 漢武帝

Xu Shen 許慎

Xuan, Emperor (Liu Bingji) 宣帝

Yang Xiong 揚雄

Zhang Heng 张衡

Zhang Jue 張角

Zhao, Emperor (Liu Fuling) 昭帝

Zhuge Liang 诸葛亮

Southern and northern dynaStieS 南北朝

(220–589 ce)

Tao Hongjing 陶弘景

Sui 随 (581–618 ce)

Yan Zhitui 顏之推

Wen, Emperor (Yang Jian) 文帝

VoLuMe 1: Xia/Shang dynaSty–Sui dynaSty

List in progress – additions may be made

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• vi •

• 第一-三卷：条目表

•• Berkshire Dictionary of Chinese Biography • Volume 1 •

tang 唐 (618–907 ce)

An Lushan 安禄山

Bai Juyi 白居易

Du Fu 杜甫

Han Gan 韩干

Han Yu 韩愈

Huineng 惠能

Li Bai 李白

Taizong, Emperor (Li Shimin) 太宗

Wang Wei 王维

Wu Zetian 武则天

Xuanzong, Emperor (Li Longji) 玄宗

Zhou Fang 周昉

Liao 辽 (907–1125 ce)

Taizu, Emperor (Abaoji) 太祖

Song 宋 (960–1279 ce)

Bi Sheng 毕升

Cheng Hao 程颢

Cheng Yi 程颐

Huang Tingjian 黄庭堅

Huizong, Emperor (Zhao Ji) 徽宗

Li Qingzhao 李清照

Ouyang Xiu 欧阳修

Sima Guang 司马光

Su Shi 苏轼

Taizong, Emperor (Zhao Kuangyi) 太宗

Wang Anshi 王安石

Yingzong, Emperor (Zhao Shu) 英宗

Yue Fei 岳飞

Zhu Xi 朱熹

Jurchen Jin 女真金 (1125–1234)

Wanyan Aguda 完颜阿骨打

Batu Khan 拔都汗

Chinggis Khan 成吉思汗

yuan 元 (1279–1368)

Guan Yunshi 贯云石

Guo Shoujing 郭守敬

Khubilai Khan 忽必烈汗

Luo Guanzhong 罗贯中

Wu Chengen 吴承恩

Zhao Mengfu 赵孟頫

VoLuMe 2: tang dynaSty–yuan dynaSty


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• Volumes 1-3: List of Entries •

• Volumes 1-3: List of Entries • 第一-三卷：条目表 •

Ming 明 (1368–1644)

Altan Khan Dong Qichang 董其昌

Hongwu, Emperor (Zhu Yuanzhang) 洪武帝

Jin Shengtan 金圣叹

Koxinga (Zheng Chenggong) 鄭成功 Li Shizhen 李时珍

Li Zhi 李贽

Lin Zexu 林则徐

Matteo Ricci 利玛窦

Nurhaci 努尔哈赤

Qiu Ying 仇英

Tang Xianzu 汤显祖

Wang Yangming 王陽明

Wanli, Emperor (Zhu Yijun) 万历

Xu Guangqi 徐光启

Xu Xiake 徐霞客

Yongle, Emperor (Zhu Di) 永乐帝 Yuan Chonghuan 袁崇焕

Zheng He 郑和

Qing 清 (1644–1911/1912)

Cao Xueqin 曹雪芹

Cixi, Empress Dowager 慈禧

Guangxu, Emperor (Aixin-Jueluo Zaitian) 光绪帝

Hong Xiuquan 洪秀全

Huang Zunxian 黃遵憲

Kangxi, Emperor (Aixin-Jueluo Xuanye) 康熙帝

Li Dazhao 李大钊

Li Hongzhang 李鸿章

Liang Qichao 梁启超

Qianlong, Emperor (Aixin-Jueluo Hongli) 乾隆帝

Yongzheng, Emperor (Aixin-Jueluo Yinzhen) 雍正帝

Yuan Mei 袁枚

Zeng Guofan 曾國藩

repubLican china 中华民国 (1911/1912–1949)

Chen Duxiu 陈独秀

Chiang Kai-shek 蒋介石

Hu Shi 胡适

Kang Youwei 康有为

Soong Mei-ling 宋美龄

Sun Yat-sen 孫逸仙

Wang Jingwei 汪精卫

Yuan Shikai 袁世凯

peopLe’S repubLic of china 中华人民共和国 part i (1949–1979)

Chen Yun 陈云

Deng Xiaoping 邓小平

Hua Guofeng 华国锋

Jiang Qing 江青

Lin Biao 林彪

Liu Shaoqi 刘少奇

Lu Xun 鲁迅

Mao Zedong 毛泽东

Peng Dehuai 彭德怀

Qian Zhongshu 钱锺书

Zhou Enlai 周恩来

Zhu De 朱德

VoLuMe 3: Ming dynaSty–prc 1976


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• viii •

• 出版人前言

•

Publisher’s Note出版人前言

A journey of a thousand miles, the Chinese phi-losopher Laozi (Lao-tzu) 老子 said, begins

with a single step, and the Berkshire Dictionary of Chinese Biography is the first step in what will be a long journey: bringing the stories of China to a global audience . We are deeply grateful to the scholars who have guided us and shared their excitement about the stories of China . I am par-ticularly grateful to Kerry Brown and wonder if either of us will ever remember exactly how this project got started . Somehow, over the course of a conversation when we first met in London, the idea of a major biographical work took on a

life of its own . It continues to have its own dy-namic direction—thanks to the growing number of experts who are sharing their passionate de-sire to explain China to the students, citizens, and leaders of the twenty-first century . Berkshire Publishing is already collaborating with other biographical projects and will be expanding this collection into a comprehensive but accessible online resource, as well as an ebook collection available in different formats . We will be develop-ing tools for using these biographies in teaching, too—sign up for free samples and updates at www .ChinaConnectU .com .

Karen Christensen 沈凯伦

Founder and CEO, Berkshire Publishing Group 宝库山, Great Barrington, Massachusetts

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• ix •

• About the Editor •

About the Editor编辑介绍

Professor and Executive Director of the China Studies Centre,

University of Sydney

Kerry Brown is professor and executive di-rector of the China Studies Centre at the

University of Sydney . Before moving to Australia, he was head of the Asia Programme at Chatham House, an independent policy institute based in London, and led the Europe China Research and Advice Network (ECRAN) funded by the Euro-pean Commission . Educated at the University of Cambridge, University of London, and University of Leeds, he worked in Japan and the Inner Mon-golian region of China before joining the Foreign and Commonwealth Office . He worked in the Chi-na Section and served as First Secretary in Beijing from 2000 to 2003, and was head of the Indone-sia East Timor Section from 2003 to 2005 . He is a research associate of the Centre for International Studies and Diplomacy at the School of Oriental

and African Studies, an associate of the China Policy Institute at Nottingham University and at the London School of Economics and Political Sci-ence IDEAS Institute, and an affiliated researcher at the Mongolia and Inner Asia Studies Unit at the University of Cambridge .

He is the author of Hu Jintao, China’s Silent Leader (2012), Ballot Box China (2011) and the edited collection China 2020 (2011), Friends and Enemies: The Past, Present and Future of the Communist Party of China (2009), The Rise of the Dragon—Chinese Investment Flows in the Reform Period (2008), Strug-gling Giant: China in the 21st Century (2007), and The Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia (2006) . He was a coeditor of the Berkshire Encyclopedia of China and contributed a number of articles includ-ing “Beijing Consensus .”

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• x •

• 序言

•

Even to the most fervent observer of Chinese affairs, the great sweep of China’s past is over-

whelming . Chinese history is long, indeed very long, and as the centuries—and millennia—have passed “China” has taken one shape after another, with different boundaries, different leaders, and differ-ent guiding principles . There has been splitting up, reuniting in different forms, and fragmenting again .

But there is continuity, too, and at the heart of this new encyclopedia is a belief that in understand-ing the stories of over 100 remarkable and significant individuals, we can come to understand, and make comprehensible and manageable, the vast sweep of Chinese history .

No expert expects to master more than a small fragment of Chinese history . There are experts on specific reigns, events, and regions . Editor in Chief Kerry Brown’s academic work, for example, focused on Inner Mongolia during the two-year period from 1967 to 1969 . But by bringing together a large group of scholars and writers, from the UK, the US, China, and other countries, we have found a way to look at China’s long past and, by seeing how the country and its people have developed and changed we can understand much better where, and why, China is as it is today .

Few cultures have such an awareness of the importance of their own history as China . Trying to survey this vast intellectual territory through understanding the story of the humans who have made it at least helps . It gives an often generalized and abstract historic narrative—focused on reigns and invasions—a familiar human face .

The China we know today as the People’s Re-public of China has been, for a mere 60 years, a

China of great unity and considerable extent . Its borders are nowhere near as extensive as at the time of the Yuan, 800 years ago, when the China of the Mongols reached deep into central Asia, and even crept to the borders of what is now Europe . But they are approximately the same as they were at the end of the period of Qing expansionism in the eight-eenth century . But today’s China understands that its history has been marked by disunity, and this lies behind the current Chinese government’s constant emphasis on the importance of unity and stability . This is only one of the ways in which China’s past informs and influences its present, and is one of the stories to be told and explained in the DCB .

Whatever the multiple histories of China have been, however, and whatever differences have existed, at heart it has been like the history of the West, and the history of other continents and coun-tries by being one of humans, developing, evolving, and setting up institutions, traditions, and stories . This history has been recorded, for some of the time (the richness of this documented history in China is unparalleled by any other culture), and marked by material deposits, buildings, and artifacts . These are the things through which people come to under-stand Chinese history, either at museums, or in the landscapes that they pass through when they are in China .

The fact that much of this vast history was written in a language, or languages, wholly differ-ent from that of the West, and that, at least until the sixteenth century and the first real engagement with the West through Jesuit and other Christian mission-aries that went to China, there was very little mutual engagement, and next to no understanding, does

Introduction序言

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• xi •

• Introduction •• Introduction • 序言 •

not help outsiders either . For centuries, Marco Polo’s highly fragmented memoirs of his travels were the only real record that existed . Chinese history and language did not become a part of the Western aca-demic landscape until the nineteenth century, with the Sorbonne university in Paris being the first to set up a department studying what was then quaintly called “oriental” languages . Today, even with the vast increase in the study of Chinese, it sometimes still feels like we are all playing catch up .

The principles for inclusion in the DCB were deceptively simple: each of the individuals here was important when he or she lived and has had an influence on China, and sometimes on the world, both during and after their death . In fact the selec-tion was difficult, and at times frustrating, because figures have been chosen from very diverse fields, including Chinese political, cultural, business, and scientific history . Founders of dynasties, writers of poems and epic novels, statesmen and women, and philosophers and theorizers have all been in-cluded . This helps shift away from perhaps the predominantly political shine of most general his-tories of China . The dynastic pattern of China’s past is reflected here, from the Shang dynasty onwards . Some periods of great activity like the Tang and Song dynasties, and, of course, contemporary Chi-na, from the Republican Period onwards, have more representatives than other, more obscure periods . Mythical figures are not covered Not many mythi-cal figures or foreigners have been included, though there might be compelling arguments to make them part of the story of China .

Our list includes only a few women . This re-flects both the reality of Chinese history in terms of individual influence, and the focus of tradition-al historiography on political and public events,

figures, and developments, a realm that was largely inaccessible to most women, although of course one can argue that women en masse have indeed held up half the sky .

The ambition for this work when it has been published is to make the stories of many of these figures, too little known in the West, much more widely available . Through this means, we hope that some of the richness and complexity of China’s multiple histories can be captured in a way that is neither daunting nor off putting . Perhaps also some of the common misconceptions or misunderstand-ings of China’s past can be put right . Confucianism, for all its renaissance in central state rhetoric now, was only one of many competing belief systems for the first two millennia of Chinese dynastic history . This work will present some of the other systems that laid claim to Chinese belief through their founders or chief promoters . Passionate debates about political reform and the existence of “loyal opposition,” opposed to the autocracy of the em-peror, were happening a thousand years ago in the Song period . China’s contribution to our scientific and mathematical heritage is captured in the stories of key scientific figures from the Tang, Song, and Han dynasties . And in covering the empire-build-ing Chinggis Khan, to the great conquerors and consolidators of the Qing dynasty, to the highly con-troversial figures that created the China we know today—Mao Zedong and his successors, we unlock and assess changes that have taken place over the centuries . In making the stories of these individual figures vivid and concrete, we allow readers to step into times past and to see the way these remarkable characters shaped their own times, and contributed to a country that is already one of the major powers of the twenty-first century .

Kerry Brown

Professor and Executive Director of the China Studies Centre, University of Sydney

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Jurchen Jin dynasty女真金

(1125–1234)

A Jurchen man hunting from his horse, from a 15th century ink and color painting on silk .

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• 1 •

• Batu Khan •

Batu KhanBádūhán 拔都汗

c . 1205–1255—Mongol ruler

Franck BILLÉUniversity of Cambridge

Batu Khan (c. 1205–1255), a grandson of Chinggis Khan, was a major figure in the Mongol world whose ruthless conquests in Eurasia allowed him to control a vast territory that stretched from present-day Kazakhstan to the Danube. Although his joint reign (with Möngke) of the Mongol Empire was brutal, the empire connected East and West through commerce, setting the stage for China’s Yuan dynasty, which saw the development of rich cultural diversity.

The Mongol ruler Batu (Bádū 拔都, sometimes given as Bádūhán 拔都汗, or Bádūkèhán 拔都

可汗), whose name literally means “firm” in Mon-golian, was born circa 1205 and died in 1255 . He was the second son of Jochi (Zhúchì 朮赤) (1185–1225), himself the eldest son of *Chinggis Khan (Chéngjísīhàn 成吉思汗) (1162–1227, and often spelled Geng-his Khan) . When Jochi died in 1227, Chinggis made Batu, the younger of his grandsons, his successor, to inherit the lands to the west, “as far in that direction as the hoof of the Tartar horse had penetrated .”

Batu was a major figure in the Mongol world . He ruled the empire jointly with Möngke (Měnggē

蒙哥) (1209–1259), the fourth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, from 1 July 1251 until Batu Khan’s death in 1255 . Möngke remained Great Khan for another 4 years until he died on 11 August 1259 . In fact, at the time of Möngke’s accession to the Great Khanate, Batu was a virtual kingmaker .

Batu founded the Golden Horde (JīnzhàngHànguó 金帐汗国) (1227–1255), a sub-khanate and one of the successor states of the Mongol Empire; the name comes from the Mongolian word ordon (palace) . Under its auspices Batu launched numerous campaigns against the me-dieval powers of Poland, Kiev, Hungary, and miscellaneous tribes of more loosely organized peoples . As a result, he came to rule over a vast territory which at its apex stretched from today’s Kazakhstan to the Danube . Batu’s rule corresponded with the westernmost extension of the Mongol Empire, which in 1242 reached the outskirts of Vienna .

Extremely violent and merciless, Batu’s as-sault on Europe was unanimously described by the peoples conquered as an absolute disaster . In retrospect, however, scholars acknowledge that the Mongol Empire at the time of his rule connected East and West, facilitating commerce and admin-istration across Eurasia, and bringing a period of relative peace .

Batu Khan on the throne, from Rashid-al-Din’s History of the World

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• 2 •

• 拔都汗

•• Berkshire Dictionary of Chinese Biography • Jurchen Jin dynasty •

Background

After the collapse of the Táng 唐 dynasty (618–907 ce), anarchy was prevalent in China . A number of ephemeral imperial dynasties succeeded one another in northern China, while southern China was broken up into several provincial ruling hous-es . Eventually a great national dynasty, the Sòng 宋 dynasty (960–1279 ce), ascended the impe-rial throne . Batu lived during the Song, which was later followed by the Yuán 元 dynasty (1271–1368 ce), the only dynasty established by the Mongols and considered both as a division of the Mongol Empire and as an imperial dynasty of China .

During the twelfth century, after fighting a long war against the Song dynasty, a group called the Jurchens (Nǚzhēn 女真) captured Kaifeng from the Song . From this time on, Song hegemony was confined to the area south of the Yangzi (Chang) 长江 River, and the dynasty became known as Southern Song . North of the river, the Jurchens founded a new dynasty, the Jīn 金 (1115–1234 ce) . In northwest China, however, there was another state called the Western Xia, or Xī Xià 西夏, ruled by the Tangut (Dǎngxiàng 党项), a north Asian ethnic group most likely related to Tibetans . Ch-inggis Khan understood that Xi Xia had to be his first objective because the Tangut could threaten his flank when he moved against the Jin . The battle against them was the Mongols’ first victory against a sedentary state .

The Mongol invasion of China lasted over six decades and particularly involved the defeat of the Jin dynasty, Western Xia, the Dali Kingdom, and the Southern Song, which finally fell in 1276 . The Mongol-Jin Dynasty War (Měng-Jīn zhànzhēng 蒙金战争) lasted over twenty-three years and the Jin dynasty fell in the year 1234 .

The Jin Empire had its capital at Zhongdu, the site of present-day Beijing . Previously named Yanjing, the town had been a secondary capital of the Liáo 辽 dynasty (907–1125) founded by the

Inner Mongolian Khitan (Qìdān 契丹) . In 1153 the Jurchens renamed the city Zhongdu, or “Central Capital .” In 1215 the Mongols besieged, sacked, and burnt the city to the ground . An eyewitness reported several months later that the bones of the slaughtered formed white mountains and that the soil was still greasy with human fat . Later, in 1264, in preparation for the conquest of all of Chi-na to establish the Yuan dynasty, *Khubilai Khan (Hūbìlièhàn 忽必烈汗) decided to rebuild the city slightly north to the center of the Jin capital, and in 1272, he made it his capital, renaming it Dadu . For the Mongols, this city was known as Khanbalik (spelled as Cambaluc in Marco Polo’s accounts) . Prior to that date, Karakorum (Kharkhorin in Mon-golian), had served as the capital of the empire . When Dadu became the new capital, Karakorum remained the administrative center for Mongolia for a further hundred years .

The Song was the first government in world history to issue paper money, and the first Chinese government to establish a permanent standing navy . Social life during the Song was vibrant and cities had lively entertainment quarters . The spread of literature and knowledge was enhanced by the earlier invention of woodblock printing and the eleventh-century invention of movable-type print-ing . Premodern technology, science, philosophy, mathematics, engineering, and other intellectual pursuits flourished over the course of the Song . Philosophers such as *Chéng Yí 程颐 and *Zhū Xī 朱熹 reinvigorated Confucianism (rúxué 儒学) with new commentary infused with Buddhist ide-als, and they emphasized a new organization of classic texts that brought out the core doctrine of Neo-Confucianism .

The later part of the Song dynasty, however, was dominated by war against northern nomadic tribes . To repel the Jurchens, and later the Mongols (Měnggǔ 蒙古), the Song developed revolutionary new military technology supplemented by the use of gunpowder . Gunpowder would later be used by Batu’s army in his campaigns against Europe .

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• 3 •

• Batu Khan •

• Batu Khan • 拔都汗 •

The legacy of Chinggis Khan, particularly with regard to military organization, had turned the Mongols from a group of warring tribes into a suc-cessful war machine . The army was organized into arvans (interethnic groups of ten), and the members of an arvan were loyal to one another regardless of ethnic origin . Ten arvans made a zuun, or a company; ten zuuns made a myangan, or a battalion; and ten myangans formed a tümen (wànhùzhì 万户制), or an army of ten thousand . Tümens were considered a practical size, neither too small for an effective campaign nor too big for efficient transport and supply . Indeed, this decimal-system organization of Chinggis Khan’s military would prove very ef-fective in conquering, by persuasion or force, the many tribes of the central Asian steppe .

These troops were made especially effective by a large supply of sturdy and robust horses . Of smaller stature than European horses, the Mon-golian horses were able to cover vast distances in difficult conditions and with very little food . Such an advantage, combined with expert archers capa-ble of shooting arrows while galloping at full speed, meant that the Mongols were capable of crushing the enemy despite being frequently outnumbered .

By the time of his death, Chinggis’s armies had conquered northern China, part of Siberia, and Central Asia . His successors were to continue his campaigns, notably to Europe . Before he died, Ch-inggis Khan prepared his succession and divided his patrimony between the four sons borne to him by his principal wife Börte Üjin (Bèi’értiē 孛兒帖, c . 1162–1230): Jochi (Zhúchì 朮赤, c . 1180–1227), Chagatai (Chágětái 察合台, c . 1185–1241/42), Ögedei (Wōkuòtái 窝阔台, c . 1186–1241), and To-lui (Tuōléi 拖雷, 1192–1232) .

An assembly, or quriltai (kùlìtái dàhuì 库力台大会), was convened for the most prominent Mongol nobles to elect the new khan on the basis of collective judgment that the candidate was the most talented or competent . Although Chinggis Khan had designated Ögedei as his successor and left him the territory of central Siberia and eastern

Xinjiang, it took two years after the death of Ch-inggis Khan before Ögedei assumed power as new khan . In 1229, a compromise was reached, which eventually resulted in the first territorial division of the Mongol domains . Following nomadic Mon-golian tradition, the youngest son, Tolui, received northern China as well as the home territory of Mongolia as ochigin, “prince of the hearth,” while Chagatai received Central Asia . The eldest son, Jochi, was given the lands furthest away from the homeland, in accordance with nomadic Mongol tradition .

Chinggis’s wife Börte had been abducted by the Merged (Miè’érqǐ 蔑儿乞) tribe and liberated shortly before giving birth to Jochi, a situation that caused lingering uncertainty about whether Ch-inggis was his real father . Nonetheless, Chinggis always accepted Jochi as his first-born son . Jochi was thus favored as rightful heir to the Mongolian empire, but when Chinggis named Ögedei as his rightful successor, Jochi rebelled against his father . Chagatai and Ögedei were sent against Jochi, who died in February 1227 before any physical hos-tilities occurred, and only several months before Chinggis died .

Because Jochi had passed away before the death of his father, his appanage was transmit-ted to his two sons, Orda (Wò’érdā 斡儿答, c . 1204–1280) and Batu . The traditional steppe no-mad practice of granting the grazing lands furthest away from the home camp to the eldest son was thus upheld, though in this instance the pastures available would prove to be unusually extensive . Orda, the eldest, received western Siberia from the River Irtysh to the River Ural, and Batu, the sec-ond, was given the territories west of there . The fact that the territories given to Batu still remained to be conquered reveals the supreme confidence of the Mongols that he and his generals and troops would prove equal to the task .

The territories in question, geographically corresponding to western Kazakhstan, southern Russia, and southern Ukraine, had already been

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reconnoitered by the Mongols in 1223 . But it was not until 1238–1240 that Batu carried out the real conquest, valiantly supported by such command-ers as Subotai (Sùbùtái 速不台; in Mongolian, Sübedei, 1176–1248) . If Batu was nominally in charge of the westward conquest, the actual leader was in fact Subotai, then around sixty years old . Subotai had been the primary military strategist and general of Chinggis Khan and Ögedei Khan . He had directed more than twenty campaigns in which he conquered thirty-two nations and won sixty-five battles, and during which he conquered or overran more territory than any other com-mander in history . He gained victory by means of imaginative and sophisticated strategies and rou-tinely coordinated movements of armies that were hundreds of kilometers away from each other . The campaigns against Russia were extremely success-ful, despite dissension and hostilities between Batu and Tolui’s son Möngke, on the one hand, and Ögedei’s son Güyüg (Guìyóu 贵由) (c . 1206–1248) and Chagatai’s son Büri (Bùlǐ 不里) (d . 1252), on the other .

Moving Westward

As early as 1223, Subotai had led a reconnaissance force of three tümens through Qipchaq (Qīnchá 欽察) territory, a confederation of pastoralists and warriors who occupied a vast territory in the Eur-asian steppe, stretching from north of the Aral Sea westward to the region north of the Black Sea (now in Ukraine and southwestern Russia) . The election of Ögedei as Great Khan in 1235 led to the decision to renew the war against them and against the Rus-sian principalities that lay beyond . The year 1236 saw a successful attack against the Volga Bulghars (Fúěrjiā Bǎojiālìyà 伏尔加保加利亚), a historic Bulgar state that existed between the seventh and thirteenth centuries around the confluence of the Volga and Kama rivers in today’s southern Russia . The following year, the Qipchaqs were conquered .

Crossing the Urals, Batu’s army swept over the plains of southern Russia, crushing resistance so mercilessly that, as a Russian chronicler put it, “No eye remained open to weep for the dead .” In November of the same year, the Mongols launched an attack against the Russian principali-ties . The fact that these territories were parceled into small principalities and dukedoms made it easier for Mongols to conquer them . Further-more, throughout the campaign Russians princes showed neither unity of purpose nor any sense of the enemy they were facing . None of them sur-rendered to the Mongols, and they frequently fled when it became clear resistance was futile . The main Mongol force, headed by the Jochid princes Batu and Hordu—the future great khans Güyüg and Möngke—and several others, arrived at Ry-azan’ in December 1237 . Once Ryazan’ refused to surrender, the Mongols sacked it and massacred the whole population . In February 1238, Mos-cow, then a small town, was sacked . Suzdal and Vladimir were next . Vladimir in particular was the scene of terrible events . The population was massacred in the churches where they had sought refuge . Other Mongolian detachments attacked and sacked Yaroslav and Tver’ . It was only thanks to the spring thaws that Novgorod managed to es-cape the same fate .

The siege of Kiev, in December 1240, repre-sented the final blow in the Mongol conquest of Russia . The entire Mongol army camped outside the city, under Batu’s command . Catapults were used against the city and after eight days of relent-less bombardment the walls were finally breached . The whole city was destroyed and the population butchered . John of Plano Carpini (Bóláng jiābīn 柏郎嘉宾) (1180－1252), one of the first Europeans to enter the court of the Great Khan of the Mon-gol Empire, visited the town in 1246 . He described how the entire countryside around the city was lit-tered with skulls and bones, while the whole town was reduced to rubble with scarcely two hundred houses left standing .

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Encounter with Europe

In 1241 the Mongols launched attacks on both Poland and Hungary . A detachment of Mongo-lian troops, under the commandment of Baidar (Bàidā’ér 拜答儿) and Qaidu (Hǎidū海都) (1230–1301) attacked Poland . In March, Krakow was attacked and burnt . On 9 April, the town of Leg-nica, in Silesia, southern Poland, was raided . The town was the scene of untold massacres: European chroniclers recorded that the Mongols cut off an ear from each slain soldier and sent them to Batu Khan, filling nine sacks with the grisly proof of vic-tory . After Moravia, that part of the troops joined the rest of the Mongolian army, under Batu’s com-mand and Ögedei’s directions, which gathered in Pest on 2–5 April . On 7 April, greatly outnumbered, the Mongolian troops feigned retreat, thereby lur-ing the Hungarian troops out of the city . This was a common tactic of the Mongols to achieve deci-sive victory: they would lure the enemy away from their base by a brief attack, followed by a feigned retreat of several days’ duration . If the enemy fol-lowed, the Mongols, after giving battle at a place of their own choosing, were then able to wipe out the defeated soldiers as they fled back to their base . Af-ter two days of such pretense, the Mongols camped at Muhi, downstream from today’s Miskolc . The battle that took place there on 11 April 1241 ended in total victory for the Mongols over the Hungar-ian army, led by King Béla IV (1235–1270) . As the Hungarian troops crowded together at night in a laager (an encampment circled by wagons), Batu and Subotai, Batu’s primary military strategist and general, encircled them .

Comparing the Hungarian troops to sheep in a pen, Batu and Subotai attacked with giant cata-pults and fire-belching war machines . It was the first recorded use of gunpowder in Europe, and this new weaponry contributed significantly to the Mongols’ shock tactics and psychological warfare . Eventually, the Mongolian army deliberately left

their circle open to allow Béla’s soldiers to escape . As the whole Hungarian troops fled westward, Mongolian soldiers hunted them down as they ran . Despite some heavy losses, the Mongols emerged successful and crushed the Hungarian armies . Batu’s share of the booty included Béla’s magnifi-cent golden tent . It became the symbol of Batu’s prowess, and when he eventually settled down in southern Russia at Sarai, on the Caspian Sea, his Qipchaq-Mongol state was named the Golden Horde after Béla’s golden tent .

If Batu went down in history as victor of the battle of Muhi, the real champion was his com-mander Subotai . In fact, Batu was later criticized for the irresolution he showed at Muhi, and he also had to live down the embarrassment of hav-ing struggled for two months against the Russian town of Kozel’sk which his cousins Qadan (Hādān 哈丹) and Büri stormed in merely three days .

After the battle of Muhi, the Mongolian troops continued their assault on Hungary . They burnt Pest, where in order to frighten into submission the people living on the other side of the Danube, they heaped the bodies of the butchered multitudes on the embankment while others skewered little chil-dren on their lances and carried them along the dykes . In Esztergom, the Mongols bombarded the city’s wooden fortifications with thirty catapults to make a breach, and filled in the ditch using sacks of earth . When the city was entered on Christmas Day 1241 the inhabitants set fire to their own homes and buried their valuables so that the Mongols would not have them . Many people were roasted over slow fires to make them disclose where they had hidden their treasures .

In the ensuing months the whole Hungar-ian population was subjected to extreme violence . When a few months later King Béla succeeded in returning to his country, he was met by scenes of death and destruction of such vast proportions that he despaired of his country . In regions which previ-ously had been densely populated, he rode for days on end without seeing a living soul . Everywhere

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he saw hideously mutilated and half-decomposed bodies lying by the thousands, slowly disposed of by packs of wolves and other wild animals .

After Hungarian cities all fell one by one, there were no more barriers between the Mongols and Western Europe . Batu’s army was poised to con-tinue its assault on Europe when news arrived of Ögedei’s death .

Death of Ögedei and Return to Mongolia

The news of Ögedei’s death reached Batu at the end of June 1241 . As Batu was literally about to un-leash his horsemen for the final assault on Western Europe, an imperial messenger arrived from Kara-korum, bringing across two continents the news that the Great Khan Ögedei had died in December . Eager to compete for the throne, he knew that his presence in Karakorum was vital but, with the en-tire European continent virtually within his grasp, he hesitated . Having quarreled with his cousins Güyüg and Büri during the European campaign, he knew that he could not afford to be away from Karakorum if he was to stand a chance . Güyüg and Möngke had already gone back to Mongolia . The Yasaq, the body of laws and practices decreed by Chinggis Khan and his successors, which gradual-ly came to form a sort of constitution of the Mongol Empire, required that every member of Chinggis’s clan must attend the quriltai that elected the new Khan . The importance of the quriltai unequivocally trumped his quest for glory, and Batu decided to interrupt his campaign .

The campaigns of 1236–1242 increased sig-nificantly the territories of the House of Jochi . As commander of these campaigns, at least nominally, Batu was the legitimate ruler of this vast domain . Nevertheless, important tensions between Güyüg and Batu had emerged during the conquest of the Russian principalities . Güyüg, the eldest son of

Ögedei, and Büri, Chagatai’s grandson, were jeal-ous of Batu’s prominence and dissension rose in the Mongolian army . As Batu and his commanders sat down to enjoy a banquet after a victory against a Russian principality, Batu took a drink before the others . Güyüg and Büri begrudged this and left the feast without sharing it . As Büri rode away he is re-ported to have said: “Batu is our equal, how dared he drink first? He is just like an old woman with a beard .” Möngke, Tolui’s son, also left Batu’s army but he remained in good terms with Batu, and this friendship was to have significant consequences for the history of the Mongols .

After Ögedei’s death in 1241, the regency was entrusted to his widow, Töregene Khatun (Zhāocí huánghòu 昭慈皇后) . Eager to have her son Güyüg elected as Great Khan, she extended the regency period for several years . Güyüg was elected Khan in August 1246, but his reign was to be short-lived . Early 1248, Güyüg started to move west, allegedly for health reasons . But Sorghagh-tani (Suōlǔhétiění 唆鲁禾帖尼), Tolui’s widow, suspected his real intention was to attack Batu, and she sent him a warning . This cemented the Jochid-Toluid alliance against the Ögedei and Chagatai lines . The showdown never happened, since Güyüg died en route suddenly, possibly of poisoning . A number of historians have disputed this, however, some believing he died of natural causes, and others believing he died a result of a violent brawl . His widow Oghul Qaimish (Qīnshū huánghòu 欽淑皇后) took over as regent but was ultimately unable to keep the succession within her branch of the family . After Güyüg’s death in April 1248, Batu became the clear leader among the Mongol princes, despite the gout that kept him bedridden .

Möngke’s Reign

In July 1251 Batu called a quriltai in his own terri-tory in a place called Ala-Qamaq, in the mountains

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south of the Ili River . Sorghaghtani sent Möngke, while other attendees included leaders of the fami-lies of Chinggis Khan’s brothers as well as several important generals . Güyüg’s sons attended briefly but then left, and the only remaining representa-tives of the Ögedei and Chagatai families were outsiders with little influence in their families . The quriltai rejected the idea that only descendants of Ögedei could be khan and first offered the throne to Batu . Rejecting it, Batu instead nominated Möngke . Despite vehement objections from Oghul Qaimish’s delegate, a Uygur scribe called Bala, the quriltai approved Möngke . One supporter of Möngke even threatened to execute anyone who opposed Batu’s choice .

Undoubtedly this was nothing less than a coup d’état, organized by Batu (who himself declined election) in collaboration with the Toluids . An extensive purge of the families of Ögedei and Cha-gatai ensued, and from that date the Great Khanate remained a perquisite of the house of Tolui . All of Batu’s surviving tormentors, such as Yesü Möngke (Yěsù Ménggē 也速蒙哥), son and first successor of Chagatai, who had publicly ridiculed his battle-field ineptitude, were executed .

In return for his support of Möngke, Batu was conceded virtual autonomy in his own territory of the Golden Horde . Möngke became Great Khan but Batu remained in charge of the Golden Horde . Moreover, as kingmaker and supporter of Möngke, Batu enjoyed great prestige . As quoted by William of Rubruck (Lǔbùlǔqǐ 鲁不鲁乞) (c . 1220–c . 1293), a Flemish Franciscan missionary and explorer, Möngke is reported saying, “As the sun sends its rays everywhere, likewise my sway and that of Batu reach everywhere .”

A vast territory, the Golden Horde stretched from the Irtysh in the east to the Danube in the west . Jochi’s fourteen sons divided the steppe into longitudinal strips, nomadizing north to south along the main rivers . Of all the successor states of the Mongol Empire, the Golden Horde was the first territory to emerge as a separate

entity . The family’s early separatist tendency re-flected Jochi’s alienation from his father, Chinggis Khan . Furthermore, Jochi’s son and successor, Batu, was an immense distance from Mongolia and his suffering from gout reinforced his repu-tation as a coward . As a result, he preferred to defend his autonomy rather than compete for rule in Mongolia .

Batu is said to have had twenty-six wives and four sons . Of the latter, two were to play a historic role: Sartaq (Sǎlǐdā 撒里答) (d . 1256), who succeeded Batu as Khan of the Golden Horde, and Toqoqan (Tūhǎn 秃罕) (c . 1220–c . 1256), whose son Möngke Timur (Mánggē Tiēmù’ér 忙哥帖木儿) (d . 1280), was khan of the Golden Horde from 1267 to 1280 . Both Sartaq and his son Ulaghchi (Wūláhēichì 乌剌黑赤) (died 1257), Batu’s successors, died in quick suc-cession, possibly through poisoning, and were succeeded by Batu’s brother Berke (Bié’érgē 别儿哥) (d . 1266) .

Batu is also credited with the foundation of the town of Sarai (Sàlái 萨莱), on the Volga, near today’s village of Selitrennoye in Russia, about 120 kilometers north of Astrakhan . Its construc-tion did not, however, imply that he took to a settled existence or abandoned the characteristic Mongol preference for living in tents, or ger (in Chinese, měnggǔbāo 蒙古包) . Sarai was the capi-tal of the Golden Horde and was a prosperous and cosmopolitan city . When Ibn Batutta (Yīběn Báitútài 伊本白图泰) (1304–1368 or 1369), an Islamic scholar and traveler, visited in 1323, nu-merous ethnic groups resided in Sarai: Mongols, Russians, Qipchaqs, Circassians, and Greeks, as well as Egyptian, Iraqi, Iranian, and Italian merchants . He noted in particular the peaceful coexistence of various religious practices . The capital was later relocated to a second town of Sarai, New Sarai (Xīn Sàlái 新萨莱), 65 kilome-ters east of today’s Volgograd, which flourished until 1395 when it was sacked and effectively disappeared .

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Batu’s Influence

Batu’s Mongol contemporaries praised him as a just and sagacious ruler, bestowing upon him the posthumous title of Sayin Khan (i .e ., the Good Khan) . According to Ala ad-Din Ata-Malik Juvayni (1226–1283), a Persian historian who wrote an ac-count of the Mongol Empire, Batu did not subscribe to a particular faith or religion, but he recognized a belief in God, namely Tengriism (ténggélǐ 腾格里), the worship of the sky traditionally practiced by Mongols . Not all his contemporaries, however, saw him in such a positive way, and because of his performance at the Battle of Muhi and especially at Kozel’sk, he earned the reputation of coward among some of the Mongol army commanders .

This contrasted drastically with the percep-tion Russians and other vanquished peoples had of him . They unanimously viewed him as a cruel and ruthless conqueror . In fact, because of his cam-paigns, the Mongols were destined to be a synonym of terror to most of the inhabitants of Eurasia for hundreds of years . In Europe, they were also com-monly known as Tartar, which was a deformation of the ethnonym “Tatar,” a group of Mongolized Turks, which recalled for Europeans the name “Tartarus” (i .e ., the “hell” in Greek mythology) .

Undoubtedly, the European experience of the Mongol army was traumatic . In battles, Mongols showed no mercy, massacring the whole popula-tion of any town that had refused to submit to the khan . Even after a victory, the Mongolian army would frequently carry out wholesale massacre and indiscriminate destruction in order to ensure complete security . As Chinggis Khan had warned, “when the enemy is vanquished, it does not mean that he is pacified .” Characteristically, the Mongols systematically devastated vast tracts of land on the Hungarian plains following their victory in Muhi and Esztergom . China narrowly escaped the same fate . When Chinggis’s generals, not knowing what to do with the vast urban population of conquered

China, decided to massacre them all, obliterate their towns, and turn their well-tended fields into grazing land for the Mongol horses right down to the Huang (Yellow) River, Yēlǜ Chǔcái 耶律楚材, adviser and administrator during the reign of Chinggis Khan and that of his successor Öge-dei, successfully convinced the Khan that it was in his own interest to use the industrious Chinese as a source of regular tax revenue rather than as fertilizer .

Pax Mongolica

If, undeniably, the Mongol assaults on Eurasia were extremely destructive, later generations of historians have sought to highlight its more beneficial outcomes . The conquests of Chinggis Khan and his successors effectively connected the Eastern world with the Western world, ruling a ter-ritory from Korea to Eastern Europe and Siberia to Southeast Asia . The Silk Roads, linking trade cen-ters across Asia and Europe, came under the sole rule of the Mongol Empire . That “a maiden bearing a nugget of gold on her head could wander safely throughout the realm” was a common aphorism of the time . In fact, the phrase “Pax Mongolica” was coined by Western scholars to describe the stabilizing effects of the conquests of the Mongol Empire on the social, cultural, and economic life of the inhabitants of the vast Eurasian territory that the Mongols conquered in the thirteenth and four-teenth centuries . The term is used to describe the eased communication and commerce the unified administration helped to create, and the period of relative peace that followed the Mongol’s vast conquests . The Mongols are also credited with set-ting up a postal system and stimulating cultural exchanges throughout Eurasia and beyond . Fur-thermore, if the period of the Mongol conquests had been merciless and brutal, the Mongol Empire itself was comparatively tolerant and liberal . While Europe was in the throes of religious persecution,

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complete freedom of religion reigned in the Golden Horde and the rest of the Mongol Empire .

In China as well, initial negative evaluations were later reassessed . Chinggis Khan and his suc-cessors are recognized by a number of twenty-first century scholars as Chinese heroes who conquered Europe and unified China by founding a new dynasty . In 1272 Khubilai Khan (23 September 1215—18 February 1294), the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire from 1260 to 1294, issued an edict posthumously pronouncing his grandfather Chinggis Khan founder, or Tàizǔ 太祖, of the new dynasty which he called the Yuán 元 (i .e ., “the origin”) . The title is said to have been suggested to Khubilai by his Chinese adviser Liú Bǐngzhōng 劉秉忠 (1216–1274), and it marked a departure from Chinese precedent in that previous dynastic titles had tended to have a geographical derivation, re-ferring to the dynasty’s own place of origin . As in the rest of the Eurasian landmass, the process of unification initiated by the Mongols brought peace in China, and led to the fostering of commercial and cultural contacts with Europe and the Islamic world . As a result, the Yuan dynasty witnessed the

development of a rich cultural diversity, notably the development of drama and the novel, as well as an increased use of the written vernacular .

Further References:

Allsen, Thomas T . (2001) . Culture and conquest in Mongol Eurasia . Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press .

Atwood, Christopher P . (2004) . Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire . New York: Facts On File, Inc .

Grousset, René . (1941) . Histoire de l’Asie. Que sais-je? Série [Asian history . What do I know? Series] . Paris: Presses Universitaires de France .

Khrustalëv, D . G . (2008) . Rus’ ot nashestvia do “iga” [Rus’ from the invasion to the “yoke”] . Saint-Petersburg: Evrazia .

Morgan, David . (1986) . The Mongols . Oxford, UK: Blackwell .

Ronay, Gabriel . (2000) . The Tartar Khan’s Englishman . London: Phoenix Press .

Soucek, Svatopluk . (2000) . A history of Inner Asia . Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press .

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Leaf album painting of flowers, a butterfly, and a twisted rock sculpture, by Chen Hongshou (1598–1652) .

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Frances WOODBritish Library

Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) was an Italian-born Jesuit priest credited with bringing Catholic missions to China. Arriving at a time when all foreigners where regarded with suspicion, Ricci gained access to the court by bestowing gifts of new technologies, such as chiming clocks, on Chinese emperors. His contributions were thus valued more for their scientific practical applications, and he made less progress in religion conversion.

The Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) is generally described as the founder of the

Catholic missions in China . He was born in Italy, in Macerata in the Marche, into a family of phar-macists . Educated at first in Macerata, where he studied at a new Jesuit college for seven years, he was then sent to Rome in 1568 where he studied law for two years before applying to enter the So-ciety of Jesus . He was accepted into the noviciate in 1571 . In 1577, he applied to join a Jesuit mission to India . Preparation for the mission took place in Lisbon, where Ricci was ordained in 1578 . He arrived in Goa in the company of Fathers Rudol-phe Aquaviva, Michele Ruggieri, Nichola Spinola, and Francisco Pasio in September 1578 and began

teaching rhetoric there . When Ricci was ordained in 1580, Father Alessandro Valignani (1538–1606) requested that Ricci and Ruggieri be transferred to Macao and there, in 1582, Ricci began his study of Chinese .

The Jesuit mission to China was not the first Christian contact with China . Several missionaries were sent out from Europe in the mid-thirteenth century as Christian rulers sought Mongol sup-port for their crusades in the Holy Land, but most got no further than the Mongol capital of Karako-rum . In 1291, the Franciscan John of Montecorvino (1247–1328) arrived in Beijing and built a church, complete with spire, in 1299, but no lasting mission was established . Impetus was given to Catholic missionary work by the pioneering sea voyages of Vasco da Gama and Christopher Columbus, which made possible the foundation of the trading es-tablishments of the Dutch in the East Indies and the Portuguese in Goa (a small state in western In-dia) and Macao In addition, the Catholic Church, hard-pressed by opposition from the Protestant Reformation in Europe, felt the need to go out to the rest of the world and convert . In this, the Catholic Church led the way for, despite the Dutch presence in the East Indies, the Protestant Church did not begin to send missionaries to the Far East until the beginning of the nineteenth century .

RICCI, MatteoLì Mǎdòu利玛窦 1552–1610—Jesuit missionary

Detail of Matteo Ricci from a 17th century text . BEINECKE RARE BOOK AND MANUSCRIPT LI-BRARY, YALE UNIVERSITY .

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• Berkshire Dictionary of Chinese Biography • Ming dynasty •

The founder of the Society of Jesus (the term “Je-suit” was first used in 1544) was St . Ignatius Loyola (1491–1556) . His religious order differed from oth-ers in that it did not have choirs, it did not require wearing a distinctive habit or uniform, it stood aside from religious office, it increased the length of probation or training, and it was the first order to undertake foreign missions, at the order of the Pope . It was also notable for a stress on education . St . Francis Xavier (1506–1552), who had met Loyola, was sent eastward by King Joao III of Portugal and spent ten years in India and Japan, always conscious of the need to establish a mission in China . In 1551, he was to join an embassy sent from the Viceroy of the Portuguese Estado da India to the Ming emper-or but the embassy was cancelled by the Admiral of Malacca (Vasco da Gama’s son) and when, in 1552, Xavier found a Portuguese merchant willing to drop him on the Chinese coast, he died on a rocky out-crop near the mouth of the Pearl River .

Early Influences in Guangzhou and Beijing

As can be seen from St . Francis Xavier’s failure, the Chinese authorities did not welcome outsiders dur-ing the sixteenth century . Portuguese traders were, however, beginning to arrive in the city of Guang-zhou (Canton), in Guangdong Province . The local authorities allowed Portuguese residence on the Macao peninsula, but access to the mainland was severely restricted . Portuguese traders were per-mitted to enter Guangdong twice a year for trade in tea, silks, and porcelain but were not allowed to spend a night on the mainland, and were forced to return to their ships at dusk . Ruggieri went to Guangzhou and tried to persuade the local author-ities to allow priests greater latitude; in the winter of 1582 he received permission to travel to Zhaoq-ing (then the capital of Guangdong Province) with Father Pasio, but they were expelled shortly after . The Chinese authorities seemed to treat them as

rather elevated merchants, without understanding their desire to preach, not trade . In 1583, however, Ricci and Ruggieri returned with local government permission to build a house and a church . Though they managed to baptize two local literati in 1584, a new local governor seized their fine house in 1587, and Ricci was forced to move to Chaozhou, on the Jiangxi border . In 1594, he was encouraged to travel to Beijing, which he did dressed in Chinese robes, a dress style approved by the pope . This adoption of Chinese clothing was part of Ricci’s grand plan for acceptance, although his first decision, to adopt Buddhist dress, was perhaps a mistake since at the time Buddhism was a religion followed mainly by the poor and many Buddhist monks were regarded with some suspicion . Ricci then chose to adopt the robes normally worn by scholars or literati for he felt these placed the Jesuits in a position of respect in the Chinese social context, somewhere between the educated literati and officials .

On his way north, he stayed for some time in Nanchang, Jiangxi Province where, in 1595, he published two works, Jiāoyǒu lùn 交友论 (On Friendship), and Xīguó Jìfǎ 西国记法 (The European Art of Memory) . The first was an essay in imitation of Cicero, setting out Western philosophical and re-ligious views of friendship, the latter a description of how to create hierarchies of objects and ideas in order to retain information . The purpose of this memory system was to master complex religious texts and systems but it was of considerable inter-est to educated Chinese whose education system, designed to lead to official positions, was rooted in the memorization of vast reams of Confucian texts needed to pass the examinations required of those who hoped to obtain official government positions . Both Ricci’s works were greatly admired by the lo-cal literati . One of his most significant converts was *Xú Guāngqǐ 徐光启 (1562–1633), an official who eventually rose to the position of Grand Secretary and whose memory is still preserved in the Catho-lic Church in Shanghai, built in Xujiahui on land donated by the Xu family .

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Despite his local success, Ricci was determined to pursue his trip to Beijing and set out with the sup-port of a local official who was going to the capital to take up an appointment as Head of the Lǐbù 礼部, or Bureau of Rites . Although an imperial eu-nuch greeted Ricci upon arriving in Beijing in 1598, threats of war with Japan exacerbated the suspicion of foreigners and forced Ricci to leave almost imme-diately for Suzhou . In 1601, he returned to Beijing, accompanied by the Spanish Jesuit Father Diego de Pantoja (1571–1618) . While Ricci entertained visi-tors in his hope of getting to the court, de Pantoja traveled through the surrounding countryside bap-tizing converts (and after Ricci’s death, supervised the production of the imperial calendar in 1611) .

Ricci’s return to Beijing was not without its difficulties . He and de Pantoja were held up for six months in Tianjin before they and the presents they had brought for the emperor were allowed to proceed . Their gifts were taken to court where, ac-cording to a Jesuit source, “the emperor admired the images of Our Lady but was above all capti-vated by the clocks” (Pfister 1976, 29) . The emperor in question was the Wànlì 万丽 emperor of the Ming who reigned from 1573 to 1620 . Though he never gained access to the court and never met the emperor, Ricci remained in Beijing until his death in 1610 and he was buried in land given by the emperor, which is now in the grounds of the city’s Communist Party School .

Ricci and His Legacy

The Wanli emperor’s interest in Ricci’s chiming clocks and in de Pantoja’s astronomical skills dem-onstrate one of the great ambiguities of the Jesuit enterprise in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century China, the problem of being accepted not for its faith but for its practical skills . Valignani, who had called Ricci to China, recognized the enormous im-portance of learning Chinese in order to convert, and Ruggieri, de Pantoja, and Ricci left publications

in Chinese that demonstrated their mastery of the language . Ruggieri’s Shèngjiào Shílù圣教实录 (True Record of the Sacred Teaching), printed in Guangzhou in 1584, was the first Chinese catechism and the first work written in Chinese by a European, composed in the form of a dialogue between a European and a Chinese . Ricci’s earliest publications in Nanchang included On Friendship and The European Art of Memory which were not exclusively religious in na-ture, but he also published Tiānzhǔ Shíyì 天主实意 (The Truth of God) in Nanchang in 1595, which, like Ruggieri’s Shengjiao Shilu, took the form of a dia-logue between a European and a Chinese designed to “refute the principal errors current in China .”

In Beijing in 1604, he published Èrshíwǔ Yán 二十五言 (Twenty-Five Moral Maxims) on the es-sentials of Christianity, in 1609 the Jīrén Shípiān畸人十篇 (The Ten Paradoxes), which sought to chal-lenge Buddhist ideas, and the Biànxué Yídú 辫学遗牍 (Dispute with Idolatrous [Buddhist] Sects) .

Pursuing one of his principles, that the Jesu-its could prove themselves useful to the Chinese court because of their modern European scien-tific skills, he was associated with several works published by his Chinese disciples such as the Tóngwén Suànzhǐ 同文算指 (Practical Math-ematics), 1614, Cèliáng Fǎyì测量法义(Practical Geometry), Gougu yi 勾股义 (On the Triangle), Huánróng Jiàoyì圜容较义 (On Isoperimetrical Forms), 1614 and Húngài Tōngxiàn Túshuō 浑盖通宪 (On the Celestial Sphere) 1607 . He also pro-duced a significant world map, Wànguó Yútú万国舆图, drawn in Zhaoqing in 1584, corrected and published in Nanjing in 1598 . With Ruggieri he compiled a Portuguese-Chinese dictionary, the first ever European-Chinese dictionary, probably when they were in Zhaoqing between 1583 and 1588 . Deposited in the Jesuit Archive in Rome, the dictionary was only rediscovered in 1934 and first published in 2001 .

Ricci’s stress on scientific expertise as a way into the Chinese court did not lead to more than a handful of converts there but it had an effect on

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the Jesuit mission in China that lasted for nearly 150 years as both the Ming court and that of the conquering Qīng 请dynasty (1644–1911/12) used Jesuit experts as astronomers, mathemati-cians, map makers, clock repairers, painters, and craftsmen . Johann Adam Schall von Bell 汤若望 (1591–1666) successfully predicted eclipses more accurately than the official court astronomers, and worked on the production of the official imperial calendar as well as creating bronze as-tronomical instruments . In 1645, he was made Director of the Astronomical Bureau, the first of several Jesuits to hold the post, such as Fer-dinand Verbiest 南怀仁 (1623–1688) whose second set of instruments can still be seen on the observatory tower in Beijing .

The *Qiánlóng 乾隆 emperor of the Qing (r . 1736–1795) was the last Chinese emperor to appre-ciate Jesuit skills . His grandfather, the *Kāngxī 康熙 emperor (r . 1662–1722) had studied mathematics and surveying with the Jesuit fathers Jean-Francois Gerbillon 李明 (1654–1707) and Verbiest, and had mathematical and astronomical instruments constructed in the palace workshops under their supervision . The Qianlong emperor made some use of Jesuit painters such as Guiseppe Castiglione 郎世宁 (1688–1766), who painted him on horse-back as if he were a European king-emperor .

The *Yōngzhèng雍正 emperor temporarily exiled the Jesuits in 1724 and though some, like Castiglione, returned to court, their dominance was effectively over as court patronage declined and serious problems developed back in Europe . Dominicans and Franciscans, jealous of Jesuit suc-cess, stirred the controversy over the “Chinese rites,” accusing the Jesuits of excessive accommo-dation to the Chinese and misrepresenting Chinese practices in the argument over whether ancestor worship was permissible to Chinese Christian con-verts . The order was suppressed in 1773 .

It can be argued that the Jesuits had very little effect on China as the number of converts was nev-er large, and therefore that Ricci had little impact .

They did have a greater effect on the late Ming and early Qing courts, but primarily as scientists and experts along the lines pioneered by Matteo Ricci, who thought that by ingratiating themselves with the court the Jesuits could make converts at the top of society and the populace would follow . Instead, success at court led to jealousy and was part of the reason for suppression . Nevertheless, the effect of the Jesuits’ China mission on Europe was enor-mous . For from the early period, not only did they publish Christian and scientific works in China, but they began to publish very widely on China in European languages . As one scholar put it:

One way to gauge the impact of the Jesuits’ propaganda efforts is to imagine an empty European bookcase from 1590 and watch it fill up with books large and small over the course of the following hundred years . The first works on the Jesuits in China would be the printed Annual Letters from the East Indies, which contained sections on Macao and the Guangdong Province residences . These small books would be dwarfed by Nicholas Trigault’s account of the heroic deeds of Matteo Ricci and his colleagues, De Christiana Expeditione apud Sinas (Augsberg 1615) . Seven other editions of this work appeared in just over a decade in translations into French, German, Spanish, Italian and English . . . By the middle of the seventeenth century, the pace of publication of Jesuit texts on China quickened . (Brockey 2007, 152–153)

Ricci himself left some of the earliest European eyewitness descriptions of China in his letters, the forerunners of the famous Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses [Interesting and Uplifting Letters] first published in 1704, in which Jesuit missionaries

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described their places of work from all aspects, providing European readers with a very broad cov-erage of the history, politics, beliefs, and physical aspects of India, China, and other far-flung plac-es . Ricci wrote about tea, picked in spring, dried in the shade and served throughout the day, not only with meals but whenever a visitor arrived . He described Chinese fireworks, “representing trees,

fruits, fights and balls of fire turning in the air . It seemed to us when we lived in Nanking that on the first day of the year which is their special celebra-tion, they use as much gunpowder as in ten years continuous warfare .”

He wrote on printing, noting that printing in China was “a little older” than in Europe, but very different, owing to the nature of the language . In

An historic print showing the Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci (left) and the Chinese scholar Xu Guangqi (right) . Ricci was the first Jesuit to reside in Beijing, and Xu Guangqi was among his first converts . To this day Ricci’s name stands for a cross- cultural dialogue based on mutual understand-ing and respect in both China and the West . Printed in 1669 by John Macock for Johannes Nieuhof (1618– 1672), author of An embassy from the East- India Company of the United provinces, to the Grand Tartar Cham, emperour of China. COL-LECTION OF THE BEI-NECKE RARE BOOK AND MANUSCRIPT LIBRARY, YALE UNIVERSITY .

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the earliest description of woodblock production, he noted that the woodblocks for printing were made from pear, apple, or jujube wood and that the written text was placed face down on the block and very gently rubbed so that only the characters remained visible . The rest of the block was carved away so that only the characters stood out . They then print out their pages with great speed . “Some-times, one printer could produce 1500 sheets in a day . And they also carve their blocks as fast as a [European] printer could compose and correct a page [of movable type]” (Boothroyd and Detrie 1992, 117–119, author’s translation) . The work of Chinese printers was of interest to Ricci for the production of his own books and subsequently the multitude of primers as well as the religious and scientific texts put out by the Jesuits .

Ricci approved of the use of fans made of reeds, wood, ivory, ebony, paper, silk, and sweet-smelling straw—round, oval, or pleated and folded and sometimes decorated with a painting or a line of cal-ligraphic verse . Though he noted some differences between Chinese and Europeans, he concluded that they were very similar, despite the geographical sepa-ration, in their way of eating, sitting, and sleeping, for they had tables, chairs, and beds, unlike the neighbor-ing peoples [of Southeast Asia and India] who sat on mats on the ground, where they also ate and slept .

Ricci left a description of Beijing, “in the north of the country, only 100 miles from the famous walls built against the Tartars . In terms of size, street layout, great buildings and defenses, it is in truth, inferior to Nanking, although it has a great-er population and a greater number of officials and soldiers . It is encircled by great walls, wide enough for 12 horses to ride comfortably abreast” (Boothroyd and Detrie 1992, 122–123) . As few streets were paved, Ricci described the difficulty of walking through mud in winter and dust in sum-mer, dust which got everywhere inside houses . He was pleased to note that the way to avoid the dust hazard was, then as now, four hundred years later,

to wear a silk veil, which was greatly appreciated by the bearded European Jesuits who could walk through the streets unrecognized in their veils .

Ricci’s descriptions of the warm reception of European striking clocks in the imperial palace set the tone for imperial presents for hundreds of years, with succeeding embassies such as that of Lord Macartney in 1792–1794 taking ornate clocks and watches as gifts, items that can still be seen in the exhibition galleries of the Forbidden City .

In his gifts, in his desire to explain China to Europe, in his translations of Western works into Chi-nese and his promotion of the study of the Chinese language and philosophy, Ricci set the style for much subsequent contact and his legacy in Europe was the foundation of the scholarly study of China, taken up by European thinkers like Leibniz and Voltaire .

Further Reading

Boothroyd, Ninette, & Détrie, Muriel . (1992) . Le voyage en Chine [Trip to China] . Paris: Robert Laffont .

Brockey, Liam Matthew . (2007) . Journey to the East: The Jesuit mission to China, 1579–1724. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press .

Mungello, David E . (1989) . Curious land: Jesuit accommodations and the origins of Sinology. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press .

Mungello, David E . (1999) . The great encounter of China and the West, 1500–1800 . Lanham, MD: Rowan and Littlefield .

Krahl, Regina; Murck, Alfreda; Rawski, Evelyn S .; & Rawson, Jessica . (2006) . China: The three emperors 1662–1795. London: Royal Academy of Arts .

Spence, Jonathan D . (2008) . The memory palace of Matteo Ricci. London: Quercus .

Ruggieri, Michele, & Ricci, Matteo . (2001) . Dicionário Português-Chinês [Portuguese-Chinese dictionary] . Witek, John W . (Ed .) . Lisbon, Portugal: Biblioteca Nacional .

Wood, Frances . (1996) . Did Marco Polo go to China? Boulder, CO: Westview .

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Advertisement for Nanyang Brothers Tobacco Company, 1920’s .

Republican China 中华民国

(1911/12–1949)

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Photograph of Chiang Kai- Shek, 1945 . LIBRARY OF CONGRESS .

Jonathan FENBYBritish journalist and author

DIAN QuOxford University

Chieh-Ju LIAOUniversity of Cambridge

As leader of mainland China from 1927 to 1949 and of Taiwan from 1949 until his death in 1975, Chiang Kai-shek played a major role in post-imperial China. His failure to protect China from Japan (beginning in the early 1930s) as well as his defeat by Mao Zedong and the Communists in 1949, have resulted in varying assessments of his efficacy as a leader and of his legacy.

Chiang Kai-shek was, with Máo Zédōng 毛泽东 and Dèng Xiǎopíng 邓小平, one of the

three dominant figures of twentieth-century Chi-nese history . After defeating the warlords who had ruled China following the fall of the empire in 1912 and the failure of the early republic, he presided over the Guómíndǎng 国民党 (GMD, or Nation-alist Party) and government until he lost the civil war with the Communists . He was then forced to flee the mainland in 1949 for Taiwan, where he re-mained in power until his death in 1975 at the age of eighty-seven .

Because he was defeated by the Communists after a struggle lasting for more than two dec-ades, and because he was not able to save much of China from invasion by Japan (which began in Manchuria in 1931 and culminated in full-blown war from 1937 to 1945) Chiang has been regarded as a loser, a transitional figure between the last imperial dynasty, the Qing, and the es-tablishment of the People’s Republic under Mao Zedong in 1949 . Unlike Mao, Chiang was not a charismatic figure . Despite spending his adult life in the army, he was a less-than-adequate field commander who operated through trusted cro-nies and family members, often prizing loyalty above competence . He never developed a coher-ent political creed . His regime failed to evolve state institutions or democracy, and it was criti-cized for its conservatism and corruption, for its lack of concern for the common Chinese people, and for its inability to extend meaningful control beyond its heartland in the lower Yangzi (Chang) River region . (See Eastman 1974 .)

But scholars such as Jay Taylor (2009) have begun to reevaluate Chiang and the Nationalist era, looking behind the blanket condemnation that formerly held sway . To claim that Chi-ang was the precursor of the vast changes that have taken place in China since the launch of market-led economic reform in 1978 might

CHIANG Kai-ShekJiǎng Jièshí 蒋介石

1887–1975—Leader of mainland China 1927–1949 and of the Republic of

China (Taiwan) 1949–1975

Alternative names: Jiǎng Zhōngzhèng 蒋中正

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over-exaggerate his influence, although the evolution of the country’s major urban centers during his regime, particularly Shanghai in the 1930s, did point to a different kind of emerg-ing society . But Chiang managed to hold at least a part of China together during the war with Japan, a fact that helps to establish him as a sig-nificant historical figure .

The two decades of Nationalist administra-tion based in Nanjing were an exceptionally testing time, marked by invasion, regional strife, economic difficulties, and the challenges of modernization . China was at the end of a long downward spiral that began with a series of great regional revolts in the middle of the nine-teenth century and the weakening of imperial authority . After repeated incursions, European powers increased their presence and influence by imposing “unequal treaties” (most notably those of Nanjing in 1842 and Tianjin in 1858 that opened certain ports to foreign trade and provid-ed immunity from Chinese law for their citizens residing in China .

As a Nationalist, Chiang wanted China to mod-ernize, grow stronger, and escape the humiliation brought on it by its weakness and vulnerability, but he was too steeped in tradition to break with the past . An essentially cautious Confucian, he would not take risks needed to achieve significant progress, or relax his central system of control . He proved to possess enormous survival skills, but these contributed to his downfall as he concen-trated on short-term measures and maneuvers that could not withstand the military challenge when the Communists gained full force in 1948 . He has to be seen in the context of his times: as a cunning, manipulative political general who was unable to rise above the circumstances of the transitional pe-riod surrounding him, a man who reacted to events instead of dictating them, but still the essential fig-ure of China’s history between the empire and the People’s Republic .

Early Years: From Xikou to Shanghai

Chiang Kai-shek was born on 31 October 1887, in the village of Xikou in Zhejiang Province in eastern China . His family operated the local salt monop-oly on behalf of the monarchy, and his father ran a shop with a view of the river running through Xikou . They were not rich, however, having lost much of their assets during the Taiping Rebellion of the mid-nineteenth century . When Chiang was seven, his father died; Chiang’s mother, a devout Buddhist, instilled in him the virtues of hard work and obstinacy .

After local schooling, Chiang won a scholar-ship to attend a military academy in Japan . In 1901, at the age of fourteen, he entered into an arranged marriage with a village girl, Mao Fumei, who was seventeen . They did not get along . Before he left for Japan, however, his mother pressured the couple to have a child, a son who was named Chiang Ching-kuo 蒋经国 .

In Japan, Chiang underwent rigorous training and developed respect for tough military meth-ods . He also met young Chinese revolutionaries who sought shelter there from imperial rule . He most likely encountered *Sun Yat-sen 孙逸仙, the Cantonese revolutionary leader in exile, in Tokyo . When the revolution broke out against the Qing dynasty in October 1911, one of Chiang’s associ-ates in Japan, Chén Qíměi 陈其美, who had gone back to China, asked Chiang to join him in Shang-hai, China’s most important international trading center . From there Chiang led a rebel guerrilla unit southward to the city of Hangzhou to storm the headquarters of the highest-ranking local imperial official .

After this successful campaign, he returned to Shanghai to work with Chen, who became military governor of the city after the revolution prevailed . Chiang and Chen had links with progressive Shanghai merchants and with members of secret societies (triads); Chiang probably became a member of one called Qīng

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•• Berkshire Dictionary of Chinese Biography • Republican China •

bāng 清帮 (Green Gang) . He was also reported to have killed one of Chen’s opponents in his hospital bed .

But the revolution soon went sour . Sun Yat-sen, who had been elected as provisional president of the republic by an assembly of the rebels in Nan-jing, stepped down in 1912 and handed over power to Yuán Shìkǎi 袁世凯 with the understanding that Yuan would support the republic. But Yuan, the military strongman who’d been in charge of Qing imperial troops in 1911 and had negotiated terms of the dynasty’s defeat with the provisional government, soon outlawed the Nationalist Party, dissolved the parliament, and by 1915 attained dictatorial control . (Rebellious southern provinces, however, thwarted Yuan’s attempt to declare him-self emperor on 1 January 1916) . Chen Qimei was ousted in Shanghai . Chiang went into hiding and, with Chen, made a number of visits to Japan and staged bomb attacks in Shanghai . When Yuan’s agents assassinated Chen in 1916, Chiang retreated from political activities, dabbled unsuccessfully in the stock market, and appears to have lived quite a dissolute life, unsure of where he was heading as China was divided among competing warlords after Yuan died in June 1916 .

Chiang’s contacts with the revolutionaries in Shanghai then led him to travel south to Guangzhou (Canton) to join Sun Yat-sen, who made several at-tempts to found a republic of his own there based on the Nationalist Party . Chiang helped Sun in a running battle with a forward-thinking regional general, Chen Jiongming; after one of Chen’s lieu-tenants bombarded Sun’s house, Sun and Chiang spent several weeks together on a gunboat in the Pearl River, sometimes under fire from gunners on the shore . A bond formed between the two men . Seeking Soviet help for the military expedition he wanted to launch in the north to unify China, Sun sent Chiang on a mission to Moscow, but he returned home without a commitment . Chiang de-nounced the Russians as untrustworthy, and spent some time sulking in Shanghai before returning to Sun’s side in the south .

Whampoa and the Northern Expedition

Chiang became commandant of the Whampoa Military Academy 黄埔军校 founded outside Guangzhou in 1924 with the help of Soviet advis-ers who had been sent by Moscow to give their service to Sun’s administration and build up a re-gime that might spread revolution in China . The head of the mission, known as Mikhail Borodin, re-structured the Nationalist Party as a Leninist party while Red Army instructors formed the nucleus of a New Revolution Army (NRA) at Whampoa . The academy’s graduates fought in an army Chi-ang led in successful expeditions against regional rivals including Chen Jiongming . At the same time, the Nationalists worked with the small Chinese Communist Party (CCP), some of whose members, including Mao Zedong, ran administrative depart-ments while others, such as the future premier of the People’s Republic of China, *Zhōu Ēnái周恩来, became political commissars at Whampoa .

When Sun died of cancer on a visit to Bei-jing in 1925, Chiang became an important figure in Guangzhou, but few thought he would take over as head of the Nationalists, who were led at the time by the Soviet-backed politician *Wāng Jīngwèi汪精卫 . But Chiang quickly outsmarted the civilian leaders and wrong-footed the Russians with his forceful reaction to a murky leftist plot to kidnap him, about which controversy continues, some seeing it as a put-up job . Establishing himself as the man in charge and claiming Sun’s legacy, he launched the Northern Expedition to defeat the warlords and unify China through the national crusade that Sun, as the Nationalist Party founder, had never been able to mount .

This seemed a foolhardy undertaking at the time . The major warlords in central and northern China had much larger forces than the GMD could muster . But the Whampoa troops displayed cohe-sion, bravery, and political conviction; they were

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aided by Chiang’s skill in recruiting allies, by per-suasion or bribery, as well as by excellent advice from another of the Soviet advisers, a veteran of the Russian civil war who operated under the ps-yeudonym of Galen . All this enabled the NRA to carve its way up to the Yangzi to take the three big cities grouped under the name of Wuhan . There was a setback when Chiang launched an offensive of his own into Jiangxi Province, and he had to call in the Russians to get him out of trouble .

Even normally hostile Western observers acknowledged that the new army was very dif-ferent from the larger but ragged forces of the major warlords, and that advancing troops were welcomed by the people along their route . But as a result of Chiang’s alliances with lesser local barons, the campaign launched in the cause of eliminating the warlords soon included an array of petty generals with semi-independent forces—a factor that was to be an important element in the following years .

After the Nationalist army reached the Yangzi, there was a disagreement between Chiang and the left-wing GMD politicians, led by Wang Jingwei, who were backed by Borodin . They wanted to push north to take Beijing and establish the capital of their regime there . Chiang, on the other hand, was keen to advance east along the river to Nan-jing, which had symbolic importance as the place where Sun Yat-sen had been elected as president of the Republic in 1912, and Shanghai, China’s lead-ing commercial city and a major source of finance . The GMD left-wingers, headed by Wang Jingwei, established themselves in Wuhan while Chiang launched his army on the Lower Yangzi region and drove warlord troops out of both Shanghai and Nanjing, where there was a serious incident after foreigners had been attacked .

Chiang papered over that as he prepared for a showdown with the GMD left and, in particu-lar, its Communist allies . In Shanghai, where the Communist-led trade unions staged strikes and prepared to declare a soviet (an elected government

council), Chiang’s agents enlisted the leader of the Green Gang, Dù Yuèshēng 杜月笙, known as “Big Eared Du .” Du was the leading figure in the city’s narcotics and vice business . The chief of police in the French concession (a settlement that gave the French special trade privileges, and which resulted from the unequal treaties), and the US chairman of the Anglo-American international settlement also rallied to the anti-Communist side . On 12 April 1927, armed men working for Du attacked left-wing strongholds, joined by Nationalist troops who opened fire on a protest demonstration . The number killed has been estimated as between five thousand and ten thousand .

As the “White Terror” (i .e ., the term given to the attacks on and attempted purge of the Com-munists) spread to other cities under the control of Chiang’s forces, his opponents in Wuhan reacted angrily . But they were in a weak position and were caught up in a costly campaign on the Huang (Yel-low) River with forces sent by the Manchurian warlord Zhāng Zuòlín 张作霖, who controlled much of northern China including Beijing . A se-ries of adroit political moves enabled Chiang to get the better of his political adversaries—he won over a progressive warlord, Féng Yùxiáng 冯玉祥 (known as the Christian General), who had allied with the leftists and then obtained the expulsion of the Soviets’ advisers . Meanwhile, Du’s thugs extorted money from the wealthy classes of Shang-hai, some of which found its way to the right wing of the GMD under Chiang that had established its base in Nanjing . The Wuhan regime collapsed, and the Soviet advisers went home, accompanied by Sun Yat-sen’s widow, Soong Qingling 宋庆龄 .

At an elaborate ceremony in a Shanghai ho-tel on 1 December, 1927, Chiang married *Soong Meiling 宋美龄, the younger daughter of the late Shanghai tycoon Charlie Soong 宋耀如 / 宋耀如. (Meiling was the sister of Qingling, who had been Sun Yat-sen’s wife .) Charlie Soong’s widow, an ardent Methodist, was not sure about her fu-ture son-in-law but did not prevent the marriage .

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Another problem was the presence of a woman, Chen Jieru (Jennie Chen), with whom the Chiang had been living for some years and who said that they had been married . The general denied this, claimed that she was only a mistress, and sent her to America to study . Kai-shek and Meiling both insisted that theirs was a marriage of love, rather than a political arrangement .

But it was quite a social triumph for the coun-try boy from Xikou who spoke with a rural accent, and it brought him into valuable contact with a family that included two of China’s leading politi-cal and business figures . Meiling’s brother, Soong Tzu-wen 宋子文 (T . V . Soong), and her brother-in-law, Kǒng Xiángxī 孔祥熙 (H . H . Kung), were both wealthy bankers and businessmen and would each become prime minister and finance minister in turn . Though Qingling, who belonged to the left of the GMD and is alleged to have been a Soviet agent, disliked Chiang intensely, the marriage so-lidified his position in the Soong-Sun galaxy .

On 4 January 1928, a new Nationalist govern-ment was installed in Nanjing, with Chiang as chairman of the political council . In alliance with Feng Yuxiang and the warlord governor of Shanxi Province, Yán Xīshān 阎锡山 (the “Model Gover-nor”), the GMD defeated the Manchurian warlord Zhang Zuolin, who fled from Beijing to his north-eastern homeland . When his train rolled into the Manchurian capital of Mukden, Japanese officers based in their country’s concession in the north-east, set off an explosion that killed him—they hoped that his son, Zhāng Xuéliáng 张学良 (the “Young Marshal”), a morphine addict and play-boy, would prove more pliable to Japan’s designs to turn Manchuria into a virtual colony .

After celebrating the final victory of the Northern Expedition by prostrating himself at Sun Yat-sen’s tomb in Beijing, and telling in-habitants of the imperial city that the national capital was moving to Nanjing, Chiang got to work launching the new regime, which promised to modernize China and to reverse the “unequal

treaties” that had given the foreigners trading and legal privileges . Ambitious programs of financial and economic reform were announced along with extensive plans to develop China’s infrastructure and transport system .

Progress was made, particularly in the more developed area around Shanghai and Nanjing (see Dikötter 2008) . But it applied only to the small por-tion of the country that enjoyed a concentration of wealth, international links, and the advanced con-ditions prevailing in the foreign concessions . In keeping with Sun’s nationalism, however, the GMD denounced the privileges granted to Westerners, and to the Japanese, rich Chinese, and the writers, artists, and intellectuals who chose to live in the con-cessions, with their modern urban facilities, legal protection, department stores, and cinema . Chiang and the Soongs all had houses in the settlements .

China’s Warlord Legacy

The warlord era had not been entirely regressive, but it left a difficult legacy . The new regime con-fronted a huge problem of backwardness in the country as a whole stretching back to imperial days . Institutions of state, including a legislature, were established, but they were kept under strict GMD control . The government was always short of cash . It faced recurrent major natural disasters . Corrup-tion was rife, and the opium trade flourished, often with the complicity of officials, epitomized by the way in which Big Eared Du continued to run his narcotics trade while presenting himself as a bank-er and philanthropist .

Nanjing’s control was quite limited as Chiang depended on the alliances with regional militarists built up during the Northern Expedition . Their loyalty was limited . Intent on retaining their local power, they repelled attempts at centralization, and, when they saw the chance of gaining advantages through revolt, did not hesitate . (For a contempora-neous account of China see Abend 1932, 1943 .)

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The trio of generals who ran Guangxi Province in the south, and who had been early members of the Northern Expedition, were the first to act, defy-ing Nanjing by trying to extend their authority to the Yangzi in the spring of 1929; Chiang defeated them with advice from Max Bauer, one of a string of Ger-man advisers who filled the role once taken by the Russian, Galen . A more serious revolt soon erupted in the north where Feng and Yan Xishan, the two warlords who had allied with the Nationalists to take Beijing, associated with his perennial rival, Wang Jin-gwei, to form a breakaway administration in the old imperial capital . This provoked a lengthy war that ended in Chiang’s victory after Zhang Xueliang from Manchuria lined up behind him . At one point, Chi-ang had found himself cut off by enemy troops and threatened with defeat . By his account, he prayed to the Christian God for rescue and snow promptly fell . On his return to Shanghai, he converted to Method-ism, to the pleasure of his mother-in-law .

Despite their defeat, Feng and Yan were soon back . This was part of the pattern of Chiang’s rule . He won victories, in the field or by bribery, but was unable to consolidate his success because he lacked the forces and administrative machinery required . So he was unable to lay the long-term foundations for a new state . His disinclination to delegate to colleagues meant that he tried to do too much himself, working with a small clique of advisers who often fought among themselves . The development of a democratic system was postponed as the GMD retained its “tutelage” of the nation while the regime’s political police chief, Dai Li, expanded his power as the most devoted and ruthless of followers . (See Wakeman 2003 re-garding Dai Li .)

Challenges: Japan and the Communists

Chiang, who took the titles of Director General of the GMD and Generalissimo, faced two persistent challenges from Japan and the Communists; he

dubbed the first China’s malady of the skin, the second the malady of its heart . When the “Young Marshal” Zhang Xueliang proved less pliant than they had hoped, officers of Japan’s Kwantung Army based in northeast China staged a pretext to take action in September 1931 and occupied the whole of Manchuria—Zhang was in Beijing at the time undergoing medical treatment for his drug habit . Chiang decided that his forces could not get the better of the well-equipped and efficient Japa-nese imperial forces in the north though they put up strong resistance to a simultaneous Japanese attack on Shanghai, which ended in a cease fire that demilitarized the city; estimates of the death toll varied wildly, with an account by the New York Times correspondent speaking of 35,000 military and civilian killed . (See Abend 1932, 1943 .)

The loss of Manchuria was followed by Japa-nese invasion of the province of Jehol immediately to the south . Zhang, who had been put in charge of the defense of northern China, was sacked—he took a cure for his addiction in Shanghai and then went on a lengthy visit to Europe . The Japanese then extended their reach south of the Great Wall, forcing the Nationalists to sign the Tangku Truce, which recognized their influence over territory containing 6 million people and requiring govern-ment forces to leave Beijing .

If Chiang had decided that he could not con-front the Japanese, this was not the case for his “enemy of the heart .” After the purge of 1927, the surviving Communists had retreated to the coun-tryside to set up a series of bases . At first, these resisted attacks by the Nationalist army, but en-circlement tactics and weight of numbers led to most of them being rolled up in due course . By 1934, the only substantial base left in its original location was in the southeast in Jiangxi Province . It resisted several attacks by the Nationalists, using guerrilla tactics to ambush and defeat the govern-ment forces .

But Mao Zedong, who had been the principal figure at the base as he preached peasant rebellion,

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championed guerrilla warfare, and instituted a reign of terror, was sidelined by the Moscow-backed leadership in Shanghai . Prompted by a German adviser, Otto Braun, the new chiefs of the Jiangxi base engaged in frontal encounters with GMD troops, which ringed their enclave with pillboxes and inflicted heavy losses . When the Nationalists launched another campaign in the au-tumn of 1934, the Communists decided to abandon the base . Chiang, who had personally directed a previous offensive, was far away on a trip to Mon-golia and northern China, during which he went to Beijing for treatment of his chronically bad teeth and was prescribed with eyeglasses to cope with astigmatism .

Forces from his on–off ally, the Guangxi Clique, staged a devastating attack on the Red Army from Jiangxi at the start of its twelve-month trek, the Long March, which saw Mao maneuvering his way back to the top . Mao’s biographers, Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, claimed that the Gener-alissimo let the Red Army escape in a deal with the Kremlin to allow his son, Ching-kuo, who had gone to Moscow in the mid-1920s, to go back to China . This seems unlikely given the way in which the Red Army was hounded by government troops along its route; though some provincial warlords held back from attacking it, this was because they wanted the Communists to leave as quickly as pos-sible so as not to give Chiang the pretext to send in his troops and undermine their authority . In addi-tion he had already turned down a deal for his son to leave the Soviet Union in return for the freeing of two Polish Communist spies in Shanghai, which would have been a far lesser price to pay than per-miting the Red Army to survive .

Beyond Xi’an

When the Communists reached their new base at Yenan in Shaanxi Province, Chiang continued to seek their destruction . He put Zhang Xueliang,

who had returned from Europe, in charge of the of-fensive in Shaanxi, with his headquarters in Xi’an . But the “Young Marshal” came to feel that the Chi-nese should join forces against the Japanese rather than fight among themselves . He reached a non-aggression agreement with Zhou Enlai and then, in association with a local general, Yang Hucheng, kidnapped Chiang when he visited Xi’an to su-pervise the campaign in December 1936 . The Generalissimo was held for two weeks and then released without having given any formal under-taking to agree to Zhang’s demands (see sidebar “The Xi’an Incident”) .

Despite this, the national mood revealed by the Xi’an Incident called for a united front against the Japanese, which was then put together but not without many reservations on both sides . Chiang pursued a military build up in the Shanghai region with the help of his new German adviser, General Alexander von Falkenhausen, but kept this secret so as not to give Tokyo a reason for further action . On 7 July 1937, however, a clash between Chinese and Japanese soldiers at the Lukou Bridge (known to foreigners as the Marco Polo Bridge) outside Beijing escalated into major fighting in the north, followed by hostilities in Shanghai in mid-August . Wold War II had erupted in Asia .

Though the Nationalist troops were routed in the north, they put up stiff resistance in Shanghai but were overwhelmed after a ninety-day battle . Estimates of their losses ranged from 180,000 to 300,000 compared with 70,000 Japanese . After the battle ended, the invaders swept forward through the lower Yangzi Delta, killing and destroying at will . Chiang abandoned Nanjing, which was sub-jected to a huge massacre of civilians as well as remaining soldiers; the number of dead is a mat-ter of controversy, put at anywhere from 80,000 by foreign historians to 300,000 by the Chinese, while some Japanese right-wingers maintain that hardly anybody died .

The Generalissimo made the urban center of Wuhan his next base . A united front came into

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being in the Yangzi city as Communists joined in the resistance there, a political council was set up, and freedom of expression reigned . Chiang ordered the breaching of dykes on the Huang River to halt a Japanese force moving down from the north . This caused major devastation through flooding, and did stop the enemy for a while . The Chinese won a notable victory in the walled town of Tai’erzhuang on the Grand Canal after luring Japanese units in-side . But they failed to capitalize, and the invaders resumed their advance . Wuhan was abandoned at the end of October, Chiang moving his capital to the Sichuan city of Chongqing, safe behind the Yangzi Gorges .

He remained there until 1945 . The bleak city became a strange mixture of backward Sichuan people and traditions with newcomers from coastal cities who brought with them modern life-styles and their dismantled factories painstakingly moved far inland from coastal areas . The GMD armies launched occasional offensives, some suc-cessful as in three battles at the Hunan capital of Changsha . But the Japanese controlled most of southern, eastern, and northern China, holding the cities and ports, the roads and railways as their ad-vances produced a huge wave of refugees .

A collaborationist regime was established un-der Wang Jingwei in Nanjing though its influence was limited . The united front between the Nation-alists and the Communists, meanwhile, became increasingly strained . Though it launched one major campaign in 1940, the Eighth Red Army in the north avoided major encounters with the Japa-nese, harboring its strength for the future while the leadership consolidated its hold of the area round Yenan, using opium as one means of rais-ing revenue . In the lower Yangzi the other main Communist force, the New Fourth Army, came into growing conflict with local Nationalist com-manders; that led to a battle in early 1941 in which the Communists thought they had been allowed to retreat from their positions but were attacked and overcome by larger GMD forces . This, in effect,

marked the end of the collaboration laid out after the Xi’an Incident .

The XI’AN INCIDENT

On 12 December 1936, elite soldiers from the forces of Zhang Xueliang, the “Young Marshal” of Manchuria, crossed the snow-strewn courtyard of a hot springs resort outside the ancient imperial capi-tal of Xi’an to kidnap the ruler of China . Zhang had been driven from the his homeland in the northeast by the Japa-nese in 1931 and, after a lengthy visit to Europe, had returned to China where he was put in charge of what Chiang Kai-shek intended to be the final Nationalist push to defeat the Communists in their base in Yenan in northwest China . But, coming to believe that Chinese should unite against the Japanese, Zhang kid-napped his commander-in-chief to try to get him to agree to a united front with the Communists against the invaders .

Wearing only his nightshirt, Chiang scrambled out the back window of his room, leaving behind his false teeth . He injured his back falling into a moat before climbing a snow-covered hillside where he hid in a cave before giving himself up . Taken to military headquarters, he lay on a camp bed and refused to speak except to tell his captors either to obey him or to shoot him .

Zhang did not know what to do next . Other regional leaders whose support he had hoped to obtain remained silent . The Communists, who had initially rejoiced at the news from Xi’an, were instructed by Moscow to work for Chiang’s release since he was Stalin’s preferred Chinese leader—Zhou Enlai flew in from the base to help

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negotiate . So did Chiang’s wife, Soong Meiling, her brother T . V . Soong, and their Australian adviser, W . H . Donald . (See Selle 1948 regarding Donald’s extraordinary career in China .)

Moved to more comfortable quarters, Chiang remained intransigent . Eventually, Zhang gave way . On 25 December, Chiang was released . The “Young Marshal” flew with him to the capital of Nanjing where the former ruler of Manchuria was sentenced to be held prisoner indefinitely—twelve years later, he was taken with Chiang to Taiwan, where he was released only in 1991; he went to live in Hawaii and died at the age of a hundred in 2001, twenty-six years after Chiang .

Though the Xi’an Incident fizzled out, it was important in that Zhang’s action stopped a major attack by the Nationalists on the Communists . If this had succeeded, it could have devastated their forces . If they had survived in weakened shape, Mao and his colleagues would been driven further west to the periphery of China from which it would have been more difficult for them to stage a comeback . Little wonder then, that Zhang recalled late in his life that Chiang “absolutely detested him” and that the later Communist leader, Jiang Zemin, hailed the Young Marshal as a “hero for eternity .”

China and World War II

The Nationalists did more fighting than sup-posed by some subsequent historians who repeated the Communist line that only the Red Army engaged the Japanese . (For a balanced view see Van de Ven 2003 .) But, in Chongqing, Chiang could do little except wait for another power to defeat Japan—when he heard news

of Pearl Harbor, he is said to have put on a gramophone recording of Ave Maria . Frank-lin Roosevelt wanted to make sure that China stayed in the war—it was tying down a million Japanese troops . He saw China as one of the Four Policemen of the world after the conflict, together with the United States, the Soviet Un-ion, and Britain, and promised it a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council . But he did not want to commit US forces to fight for Chiang . So he adopted the expedient of giv-ing the Nationalists large loans under the Lend Lease program while sending a highly regarded general, Joseph Stillwell, to an ambiguous post as chief of staff in China .

Stillwell was at loggerheads with Chiang, whom he called “the peanut,” from the moment he arrived in China . The two men fell out over the campaign in Burma (Thailand) in which Stil-well nominally commanded Chinese troops in the field but found that their generals were taking instructions from Chiang as they were routed by the Japanese . Subsequently, Stilwell’s obsession with erasing that defeat caused further trouble between the two men while his plan to reform the Chinese army would have struck at the base of the Generalissimo’s power . In addition, the National-ists pressed continually for more supplies of US arms and money, causing Chiang to acquire the nickname in the West of “Cash My Cheque .” (For Stilwell and the war period, see Tuchman, Van de ven, White, and Jacoby in Further Reading) .

Stilwell received strong backing from the US chief of staff, George Marshall, and from the US press corps in Chongqing . He was subse-quently the subject of an admiring biography by Pulitzer Prize winner Barbara Tuchman, which contrasted his straightforward Yankee style with that of the devious Generalissimo . But the Stilwell’s intransigence, acerbic personality, and short temper, which earned him the nickname “Vinegar Joe,” made him a poor choice to work with a man like Chiang . His attempts to dictate

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to the Chinese to get them to reform their armed forces raised their hackles . In addition, the Yan-kee Stillwell was on bad terms with the “good ole boy” Southerner, Claire Chennault, who had been taken on by the Nationalists as their air force adviser .

Matters were exacerbated by suspicions that Stillwell wanted to work with the Commu-nists . But despite some strong messages he sent to Chiang, Roosevelt had no alternative . The Nationalist leader represented his best hope of keeping China in the war, and he confirmed Chi-ang’s status by inviting him to a summit meeting in Cairo with the British in November 1943 . Eventually, in the middle of a major Japanese at-tack from north to south China in 1944, known as Operation Ichigo, Roosevelt recalled Stillwell and replaced him with a more emollient general, Albert Wedemeyer .

As World War II neared its close the fol-lowing year, Chiang came under increasing US pressure to reach an agreement with the Communists, which led him to invite Mao for discussions in Chongqing . Roosevelt had com-pared the Communists to agrarian socialists and a US mission sent to Yan’an played back positive reports of the discipline and integrity it found there—the darker elements of repression were kept well hidden . To try to get a coalition agree-ment, Marshall was sent to China on a year-long effort at mediation .

But both Chiang and Mao were intent on re-suming their battle for control of China . Though the US envoy achieved an initial ceasefire agree-ment, this never held, and fighting broke out as the Nationalists moved into Manchuria—with US help that undermined the impartiality of Marshall’s mission . The USSR, which had invaded Manchuria just before Tokyo ceased fighting, veered between helping the Red Army and siding with Chiang, whom Stalin saw as the kind of weak leader he wanted in China so that he could promote Soviet interests in East Asia .

Postwar Tactics and Taiwan

Reverting to guerrilla tactics, Mao’s forces scored a number of victories and were aided by well-placed agents of influence in the opposing high command . But the overwhelming strength of the Nationalists, with US arms and transport, steadily pushed them back . In an effort to stop the fighting, Marshall forced a second cease-fire on Chiang by threaten-ing to suspend arms deliveries . That enabled the Communist forces, now renamed the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), to regroup . In 1947, they launched successful attacks on Manchurian cities, helped by inept tactics on Chiang’s part . Then they moved down toward Beijing while other armies staged offensives in central and eastern China .

During this period, Chiang tried to rally sup-port with promises of political reform . A new constitution was promulgated in 1947 under which he was elected as president of the Repub-lic of China . But Lǐ Zōngrén 李宗仁 of Guangxi mounted a significant challenge and won the vice presidency . To try to bolster the military effort, Chiang regularly shuffled his commanders, and issued personal orders to the generals on the bat-tlefield—but since these were often out of date by the time they arrived, they were usually counter-productive . The regime remained divided by the old rivalries and the country was exhausted . It had gone through a decade of war . The social fab-ric had been ripped apart . Inflation was soaring . Confidence in the regime was low . In addition, the Nationalists faced a well organized foe whose armies, far from being the peasant force of Com-munist mythology, was well armed with tanks and heavy weapons, many of them US supplies captured on the battlefield .

After the PLA had won a major victory in the Huai-Hai battle of eastern China at the turn of 1948-1949, Chiang resigned as president, handing over to Li . But he continued to play politics behind the scenes as his successor tried unsuccessfully to

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reach an agreement with the Communists or to enlist Washington’s military support . On the first issue, Mao and his colleagues were unyielding, drawing up a list of “war criminals” headed by Chiang . On the second, Harry Truman had been alienated by links between the Nationalist regime and rightwing Republicans in the China lobby dur-ing the 1948 presidential election while Marshall, who had become secretary of state, could only have bitter memories of his time in China . The US president refused to let Madame Chiang stay at the White House when she visited the capital and later told an interviewer that the Nationalists had stolen a billion dollars from US loans—“they’re all thieves, every damn one of them,” he added

As the PLA took Nanjing and Shanghai and crossed the Yangzi, Chiang shuttled between loyal generals and visited Taiwan, where he had built up an offshore base . The Nationalists had imposed themselves on the island after regaining it from the Japanese in 1945—their repression included a massa-cre of members of the native population in February 1947 . After Mao proclaimed the People’s Republic in Beijing on 1 October 1949, the generalissimo tried to organize resistance in Guangzhou but then flew to Sichuan for a last stand . The Communists were on his heels, however, and on 10 December, Chiang took a small plane from the provincial capital of Chengdu to go to Taiwan, abandoning China to his enemy of more than twenty years .

The island, 145 kilometers from the Fujian coast, was protected by the Nationalist navy and air force . Chiang hoped to be able to use it as a springboard to stage a return to the mainland but, for that, he would need US help, and the Truman administration remained unenthusiastic . But his position was greatly strengthened by the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 . After Mao sent the PLA to support Pyongyang, Communist China became a major Cold War foe for Washington and Taiwan a valuable ally . US support for the Repub-lic of China strengthened during the Eisenhower administration when Chiang was seen as an elder

statesman who acted as a counterweight to the in-creasingly willful Mao . Still, though it backed the regime in Taipei in periodic clashes over small is-lands in the Taiwan Straits, Washington held back from supporting schemes by Chiang to stage a landing on the mainland .

US friendship ensured that there was no Communist attempt to invade the island while the Republic of China (RoC) retained permanent membership of the UN Security Council . Equally important to the development of Taiwan was the economic aid that Chiang’s regime received as it developed the island, in particular with land re-form . The generalissimo again took up the position of president of the RoC in 1950 and was re-elected to the post by the National Assembly in 1960, 1966, and 1972 . He and the GMD ran the island as a one-party state under martial law . Chinese who had crossed from the mainland dominated politics and the economy, and the GMD profited by amassing “black money” from corruption .

Opposition was repressed, in particular among the indigenous Taiwanese whose language was banned from use in schools and the media . Arrests ran into hundreds of thousands, and many alleged Communists were executed . Gradually, however, the nature of the regime altered, though the GMD made sure it kept the upper hand . Figures from the past, such as Soong family members, left to live in the United States . Chiang’s son, Ching-kuo, took an increasingly important role . As the economy evolved with the growth of basic manufacturing as well as agriculture, he laid the seeds for the move toward democracy and enfranchisement of the na-tive Taiwanese that led to the GMD’s eventual loss of the presidency in 2000 .

Chiang still insisted that there was only one China, which he represented; legislators in the parliament in Taipei sat for provinces lost by the Nationalists in 1949 . But there was a major set-back when the RoC lost its UN seat and Richard Nixon visited Beijing in 1972 for talks with Mao . Four years later, the Generalissimo died at the age

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of eighty-seven from renal failure after suffering a major heart attack and pneumonia .

His body was not buried but laid in a tomb at one of his former residences in the hope that it might eventually be taken back to be buried on the mainland . He was honored with the building on a huge memorial hall in Taipei as his son took over the leadership of the RoC . But, after the op-position Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won the presidency in 2000, his reputation suffered a re-verse as statues of him were removed from public places and his face was taken off banknotes . When the GMD won back the presidency in 2008, Chiang Kai-shek’s name was not mentioned .

Posthumous Legacy

After his death, Chiang was widely regarded as a figure from the past, one who had failed to move China into the post-imperial age . More recently, the huge odds he faced have been taken into account and the modernization plans of the 1930s have been regarded as a precursor to the evolution that the mainland has undergone since the launch of eco-nomic reform in 1978 . The truth lies in the middle . He was a clever politician with great endurance who was never able to engage with the scale of the task that confronted him . Essentially conservative in outlook, he was primarily a short-term opera-tor . He was ruthless but not as murderous as Mao . By 1949, the regime he headed was crumbling be-yond salvation . But, given what followed, Chiang emerges as a man who deserves to be understood rather than relegated to the dustbin of history .

Further Reading

Abend, Hallett . (1932) . Tortured China . New York: Washburn .

Abend, Hallett . (1943) . My life in China, 1926–1941 . New York: Harcourt Brace and Company .

Bertram, James . (1938) . First act in China: The story of the Sian Mutiny . New York: Viking .

Dikötter, Frank . (2008) . The age of openness: China before Mao . Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press .

Eastman, Lloyd . (1974) . The abortive revolution: China un-der nationalist rule, 1927-1937 . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press .

Fenby, Jonathan . (2003) . Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the China he lost . London: Free Press .

Lary, Diana . (2007) . China’s Republic . Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press .

Selle, Early Albert . (1948) . Donald of China . New York: Harper .

Taylor, Jay . (2009) . The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the struggle for modern China. Cambridge MA: The Belknap of Harvard University Press .

Tuchman, Barbara . (1970) . Stilwell and the American expe-rience in China. New York: Macmillan .

Wakeman, Frederic . (2003) . Spymaster: Dai Li. Berkeley: University of California Press .

White, Theodore, & Jacoby, Annalee . (1980) . Thunder out of China, New York: Da Capo Press .

Van de Ven, Hans . (2003) . Nationalism in China 1925-1945 . London: Routledge .

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• 汉字与注释词表

•

Characters & Glossary 汉字与注释词表

Bádū/Bádūhán/Bádūkèhán (Batu Khan) 拔都/拔都汗/拔都可汗

Bèi’értiē (Üjin) 孛兒帖

Biànxué Yídú (Dispute with Idolatrous [Buddhist] Sects) 辨学遗牍/辨學遺牘

Cèliáng Fǎyì (Practical Geometry) 测量法

义/測量法義

Chágětái (Chagatai) 察合台

Chen Qimei 陈其美/陳其美

Chéng Yí 程颐/程頤

Chéngjísīhàn (Chinggis Khan) 成吉

思汗

Dǎngxiàng (Tangut) 党项/黨項

Dèng Xiǎopíng 邓小平/鄧小平

Dù Yuèshēng 杜月笙

Èrshíwǔ Yán (Twenty-Five Moral Maxims) 二十五言

Féng Yùxiáng 冯玉祥

Gōugǔ Yì (On the Triangle) 勾股义/勾股義

Guómíndǎng (W-G: Kuomintang) 国民党/國民黨

Huángpǔ jūnxiào (Whampoa Military Academy) 黄埔军校/黃埔軍校

Huánróng Jiàoyì (On Isoperimetrical Forms) 圜容较义/圜容較義

Hūbìlièhàn (Khubilai Khan) 忽必烈汗

Húngài Tōngxiàn Túshuō (On the Celestial Sphere) 浑盖通宪图说

Jiǎng Jièshí (Chiang Kai-shek) 蒋介

石/蔣介石

Jiǎng Jīngguó (Chiang Ching-kuo) 蒋经国/蔣經國

Jiāoyǒu lùn (On Friendship) 交友论/交友論

Jīnzhàng Hàn guó (Golden Horde) 金帐汗国/金帳汗國

The following character lists and glossaries are organized alphabetically according to Pinyin translit-eration. Alternative spellings are mentioned in parenthesis, and both simplified and traditional charac-ters are included. Bold names indicate that this individual has a separate entry in the Dictionary. Titles of books and documents are in italics, all other names and terms are roman.

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• Characters &

Glossary •

• Characters & Glossary • 汉字与注释词表 •

Jīrén Shípiān (The Ten Paradoxes) 畸人

十篇

Kāngxī, Emperor (of Ming) 康熙

Kǒng Xiángxī 孔祥熙 /孔祥熙

kùlìtái dàhuì (quriltai) 库力台大会/庫力台大會: An assembly attended by the most prominent Mongol nobles, usually held to elect a new ruler (or khan) .

Lì Mǎdòu (Matteo Ricci) 利马窦/利馬竇

Lǐ Zōngrén 李宗仁

Lǐbù (Bureau of rites) 礼部/禮部

Máo Zédōng 毛泽东/毛澤東

Měnggē (Möngke) 蒙哥

Měng-Jīn zhànzhēng (Mongol-Jin Dynasty War) 蒙金战争/蒙金戰爭

Miè’érqǐ (Merged) 蔑儿乞/蔑兒乞

Nǚzhēn (Jurchens) 女真

Qiánlóng, Emperor (of Ming) 乾隆帝

Qīng bāng (Green Gang) 清帮/清幫

Shèngjiào Shílù (True Record of the Sacred Teaching) 圣教实录/聖教實錄

Sòng Měilíng (Soong Meiling) 宋美

龄/宋美齡

Sòng Qìnglíng (Soong Qingling) 宋庆

龄/宋慶齡

Sòng Yàorú (Charlie Soong) 宋耀如

Sòng Zǐwén (Soong Tzu-wen) 宋子文

Sùbùtái (Subotai) 速不台

Sūn Yìxiān (Sun Yat-sen) 孙逸仙/孫逸仙

Tiānzhǔ shíyì (The Truth of God) 天主实

意/天主實意

Tóngwén suànzhǐ (Practical Mathematics) 同文算指

Tuōléi (Tolui) 拖雷

Wāng Jīngwèi 汪精卫/汪精衛

Wànguó Yútú 万国舆图/萬國輿圖

wànhùzhì (tümen) 万户制/萬戶制: A military unit (an army of ten thousand) used in the Mongolian army.

Wò’érdā (Orda) 斡兒答

Wōkuòtái (Ögedei) 窝阔台

Xīguó Jìfǎ (The European Art of Memory) 西国记法/西國記法

Yán Xīshān 阎锡山/閻錫山

Yōngzhèng, Emperor (of Ming) 雍正

Yuán Shìkǎi 袁世凯/袁世凱

Zhāng Xuéliáng 张学良/張學良

Zhāng Zuòlín 张作霖/張作霖

Zhōu Ēnlái 周恩来/周恩來

Zhū Xī 朱熹

Zhúchì (Jochi) 朮赤

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• 地理名词

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Geographical Locations地理名词

This list of geographical locations includes names of cities, towns, villages, regions, rivers, and moun-tains, in both simplified and traditional characters. A list of all (contemporary) provinces is included at the top, and the (present-day) location of each entry is indicated by a two letter abbreviation in parenthesis. Alternative spellings are mentioned in parenthesis when appropriate.

proVinceS of the prc

Ānhuī Province 安徽省 AH

Běijīng Municipality 北京市 BJ

Chóngqìng Municipality 重庆市 CQ

Fújiàn Province 福建省 FJ

Gānsù Province甘肃省 GS

Guǎngdōng Province 广东省 GD

Guǎngxī Zhuàng Autonomous Region 广西壮族自治区

GX

Guìzhōu Province 贵州省 GZ

Hǎinán Province 海南省 HI

Héběi Province 河北省 HE

Hēilóngjiāng Province 黑龙江省 HL

Hénán Province 河南省 HA

Hong Kong (Xiǎnggāng) Special Administrative Region 香港特别行政区

HK

Húběi Province 湖北省 HB

Húnán Province 湖南省 HN

Inner Mongolia (Nèiměnggǔ) Autonomous Region內蒙古自治区蒙

NM

Jiāngsū Province 江苏省 JS

Jiāngxī Province 江西省 JX

Jílín Province 吉林省 JL

Liáoníng Province 辽宁省 LN

Macau (Àomén) Special Administra-tive Region 澳门特别行政区

MC

Níngxià (Huí) Autonomous Region 宁夏回族自治区

NX

Qīnghǎi Province 青海省 QH

Shǎnxī (Shaanxi) Province 陕西省 SN

Shāndōng Province 山东省 SD

Shànghǎi Minicipality 上海市 SH

Shānxī Province 山西省 SX

Sìchuān Province 四川省 SC

Tiānjīn Municipality 天津市 TJ

Tibet (Xīzàng) Autonomous Region 西藏自治区

XZ

Xīnjiāng (Uyghur) Autonomous Re-gion 新疆维吾尔自治区

XJ

Yúnnán Province 云南省 YN

Zhèjiāng Province 浙江省 ZJ

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• 33 •

• Geographical Locations •

• Geographical Locations • 地理名词 •

geographicaL naMeS

Běijīng (Peking) (BJ) 北京

Cháng Jiāng (Yangzi River) 长江/長江

Cháng’ān (present-day Xi’an) (SN) 长安

Cháozhōu (GD) 潮州

Dàdū (Khanbalik or Hànbālǐ 汗八里) (BJ) 大都

Guǎngzhōu (Canton) (GD) 广州/廣州

Hālāhélín (Karakorum or Kharkhorin) 哈拉和林

Hángzhōu (ZJ) 杭州

Kāifēng (HA) 开封/開封

Kuízhōu (SC) 夔州

Lěiyáng (HN) 耒阳/耒陽

Nánchāng (JX) 南昌

Sàlái (Sarai, Russia) 萨莱/薩莱

Sūzhōu (JS) 苏州/蘇州

Tiānjīn (TJ) 天津

Xī’ān (SN) 西安

Xīkǒu (ZJ) 溪口

Xújiāhuì (SH) 徐家汇

Yānjīng (present-day Beijing) (BJ) 燕京

Zhàoqìng (GD) 肇庆 /肇慶

Zhèjiāng province (ZJ) 浙江

Zhōngdū (present-day Beijing) (BJ) 中都

For information about the project, contact:

Marjolijn (Mar) Kaisermar@berkshirepublishing .comSkype: marjolijn .berkshire

Further sample material is available at:http://bit.ly/chinesebiography

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Editor in Chief: Kerry Brown, University of Sydney

Editorial Advisory Board: Christopher Cullen, Needham Research Institute, Cambridge University; Julia Lovell, University of London; PENG Guoxiang, Peking University; Chloe Starr, Yale University; Jan Stuart, The British Museum; John Wills, Jr., University of Southern California; Frances Wood, British Library

Associate Editors: Patrick Boehler, University of Hong Kong; Winnie Tsui, The Chinese University of Hong Kong

Includes these notable authors wrItIng:

� Ezra Vogel on Deng Xiaoping � Frances Wood on Matteo Ricci � Grant Hardy on Sima Qian � John Minford on Cao Xueqin � Kerry Brown on Zhao Ziyang � Livia Kohn on Laozi � Lowell Dittmer on Liu Shaoqi � Mark Strange on Sima Guang � Michael Dillon on Peng

Dehuai

and more: � Chiang Kai-shek � Confucius � Jiang Zemin � Khubilai Khan � Li Bai � Mao Zedong � Mencius � Qin Shi Huangdi � Sun Tzu � Wu Zetian

What is the Berkshire Dictionary of Chinese Biography?The Dictionary of Chinese Biography (DCB) will use the life stories of 150 key individuals, selected from the earliest dynasties to the present day, to tell the story of China itself over the entire span of its history. It is a companion to the Berkshire Encyclopediof China (2009).

Who is in it?Remarkable people in any walk of life whose actions, ideas, and inventions shaped Chinese history and the China we know today, including emperors, politicians, poets, writers, artists, scientists, explorers, and philosophers.

Who is it for?The Berkshire Dictionary of Chinese Biography is a treasury of information for a diverse range of readers—researchers and scholars, school students, writers, biography readers, librarians, archivists, and curators. It is the essential starting point for those who seek how China has become what it is today.

Editorial excellenceThe Berkshire DCB is led by Editor in Chief Kerry Brown (University of Sydney), and overseen by an advisory board including Christopher Cullen (University of Cambridge), Chloe Starr (University of Oxford), PENG Guoxiang (Peking University), Jan Stuart (British Museum), John Wills, Jr., (University of Southern California), and Frances Wood (British Library). There are over 100 contributors to the Berkshire Dictionary of Chinese Biography from countries around the world.

宝库山 Berkshire Publishing grouP | www.berkshirepublishing.com | [email protected] | Tel +1 413 528 0206

20 June, 2012

“Alas! Alas! What a gentleman dreads is to die before his name is known. My way is not popular. How shall I make myself known to later ages?” 《弗乎弗乎，君子病没世而名不称焉。吾道不行矣，吾何以

自见于后世哉？》

—from the Biography of Confucius in Sima Qian’s Records of the Grand Historian.

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The Dicitonary of Chinese Biography tells the story of China through the life stories of several hundred important individuals, from the legendary figures in the earliest dynasties to the great leaders of recent centuries. they include emperors, politicians, poets, writers, artists, scientists, explorers, and philosophers who have shaped, influenced, and transformed China. The wide-ranging biographical essays in the Berkshire Dicitonary of Chinese Biography have been written by China scholars from around the world. Together, they offer a new window into China, with broader biographical coverage than has ever before been available to a Western audience. Volumes 1–3 run through 1979. Volume 4 contains shorter entries on contemporary figures. The collection presents the rich and fascinating history of China to students and scholars and also to the general reader--to journalists, business people, policy makers who want to understand Chinese culture and perspectives at a deeper level. Engaging background history, dramatic storytelling, and thought-provoking analysis make this work a unique resource for the twenty-first century reader, and designed to satisfy the growing thirst for knowledge about China.

Contributors include Lowell Dittmer, Jonathan Fenby, and Ezra Vogel, among many other leading China scholars. Berkshire published the award-winning five-volume Encyclopedia of China in 2009 and more recently Jonathan Spence commented on Berkshire’s 120-page paperback, This Is China: The First 5,000 Years: “It is hard to imagine that such a short book can cover such a vast span of time and space. [This book] will help teachers, students, and general readers alike, as they seek for a preliminary guide to the contexts and complexities of Chinese culture.”

Berkshire Publishing122 Castle Street Great Barrington, MA 01230-1506, U.S.A.Tel +1 413 528 0206 • Fax +1 413 541 0076 [email protected]

Berkshire Dictionary of Chinese Biographyhttp://bit.ly/chinesebiographyList price $779Pre-publication discount price $729Pre-paid SPECIAL OFFER price $679

Kerry Brown is professor and executive director of the China Studies Centre at the University of Sydney. Before moving to Australia, he was head of the Asia Programme at Chatham House, an independent policy institute based in London, and led the Europe China Research and Advice Network (ECRAN) funded by the European Commission. Educated at the University of Cambridge, University of London, and University of Leeds, he worked in Japan and the Inner Mongolian region of China before joining the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. He worked in the China Section and served as First Secretary in Beijing from 2000 to 2003, and was head of the Indonesia East Timor Section from 2003 to 2005. He is a research associate of the Centre for International Studies and Diplomacy at the School of Oriental and African Studies, an associate of the China Policy Institute at Nottingham University and at the London School of Economics and Political Science IDEAS Institute, and an affiliated researcher at the Mongolia and Inner Asia Studies Unit at the University of Cambridge.

He is the author of Hu Jintao, China’s Silent Leader (2012), Ballot Box China (2011) and the edited collection China 2020 (2011), Friends and Enemies: The Past, Present and Future of the Communist Party of China (2009), The Rise of the Dragon—Chinese Investment Flows in the Reform Period (2008), Struggling Giant: China in the 21st Century (2007), and The Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia (2006). He was a coeditor of the Berkshire Encyclopedia of China and contributed a number of articles including “Beijing Consensus.”

http://www.berkshirepublishing.com

http://bit.ly/chinesebiography

berkshire 9ooxpes dictionary ± of chinese biography...• v • • volumes 1-3: list of entries...

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