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12The Sixth Dynasty marked the final stage in the history of the Old Kingdom resulting in a steady decline of the central administration, the state’s ability to direct and execute the policy of the Residence in the provinces, and the general failure of the redistribution of goods.3 Starting as early as the reign of Nyuserra in the Fifth Dynasty, we may observe a strong tendency towards the rising influence of wealthy officials and their family members and towards nepotism in the state administration. Archaeologists working in the residential cemeteries of Memphis are now able to observe that most of the high officials’ tombs of the period from Nyuserra to the reign of Teti – Pepy I were characterized by large and richly decorated tombs demonstrating the increasing influence, power and independence

1. This is a preliminary version of the vizier Qar’s tomb complex interpretation which will be published as volume XIII of the Abusir series. I thank Kateřina Honskusová for correcting the final draft of this contribution.

2. Czech Institute of Egyptolog – Charles University in Prague.

3. R. Müller-Wollermann, Krisenfaktoren im ägyptischen Staat des ausgehenden Alten Reichs, Tübingen, 1986.

of elite administrators in the Residence and in the provinces.4

This development was to be gradually repla-ced – from the reign of Pepy I onwards – by a strong tendency towards the accumulation of rich funerary equipment in the subterranean burial chambers. This process was manifold and some well preserved funerary sets enable us to study the ancient Egyptian mortuary culture in more detail than before.

Several years ago several tombs belonging to the members of the family of the vizier Qar and spanning at least three generations of its existence were brought to light in Abusir South. Among them two tombs were of particular importance – above all their burial chambers: the tombs of two of the four sons of the vizier Qar, Qar Junior and Senedjemib. They show clearly the degree of social differentiation in the society of the day and the way these local elites were trying to emulate

4. M. Bárta, « Architectural Innovations in the develop-ment of the non-royal tomb during the reign of Nyuserra », in P. Jánosi (ed.), Structure and significance: thoughts on ancient Egyptian architecture, Wien, 1998, p. 105-130 ; N. Kanawati, Governmental reforms in Old Kingdom Egypt, Warminster, 1980.

Filling the chambers, rising the status: Sixth Dynasty context for the decline of the Old Kingdom1

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their higher social status in the afterlife. Both of them are dated to the reign of Pepy II and may be used as a specific microcosm providing insights into a more general situation within the society and administration of the day.

The social status of individual members of Qar’s family may be discerned in the architecture of their respective tombs, their decoration, the preserved titles indicating their principal admi-nistrative duties and in their burial equipment.5

Architecture of the tombs of Qar Junior and Senedjemib

The tomb complex of the vizier Qar consisted of a large Open Court which provided access not only to his tomb, but also to the individual chapels of Qar Junior, Senedjemib and Tjenti. The tomb of the vizier Qar consisted of an entrance to the Open Court, Chapel 1, which was built prior to his promotion to the office of the vizier, a corridor leading to an anteroom and Chapel 2, built upon his vizieral appointment. A separate entrance from the Open Court led to a corridor chapel built for the cult of the lesser members of his family (fig. x + 1).

The chapels of Qar Junior and Senedjemib were typical east-west oriented rooms entered from the south or the north long wall, respec-tively. Both chapels could be approached only through the Open Court of the vizier Qar. Originally richly decorated, the rooms were badly destroyed at the end of the Old Kingdom. From their fragments, however, we know that the false doors were decorated with a torus and moulding elements and with inscriptions in sunken relief. Close to them, the openings of burial shafts leading to the burial chambers of these three offi-

5. M. Bárta, « The Sixth Dynasty tombs in Abusir. Tomb complex of the vizier Qar and his family », in M. Bárta (ed.), The Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology Proceedings, Prague, 2006, p. 45–62.

cials were identified. Inside their destroyed burial chambers were found some important parts of the original burial equipment (see below).

The burial chamber of Qar Junior was accessed through a 16 m deep shaft and situated to the west of it. The chamber had an irregular ground plan and consisted of two parts. The eastern one measured 5.20 × 1.80 m, the western niche 3.95 × 1.90 m. The western niche contained a burial installation – a ‘coffin pit’ cut in the limestone floor of the room – measuring 2.70 × 1.00 m and 1.04 m deep, sealed originally by limestone slabs of which one was found in situ.6

The burial chamber of Senedjemib was reached by a 15.90 m deep shaft. At the bottom of the shaft were three steps cut into the bedrock, about 0.30 m high and descending to the south where a north-south oriented burial chamber was situated. The north-south oriented chamber measured 4.10 × 2.60 m and was 2.10 m high. Along the west wall stood a limestone sarcopha-gus still containing a mummy of the tomb owner though robbed in antiquity (chest 3.10 × 1.50 × 1.26 m; lid 3.24 × 1.46 × 0.50 m, interior of the sarcophagus 2.30 × 0.66 × 0.68 m). The floor of the chamber was irregular, the sarcophagus chest being placed in a 25 cm deep cavity measuring 3.80 × 1.90 m in ground plan.

An overview of the principal architectu-ral features associated with Qar Junior and Senedjemib in comparison with other members of the family:

Size of the cult chapelsChapel 1 of the vizier Qar: 7.80 × 2.25/2.46 m, h. 5.00 m;Chapel 2 of the vizier Qar: 4.86 × 1.73 m, h. 3.47 m;

6. This type of burial appears from the Fourth Dynasty onwards, cf. G. A. Reisner, A History of the Giza Necropolis I, Cambridge, 1942, p. 162–163 ; A. M. Donadoni Roveri, I sarco-phagi egizi dalle origine alla fine dell’Antico Regno, Rome, 1969, p. 71, h, fig. 15b.

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TOMB COMPLEX

OF QAR

TOMB

OF INTI

0 2.5 5 m

VI

I

II

VII

VIII

B

A

2

3

4

5

6

7

IV

V

III

S1

S2

MASTABA ‘KK’

C

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Qar Junior: 3.65 × 1.85 m, h. uncertain;Senedjemib: 3.05 × 2.00 m, h. uncertain;Inti: 2.12 m × 1.68 m, h. 2.24 m.

Shaft depthsTomb of the vizier Qar: burial chamber accessi-ble by a descending corridor, limestone sarcoph-agus;Qar Junior: 16.00 m, coffin pit;Senedjemib: 15.90 m, limestone sarcophagus;Inti: 21.90 m, limestone sarcophagus.

Size of the burial chambersVizier Qar: eastern part: 5.15 × 2.68 m, western part: 3.83 × 2.92 m, h. 3.07 m, approx. 76.70 cu m;Qar Junior: eastern part: 5.20 × 1.80 m, western part: 3.95 × 1.90 m, h. 1.56 m, approx. 26.30 cu m;Senedjemib: 4.10 × 2.60 m, h. 2.10 m, approx. 22.40 cu m;Inti: eastern part: 5.00 × 2.40 m, western part: 3.70 × 3.00 m, h. 2.30 m, approx. 53.10 cu m.

Size of the sarcophagiVizier Qar: chest 3.10 × 1.50 × 1.42 m, lid 2.98 × 1.40 × 0.58 m;Senedjemib: chest 3.10 × 1.50 × 1.35 m, lid 3.24 × 1.46 × 0.50 m;Inti: chest 3.15 × 1.70 × 1.20 m, lid 3.20 × 1.60 × 0.62 m.

An analysis of the individual features of archi-tectural nature and of the sarcophagi enables us to differentiate among individual members of the family also in terms of their status. The tomb of the vizier Qar comprised two big chapels which are by far the largest cult places among the family members. Qar Junior’s and Senedjemib’s tombs follow as the second largest, whereas Inti’s tomb, which was only the fourth in size, had a chapel that was combined with an open courtyard (List A and B).

There is a clear stratification recognizable in the design, typology, equipment and size of the individual burial apartments within the cemetery.7 At the top is the vizier Qar, whose burial chamber was the only one accessible via a descending corridor. The walls of his chamber were decorated with painted decoration which makes his social status even more exclusive. The size of his burial chamber was almost 77 cu m. Next in terms of size is the burial chamber of Inti, which is a bit smaller but which, in ground plan, is almost an exact copy of Qar’s burial chamber yet with a much lower height.

The burial chambers of Qar Junior, Senedjemib and Tjenti were also accessed by the deepest shafts (in this order). They are followed by a group of male and female members of the family buried to the west of the corridor chapel in the complex of the vizier Qar. The calculation of the volume of the individual burial chambers gives similar results: vizier Qar, Inti, Qar Junior, Senedjemib, and then the burials in shafts: Shaft 6, Shaft 5, Shaft 2 and Shaft 4. The sizes of the limestone sarcophagi are another good indica-tion of the different social status enjoyed by the inhabitants of this cemetery. The largest sarco-phagi are associated with the vizier Qar and his sons Senedjemib and Inti. Rather atypically, Qar Junior built himself a coffin pit.

It may be summarized that the social status of individual tomb/burial chamber owners was clearly reflected by the size of the cult chapels, the size and presence of the open courts, shaft depths, and the size of the burial chambers and of the sarcophagi. Most of the features clearly indicate that, following the vizier Qar, the most successful member of the family was Inti who had the deepest shaft and owned the second largest burial chamber after his father – not only very

7. For more see M. Bárta Abusir V. The Cemeteries at Abusir South, I, Prague, 1999 and idem, « Sociology of the Minor Cemeteries during the Old Kingdom. A View from Abusir South », ArOr 70, 2002, p. 291–300.

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closely resembling the chamber of his father, but also having a sarcophagus comparable with those of his father and brother Senedjemib. He was followed in rank by Qar Junior, Senedjemib and Tjenti.

Finds

Artefacts made of different sorts of stone were richly represented in the burial chambers of both Qar Junior and Senedjemib. In the burial chamber of Qar Junior the following groups of stone artefacts were brought to light (fig. x +2): 7 travertine lids (Excav. Nos. 57a–d, 63, 83 a–b/

0 2 m1

BURIAL CHAMBER ‘D’

SHAFT ‘B’

78/HH/2000

78/HH/2000

78/HH/2000

60/HH/2000

59/HH/2000

58/HH/2000

57/HH/2000

a bc

d

86/HH/2000

1211

10

8

7

9

6

5

4

3

2

1

62/HH/2000

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HH/2000), 5 travertine goose models (Excav. Nos. 61, 65, 67, 68 and 74/HH/2000), 2 obsi-dian vessels (Excav. Nos. 58, 93/HH/2000), 1 rock quartz vessel (Excav. No. 81/HH/2000), 1

schist palette (Excav. No. 84/HH/2000), 1 traver-tine headrest base (Excav. No. 85/HH/2000) and 1 travertine offering table (Excav. No. 94/

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HH/2000) whose association with the original burial equipment is doubtful.

In the case of Senedjemib the finds included: 3 travertine lids (Excav. Nos. 107a, 114, 115/HH/2001), 3 obsidian vessels (Excav. Nos. 111, 113 and 116/HH/2001), 2 rock quartz (crystal) vessels (Excav. Nos. 110, 117/HH/2001), a basalt vessel (Excav. No. 112/HH/2001), a complete headrest set made of black schist (Excav. No. 118/HH/2001), 2 travertine headrest bases (Excav. Nos. 119 and 121/HH/2001), a travertine headrest top (Excav. No. 120/HH/2001) and a travertine seven sacred oils palette (Excav. No. 122/HH/2001).8 Thus it seems that Senedjemib’s burial equipment originally comprised at least three headrest sets and it was likely that there were two sacred oil palettes present (see below the finds from Shaft ‘C’) (fig. x + 3).

Large sets of copper implements of different forms were discovered in the burial chambers of Qar Junior and Senedjemib. It is not only the classes and number of individual imple-ments that are of interest here. The copper tools weigh several kilograms in total and their number amounts to more than two hundred (fig. x + 4).9

The count of individual categories with indi-vidually preserved copper implements shows that in the burial chamber of Qar Junior the most numerous were the necked adze blades (67), followed by axe heads (37), flat chisels (34), leaf-blade knives (25), cross-cut chisels (17), arrow-head chisels (10 plus at least 50 preserved in fragments10) and needles (3). The number of completely preserved implements reached 193 of seven different tool classes. In addition,

8. Cf. C. M. Firth, B. Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, vol. II, Cairo, 1926 pl. 15A.

9. To these we must add large groups of the same imple-ments from the burial chambers of Inti and Pepyankh Inti which will be discussed in the next volume dealing with the tomb of Inti.

10. Based on the count of the preserved points.

from the same chamber originate 14 miniature copper vessels. Besides that, a large quantity of implements was preserved in fragments (arrow-head chisels tend to fragment very easily given their fragility; the state of this group contrasts with the remains of the massive axe heads (each item weighing about 15 g) and leaf-blade knives (14 g) which were found complete in most cases. Given the different tendency towards fragmen-tation and the high number of indeterminate copper fragments, it may be estimated that the numbers for arrow-head chisels, cross-cut chisels and flat chisels, i.e. the artefacts most prone to fragmentation, should be at least doubled.

The burial chamber of Senedjemib comprised a much lower number of implements: flat chisels (6), axe heads (4) and cross-cut chisels (4), hooks (2), pin (1), arrow-head chisel (1) and necked adze blade (1) accompanied by 12 small copper vessels.

The grand total of tools from the burial cham-bers of Qar Junior and Senedjemib shows that there were at least 222 copper tools and 26 copper vessels found. The copper model tools seem to form an important part of the Sixth Dynasty tomb equipment as can be seen in many exam-ples from other contemporary tombs in Abusir and Saqqara. The findspot circumstances are also noteworthy. In virtually all cases the copper finds were grouped by type and then either thread-bound around the neck with a thin linen thread (flat chisels, groups of five–six) or placed in a linen bag, the cloth of which could still be obser-ved on the surface of the tools.

In the burial chamber of Qar Junior, seven jars belonging to the Syro-Palestinian Combed/Metallic ware style were discovered. Based on an analysis of their typology, matrix, bad firing and some erroneous elements in their body build (Excav. No. 86-1/HH/2000), it appears that they were locally made imitations of the original foreign ware which had a high socially assigned value, which is why it was deemed necessary to

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imitate them for the sake of the afterlife (fig. x + 5). The imported vessels signal a vital change with regard to the status of their owners. In contrast to the Fourth Dynasty Giza, where similar finds are connected only with the highest officials of the state, during the discussed period it is the middle ranking officials who have the right and the means to acquire commodities of this kind.11 What remains the same is their prevalent asso-ciation with male tomb owners. From the burial chamber of Senedjemib originates a different

11. W. Helck, Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (ÄA, 5), Wiesbaden, 1962.

piece of evidence relating to pottery offerings. A set of twelve jugs was found at the northwest corner of the sarcophagus (Excav. No. 103, 1–12/HH/2001). The jugs had pointed bases and thickened curved rims. These jugs were found unsealed though not empty. All of them contained two carefully laid layers of black Nile mud that filled almost half of their volume. This was a fairly common feature, known from prehis-toric examples that, on a magical level, made this part of the funerary equipment appear full.

Logically, only a few personal items could be found. Only from the burial chamber of Qar Junior originate three golden pendants which

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were part of some jewelry placed on the mummy (Excav. No. 64/HH/2000). From the burial chambers of both Qar Junior and Senedjemib originate several headrests. All of these tombs were the target of tomb robbers in antiquity for whom only personal items of the deceased made of precious materials were of interest. They were placed inside the sarcophagi along with the deceased and as a consequence all the mummies were destroyed. On the other hand, due to these circumstances it was possible to document subs-tantial parts of the remaining burial equipment which were of no value to the ancient tomb robbers.12

Titles

The individual title of each person buried in the tomb complex of Qar provides interes-ting material for tracing their careers. Most of them held the title of a judge and the majority of their titles associated these men with the central administration in Memphis and with the royal mortuary complexes.13 Their principal duties are indicated by the title of ‘judge of Nekhen of the king’, attested already on the first false door of Qar. Moreover, the title was also held by Qar Junior, Senedjemib and Inti. This seems to be the principal office that was delegated within the family from generation to generation. The modification of the title, namely ‘the true judge of the king’ was held by the vizier Qar. The addi-tion of the word ‘mAat’ may be understood as a special sign of trust put in him by the central administration.

12. M. Bárta, Life and death in the shadow of the pyramids. Tomb and society of the Old Kingdom period, Prague, 2008, p. XX–XX (in Czech).

13. M. Bárta, « The Sixth Dynasty tombs in Abusir. Tomb complex of the vizier Qar and his family », in M. Bárta (ed.), Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology. Proceedings of the Conference Held in Prague, May 31-June 4, 2004, Prague, 2006, p. 57, table 1.

The founder of the family, Qar (who was later appointed to the office of the vizier) originally held only four administrative titles – as indicated on the false door of his Chapel 1: (j)r(j) Nxn (n)

zAb, (j)r(j) Nxn (n) zAb mAa, aD-mr (n) zAb, Hr(j)-sStA

n wDa-mdw n Hwt-wrt. All of them may be asso-ciated with the central administration in the Residence. Later on, however, he was promoted to the office of the vizier and beside this title, his new titles included also the following ones: jwn Knmwt, (j)m(j)-r Hwt-wrt, (j)m(j)-r Hwt-wrt 6,

(j)m(j)-xt Hm(w)-nTr ©d-swt-¦tj, mdw rxjt, n(j) nst

xntt, Hm-nTr (m) [Nfr-swt Wnjs], Hr(j)-sStA, Hr(j)-sStA n

Hwt-wrt, tp(j)-Xrt nzwt. Most of them only empha-size his close connection with the legal issues at the court.14

Despite the fact that Qar was appointed to the office of the vizier, most of his remaining titles do not correspond with the standard vizieral titulaturies of the Sixth Dynasty. The summary of titles of the twenty known viziers of the Sixth Dynasty (down to the middle of the reign of Pepy II) shows that they held 294 titles.15 Among Qar’s more prestigious titles one may mention the title of tp(j) Xrt-nzwt, attested by the Sixth Dynasty viziers nine times, and jwn Knmwt, attested seven times. His remaining titles are much less diagnos-tic of his status and in general indicate a lower ranking status – except for the title of (j)m(j)-r

Hwt-wrt and (j)m(j)-r Hwt-wrt 6. The fact that he received the title of (j)m(j)-r Hwt-wrt only when he was appointed to the office of the vizier also indi-cates that under normal circumstances he was not a person considered to become a vizier in the future.16 One would also expect some scribal titles to occur but, with the singular exception

14. W. Helck, Untersuchungen zu den Beamtentiteln des ägyp-tischen Alten Reiches (ÄFo, 18), Glückstadt, 1954, p. 68–77 ; N. Strudwick, The Administration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom. The Highest Titles and their Holders (Studies in Egyptology), London, 1985, p. 178–181.

15. For the most significant ones, cf. M. Bárta in M. Bárta (ed.), Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology 2004, p. 58, table 2.

16. Cf. N. Strudwick, Administration, p. 186–188.

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of Tjenti who was zS (n) zAb, none of the family members appear to have had one.

Qar’s vizieral title should be therefore unders-tood only as an honorary one, indicating that he was charged with the vizieral duties for the domain of justice – the Great Hall and the Six Great Halls of the vizier.17 As a consequence of this promotion, he enjoyed revenues from the mortuary temples of the kings Unas and Teti, which was a privilege only bestowed on the highest officials and members of the royal family.

The title “elder of the (juridical) court” associated with two out of the four sons of the vizier Qar (Senedjemib and Inti) and two out of the three sons of Inti (Ankhemtjenenet and Senedjemib) is also indicative of the common policy of early designation of high officials’ sons in the lesser legal offices.18 The title was an indi-cation of their later expected promotion into the office of their fathers. Other titles, although not that fascinating, are at least indicative of the subsequent bureaucratic development within the family. Thus the identical title of Qar Junior and Inti, Hr(j) sStA n wDa-mdw (m) Hwt-wrt 6, shows that they followed in the footsteps of their father, who was (j)m(j)-r Hwt-wrt 6. Similarly, Inti became (j)m(j)-xt Hm(w)-nTr ©d-swt-§tj, precisely like his father before him.

Interestingly, the sons of Qar were also involved in several royal mortuary cults: Qar Junior in the complex of Pepy I and II, Senedjemib in the complex of Unas, and Inti in the complex of Teti. The occurrence of the title HAtj-a, which is attested just once and which belonged either to

17. For this particular feature of the Sixth Dynasty administration, cf. W. Helck, Beamtentitel, p. 136–142, and E. Martin-Pardey, « Die Verwaltung im Alten Reich, Grenzen und Möglichkeiten von Untersuchungen zu diesem Thema », BiOr 46, 1989, esp. 546–552.

18. Compare, for instance, M. Bárta, « The Mastaba of Ptahshepses Junior II at Abusir », ÄuL 10, 2000, p. 59 for the family of the vizier Ptahshepses.

Qar Junior or Senedjemib, is surprising. (Excav. No. 51/GG/1995).

SUMMARY

The tomb complex of the vizier Qar and his family members spans a substantial part of the Sixth Dynasty history (Teti – Pepy II). Typologically their tombs follow a trend which was initiated in the reign of Nyuserra when high officials of the state started to build for themsel-ves larger complexes with differentiated room functions with an emphasis on decoration as a major means of social status and power display. Similarly, their burial chamber equipment features a large variety of artefacts that were, in most cases, manufactured exclusively for the afterlife needs of their respective owners. The funerary equipment thus amply demostrates the social standing of its owner. Sometimes, we may observe a tendency towards the “upgrading” of a tomb owner’s status by including imitations of high prestige objects such as copies of foreign wine amphoras. This is an interesting behavioral pattern which may be linked with the parallel situation within the state where rank and social standing became very dynamic, and able indivi-duals and families could considerably improve their social position and economic situation, as well as increase their independence within the central administration.19

The burial equipment may be divided into three substantial groups: personal belongings such as jewellery and headrest sets, cult items corresponding with chapel decoration and utilised for the cult perpetuation such as wine amphorae, ovoid jugs, miniature travertine

19. For the most part of the Old Kingdom the tomb and the burial equipment variability corresponded with the attained social status of the tomb’s owner ; cf. L. R. Binford, « Mortuary practices: their study and their potential », in J. A. Brown (ed.), Approaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices (Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology No. 25, American Antiquity 36,3, Part 2), Washington, 1971, p. 6–29.

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vessels, seven sacred oils palettes, small stone vessels of the opening of the mouth sets, or animal offerings. The final, third group is repre-sented by copper implements that may be related to some craftsmen activities including tomb buil-ding and decoration. The funerary equipment, together with specific architectural features of each individual burial installation, thus expressed the character of the persons buried, their social status, role and standing within the family and also the current social situation within the society and state.20

20. Compare S. J. Seidlmayer, « Die Ikonographie des Todes », in H. Willems (ed.), Social Aspects of Funerary Culture (OLA, 103), Leuven, 2001, p. 205–252 for the interpretation of the Elephantine burials.