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Assessment and Consolidation Report on:

Existing Approaches and Best Practices in Cross Border Peace Building and Conflict Mitigation and Strengthened CSOs Across the Ethio-Kenya Border

ENHANCED LIVELIHOODS IN SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA PROJECT

CIFA Ethiopia/CARE Ethiopia

By: Integrated Agriculture Development Consult (IADC)

December 2009 Addis Ababa

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TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Abbreviations.......................................................................................................................................4 II. Executive Summary...........................................................................................................................5 1. Introduction.........................................................................................................................................6 2. Background .........................................................................................................................................7 3. Methodology and Technical Approach...........................................................................................19

3.1 Assessment Areas ......................................................................................................................19 3.2. Methodology ............................................................................................................................19

4. Findings of the Assessment ..............................................................................................................20

4.1. Conflict History: Actors and Relationships .............................................................................20 4.2. Factors contributing to violent conflict ...................................................................................23 4.3 Impacts of violent conflict.........................................................................................................30 4.4. Existing Peace Building and Conflict Mitigation Approaches ................................................31 4.5 Peace and Justice Committee ...................................................................................................34 4.6 Role of the Community Members in Peace Building ................................................................38 4.7 Existing structure of peace committee in Kenya.......................................................................39 4.8 NGO’s Role in Peace Building .................................................................................................40 4.9 Conflict Early Warning.............................................................................................................41 4.10. SWOT Analysis of the Role of Actors.....................................................................................42

5. Conclusion and Recommendations .................................................................................................45 6. Work Plan..........................................................................................................................................23

7. Terms of Reference ...........................................................................................................................28

8. Persons Contacted and Raw Data ...................................................................................................30 9. References..........................................................................................................................................34

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List of Tables Table 1: Location of Ethnic groups .....................................................................................7

Table 2: Conflict hotspot areas along the Ethio-Kenyan Border.........................................7

Table 3: Description of study areas in Ethiopia...................................................................8

Table 4: Description of study areas in Ethiopia...................................................................8

Table 5: Development of Violent Conflict: Chronology Events of the Turbi Massacre.....9

Table 6: The role of the different segments of the community in generating conflicts.....14

Table 7: The role of different community members in peace building/ conflicts resolution20

Table 8: SWOT Analysis of the Roles of Actors in mitigating conflicts ..........................22

List of Figures

Figure 1: Structural causes of conflict at different levels ..................................................13

Figure 2: Interplay of factors contributing to conflicts between pastoralist groups in Southern

Ethiopia and Northern Kenya ............................................................................................16

List of Boxes

Box 1: Historical proliferation of small arms in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya 15

Box 2: Paving the Way for Conflict Transformation: the case of Borana and Gabra

Peace building process .......................................................................................................17

Box 3: Return the stick to the owner .................................................................................19

Box 4: Peace Committee Structure in Kenya ....................................................................21

Box 5: Community based conflict early warning indicators .............................................22

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I. Acknowledgements So many people have contributed to this report that it is impossible to name all of them here. However, we would particularly like to extend our thanks to the communities in the visited Kebeles of the program area who were patient to respond to all the questions and provide all the information gathered through this report with goodwill. Other thanks goes to the District and Woreda government offices who supported the field data collection, analysis and verification. We would also like to thank both CIFA Kenya and CIFA Ethiopia staff mainly Mr. Ibrahim and Mr. Guyo for their support in organizing logistics for the field work, data collection at all level and substantial inputs in reviewing and making this report a useful resource for development actors in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya.

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II. Abbreviations ALRMP Arid Land Risk Management Project CBOs Community Based Organizations CIFA Community Initiatives Facilitation Assistance CDC Community Development Commission CDF Consistency Development Fund CEWARN Conflict Early Warning Network CJPC Catholic Justice and Peace Commission DISC District Intelligence Security Committee DO District Officer DMO Drought Management Officer DPC District Peace Committee DSG District Steering Committee ELMT Enhanced Livelihoods in the Mandera Triangle ELSE Enhanced Livelihoods in Southern Ethiopia FBOs Faith Based Organizations FGD Focus Group Discussion FHI Food for Hungry International GOE Government of Ethiopia GOK Government of Kenya GPDI Gayo Pastoralist Development Initiative IADC Integrated Agricultural Development Consult IDPs Internal Displaced Persons IGAD Inter-Governmental Authority on Development KRCS Kenya Red Cross Society LVIA Lay Volunteers International Association MWADO Marsabit Women Advocacy and Development Organization NTC National Steering Committee on Peace Building and Conflict Management PISP Pastoralist Integrated Support Programme Save US Save the Children US WAO Woreda Administrative Office

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III. Executive Summary The objective of this consultancy was to undertake an in depth review of existing peace building and conflict mitigation activities undertaken by different actors in the bordering districts of Borana zone and Northern Kenya to: (1) consolidate existing approaches and best practices in peace building and conflict mitigation across Ethio-Kenya boarder; (2) pinpoint challenges and gaps for policy interventions at regional level; and, (3) propose work plan to scale up best practices in future interventions. To this effect, CIFA and CARE Ethiopia through their Enhanced Livelihood in Southern Ethiopia (ELSE) project commissioned Integrated Agriculture Development Consult (IADC) to conduct this assessment on cross-border conflict with particular emphasis on the ethnic conflict in Miyo and Moyale Woredas of Ethiopia and Moyale, Marsabit and Sololo districts in Kenya. The pastoralists in the two regions under study are mobile. They live primarily in arid or semi-arid areas and depend on livestock for their livelihood. They rely on access to pasture and water, for the survival of their livestock, which are scarce and under increasing pressure and yet they must be shared amongst other pastoralists’ communities. In fact, conflicts involving pastoralists in southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya associated with resource competition, cattle rustling and wide availability of small arms are becoming of increasing concern. However, these factors take their shape from four structural causes of conflict: increasing household vulnerability, bad governance, insecure property right regime, and weak socio-cultural capital. The interaction between pastoralists and their institutions that underpin livelihood security and natural resource management, the circumstances that lead to competition over natural resources and the multi-faceted impact of conflict has been described. The pastoralist institutions in southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya are weakening and the role a third party play in strengthening these institutions and in facilitating new institutional arrangements is becoming increasingly important. Recent initiatives by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in capacity building, peace building and conflict mitigation activities has contributed much to the stabilization of the area. On the basis of existing approaches and best practices, interventions are proposed on ways in which different stakeholders could contribute towards a concerted effort of curbing violent conflicts in the Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya.

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1. Introduction Mobility is a well arranged strategy within and between communities in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. Scarcity of water was the key variable that determined better use of scattered natural resources such as pasture. However, during the past 30 years the deeply rooted indigenous natural resource management systems of these pastoralists have experienced severe form of disturbances. The establishment of additional water points in the traditional wet season grazing areas was a well-intended but poorly designed development as ignored access rights in its implementation. Crop cultivation, bush encroachment and drought of increasing frequency and intensity1 have exacerbated rangeland degradation leading to losses of livestock and unsustainable exploitation of natural resources. The rapid growth of population of about 2.5 to 3% put further pressure on the natural resource and severely reduced the per capita availability of natural resources and livestock. Competition over control and access to natural resources, erosion of customary institutions, ethnocentrism, and land demarcation are issues that drive conflict in the region. CIFA and CARE Ethiopia commissioned Integrated Agriculture Development Consultants to undertake an assessment and stakeholder consultation with key representatives from the ELSE/ELMT program area. ELMT has been designed to increase the economic resiliency of populations in the area touching the border of Ethiopia and Kenya, to ‘change the paradigm of how the challenge in arid and semiarid areas can be addressed’. The program will contribute to improving the ways through which these pastoral areas participate in a broader and coordinated cross border peace building processes. This requires that any future initiative should build on the experiences and knowledge on the context and the nature of the contending parties, put emphasis on the general community and institutions that are on the ground and collaboration with third parties. The objective of this consultancy is to undertake an in depth review of existing peace building and conflict resolution activities taken by different stakeholders in the bordering districts of Borana zone and Northern Kenya, first to consolidate existing approaches and best practices in peace building and conflict mitigation 1 Unpredictable rainfall patterns, late occurrence and early cessation of rains has became a common phenomenon. According to informants, the frequently of drought has reduced from once every 10 years to once every 4 years. In Southern Ethiopia this has reduced to once every 2-3 years.

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across Ethio-Kenya boarder; secondly to pinpoint challenges and gaps for policy interventions at regional level; and, finally to scale up best practices for future interventions. To fulfill the assignment, and to subsequently propose a workable implementation plan for CIFA and CARE, consolidating a credible understanding of the capacities of different actors, the profile and nature of conflict was prerequisite. This was achieved by undertaking the following. The report is divided into five sections. Section one covers the background to the study and, section two provides the methodology adopted. Section three provides an overview of the six districts under study while section four provides an analysis of the findings of the study, presented under each of the six districts. The last section provides conclusions that are drawn from the study and provides recommendations and work plans.

2. Background Ethiopia and Kenya share over 600 km common boarder that extends from Dollo in the east to Turkana in the west. Pastoralists mainly relay on cattle, camel, goats and sheep for their diets and food security, earn cash for basic requirements or investments, or accumulate animals as savings for emergencies or as a symbol of wealth. Livestock also supply draught oxen for agro-pastoralist communities in some pocket areas. Settled agriculture is becoming a new means of livelihoods although this is considered a loss of status among most of the pastoralists. The vast majority of the people living in the southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya are pastoralists who move with their livestock in response to temporal and special resource fluctuation. However, in relative terms Borana and Gabra communities occupy much of the area (Table 1). Hence the relationship between these groups determines the geo-political stability of the Ethio-Kenyan border. The mobility of pastoralists in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya make them particularly vulnerable to the risk of conflict. However, some do maintain a military and cultural alliance (e.g., Samburu with Rendille) and others establish shifting alliance (e.g., Gabra with Garri or Borana) largely in response to pressures from other pastoralist groups. Any attempt to settle down in permanent locations reduced their self-sufficiency and ability to maintain their traditional values and practices. Table 1: Location of Ethnic groups in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya

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Ethnic group

Location Religious affiliation Number of Districts

occupied by the group

Borana Moyale (E/K), Miyo, Marsabit, Chalbi, Sololo

Christian, Muslim, waqefata

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Gabra Both Moyale Kenya and Ethiopia, Marsabit, Chalbi district-Turbi location

Muslim, Christian and Wakefeta

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Rendille Partly in Marsabit Christian 1 Garri Moyale Ethiopia and Moyale

Kenya Muslim 2

Degodia Moyale Ethiopia and Moyale Kenya

Muslim 2

Samburu Marsabit Christian 1 Turkana Chalbi, Marsabit Christian 1 Dasenech Chalbi Christian 1 Burji Marsabit and Moyale Muslim 2 Most of the pastoralists in southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya are also organized around cattle and warfare for defense and for raiding others that remain a negative intervening factor towards peace. As can be seen from Table 2 below, Borana and Gabra appears to be the contending groups in most of the hotspots.

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Table 2: Conflict hotspot areas along the Ethio-Kenyan Border

Border areas Conflicting Ethnic groups Sibiloy - Sabarei, Buluk Dasenech vs. Gabra Gas Turkana vs. Gabra Turbi - within and between the borders

Gabra vs. Borana

Dhukana - within and between the borders

Gabra vs. Borana

Elhadi - within and between the borders

Gabra vs. Borana

Dillo and Forole Borana vs. Gabra Shura Gabra vs. Rendille and sometimes with Somali

Ajuran and Degodia Dillo - Hobok and Ballessaru

Borana and Hamer

Pastoral groups have an elaborate age grades of about eight (Borana) or five (Samburu) years, with the new "class" of boys becoming warriors. The customary (religious) leaders of Garri (Sultan) and Degodia (Waber) play key role in peace building. Most of the pastoralist groups are independent, but although they are considered egalitarian, women are marginalized in their own society. Community decisions are normally made by men, often under a tree designated as a "council" meeting site. These meetings are ideal entry points for any peace building efforts. Women may sit in an outer circle and usually will not speak directly in the open council, but may convey a comment or concern through a male relative. Adult men care for the grazing cattle which are the major source of livelihood. Women are in charge of maintaining the portable huts, milking cows, obtaining water, gathering firewood and all household chores. In recent decades, many pastoralists (Somali, Borana, Turkana and Gabra as well as Rendille) have increasingly involved peace dialogues with their neighbors either through third party or through their own initiatives. Southern Ethiopia

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On the Ethiopian side, the assessment covered Miyo and Moyale Woredas. These Woredas lie adjacent to each other with a total population of 105,539 and 71,233 people and a livestock population of 232,500. The mean annual rainfall across these Woredas varies between 500mm and 700mm with an overall average of 648mm. The mean maximum and minimum temperature of the area varies from 25.26°C to 28.79°C and 14.19°C to 18.11°C, respectively. On the Miyo side, Ethiopia shares border with the Sololo district of Kenya, while on the Moyale side, it shares border with Moyale district of Kenya. The Borana are numerically the dominant ethnic group inhabiting both Miyo and Moyale Woredas and co-existed for centuries with Shoa Oromo, Guji and Konso communities. Table 3: Description of study areas in Ethiopia Woreda Area (in

2 km Human population

Livestock population

Moyale Oromia 551 105.539 76.213 Borana Zone Miyo 2349 71.233 232.500

SOURCE: Borana Administration The management of resources, as a common property, in Miyo and Moyale is relatively intact to date. Despite the weakening of most of the indigenous institutions over the last thirty years, those concerned with the administration of water sustained their importance. They give detailed accounts of Borana’s water management strategy under drought conditions is as follows:

• Wet season: after rainfall, open water sources are used and wells are not used,

• Dry season: herds are successively shifted to more distant ponds and traditional wells are re-opened to preserve water near the homestead,

• Progressing dry season (water scarcity): the drinking frequency of cattle is gradually reduced to one day (dhabsuu), two days (limmaalimma), and three days (sadeen).

The following are the most important sources of water (madda) which are highly regulated:

• Hand-dug shallow ponds (Haroo): A pond is the property of an individual or his direct descendants who initially excavated it and the person is called

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abbaa Konfi. Rights to use the pond are obtained by providing labor for the maintenance of the pond. Although the property of the abbaa Konfi, the pond is administered by the local elders.

• Wells (eelaa): The wells are highly regulated in Borana. They are divided into two types, adadi (shallow wells) and tulla (deep wells). The tullas are famous because they can reach a depth of 30m and water is drawn by a row of people standing one above the other and passing containers of water.

• Natural ponds containing water throughout the year known as bookee • River • Temporary ponds • Collection of rainwater

The opportunistic nature of access to these water sources implies that the right of access to the water depends, above all, on the temporal and spatial of the water supply. Use rights from these sources have been privatized and are sold by individuals and groups in some cases in Borana. Access to these sources is mainly characterized by poor institutional development and little regulation. On the contrary, hand-dug ponds and wells are regulated and they are the most important sources of water as they are the most reliable and labor–intensive types. The wells are managed by a council of the clan group which includes a retired hayyuu (special counselors or individuals who hold ritual authority to judge, the Jallaba (a local lineage of clan elder or special messenger, the aba Konfi (trustee of each well), the aba herregaa (the coordinator of water use and maintenance) and other members. An officer responsible for the day-to-day supervision of watering procedures, including the maintenance and cleaning of wells, enclosures and environs, is assigned at a meeting of clan group council known as Kora eelaa. Any violation of the customary rules of water use and maintenance is referred to and discussed by the Kora ella in the presence of the culprit. The rangeland is largely covered with light vegetation of predominantly pod-yielding Acacia species of low forage values. While Moyale and Miyo Woredas are prone to drought, adjacent areas in neighboring Kenya are even more likely to suffer from water scarcity. Grazing areas near traditional wells in Ethiopia: Gayo, Gorille, Dhas, Borbori and Godloni serve as dry season grazing areas while areas near Cheriliche and Didhara are wet season grazing areas. On the Kenyan side, Hori Godanna and the lowland landscape of Northern Kenya serve as wet season grazing areas both to the Ethiopian and Kenyan pastoralists. Pastoralists are flexible in their access to resources both within and outside Ethiopia. During the times of complete failure of rainy seasons in northern Kenya, there are often

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apparent influxes of pastoralists from Kenya into Ethiopia. These situations lead to conditions where local people and "guests", often related by trans-border kinship and sharing common languages and cultures, use the same resources. However, this reciprocity is changing with the advent of new livelihood, increasing human and livestock population, the development of additional water points and drought of increasing intensity. Inhabitants across northern Kenya and southern Ethiopia perceive access to food and water as the most common sources of conflict risks, which are related to drought, market inefficiencies, or insecurity. The frequency and magnitude of conflicts has increased since the 1990s. The Borana elders form a dominant component of the customary mechanisms of conflict management. This is directly related to economic, political and social responsibilities functions of Gada system, to which women do not take a part. Siqe is a parallel women institution in which men are excluded. Men are responsible for most ritual services and for activities related to the defense of Borana camps, wells, herds, and shrines. Women practice Atete as a way of strengthening their solidarity and as a tool to counter atrocities staged against them by men. Pragmatic collaboration is yet to be innovated between the statutory and the customary institutions. It is still important in regulating interpersonal relations in the rural context and access to pastoral resources, but it is as a whole losing relevance due to land demarcation to the newcomers. A herder bringing cattle to an area would traditionally negotiate grazing rights with the Deedha council. The decision would be made according to the number of cattle already grazing in the area and forage availability. If the area are already being used to its maximum potential, the herder would be asked to explore other areas to graze under the traditional grazing management system. More recently, in the event of such a decision, herders who are “refused” access may gain legal permission to graze their animals in the area. This is particularly the case between Borana and Gabra although these groups are currently in a relative peace. Moyale is located at the extreme southwest corner of the Liban Zone, Moyale is bounded on the south by Kenya, on the west by the Oromia Region, and on the north and east by the Dawa, which separates Moyale from Dollo Odo. The southernmost point of this woreda is the southernmost point of Ethiopia.Moyale town located at the frontier between the Somali and Oromo peoples living in the southwestern part of Ethiopia. Accordingly, the town is the capital for both Moyale

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Oromia and Moyale Oromia. One attempt to resolve the dispute between the two Regions was the October, 2004 referendum held in about 420 Kebeles in 12 Woredas across five zones of the Somali Region. Based on figures published by the Central Statistical Agency in 2005, this woreda has an estimated total population of 275,620, of whom 127,867 are men and 147,753 are women. The majority of the inhabitants of this woreda belong to the Garre clan of the Somali people, although a sizable minority belongs to the Gabra, a small pastoral group. The Moyale woreda has numerous social and economic ties with the adjacent Somali populated North Eastern Province of Kenya. The two largest clans in this woreda, the Garre and the Degodia are both "trans-national", having clansmen living across international boundaries. Sultan and Waber are the customary institution leaders of Garre and Degodia, respectively. On the other hand, cattle and small ruminants are taken across the border and traded in livestock markets located in Kenya, the most important of these being Mandera and the Kenya side of Moyale. Moyale town serves as the woreda capital both for Moyale (S) and Moyale (O). Somali traders usually buy shoats from the well established livestock market on the Somali side of the town to sell them in the open livestock market on the Oromia side or in “Gambo” -Moyale town of Kenya. Northern Kenya In Northern Kenya this assessment covered four districts namely: Moyale, Chalbi, Marsabit and Isiolo which form part of the eastern province. The four districts as a cluster are bordered by Samburu district to the south, Turkana district to the west, Wajir district to the east and the Federal republic of Ethiopia to the North. Table 4: Description of study areas in Ethiopia

Province Districts PopulationMarsabit 121,520 Moyale 9,400 Chalbi 75,000

Northern Province

Sololo (Uran)

2,305

District Development Plan 2004-2008

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Moyale is one of the remote districts in the northern frontier district and was curved out of Marsabit district in the year 1996. It has a population size of 62,800 people and covers an area of 9,400sq km. The district is connected to other areas, with all weather roads and lies along the main Nairobi-Addis Ababa highway. The district has 4 administration divisions namely, Central, Golbo, Obbu and Uran inhabited mainly by Borana, Gabra, Garri, Sakuye, Burji, Ajuran and Degodia. The dominant Borana, Gabra, and Garri groups are livestock herders while the minority urban dwellers such as Burji and other small corner tribes practice sedentary agro-pastoralist and run small scale business as well. The district has one general hospital with 14 scattered dispensaries and several other private clinics are also mushrooming. The district has 28 public primary school and 5 secondary schools, 22 borehole, 32 ponds and 135 shallow wells. Marsabit district covers an area of 66,000 km2, of which 4,956 km2 is covered by Lake Turkana. It is the second largest district in Kenya accounting for 11 percent of the total area of the country. The Marsabit district is divided into six divisions namely: Central, Gadamoji, Laisamis, Maikona, Loiyangalani and North Horr. Human settlements are concentrated around the humid and sub-humid mountain areas where agro-pastoralist livelihood is practiced. Other pockets areas of settlement include the low lying areas where a mosaic of semi- permanent pastoralists manyattas live together around watering points and market centers along major roads and towns. Although the population density naturally vary with location, recurring drought in the past decades is largely responsible for increased rural to urban influx of pastoralist dropouts. According to the Distinct Commissioner of Marsabit, the total human population of the Greater Marsabit is 121,520, of which 25,100 people live in the central Marsabit division (based on the 1991 censors). 80% of the people in the great Marsabit are pastoralists deriving their livelihoods from livestock and livestock products. About 10% of the total population practice subsistence agriculture and reside mainly around mountain Marsabit in the divisions of Central and Gadamoji and others areas. Pockets of Loiyangalani and North Horr division with extremely unfavorable climatic conditions for agriculture are predominantly occupied by poor people who totally depend on livestock for their livelihood. The central division is one of the victims of tribal clashes, cattle rustlers and immigrants from other districts that come in search of relief food.

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The dominated ethnic group in Marsabit is Borana (60%) and the remaining 40% is shared by Rendille, Gabra, Samburu, Turkana and Burji. In the events of drought, these groups migrate towards borehole water point (Shura, Kubiqalo, and Jaldessa) but if the drought becomes worse they migrates into Ethiopia. At times this leads to conflict between Borana and Rendille; Borana and Gabra. The latest conflict between Rendille and Gabra; and Rendille with Borana was observed in November-March, 2009. Forole is a sub location of Marsabit some 200 km from Turbi inhabited predominantly by Borana and Gabra pastoralists. Water points comprise of shallow wells ‘adadi’ and boreholes which are not well managed. The changes in the rainfall pattern since 20 years have prompted the development of new water points. According to the informant (chief) the sporadic cross border conflict between Gabra and Borana groups has also started since 20 years. Development schemes that enhance access to water are believed to have negatively affected resource management patterns and social relationships resulting in overgrazing and conflicts. According to informants, Forole was dominated by savanna grassland with a good coverage of shrubs and acacia trees. However, these are now barely visible due to overgrazing and recurring drought. The water points have increased herd density on pastures reshaping seasonal use patterns and provided an area of competition and conflict on the access rights. For example, pasture and water utilization (the Gabra side endowed with better pasture while the Borana side is better endowed with water resources). A wet and dry season grazing pattern normally employed by pastoralists has been replaced by a political request for land demarcation. The spillover effect of livestock raiding and killing across the Ethio-Kenyan border is believed to have consolidated ethnocentric mentality among members of the same groups in the two countries explaining the cross border nature. Kenya has been in single party since 1963 from independence and since 1992 it has got multi party system. The clannish inclination of the PM members is believed to have further intensified the conflict. The situation in Forole has attracted Degodia from Wajir and Mandera districts, where increasing population has resulted in relative scarcity of water and pasture. The newly developed water points holding unclear access and use rights have been considered as public goods, although the grazing areas are under the control of the Gabra group.

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Chalbi district has a total population 75,000 people and a livestock population of 2,800,000. According to Uri hills Chief, the major ethnic groups: Gabra, Borana, Turkana, Rendille and Dasenech use Burgabo, Bubissa, Maikona, Kallacha as wet season grazing areas and Wajir and southern Ethiopia as dry season grazing. Major hotspots for conflict include: Sabarei and Buluk border where Gabra often fights with Dasenech; Gas area where Turkana and Gabra interact. In the border area of Shura, Turkana used to fight with Rendille although peace building is underway now a days and also Gabra fights with Rendille (latent). The conflict between Gabra and Borana has been around Turbi, Dhukana, Elhadi and Forole. Turbi is inhabited by Borana, Dasenech, Hamer, Arbore, Turkana, Rendille and Somali (Degodia and Ajuran). Sakuye also occupy on the Moyale side while Samburu dwell on the western side of Marsabit. According to the Turbi informants, the causes of conflict with other ethnic groups are: political instigation, land demarcation, livestock raiding, competition for water and pasture and killings and revenge. This is clearly shown below (Table 5) following chronology of violent conflict between Borana and Gabra.

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Table 5: Development of Violent Conflict - Chronology Events of the Turbi Massacre

Time Incidence and impact August,2002 1 Gabra was killed at Turbi and the Gabra revenged by raiding 728

goats from Borana. 6th Sep,2002 A meeting between Gabra and Borana was held at Turbi to resolve

the conflict. It was agreed that peace be maintained. 15th September 2002

A 2 day follow up meeting took place at Sololo, Moyale district. Administrators, peace committees and opinion leaders from both districts attended this meeting. Based on the Modogashe declaration, the peace committees asked Borana to pay 100 cattle for the person killed and the Gabra to pay three times the number of goats they took from the Borana. Both parties opposed the verdict but did not forward an alternative either.

17th October 2002

Another meeting between the two communities was held at Funnanqumbi (near Turbi) to seek new solutions, but no agreement was reached. Borana from Funnanqumbi were denied access to Turbi town and the Gabra to Rawana and Waldaa water points.

November 2002

There was a looming disaster as the two communities prepared for a show down. The cross border committees from both Kenya and Ethiopia however thwarted the imminent war.

16th to 17th September 2002

A cross border meeting was held in Yabello, which reinforced the peace efforts, and the situation temporarily calmed down.

Throughout 2003

Claim continued but the conflict remained unresolved. Neither of the parties agreed to pay the animals or to share resources.

22nd December 2003

A meeting of 6 prominent Gabra leaders from Moyale was organized to make a peace campaign amongst the Gabra in Turbi, Bubissa and Marsabit for a week. The Moyale leaders had discussion with their Marsabit counterparts and organized a joint Marsabit and Moyale meeting for 12th February 2004.

12th February 2004

While leaders from Moyale turned up in large numbers Turbi people claimed that they were not well informed.

2004/2005 The tension remained as stakeholders developed fatigue. There was neither exchange of animals nor sharing of resources. The peace committees in both Marsabit and Moyale were dissolved under political pressures.

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March/April 2005

The Gabra and the Borana communities at Turbi and Rawana held their own meetings without much external facilitation.

23rd May 2005

The two communities at Rawana and Turbi reached a verdict that the Gabra community returns the 728 goats without any multiplication and the Borana will compensate the Gabra for the dead person according to the Borana law.

5th of June 2005

Three out of the five Ethiopian Borana traveling amongst the Gabra were killed near the Ethiopian border.

The neighboring Ethiopian Borana in revenge invaded the Gabra villages along the border stole animals.

Borana leaders and the government condemned the actions and quickly recovered the stolen animals. In the meantime, Ethiopian Borana made truce with the Kenyan Gabra that they should not revenge on the Kenyan Borana, while the recovery attempts were ongoing.

However, three herds of Borana cattle were stolen from Marsabit and Hurri hills; a Borana chief and his reservist were also shot dead. Borana retaliated by burning Gabra houses in Marsabit and killing a Gabra.

The final trigger for the bloodshed was pulled when the Gabra killed 6 Borana in their sleep around Forole, near the Ethiopian border.

12 July 2005

This was followed by a violent revenge attack presumably from a combined force of Kenya and the neighboring Ethiopian Borana at Turbi on 12 July. About 76 people died, several wounded. The same day the Gabra killed 9 Borana at Bubissa, one at Maikona and burnt 10 Borana houses at the same place.

The livestock taken from the Turbi areas were; 1,500 Camels (13 recovered): 2,000 cattle (350 recovered); 5,000 goats (all recovered).

Source: Marsabit conflict report, the Turbi “Massacre” July, 2005

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3. Methodology and Technical Approach

3.1 Assessment Areas This study covers two districts in Ethiopia (Moyale and Miyo) and four districts in Northern Kenya (Moyale, Sololo, Turbi, Chalbi and Marsabit). The fact that so many of the clans and ethnic groups that inhabit the area are found in both countries is a reality that deeply shapes the border dynamics and blurs distinctions between national citizenship and ethnic identity.

3.2. Methodology Document review: Comprehensive background information on the actors, the context and causes of conflict has been generated from various conflict analysis reports. Checklists were developed based on this background. Discussion with stakeholders: Information generated from the discussions made with governmental, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society organizations has been instrumental in distilling and deepening the principal findings as this represent ‘a third party’ perspective to this assessment. Zonal/Woreda Administration Heads in Ethiopia and District Councils (DC) in Kenya were used. In addition, customary institution leaders, peace committees, NGOs (CIFA, CARE, GPDI, SC/US, LVIA) were interviewed. Focus Group Discussion: Through structured focus group discussions, a joint analysis of their respective districts was made with each group, which generated partial but striking depictions of the current conflict dynamics. The perspective of the different groups used to analyze their needs and to triangulate findings as well as to understand the awareness and responses that these contexts demand including their comments on the effectiveness of their institutions and the different stakeholders in playing their role. In some cases, this was followed by key informant interview to deepen the principal findings. The team traveled to Moyale (Ethiopia) and Miyo in Ethiopia and Moyale (Kenya), Marsabit, Chalbi of Kenya and facilitated 10 FGD and a number of interviews. FGD was held with all major ethnic groups and effort was

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made to ensure the representation of clans or tribes and marginalized groups such as women. SWOT Analysis: The joint analysis of the strengths (S), limitations (L), Opportunities (O), and Threats (T) of range of stakeholders including customary institution leaders, local government officials, women and youth, CBO/NGOs, Peace Committee and business persons held during each FGD was analyzed to suggest interventions building on existing capacities and opportunities and to manage shortcomings and threats.

4. Findings of the Assessment

4.1. Conflict History: Actors and Relationships The more detailed conflict analysis of the report captures concerns between ethnic in the six districts: Sololo, Chalbi, Marsabit, Moyale (Kenya) and Moyale and Miyo in Oromia (Ethiopia). Despite its incongruence with the customary land tenure system, district is a sensible administrative unit for conflict analysis as it provides a visible inter-connectivity between groups and across the Ethio-Kenya borders and boundaries. It is also convenient for the purposes of planning and implementation of peace building activities. This assessment describes the intervening factors within the framework of the underlying and proximate and structural causes of conflict. A general observation at the local level is provided below: Gabra Vs Borana: Informants from both groups believe on the common ethnology and culture including marital relationships. They speak the same language, they have cultural similarities and experience intermarriage. Today, the major point of tension appears to be the conflict between the Borana and the Gabra (from Oromia Region in Ethiopia, down through Moyale and Marsabit in Kenya). This struggle over ethnic identity and independent territory, and the resultant dispute over land, is a major destabilizing factor. In addition to the claim for border demarcation to formalize the colonial boundary, politicization of ethnicity and the influence of elite groups that started around the 70s is believed to be the root cause of the conflict between Gabra and Borana. A series of claims and counter claims, accompanied by raiding and sporadic killing erupted in July 2005 with major human fatality and loss of livestock (76 persons and thousands of livestock).

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Although a number of peace initiatives have taken place and the levels of violence has reduced for now, the accrual of resolutions not yet implemented and the ‘grievances’ not yet addressed are still worrying. In this regard, the efforts being made by third parties in building local capacities among the communities to follow up and transform the conflict are vital. The urgency of the situation requires a bilateral political commitment from the Ethiopian and Kenyan governments to complement the efforts of NGOs and to sustain them over time. In the cultural setting, it is almost certain that if issues are left un-addressed conflict can reoccur in the future. Borana Vs Garri: According to informants, the history of conflict between the two ethnic groups traces back in the 1930s when the Italians had upper hand in the area. Among the factors contributing to conflict assessed, the root cause of the conflict between Borana and Garri Somali is believed to be claims for historical land and territorial claim. The line between the Somali border to the east and the Borana grazing areas to the west is becoming increasingly contested. The animosity between these groups is not only the product of land demarcation which suddenly shifted land ownership and use right as first stipulated in the Ethiopian Transitional Government Charter (TGE, 1991:18) and later adopted in the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE, 1995). In Kenya, because of pressures on pasture and land, there is a gradual ‘push’ of the Somali clans westwards, despite Borana resistance. Lack of resolution over the administrative and boundary tensions between the Oromia and Somali, and the Garri management of regulated access for Borana El-lay and El-Gof traditional wells and pasture, is a volatile situation. This is a trend that many informants believed is known to the authorities who seem either indifferent or intend not to intervene. In addition, the occurrence of conflict between Borana and Garri on the ground of opportunistic proximate causes, not related to water and pasture is a testimony for the grievance for the unresolved broader concerns. Rendille Vs Borana: in Northern Kenya, a sporadic conflict is observed between Rendille and Borana in response to traditional values and beliefs originating from time immemorial. More recently this conflict has been politically instigated by District Consolers who took opportunity to favor one group and disfavor the other.

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According to the informants from central Marsabit, the attitudinal inclination of the District Councilors (DC) towards Rendille and Gabra ethnic groups is believed to exacerbate the conflict between Borana on one hand and Rendille and Gabra on the other. Rendille affiliate former politicians have tried to bring Rendille towards Songa, Karari areas while Gabra affiliates are believed to have played a similar role. The Borana who are not represented at that time lost part of Karari, Logo logo, Hula Hula, Augicho areas, and were gradually pushed to the Mountainous areas. Eventually, Borana were on the losing end as they lost their property right although they still possess usufruct right. Thus accrual of ‘grievances’ by the Borana may erupt at any point in time unless conflict prevention activities are undertaken. Gabra Vs Rendille: recent conflict between the two ethnic groups was due to raid of 10 camels by Rendille from Gabra communities. The stolen camels have been returned to their owner and the situation returned to normal through peace dialogues made between customary institution leaders. Although, this is encouraging, the fact that raiding has been one of the common features of many pastoralists in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya remain a negative intervening factor towards any peace process in the area. Burji vs Borana: conflict between these ethnic groups started before long years ago, the major cause being killing and a vicious cycle of revenge which tended to build a tendency of consolidating animosity between the two groups. In relative terms, these groups have no deep rooted or structural problems; although a tailored peace building activities are required to stop any further conflict. Key connectors such as religion and languages seem to have mixed effect in reducing the probability of conflict between groups sharing them. Borana and Gabra speak the same language, but yet some religious leaders promote or undermine ethnic tolerance and co-existence. Although open violent conflict between Borana and Gabra has subsided after the Turbi massacre, in some areas, low level killings still continue. The latent nature of conflict and unmet structural causes means that there may be potential for conflict to re-emerge. Thus without addressing the major underlying causes of instability in the area, progress in terms of improved livelihoods may be constrained.

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4.2. Factors contributing to violent conflict Although competition over resources is frequently cited as the cause of violent conflict in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya, evidences from this assessment as well as similar studies elsewhere, show that it is more complex than one may imagine. The patterns of conflict in the Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya are complex. Different factors contribute to violent conflict and these factors tended to mutually reinforce each other. Structural factors embedded deep in the religion such as long-standing border disputes, state building processes, shift in property right and ecological degradation conditions shape conflict over time although their effect is slow overtime. It was also observed that these factors have been used as entry points by elite groups. Ignoring these factors or trying to address the visible causes of conflict through legislative or other soft measures is mostly ineffective. Thorough understanding of the factors contributing to conflict at various level contributes to conflicts resolution. Figure 1: structural causes of conflict at different levels

NEGATIVE INTERVENING FACTORS Proliferation of small arms Instigation of local elites Politicization of ethnicity Rumor syndrome Ill designed development activities Asymmetric access to communication technology

PEACE / VIOLENCE

ROOT CAUSES Governance - Colonial history - Power relationship - Post colonial nation

building process Socio-Cultural - Negative traditional values

and believes - Eroding values Property Right - Historical land and/or

territorial claim Vulnerability Context - Residual impacts of state

war - Temporal and spatial

variability of resources and adaptive responses

PROXIMATE CAUSES Governance - Government regionalization

policy - Cross border ethnic affinities

and support - Weakness of customary

institution & mechanisms - Government judiciary system - Government ignorance of local

conflicts Property Right Regime - Incompatible resources

management system & objectives

Socio-Cultural - Shifting alliances - Free-rider tendency - Rebel movements - Raiding for survival or revenge - Killing & vicious cycle of

revenge Vulnerability Context - The influence of ethnic groups

in Diaspora

Positive Intervening Factors Community, Government & NGO peace initiatives

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In this assessment, the complex interplay of factors is summarized under four headings to characterize the causes of conflict in the context of Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya as follow. Vulnerability of households: asymmetric power relations within and between groups and exotic factors (e.g., drought) have made certain groups more vulnerable than the others. The relative abundance of resources among one group and its scarcity among the other is observed to result in a greater risk of conflict as the latter tries to restock herds from the latter. When more and more households become vulnerable due to environmental shocks or conflict itself, the likelihood of violent conflicts increases. In all areas visited by the assessment team, livelihood insecurity is conspicuous. In Kenya, for example, Increasing levels of poverty and idleness tended to push some youth warriors to involve in commercial raiding and target livestock traders are affecting people’s ability to take their livestock to the market. Socio-Cultural Factors: Some cultural values and beliefs, such as raiding and cattle rustling, or killing member of groups considered enemy have a long history and to some extent continued to be an aspect of traditional culture pastoralist in the Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. As indicated in Table 1 below, each segment of the community (elder, women, youth boys and girls) is socially gendered to contribute its part towards generating conflict. Such traditional conflicts have become increasingly destructive to potential or ongoing peace building efforts. For example, although a comprehensive peace declaration has been enacted by Borana and Gabra communities, raiding has continued. Some pastoralist groups for example, must kill contending group to get married or to get recognized and respected by the community. These factors have eroded social capital, undermined customary rules, increased mistrust and mutual suspicion and weaken cultural ties of the communities. Both Ethiopian and Kenyan local Government officials believe that breakdown in community values and lack of awareness on the mainstream secular legal system and its application as the main cause of the problem. Any peace building initiative should develop its intervention strategy to change the mind set of the community based on the barriers identified under each groups and using faith leaders as change agent.

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As shown in Table 1 below, violent attacks are blessed by elders and encouraged by women, many of whom want the prestige and benefits of becoming the wife of a warrior. According to the informants from others tribes the Rendille, a young man never feed from the hands of a women (even from his mother), rather escapes to the bushes unless he commits raid or killing in order to get privilege and respect from the community and proud as a great warrior. Circumcision, providing dowry culture to marry also insists to raid from other ethnic groups. This is the negative side of culture. Traditional initiation ceremonies put pressure on young men to prove themselves as killers and hunters and the culture of body markings allow the youth to parade their skills as warriors to garner the respect of the community. Heroism are becoming uncontrollable as external factors such as weapon commercialization facilitate and provide incentives for individual’s violent behaviour. Table 6: The role of the different segments of the community in generating conflicts

Elders Faith leaders Women Youth (boys) Youth (Girls) Inciting /provocative/

They don’t participate in conflicts but give advices to the community not to be involved in the wars.

Insult those men who protest of fail to participate Warmongers, plays adulation role

Warrior /actual implementers of attacks

Rewards the youth boys with bead and traditional jewelry and necklaces

Plans for war

Tries to cool down the hot tempered members

Feeding fighters

Action planners set strategies

Motivate warriors, singing hero songs,

Bless the warriors

Preach peace Disseminate propaganda

Livestock raider

Praising the warriors Agitates youths

Tells back history to

Bless the warriors

Aggressor, provoker

Give recognition to

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boost moral of them to initiate youths

Pressing the warriors through songs

Joins conflict picking guns

the attackers

Governance: Informants indicated elite resort to violence to secure their interests. Asymmetric access to modern technologies such as small arms, motorized transportation and long-distance communication also reshape the dynamics of conflict which has significantly increased the magnitude of human fatalities. Wrongly conceived development schemes and investments implemented without the active participation of local communities results in unclear property rights mechanism thus increasing tensions. According to the ODI, politics can be a driver of conflict in pastoralist areas. In Kenya, new election constituencies are likely to be created before the polls and ethnically dominant communities stand a better chance of electing a leader from among their own. For example, a new district, Baragoi, has been carved out of Samburu, north of the main town of Maralal. It is mainly occupied by the Samburu and Turkana, who clash from time to time, which could result in the Samburu being marginalized. People no longer use spears or arrows for offence and defense. The proliferation of illicit arms is associated with the weakening of customary institution and their diminished role in the local leadership which has not been adequately bridged through policing and security arrangements. This has in part led to the proliferation of weapons and the proximity of the study area to unstable neighbors such as Somalia is another reason. According to informants from Marsabit, the availability of weapons was to some extent a deterrent to petty crime, although the use of sophisticated guns increases fatalities. Remote areas in the north rely on community-organized security groups such as militia (Ethiopia) and police reservists (Kenya) to maintain law and order. At times, the absence of the government force in some parts makes people take the law into their own hands which is becoming an obstacle to the free movement of traders and pastoralists, contributing to chronic vulnerability of pastoralists.

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Box 1: Historical proliferation of small arms in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya According to informants, pastoralists’ use traditional artifacts such as arrows, spears and shield in conflicts during pre-colonial era. Small arms, mostly non-automatic, started entering the hands of some pastoral group during the colonial time primarily for defending livestock from raid; and, wild carnivores and self defense. Today, households have started purchase more than one arm in as wealthy deposition and to assure the security of splitted herds in to satellite and homestead camps. These weapons are also used for raiding from rivalry groups as a means of restocking or survival. The small arms were also instrumental for youth warriors to scout and patrol and access range resources in insecure. Over time, small arms started to serve as a means of ostentation in addition to its original intended purposes. The purchase of small arms by pastoral groups started to mount between 1984 and 91. During the imperial time non-automatic weapons2 started to hold grip in pastoral areas through illicit traders who barter at a very expensive rate with live animals. For example, according one of the elders, one Demotfore was exchanged for about 12 heads of cattle while Aleben was exchanged for about 6-7 cattle. The exchanged animals are in turn sold in the market. During the Derege regime such small arms illegal trade was highly controlled and its availability on the market was limited and in effect prices were very high. The preferred small arms also changed from non-automatic to semi or full automatic such as Ak47 and SKS. Small arms trades used to be one of the lucrative businesses during that time. The traders bring these arms on foot all the way from border areas (Moyale) to local villagers and pass over to business partners among local communities along the trading route. Proximity to unstable states such as Somalia and the porous nature of the border gives individuals the opportunity to move arms easily. During the change of government in 1991 the disbanded soldiers and various military camps sold small arms in abundance for cheep price. The armed violent conflict between Borana and Garri that resulted in the displacement of about 60,000 Garri to Walda area in Kenya Moyale district is believed to be associated with this incidence.

2 Some of the non-automatic weapons are locally called Demotfor and Alben

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According to informants, access to small arms in conflict prone areas of Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya are in the increasing trends. Currently, the Ethiopian government has started registering the already acquired small arms in the name of self-protection. Property Right Regime: where there is exclusive rangeland use right via land demarcation and/or hardening of boundaries between states or pastoralist groups tensions prevails; e.g., the tension between Borana and Garri is a case in point. According to informants, the development of additional water points in the traditional wet season grazing areas, recurrent drought, bush encroachment, expansion of cultivation and population pressure are simply proximate causes of conflict. They attribute the root of the problem to the exclusive ownership of range resources and the associated erosion of the customary tenure systems that shaped the patterns of resource management. The inability of pastoralists to assert their wisdom and lack of complementarities between the formal and informal land tenure system is thus at the heart of the problem. Before, what was of relevance to herders was the option to access specific lands at different times of need, rather than the formal control over a temporally productive piece of land. As strict boundaries are set between pastoralist groups, minority groups such as the Ethiopian Gabra have also started claiming for a specific land. This is probably related to the privileges enshrined in Ethiopian constitution which gives economic, political and social right over land to citizen. In addition, a number of rights over resources have emerged, from traditional wells related to a specific lineage, communal grazing areas, open-access systems, private cultivation and freehold. The heterogeneity in land tenure system in turn reshaped the conflict within and between groups complex. Thus the movement of livestock and herders transcending national or ethnic borders to share communal pool of natural resources has been problematic as evidenced in the Borana and Gabra conflict. However, this tension tends to be milder if the visitor and the host belong to the same groups. Freedom of movement over large areas including crossing ethnic and international borders which has been a crucial element of the dry lands resource management system is now risky as it may lead to loss of asset or human life. According to the informants, both droughts and rains are indicator of conflict. A cross-border

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raiding is frequently observed during the rains due to the presence of plenty of water and pasture. In the time of stress or prolonged dry period competition for scarce resource becomes the causes of conflict. As one elder puts it, people fight when there is plenty, not a lack. If one steal during the drought, where does he take stunted animals? Generally, the multi-faceted nature of conflict in the cross border of Ethiopia and Kenya is depicted in Figure 1 below. Figure 2: Interplay of factors contributing to conflicts between pastoralist groups in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya Property rights Insure Secure High

Household vulnerability

Low

Strong

Governance Weak

Socio-Cultural Capital

More of violent conflict Insecure property right and/or high hh vulnerability

More of peace 1. Secure property right 2. Strong social capital 3. Low hh vulnerability 4. Political commitment

Strong

Weak

More of violent conflict Weak social capital and/or week governance

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4.3 Impacts of violent conflict Violent conflicts have had very negative and severe impacts on the communities living along the Ethio-Kenyan border. However, it is worth noting that, other than the tragic massacres (such as those between Borana and Gabra) that tended to ‘grab’ attention, the persistent drip of killings (one or two at a time), seems not to attract the same level of attention; a fact that may confound efforts to ascertain whether the situation is actually getting better or worse. Respondents from both sides of the two nations highlighted several consequences of violent conflicts, including the loss of human life, property and displacements of large segments of the communities. It also disrupted the socio-economic situation and increased hatred between groups which led to the restriction of movement and environmental degradation especially around water points which according to respondents led to loss of livestock and deepening poverty. The provision of food aid among the displaced groups has resulted in unprecedented dependency syndrome among the community. Internally Displaced People in Kenya According to some studies a total of 164,457 pastoralists have been displaced by conflicts in North Frontier districts of Kenya. Marsabit district had 4,378 displaced people. Of the displaced people, 70% or 105,500 are women and children aged below 14 years. In addition to displacements, women have also been widowed by the conflicts further increasing their vulnerabilities to poverty and human right abuses. The respondents also indicated that all the affected districts are among the poorest districts in Kenya in all the development indices. School enrolment rates are far below the national average, majority of the people in the region depend on relief food. Rights of the displaced people have been grossly violated as the assessment found out that there is a strong correlation between displacements and increased rape cases, physical assaults, prostitution and child labor. Generally the commonest impacts of conflict in Southern Ethiopia and North Kenya are the following.

Constant fear, loss of confidence and mutual trust Cessation of social service –health, education, trade and communication. Death and injury or family members Widowhood and low esteem in the community

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Robbery abduction and rape Theft of households equipment and livestock Reduce social relationships

4.4. Existing Peace Building and Conflict Mitigation Approaches Several actors are undertaking peace building, conflict prevention and mitigation involving pastoralists in the Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. The development of effective actions to tackle the cause of conflict is difficult because these problems are either rooted in the people cultures or are part of the socio-political framework. However, there are ‘best practices’ which could be scaled up if efforts are made to sensitize the government and communities (Box 2). Measures aimed at conflict prevention such as developing the mediation and conflict prevention capacities of the communities’ involved and strategic investment in awareness raising and collection and dissemination of early warning information and indigenous peace building by NGOs is a good start. While the provision of basic needs for IDPs in a secure environment is encouraging, effort to rehabilitate and re-orient them into mainstream society or extending support in alternative livelihoods needs further attention. Primary responsibility for developing and implementing the programmes and measures outlined above must rest with the governments of Ethiopia and Kenya, local, national and international stakeholders. Box 2: Paving the Way for Conflict Transformation: the case of Borana and Gabra peace building process Both Borana and Gabra informants believe that they have a common ancestor. According to Gabra communities at Turbi, a sporadic conflict has been ongoing between Borana and Gebra groups since 150 years. Recently there was a violent conflict between the two groups in the place called Tille Waraba. The Borana are not happy with the Gebra’s shifts of identity, elitist supremacy. Since then the two groups had a sporadic conflict from time to time in until the year of 2009. The 2nd conflict occurred at a place called "Endido” area around “Forole” due to killing of one person and livestock raiding. However, due to the strict follow-up made by the Ethiopians the animals were returned and peace mediation activities were started by them. However, therefore the mediation process take place conflict broke out in the area. Attempt was also made to solve issues by the Kenyan Government although the situation has continued. The Turbi Massacre on 12th of July, 2005 in

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which more than 76 people were killed from both sides and 2000 cattle, 9000 shoats, 2050 camels were raided. The conflict crossed border and radiated to Forole, Elhadi, and Dhukana areas. The humanitarian crisis seemed to have attracted the attention of many stakeholders and as a result, a series of peace gathering has been organized at Dhukana, Forole, Maicona and Walda to resolve the conflict Peace gathering at Mudhisillu (Ethiopia), 42 kilometers South of Yaballo from 15 -17 January, 2009. Pastoralists from Kenya and all other corners of Ethiopia came together. Maikona peace gathering from 17th -19th July, 2009. A follow up peace dialogue was planned at Maikona. The Walda peace meeting was hosted by Walda community the gathering of 160 people on 27th and 28th July as it was planed at Maikona. The participants were from Dhukana, Forole, Maikona, Marsabit, Moyale, Rawana, Sololo, Turbi, Uran and Government officials from Chalbi, Moyale, and Isilo districts. The goal of the gathering agreed to extend the peace between Borana and Gabra to their areas they agreed to start sharing resources and five members from both parties endorsed the Peace Declaration agreed in Maikona signed a copy of this declaration. The gathering also nominated a peace committee from Turbi, Uran, Rawana and Walda. The DC Moyale endorsed the peace Declaration and vowed to support its implementation. The meeting was resourced by the people of Walda, with transport support from the Pastoralist Shade Initiative, Arid Land Management Project (ALMP) and others NGOs. As the outcome of the Walda meeting and signing of the declaration on the 28th of July,2009 by the 30th of July, 1500 sheep and goats, 400 cattle, from Turbi were watered at Rawana and 500 camels have been watered at Walda. Additionally, the transportation of water to Turbi from Walda, instead of Log logo has been started to save around 300km per trip. Below demonstrated the copy of Declaration DECLARATION of the DUKANA AND DILLO peace conference If a person is caught with a stolen animal, he must return the stolen animal and pay a fine of four animals per stolen animal. The culprit also has to pay the expenses incurred for tracking that animal. The same rule applies for sheep, Goats, camels and cattle. This will be implemented in both Kenya and Ethiopia. If anyone injures another person with intent, the penalty is 15 cows. If anyone kills a person, the penalty is 30 cows. If someone is putting out lies and propaganda, inciting people to fight, he should be fined 5 cows. For the man who conceals a culprit or information – both the concealer and the concealed are fined the same. E.g. if a man hides another man who has killed, both

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are fined 30 cows. In all these cases the culprit also goes to the court. MAIKONA AND WALDA PEACE DECLARATION 28th July, 2009 We, the undersigned, have accepted peace between our communities, the Borana and the Gabra. We pledge to live peacefully with one another and to share the natural resources of water and pasture. Peace will be maintained through regular meetings between representatives of both communities, at alternating locations. Peace will be safeguarded through the implementation of the following fines. If a person is caught with a stolen animal, the fine is 4 animals per animal stolen. The culprit also has to pay the expenses incurred for tracking that animal, and will be handed over to government law. If a person injures another with intent to kill, the fine is 15 cows and they will be handed over to government law. If a person kills another, the fine is 30 cows and they will be handed over to government law. If a person is spreading lies and propaganda, inciting people to fight, they will be fined expenses and 5 cows. If a person conceals a culprit or information, they and the concealed person will be fined the same, depending on the crime. Five representatives (3 men and 2 women from each) of the two groups have signed the Walda Mikona declaration. Events occurred after the signing of the declaration The peace situation between Borana and Gabra communities has calmed since 28th of July, 2009 and both communities has started to use resources in common. On September, 2009 after the declaration, 2 people from Gabra were killed in Ethiopia, Teltelle woreda at a place called “ADDO”. The criminals were caught by the Kenyan Government given to the community, according to the declaration he was fined 30 cows for each person killed to their families and the wrong doer were handed over with their gun to the Government of Ethiopia court and given life sentenced Killing of 3 people, 2 from Hobok and one from Teltele were also compensated with 90 fine cattle and all are life sentenced. After the Walda declaration around Elle Bor four cattle which belonged to Gabra

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community were taken but the raider were identified at Uran division (Kenya) and according to the declaration 16 cattle were returned including compensation. The raiders are handed over to the Kenyan Government and are expected to be sentenced according to the law. In general, the community decision combined with the Governments low is being implemented to keep the peace process against the wrong doers/criminals. As the result, the two cross border conflicting groups have started sharing resources in common and started breathing peaceful air. One of the elders has described the cause of violent conflicts and the need of peace as follows, “We don’t blame the Borana or Gabra, we are brothers we speak the same language, share similar culture, livelihood and also experience intermarried, but we blame the elite who makes politics behind us. We need peace as the rest of the world. Thus, the involvement of Borana and Gabra as well as their commitment for a longer-term peace are vital components of preventing conflict or managing it when it happens in time. The socio-political transformation that separates Borana or Gabra as a group from a culprit reflects the collective determination for a peaceful coexistence and communal access to resources. The higher value of peace justifies the ‘inadvertent cost’ they have been paying to violent conflict. As can be seen from the aforementioned case study, most of the actors see violent conflicts as a consequence of differences of values and interests within and between communities. The propensity to violence arises from existing institutions and historical relationships, as well as from the established distribution of power. Most of their efforts are spent on managing and containing them to reach a historic compromise in which violence may be laid aside and normal situation resumed. To do this peace committees are designed as appropriate institutions to guide the whole process into appropriate channels. They bring opposing sides together in a cooperative process, raise more realistic question in a constructive way, and design a declarations for the constructive management of difference.

4.5 Peace and Justice Committee The formal structure of peace and justice committee at woreda and Kebele level includes elders, women, youth, religious and traditional leaders and representatives from woreda administration and security and justice officials. The Ethiopian Cross-border joint peace committee has been established by drawing six persons from the

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Borana, Gabra and Garri groups (a total of 18 people) to work closely with their Kenyan counterpart. Similarly, in Kenya the peace building structure at sub location level is composed of elders, women, youth, religious leaders and government officials. The peace building activities facilitated by the two peace committees between Borana and Gabra (Box 2) testifies the effectiveness of customary arrangements for peace building and border harmonization. The activities so far done by these committees include, organizing peace meetings and exchange visits between conflicting groups, handing over culprits and recovery of stolen animals. The unique pastoralists cultures that emphasize the resolution of conflicts amicably through a council of elders, dialogue, traditional rituals and common utilization of resources especially dry-season grazing land are often flouted if conditions that necessitated the pact to hold are withdrawn. For example, peace pacts between Borana and Gabra largely hinges on availability of logistics. Therefore, the government and local communities should be able to mobilize resource to fulfill preconditions (Box 3). Youth, Women, Elder, Religious leaders, members of customary institutions (Kalu, Hayu, Jalaba and Abagada) are members of peace committee. According to the informants from Turbi the Peace Committees are currently active, but they still need support to make sure that the peace building initiative continues in the future. Following the Walda meeting, the peace committees have the plan to meet monthly for the next 5 to 10 years and a general meeting is planned at Turbi in the year 2010.

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Box 3: Return the stick to the owner This publication details the indigenous methods of conflict resolution among the Pokot, Turkana, Samburu, and Marakwet communities of North Rift Kenya. Traditional conflict resolution structures are closely bound with socio- political and economic realities of the lifestyles of the pastoralists. These conflict resolution structures are rooted in their culture and history of each community. The overriding legitimacy of indigenous conflict resolution structures amongst these communities is striking. There is scarce and unequal access to natural resources and power, ethnic mistrust (ethnocentrism), inadequate state structures, border tensions and proliferation of illicit arms are some of the causes of inter-ethnic conflicts in northern Kenya. The study found out that cattle rustling, and to some extent, land clashes are the main manifestation of conflicts in northern Kenya. In response to the cattle rustling menace that has ravaged the vast region, these communities have evolved over time and institutionalized an elaborate system and mechanisms of resolving conflicts whether intra-community or inter-community. The elders form a dominant component of the customary mechanisms of conflict management. The elders command authority that makes them effective in maintaining peaceful relationships and community way of life. They control resources, marital relations, and networks that go beyond the clan boundaries, ethnic identity and generations. The elders are believed to hold and control supernatural powers reinforced by belief in superstitions and witchcraft. This is perhaps the basis of the legitimacy of traditional conflict resolution mechanisms amongst the pastoralists. Among other findings, due consideration has been given to the unique pastoralists cultures that emphasize the resolution of conflicts amicably through a council of elders, dialogue, traditional rituals and common utilization of resources especially dry-season grazing land. Peace pacts between these communities have largely been hinged on availability of pasture and water and entirely cushioned on a win-win situation. The current peaceful relationship and military alliance between are testimonies to the power of indigenous customary arrangements of peace building and border harmonization. Nevertheless, such peace pacts are flouted as soon as conditions that necessitated the pact cease to hold as they are governed by opportunistic tendencies. In total, the said communities have consistent and more elaborate methods of intervening in internal (intra-ethnic) conflicts than the inter-ethnic conflicts. There is a marked absence or inadequacy of enforcement mechanisms/framework

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to effect what the elders and other traditional courts have ruled. The customary courts rely on goodwill of the society to adhere to its ruling. In terms of gender consideration, the whole process is grossly flawed. There is a serious gender and age imbalance as women and youth are largely excluded from important community decision-making processes. Women and children are there to be seen and not heard despite of the fact that they play a critical role in precipitating conflicts. Limited government understanding of pastoralists’ livelihoods and the ensuing marginalization of pastoralists’ issues, livelihoods and institutions have corroded the efficacy and relevance of customary institutions of conflict management. Pastoralist traditional structures are overtly or covertly considered archaic and could not find their place in the modern global village. As a result, opportunities for collaborate and complement the traditional methods of resolving conflicts have been missed. While efforts and lessons from other areas have been tested customary mechanisms of conflict resolution have been ignored. There should be increased collaboration and networking between the government and customary institutions of governance. In particular, the government should recognize and aid customary courts enforce their rulings. The elders should also be trained on modern methods of arbitration and at minimum, traditional mechanisms of conflict management should be more sensitive to the universally accepted principles of human rights. Gender and age mainstreaming in conflict resolution should be prioritized in all traditional courts and in decision-making processes. Women and children voices should be heard and be seen to fundamentally alter the pace and direction of community governance system. The regional problem of illicit arms that has scaled up the severity and frequency of cattle raids should be addressed by the governments in the region. These arms have also sneaked in the veiled aspect of commercialization of cattle raids in the region. Pastoralists used to raid animals to replenish their stocks especially after periods of severe drought and animal diseases, but today are increasingly raiding to enrich themselves by engaging in trade of stolen livestock. This aspect has overwhelmed traditional conflict resolution mechanisms.

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4.6 Role of the Community Members in Peace Building According informants, elders have now started cooling down conflict and act as mediators in their own community. A few others still support the idea of the women and tell the youth them history and heroism made during their age. That was what a women from the Rendille group condemned in the Dhukana-Dillo peace gatherings. “We [women] participate in war, we play with people’s emotions on and off; we are first class warmongers. Men, why do you respond to our ignition? Why can’t you refuse because you are the ones who are dying? Batula Lairapo, Rendille woman, from Laisamis. Women and youth must be targeted for a far reaching attitudinal change in order to remove the age old cultural practices of triggering and executing conflict for its own sake. Table 7: The role of different community members in peace building/ conflicts resolution

Elders Religious leaders

Women Youth (boys)

Youth (Girls)

Make a truss between contending parties

Preach peace

Attend peace building meetings

Attends the meeting

Attends the meeting

Meet with contending parties, advice the youths

Tries to cool down the conflict situation

Advise to reconciliation

Coordinates for truss movements

Communication messages to peers

Cool down the situation

Preach peace Disarming the youth

Burry the conflict hatchet

Sings peace songs

Sings peace songs

Sings peace songs

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Call youths to disarm

Give blessing

Prepares food and drink during the peace gatherings

Resume positive relationship with contending parties

4.7 Existing structure of peace committee in Kenya In Ethiopia, the Kebele peace committee is chaired by Kebele chairperson and has six members comprising of representatives from the customary leaders, religious leaders, women, and youth. In this way they are vital institution as they build on traditional systems and improving links and support from the government, the committees deal with matters related to cross border issues. The regular communication between conflicting ethnic groups has contributed to increase the level of trust and confidence and assisted in managing the levels of violence to a certain degree. However, the committees deal only with conflict management or resolution and often awaiting instruction from the woreda administration. Failure to deal with the root causes of conflict questions the sustainability of the intervention. As shown below, in Kenya the structure of peace committee goes from the sub location all the way to national level. This structure can be adapted to the Ethiopian condition to win a political commitment from the government. Box 4: Peace Committee Structure in Kenya

National steering committee

Provincial committee

District committee

Division committee

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Location committee - Chief

Sub – Location – Assistant chief

4.8 NGO’s Role in Peace Building None Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have been playing great role in facilitating peace building and reconciliation of conflicts. They provide funds, logistic support, capacity building and in conflicts mitigation. NGO’s including CIFA’s involvement in peace building activities was facilitation and capacity building for both woreda and neighboring communities Government and peace committees. Several trainings have been provided by different actors for different groups. For example CIFA has provided training for woreda officials and community members on the Ethiopian and Kenyan side. CARE through the Enhanced Livelihoods In Ethiopia (ELSE) project provided training on conflict management in Awassa October 2009. IGAD and Mercy Corps have also provided training on cross border peace building and monitor and evaluation and conflict sensitive programming in Moyale, Ethiopia. In Kenya, Deedha council is a CBO established in early February 2005. It was formed as a result of poor social economical problems faced by pastoralist in areas of Natural Resource Management since independence. Deedha Council’s vision is to have a peaceful, coherent existence of pastoral communities in a conserved environment. In Sololo it supported capacity building for local elders and youths and cross border peace training. Farm Africa is a close partner of CIFA in Kenya, working in Marsabit and Moyale in Kenya. Apart from the main development activities it has also engaged in resource base conflicts resolution and peace building and improved resource sharing through peace dialogue and conducting community sensitization. In Ethiopia, LVIA is an international None Governmental humanitarian Organization undertaking multi- sect oral sustainable development and peace building activities. It has organized peace building

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workshops in Moyale with participants from 19 Kebeles (154 pastoral and 4 officials) in which participants gain knowledge on peace building. Several other trainings are believed to have been organized in the area. However, the absence of coordination between these actors has created a sense of attending as many training as possible since the associated benefit in the form of per diem is attractive. Government officials are of the opinion that uncoordinated capacity buildings are worse than they are useful. First, it diverts the attention of the community representatives from the skills gained from the training to money and second it may encourage them to fuel rather than solve the problem to maintain benefits.

4.9 Conflict Early Warning Conflict early warning indicators collected from the various pastoralist groups both in Ethiopia and Kenya are essentially similar (Box 4). While identification of conflict early warning indicators and its trucking mechanisms are important, the collection and dissemination of information that brings the difference. Box 5: Community based conflict early warning indicators

Plenty of rainfall or sever drought Cessation of greetings between members of different group Exchange of sign or false alarms Lack of trust and confidence Propaganda syndrome reduced interaction or communication breakdown, Changes in behaviors and attitudes particularly among the youth Sudden intrusion Restriction of access to resources (refusal to share) Transferring livestock and properties to the other side Movement limited Insults Singing provocative songs Livestock raiding and refusal to return lost animals Carrying arms all the time

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Conflict early warning mechanisms

Establish/strengthen peace building committee Regular meeting between contending groups Continuous education and advised to youth no to incite or react to stimuli

4.10. SWOT Analysis of the Role of Actors Pastoral community elders, faith leaders, women, youths Government sectoral offices (Federal, regional woreda and PAs)in the Ethiopian side and National steering committee, provincial district, division, location, sub-location and village level committee and cross border peace committee played their role in peace building and conflict resolution. Local NGO’s (GPDI, CIFA-Ethiopia and CIFA-Kenya) CBO’s (Deedha council, SHADE Initiatives) and NGOs (CARE, IGAD, Zoa, PISP, FHI and Catholic Diocese), and government projects (ALRMP, MWADO) have been dealing with conflict as one of their program component and contributed a prominent role to conflict management efforts on a national as well as cross-border issues in the study areas. Peace committee covers vast areas and unable to reach at a place by waking where sporadic conflict cases occurs Informants, overtly or covertly indicated the limitations of local actors and their institutions in many ways. Some are involved in peace building activities when they do not have the capacity to properly undertake even development works. On the other hand, the majority of the actors be they CBOs or other institutions, are compromised as they are ethnically locked into the conflict dynamics themselves and therefore, they are not objective when considering the conflict environment (Table 3). Additionally, there exist no strategic complementarities between actors and therefore a coordinating mechanism is urgently required before any intervention is launched.

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Table 8: SWOT Analysis of the Roles of Actors in mitigating conflicts

Actors Strengths Weaknesses Opportunities Threats Government Has the

power to control violent conflict, has financial and administrative capacity to build infrastructure.

Failure to harmonize customary institutions with formal institutions

Traditional leaders and NGOs are ready to cooperate with government, Local people want peace and order, etc. more power is given to Woreda administration.

Government may lose credibility, unless concrete measures are taken

Customary institutions

Wide acceptance and popularity among the local people, Time-tested experience and appropriate flexibility, efficiency, etc.

Lack legal backing; lack of harmonization with formal institutions Lack of support from government, etc.

Government has put in place policies for the pastoral areas; increased recognition of indigenous knowledge systems

Could be eroded by market forces, Individualization of property rights, restriction on NGOs to undertake policy advocacy work;

NGOs & civil society

Recognize people’s knowledge and wisdom; Have experience in dealing with conflict; Are accepted by the local

Mutual mistrust and suspicion with each other and the Government; Plans not integrated with national regional

The major donors may support NGO initiatives,

Repressive laws may be made to stifle NGO activities

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people plans; Lack coordination

The private sector

Has the skill and financial capacity to weaken parochialism and promote nation-wide interests

Interested only in profit-making involvement in asocial activities like arms trafficking

Expansion of infrastructure and market, economic liberalization policies

Insecurity which reduces incentives to invest

Elite groups Have money constituencies in the community

Are themselves locked in the conflict dynamics

Their attitudes can change

They continue as negative interveners

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5. Conclusion and Recommendations 5.1 Conclusion The international border between Ethiopia and Kenya is separates pre-existing clan, ethnic and social groupings and acted as cultural, national and citizenship divide. The present day perceptions, the interaction within and between groups, the deep sense of social and political division of groups along the Ethio-Kenyan border are largely associated to the factors born during the colonial period. Measure taken to reduce existing and potential conflicts should be viewed within the framework of some structural factors such as the increasing vulnerability of households, governance, insecure property right regime and the harmful socio-cultural practices and eroding values. The blend of neglect and remoteness of the border areas and the weakening of customary institutions made pastoralists relatively insecure. Public services, such as security are inadvertently left to the ethnic group themselves leading to the proliferation of personal weapons. The erosion of customary practices undermined the capacity to effectively address local concerns and issues. Thus, at a fundamental level, a life-giving blend of activities directed towards increasing the resiliency of pastoral households, improving governance, securing resource property regime and changing the mind set of the communities must be undertaken in order to reinforce their impact. It’s therefore important that communities living in the Ethiopia and Kenyan border be targeted through positive discrimination. The two governments must protect their citizens and administer the rule of law to leave a positive legacy in the hearts and minds of the people. The long-term trend in recurrent drought of increasing intensity and the corresponding decline in the rangelands’ capacity to carry sufficient livestock is made worse by the general increase in the local population and the lack of markets to off-load expanding herds. These pressures are causing an increasing number of clashes, leading to ‘drop out’ from the pastoralist livelihood systems, and sparked new human settlements around water points. Such groups are vulnerable to join armed conflict as repeated cycles of hardships may push them to choose between the two devils – poverty and conflict.

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Among the deep-rooted causal factors of conflict, the social-cultural, political identity and the governance of pastoral land appears to be the most fundamental areas for advocacy. Underlying any attempt to tackle these issues is efforts to address over time the core attitudes that lock actors, elites, leaders, officials and the general public in the conflict dynamics. Desired attitudes include: rights, coexistence and justice. Changes are required are: ethnocentrism, mistrust, raiding, atrocity and gender equality. The institutions of the state, as well as the mind-sets of the people, will eventually have to change if the causes of conflict are to be transformed and a culture of peace and coexistence are to prevail. 5.2 Recommendations The study draws the following recommendations to keep the momentum of promising peace building initiatives and to undertake additional conflict prevention and mitigate conflicts activities in the Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya: 1. Reduce Household Vulnerability

Initiate long term development strategies in the districts (woreda) in areas of alternative livelihoods, education, health, roads and market access for livestock market;

Establish vocational schools for young warriors Organize herders association to professionalize herding Develop community-based conflict early warning system for early action.

2. Improve customary and formal governance

Improve local security through vigilantes – local policing Advocate for the right of corner tribes and minorities. Strengthen and link customary peace building and conflict mitigation mechanisms with formal police, court and government agencies.

Recognize, empower and support customary Institutions Conduct regular peace building committee meeting Enhance exchanges of pastoralist day among neighboring countries

Allocate budget for the peace building committee meeting by both government and NGO’s

Support pastoralist week celebration at local level Coordinate the peace building efforts of the Government, NGOs others and other actors

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Build the capacity of government authorities and customary institutions on secular legal procedures and its application

3. Improve property right regime security to all groups

Establishing inter - tribal customary institution leaders council for joint land use planning and resource negotiation and management

Facilitate the development of clear institutional arrangement for multi-level peace building and conflict mitigation within and between Ethiopia and Kenya

Ensure equitable access to resources and opportunities among the communities.

4. Enhance beneficial social values and traditions

Promote and facilitate inter-community trauma-healing sessions for trust and confidence building

Gender and age mainstreaming in all peace initiatives Introduce peace education in primary schools Strengthen and support media for peace programmes and peace campaigns in local languages and dialects

Sensitization and raise awareness in issues pertaining to harmful traditional practices

Public education on civil and group rights, constitutions Award elders who work for peace

6. Work Plan In line with the recommendations provided above, the assessment team proposes a four pronged development and peace intervention which any actor can pick part or all to deal with conflict in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya. Objective # 1: Activities targeted to reduce household vulnerability

Initiate long term development strategies in the districts (woreda) in areas of alternative livelihoods, education, health, roads and market access for livestock market;

Establish vocational schools for young warriors Organize herders association to professionalize herding Develop community-based conflict early warning system for early action.

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Objective # 2: Activities targeted to improve customary and formal governance

Improve local security through vigilantes – local policing Advocate for the right of corner tribes and minorities. Strengthen and link customary peace building and conflict mitigation mechanisms with formal police, court and government agencies.

Recognize, empower and support customary Institutions Conduct regular peace building committee meeting Enhance exchanges of pastoralist day among neighboring countries

Allocate budget for the peace building committee meeting by both government and NGO’s

Support pastoralist week celebration at local level Coordinate the peace building efforts of the Government, NGOs others and other actors

Build the capacity of government authorities and customary institutions on secular legal procedures and its application

Objective # 3: Activities targeted to improve property right regime security by all groups

Establishing inter - tribal customary institution leaders council for joint land use planning and resource negotiation and management

Facilitate the development of clear institutional arrangement for multi-level peace building and conflict mitigation within and between Ethiopia and Kenya

Ensure equitable access to resources and opportunities among the communities.

Objective # 4: Activities directed to enhance beneficial social values and traditions

Promote and facilitate inter-community trauma-healing sessions for trust and confidence building

Gender and age mainstreaming in all peace initiatives Introduce peace education in primary schools Strengthen and support media for peace programmes and peace campaigns in local languages and dialects

Sensitization and raise awareness in issues pertaining to harmful traditional practices

Public education on civil and group rights, constitutions Award elders who work for peace

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7. Terms of Reference

On Consultancy service for Assessing and Consolidating existing approaches & best practices in cross border peace building and conflict mitigation and strengthened civil society across the Ethiopia/Kenya border, October 2009 Summary CIFA Ethiopia and CARE Ethiopia in collaboration with other partners intend to execute assessment on cross border peace building and conflict mitigation in the pastoral areas of Borana zone of Oromia region and bordering northern Kenya to identify strength and limitation of peace building and conflict resolution activities, consolidating best practices, and recommend appropriate and concert measures / actions necessary for future peace building and conflict resolution measures across border of southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya. The overall objective of this assessment is to undertake an in depth review of existing peace building and conflict resolution measures in the bordering districts of Borana Zone and northern Kenya taken by the different stakeholders, consolidating existing approaches and best practices in peace building and conflict mitigation across Ethiopia/Kenya boarder and pinpointing challenges/gaps for policy interventions at regional level and to scale up best practices for future interventions. The assessment will be followed by a feedback and harmonization workshop during which all actors in implementing peace programs, concerned government bodies, CBO’s, and other partners actively participate on the workshop to give feedbacks and technical comments on the assessment report for future harmonized peace building program in the region.

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1. Background Over the years, the border zone between Kenya and Ethiopia has seen increasing ethnic and political conflict. These conflicts have been frequent and are mostly over resource management. The pastoralists comprise a number of different ethnic groups who move across the border with their herds in search of pasture and water. Providing the pastoral communities with new skills to prevent conflict is expected to increase their chances for improved income and livelihoods in Ethiopia and across the border. Due to the mobility pattern of pastoralist communities and low capacity of the governments (governments are over stretched against space and time), in addressing conflict issues pastoral areas across border peace building program has been introduced in to these areas to improve peace building and conflict mitigation services. CIFA has been the pioneer in implementing peace programs since 2000 in coordination with the government as well as other NGOs. Since this program started much peace building activities have been done with major achievements. Nevertheless, field visits and different reports indicated that there are challenges and gaps in implementing the program. These gaps and challenges believed to emanate from lack of harmonization among different actors that are implementing peace activities program especially across Ethiopia/Kenya borders areas. In addition, lack of close follow up and supervision and absence of support by implementing organizations in area of capacity building specifically refresher trainings make the problem worst. To this effect, CIFA Ethiopia, CARE Ethiopia through Enhanced Livelihood in Southern Ethiopia (ELSE) project planned to conduct the assessment on peace program in pastoral areas of Borana Zone and northern Kenya that will be followed by feed back and harmonization workshop in order to consolidate best practices, agree on solutions for the gaps/challenges identified and address policy issues for future success of the program in a harmonized way. 2. Objective The overall objective of this consultancy work is to undertake detailed assessment on peace building and conflict resolution program in particular with emphasis on

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analyzing strength and weakness of the program, pinpoint challenges /gaps, identify lessons learned for further scaling up and make recommendations in order to inform policy makers and improve quality of the program in the future. In addition the consultant is expected to identify strengths and weaknesses of implementation approaches and strategies of different conflict resolution program implementing partner for future harmonization and indicate the way forward. 3. Scope of the assessment The major activities of the assessment include but not limited to: Assess the overall peace building and conflict resolution system in the pastoral areas of the region; Look in detail in to governments’ strategy in cross border peace building and conflict resolution in coordination with traditional systems in pastoral areas against staffing, budget allocation, transport etc Assess the level of status of the peace committees that have been trained by former projects in the area (implementing organizations, status, approaches and strategies employed, geographical areas and coverage, etc) Illustrate clear information on community peace building and conflict resolution program achievements, such as community awareness and the role of peace committees & stakeholders in terms of contributing to official peace building systems Identify core influences and processes and emphasize the multiple interactions between the various factors which affect the peace building & conflict resolution system and sketch out how these factors link to each other Collate and consolidate best-practices and lessons through conducting participatory approaches and techniques (key informants interview, focus group discussion, etc ) for further scaling up Analyze and make comparative study how effective the different peace building and conflict resolution strategies and approaches, system of linking them directly to government security organs, utilizing information) Identify main challenges and gaps and forward recommendations that help to draw lessons learnt for future pastoral programs Facilitate feedback and harmonization workshop on the assessment findings and produce the proceedings of the workshop and incorporate all comments and feed back of the workshop in to the final assessment document. Identify roles of peace programs, implementing partners at all levels (NGO, regional, zonal and woreda offices)

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4. Assessment areas Most key pastoralist areas in Borana Zone in Oromia region and parts of northern Kenya will be covered under this assessment. This includes: Borana Zone: Moyale, Miyo, Arero, Dillo, Teltele and Yabello 5. Methodology and technical approach The consultant will: Review the available documents (assessment reports, baseline surveys, evaluation documents, training manuals and guidelines) Discussion with major stakeholders (Regional, Zonal and woreda administration offices and line offices, NGOs that are implanting peace activities in the zone/woreda, customary institution leaders, and the various peace committees Conduct assessment on peace building and conflict resolution activities with the community using focus group discussion (semi structured interviews, key informant interview, etc) and other participatory methodologies to collect feed back Conduct SLOT analysis to review the strengths (S), limitations (L), Opportunities (O), and Threats (T) of NGOs, Regional, Zonal, woreda, traditional institutions etc) 6. Outputs and Deliverables An initial proposal and detail work plan including the timeframe An interim summary report which will be presented at feedback and harmonization workshop Draft report of the consultancy service Proceedings of the harmonization workshop Final consultancy report

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7. Management The consultant will be guided mainly by CIFA and technically advised by CARE Ethiopia Pastoral Program Coordination Unit. CARE Ethiopia will involve other technical partners as deemed necessary Specific areas for the study (sample PAs in each woreda) will be selected in consultation with CIFA and line offices at zone and woreda level, CARE Ethiopia, and other technical partner Field travel arrangements and immediate supervision will be made by CIFA Ethiopia. The costs of the assessment will be made by CIFA Ethiopia 8. Time frame work for the consultancy work The total estimated calendar days to conduct this consultancy work are 20 days.

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8. Persons Contacted and Raw Data List of community members who attended Focus Group Discussion Name Sex Age Place Organization Position Chief Waqo Galma

M 50yrs Kilta location Chief, Marsabit district Dirib division Kilta location

Community member

Alex Ali M 35yrs Marsabit district Dirib division

Assistant chief Community member

Sorra Guyyo Mecholte

M 58 yrs

Kilta location Community Elder

Community member

Wako Halake Boru

M 62yrs Marsabit district Dirib division

Community Elder

Community member

Halake Ali Boru

M 68yrs Kilta location Community Elder

Community member

Guracha Harsamo

M 65yrs Marsabit district Dirib division

Community Elder

Community member

Elema jarsso F 71yrs Kilta location Community Elder

Community member

Guyattu Wako F 35yrs Marsabit district Dirib division

Community member

Community member

Abduba Galma M 47yrs Kilta location Community member

Community member

Jillo Guracha F 59yrs Marsabit district Dirib division

Community member

Community member

Guyyo Jillo M 73yrs Kilta location Community Elder

Community member

Hajii Hassan Kalla

M Moyale Ethiopia

Chairman of for peace committee

Guyyo Goba M Yabello Traditional Leader

ABBA GADA

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Kalu Kura Tuto

M 57 Yabello Traditional Leader

Kalu

Fayo Diba Hayu

M 46 Yabello Traditional Leader

Nura Jilo Jarsao

M 58 Yabello Traditional Leader

Equivalent to Abbagada

Borru Galma Male 67 Dukale Miyo Chairman of the Kebele

Shama Haphicha

Male 69 Dukale Miyo Elders

Halkano Guyo Male 34 Dukale Miyo CAHW Did Nura Male 74 Dukale Miyo Community

elder Gollo Boru Male 70 Dukale Miyo Community

member Galgalu Godanna

Female 60 Dukale Miyo Community member

Sukare Dida Female 45 Dukale Miyo Community member

Korma Saphule Male 38 Dukale Miyo Community member

Abi Kiyo Male 30 Dukale Miyo Community member

Galgalo Borru Male 17 Dukale Miyo Community member

Turbi Abudo Guyo Male 64 Turbi Chalbi Community

elder (faith leader)

Roba Bonaya Male 36 Turbi Peace committee division chairman

Shedo Boru Male 50 Turbi Community elder

Hussien Shamo Male 47 Turbi Community elder

Dhenge Elema Male 50 Turbi Community elder

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Warrio Mammo

Male 38 Turbi Community elder

Aden Dubu Male 55 Turbi Community elder

Hawa Tura Female 55 Turbi Turbi area Women representative

Guyo Adanno Male 20 Turbi Youth Eyae Jarso Male 21 Turbi Youth Aden Roba Male 48 Turbi Community

elder IDP (Borana) Wako Galma Male 50 Marsabit Chief Alex Ali Male 35 Marsabit Assistant ChiefSorra Guyyo Mechalte

Male 58 Marsabit Community Elder

Wakoo Halake Borru

Male 62 Marsabit Community Elder

Halake Ali Boru

Male 68 Marsabit Community Elder

Guracha Harsamo Elema

Male 65 Marsabit Community Elder

Elema Jirma Female 71 Marsabit Community member

Guyatto Wako Female 38 Marsabit Community member

Abduba Galma Male 47 Marsabit Community member

Jillo Guracha Female 59 Marsabit Community Elder

Guyo Jilo Male 73 Marsabit Community member

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Lists of NGOs contacted

No Name of contacted person

Organization Position Place Moyale

1 Guyoo Denge CIFA-Ethiopia Team leader Moyale Ethiopia

2 Hussien Kotolla CIFA-Ethiopia Project Coordinator Moyale Ethiopia

3 Mr. Luka LVIA Project Coordinator Moyale Ethiopia

4 Miliyard LVIA LVIA Livestock Officer

Moyale Ethiopia

5 Abdulhakim Mohammed

Save the Children USA

Project Coordinator Moyale Ethiopia

6 Waqo Godanna Boruu

GPDI GPDI Project coordinator

Moyale Ethiopia

7 Robba Konsso Huka

GPDI Education Supervisor of GPDI

Moyale Ethiopia

8 Galma Guyo CARE BORENA ElSE Project Coordinator

Yabello

9 Halake Jatani CARE BORENA Community facilitator

Yabello

10 Ibrahim Adan CIFA Kenya & CIFA Ethiopia

Chief Executive Officer

Moyale Kenya

11 Mollu Halake CIFA Kenya Project officer Moyale Kenya

12 Galma Dabasso Deedha council Former Senior Chief of Sololo district and Chairman Deedha council

Sololo- Kenya

13 Boru Dulacha Farm Africa Program Coordinator Moyale Kenya

14 Molu Dika Sora ARLMP Drought Management Officer

Moyale Kenya

15 Warrio Guyyo PISP Project Coordinator Moyale Kenya

16 Hilary Halkano Catholic Diocese Program officer for Justice and Peace

Marsabit Kenya

17 Adan Sorra SHADE Initiatives Members of SHADE Marsabit

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Initiatives Kenya 18 Barako Katelo SHADE Initiatives Members of SHADE

Initiatives Marsabit Kenya

19 Nuria Gollo MWADO Project coordinator Marsabit Kenya

20 Eva Rubow MWADO MWADO, Advisor Marsabit Kenya

21 Kenyan Red cross Marsabit Kenya

22 Mr. Dhidaa Karayu FHI Representative and Project Coordinator

Marsabit Kenya

23 Guyyo Golicha UNDP UNDP Peace Building Coordinator

Marsabit Kenya

Lists of Government Offices (Officials) contacted

No

Name of contacted

person

Organization Position

Place Moyale

1 Jatani Guyyo Moyale Woreda Administration

Representative of Moyale Woreda Administration (Region 4)

Moyale Ethiopia

2 Koree Jillo Moyale woreda Administration Justice & Security office

Representative of the office

Moyale Ethiopia

3 Samuel Mekuria

Moyale woreda pastoral development office

Social affair officer and Representative of Moyale woreda pastoral development office

Moyale Ethiopia

4 Yusuf Galgalo Miyo woreda administration

Representative of woreda administration

Hidi Lola

5 J.M. Nkatha DO Moyale Kenya District Officer

Moyale Kenya

6 Bonaya Wako Racha

Governmental Chief of, Bada Hurii (Huri Hills)

Moyale Kenya

7 Abudho Godana

Governmental Chief, Turbi district Turbi

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8 Messus Chemkorom

DO District Officer of Chalbi district (Marsabit North)

Marsabit Kenya

9 Collines Raga Marsabit District Office

Marsabit District officer Marsabit Kenya

10 Chief Waqo Galma

Kilta location Chief Marsabit district Dirib division

Marsabit Kenya

Locations and Sub Locations of Marsabit District

Division Area in km2 Locations Sub locations

1. Central 1,336 5 12 2. Gadamoji 614 4 6 3. Laisamis 11,547 5 15 4. Maikona 19,329 5 10 5. Loiyangalani 9,717 4 13 6. North Horr 18,401 5 9 7. Lake Turkana 4,956 - - Total 65,900 28 65

Source: District Commissioner’s Office, Marsabit, 2001. Chalbi Ethnic groups and religion

Name of Ethnic group

Religion Remarks

Gabra Christian, Muslim and Wakefeta DominantBorana Christian, Muslim and Wakefeta Turkana Christian Rendille Christian Dasenech Christian, and traditionalist

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Lists of representatives from Borana and Gabra who have signed the Walda Maikona declaration

No. Name Sex Ethnic group 1 Galma Dabasso Male Borana 2 Chukulisa Tuye Female Gabra 3 Jattany Kottote Male Borana 4 Sori Salesa Female Gabra 5 Abduab Dengicha Male Borana 6 Abudo Guyo Male Gabra 7 Adi Mary Hapana Female Borana 8 Quri Guyo Male Gabra 9 Salesa Galma Female Borana 10 Abudo Godana Male Gabra

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10. References

1. Abdurahman ame, 2006. Cross-border livestock Trade and Small Arms and Conflict in Pastoral Areas of the Horn of Africa: Case Study from Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya; A paper to IASCP’s Eleventh Biennial Conference.

2. Bekele A. 2005. Peace for Development: Another Way of Addressing

Discrimination, Inequality and Governance, CARE International in Ethiopia.

3. Bekele A. 2007. Conflict Management and Peace Building, a Training Manual, CARE International in Ethiopia.

4. Bekele A. 2007. Guideline for a Conflict Sensitive Programming, CARE

International in Ethiopia.

5. Desalegn C. et al 2005, Indigenous systems of conflict resolution in Oromia, Ethiopia International workshop on African Water Laws: Plural Legislative Frameworks for Rural Water Management in Africa, Johannesburg, South Africa.

6. Halvard B. et al. 2008, Implications of Climate Change for Armed Conflict,

Centre for the Study of Civil War, International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO), Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), Trondheim, Presented on the World Bank workshop on Social Dimensions of Climate Change, Washington.

7. Hugh Miall, 2004. Conflict Transformation: A Multi-Dimensional Task,

Bergh of Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management, Edited version.

8. Shibru M. 2005, Resource-Based Conflicts in the Pastoral Areas of Southern

Ethiopia: Mitigating Strategies, Opportunities and Challenges, Dryland Coordination Group.

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9. USAID, Management Systems International, Pact-Kenya, and Practical Action. 2007. Regional Enhanced Livelihoods in Pastoral Areas (RELPA) Mandera Triangle Baseline Assessment.

10. USAID, Management Systems International and Pact-Kenya. 2008.

Regional Enhanced Livelihoods In Pastoral Areas (RELPA), Conflict Sensitive Service Delivery.