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April2012 Fire&Arson Investigator www.firearson.com 25

Behavioral Investigation of the Arsonist - Observing Offense Behavior: Part I - The Crime

The information accumulated in the course of an arson investigation may be viewed as indicators of the offender’s crime behavior. These behaviors are the outward manifestations of choices and decisions made by the offender as he committed his crime. The trained eye of the criminal investigative analyst looks for fire setter behavior in the choices he makes of his victim, when and where he sets his fires, the risks he accepts, the methods employed to perpetrate the crime, changes he makes to refine those methods, and the appearance of personal quirks that may be unique to a particular offender.

Observing Offense Behavioroffender behavior generally occurs in three areas - the crime, the criminal, and the crime scene (a. C. Brantley, personal communication, November 4, 2011). The behaviors represent choices and decisions made by the offender during three distinct periods of the crime –

pre-offense, during the offense, and post-offense (Lanyon & Goodstein, 1997). Generally, pre-offense behavior remains unknown at the time of the investigation and only becomes clear when the offender is apprehended and describes the events leading up to the crime.

Pre-offense behaviors might include acts indicative of planning, such as preparing a delay mechanism or device. other behaviors might include alcohol or substance abuse. Most arsonists experience some stressing event that precipitates their violent outburst. Stressors might include loss of job, financial problems, sexual dysfunction, rejection in a relationship, trouble at school, arrest, incarceration, and any number of failures or problems that, to the casual observer, might not seem terribly distressing. To the serial fire setter, however, these stressors seem to be insurmountable (Fineman, 1995). although maladaptive, fire setting becomes the mechanism by which the arsonist gains control over the stressing environment with the reward being self-perceived relief from the stressor (Vreeland & Waller, 1979).

⎬continued on pg. 26

Observing Offense Behavior:

Part I - The CrimeKevin L. Kelm, M.S.Arson & Bombing Behavioral Analysis, LLC

Abstract

Identifying and analyzing offense behavior associated with arson can provide valuable

insight and information of lead value to the fire investigator. Offense behavior is

associated with the nature of the crime committed, the choices made by the offender

and his actions, the physical evidence, and other indicators observed at the crime scene.

Crime behaviors include the crime committed such as single, serial, or spree episodes

of fire setting. The target selected (victimology) is related to the offender’s motivation.

Target selection is a function of the availability, vulnerability, and desirability of the victim

to the offender. The arsonist becomes aware of available victims based upon his mental

map – the geography of the crime. Fire setters evaluate target vulnerability in terms of

the situational risk of victimization. Targets are selected based upon the needs, real or

imagined, of the arsonist. This article is the first in a three-part series.


26 www.firearson.com Fire&Arson Investigator April2012

⎬behavioral investigation of the arsonist . . .

The CrimeCrime Typean observable pre-offense behavior is the type of crime the offender chooses to commit (e.g. rape vs. arson). offender typologies vary markedly based upon the type of crime the offender chooses to commit (Douglas, Burgess, Burgess, & Ressler, 1992). In the case of arson, sub-types of the crime include single acts of fire setting, serial, and spree fire setting. Serial fire setting is defined as three or more separate fire setting episodes with a significant time interval or characteristic emotional cooling-off period between fires (Douglas, et al., 1992). Spree fire setting refers to three or more separate fire setting episodes with no significant time interval between fires (Douglas, et al., 1992). In a series of fires, the episodes of fire setting behavior generally correspond to a stressor. Many offenders report experiencing relief from mental stress after setting a fire and, in general, setting one fire is sufficient as a stress reliever. The offender that sets fires in a spree in the midst of a fire series is unusual. This type of offender does not experience relief or satisfaction from a single fire finding it necessary to continue setting fires, one after the next, until he satisfies his need or cannot set more fires.

Target Selectionone of the most crucial pre-offense behaviors that must be examined is the choice of victim or target selected by the offender. In order to assess the personality and behavioral characteristics of the perpetrators of crimes, an understanding of the personality, behavioral traits, and risk factors of the victims of those crimes is necessary. The conjunction in time and space of the victim with the offender and their interaction, the so-called “victimology,” gives insight into the motivation for the crime and explains behaviors of the criminal suspect. The factors affecting victim selection in serial arson cases are similar to those in a case of serial sexual homicide: availability, vulnerability, and desirability (Morton & McNamara, 2005).

Availability relates to the offender’s access to the target. To select a target, the fire setter must first become aware of it. availability, or victim identification, is a reflection of the offender’s so-called “mental map,” the area associated with the fire setter’s daily activity. Human beings form

cognitive images (mental maps) based upon interaction with their environment. These mental maps are composed of their routes of travel, boundaries of their cognitive area, sub areas (neighborhoods, downtown, slum), focal points (intersections, shopping center), and landmarks (Rossmo, 2000).

Criminals, to the extent that they live in everyday society, are bound by the normal limitations on human activity, shaped by the dictates of work, families, sleep, food, finances, transportation, and so forth. Canter (1994) suggests that environmental psychology and an understanding of offender’s mental maps (“criminal maps”) can assist in the investigation of violent crime. offenders operate within the confines of their experience, habits, awareness, and knowledge. (Rossmo, 2000, p. 91)

The mental map defines the area where the offender becomes aware of potential victims.

over 95% of the serial arsonists interviewed in one study indicated they were familiar with the locations of their fires prior to setting them and they set their fires less than two miles from their residence (Sapp, Huff, Gary, Icove, & Horbert, 1996). Supporting this proposition, Rossmo (2000) noted some common findings in journey-to-crime research.

1. Criminals commit crimes in relatively close proximity to their home.

2. The more crimes that occur in a series, the distance from the offender’s residence decreases.

3. Juveniles are less mobile than adult offenders.

These patterns are consistent with the principals of nearness and least-effort. Least-effort is the idea that a person will select the course of action requiring the least effort for the most gain when given several choices (Rossmo, 2000). Nearness describes the desire to minimize expenditures of time and money as well as account for transportation (or lack of it), geography, and travel barriers when a person evaluates distance and movement (Rossmo, 2000).



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understanding the geography of crime assists in developing theories of target selection and motivation, predicting potential future criminal activity, and identifying significant anchor points (Coucelis, Golledge, Gale, & Tobler, 1987) - the important places in the fire setter’s life (home, work, recreation, friends). This information is useful as an element of crime linkage and the development of investigation strategies such as directed patrol, field interviews, knock and talk (door-to-door interviews in a targeted area), surveillance, rewards, wanted flyers, and other proactive tactics.

Vulnerability refers to the relative risk factors associated with the victim. Victim risk is rated as:

HIGH – The victim’s lifestyle frequently places him or her at risk for violent crime.

MEDIUM – The victim’s risk is increased due to circumstances.

LOW – The victim’s lifestyle does not place him or her at risk for violent crime.

oftentimes, in cases of interpersonal violence, the victim’s response to a violent attack may precipitate or escalate the level of force to the point of extreme personal injury or death. This is particularly true where the offender does not anticipate resistance, rapidly loses control of the victim, and has to resort to lethal measures to maintain or regain control, or simply to escape unharmed.

one must ask what might cause a change in the risk factor in the case of structure fires. Consider a manufacturing facility that produces lawnmowers. If the building is the target of an incendiary fire, we might be surprised and wonder what would cause someone to do such a thing. If we learn that the company and its unionized employees have been engaged in a protracted labor dispute, the complexion of the scenario changes. Suppose we add the circumstance that the employees are on strike and the company has imposed a lockout. What if we learn management has hired non-union labor that has been crossing picket lines? With each new condition, the risk factor for the property increases to the point where we don’t ask why there was a fire, but what took so long for something like that to happen.




Risk is situational and an evaluation of risk can be accomplished by examining information that is routinely obtained by fire investigators - sometimes for statistical reporting, sometimes for insurance actuarial purposes. Such information might include:

• Use – Some locations have a higher likelihood of victimization because of the building use (e.g. abortion clinic, animal research, fur farm).

• Occupancy – Unoccupied or vacant structures are more likely to be targeted by a fire setter.

• Antecedent activities at location – As in the example above, where circumstances change the associated risk. This might include pending, unwanted changes. an example was the pending purchase of a restaurant that the buyer could not consummate. To get out of the purchase, the buyer burned the building resulting in the deaths of two fire fighters.

• Changes in routine prior to fire – A building owner installed a burglar alarm or hired private security. Was this in response to some real or perceived threat?

• Financial and emotional impact of loss – Would the arson cause some specific gain or loss, real or intangible (i.e. historical site) to an individual or a community? Does anyone profit in some way from the fire?

• Physical security – Was the presence or lack of site security a deterrent or inducement to select this location over another?

• Clandestine or unintended usage – Is the location known as a harbor for homeless or vagrants? Do juveniles congregate, drink, or use drugs at the site?

• Community perception/relationship – Was the fire location perceived to be a public nuisance by some element in the community? The author investigated the arson of a Native-american gaming (high stakes bingo) facility that was the subject of a dispute within the tribe over management and profit taking. The dispute escalated to an armed confrontation between rival factions and the eventual shooting of several tribe members. at a subsequent meeting of one faction, the group decided the bingo hall was the

source of their troubles and decided to destroy it. one individual volunteered to set the fire. He neglected to shut off the sprinkler system and the arson attempt was discovered, including the minutes of the meeting where the scheme was debated, voted upon, and the fire setter was named! He served a term in a federal prison.

• Criminal activity in the area – Oftentimes, fire setting is just one facet of a range of aberrant behavior and frequently is the culmination of that behavior. an increase in vandalism or paraphilic activity (window peeping, theft of lingerie or personal items, etc.) and arson may be associated with the same offender.

Desirability is a reflection of the offender’s perception of the victim in terms of profit, real or intangible (satisfying a desire or need), for the offender. Evaluating desirability can be problematic in the case of arson since the target is oftentimes a structure, vehicle, or some other inanimate object and the true victim is not immediately apparent. The arson “victim” (property) may be:

• Direct - destroy property belonging to a targeted individual.

• Indirect - i.e. arson for profit; victimize the insurer.

• Representational/Symbolic - the target has meaning for the offender or is identified with the target person or group.

• Random - the offender selects targets that are circumstantially available.

• Unintended/Accidental - through circumstance, error, or third party intervention, the fire extends to fuels or structures other than those the arsonist intended or the fire setter victimizes himself or someone associated with him.

During a fire setting series or spree, patterns of target selection usually become apparent. Typically, Direct and Indirect targets are not part of a fire setting series or spree. Since the motivation is related to some tangible gain for the arsonist, one fire at the specific property associated with the offender is sufficient to accomplish the arsonist’s purpose.


Fires set for Symbolic or Representational reasons are easily identifiable because of a consistent pattern of target selection over time. Generally, institutions such as schools, government buildings, fur farms, and the like are associated with that type of target selection, or the offender(s) deliver a claim of responsibility identifying the group or cause associated with the arson.

Random target selection is most commonly associated with serial and spree fire setters because there is no identifiable association between the victims and there is no profit motivation apparent. This becomes readily apparent during spree fire setting when the time interval between fires is of short duration and there is no consistency in target selection. The targets provide easy access, a readily available fuel load to support combustion, and the fires are set with a minimum of planning indicating a lack of organization in the behavior exhibited by the offender.

Random target selection indicates a general interest in setting fires at available targets in surroundings familiar to the offender. Since the targets have no significant meaning to the offender, there is no consistency in the targets selected. There may appear to be some consistency in the type of locations where the fires are set (residential, commercial, industrial), but this is generally a function of the demographics, zoning, and type of occupancies in the area where the offender sets his fires. Random fire setting behavior is impulsive and generally follows some stressing event. The serial fire setter moves through the area, usually on foot, and selects targets based upon his emotional desire to set the fire. The offender identifies a target, makes an evaluation of his immediate risk of detection or capture, and, if the risk is acceptable, sets the fire and escapes.

Because the fire setting is desire driven, the offender’s target selection and movement between fire locations does not necessarily follow what would be, to the casual observer, a logical pattern. His method of operation (Mo) can be adaptive based upon the exigencies of the situation, such as avoiding detection, escape, and his desire to locate additional targets. Random target selection is most commonly associated with serial and spree fire setting.

Unintended or accidental targets have greater significance to the victims, fire investigators, and the public than they may have to the arsonist. The intended victim and the actual victim are the consequence of the impulsive nature of serial fire setting and the inability of the offender to

control his weapon (fire) once the flame is lit. The arsonist who sets fire to a trash dumpster next to an apartment building is focused on setting the trash on fire. When the fire extends to the structure and results in injury or death to building occupants, it is unlikely that the offender was immediately aware of the potential consequences of his act. In other instances, the offender is so driven by his desire to set the fire that it overrides what should be reasonable awareness of the potential dangerous consequences of the fire setting. The investigator must adopt the offender’s perspective and recognize that the investigation should focus on an individual who set a dumpster on fire rather than one who intends to burn down an apartment building.

ConclusionCriminal fire setters are predatory violent offenders. They choose to set fires as opposed to committing other crimes to satisfy inner desires. The number and frequency of fire setting episodes – single, serial, or spree – is related to stressing events in their lives. arsonists select targets based upon an evaluation of the availability of the victim. The fire setter becomes aware of potential targets as he moves through the area during his daily activity creating a mental map containing images of routine locations as well as potential crime locations. Victim vulnerability is evaluated in terms of increasing risk factors that make the target suitable to the offender. The arsonist’s assessment of target desirability is a reflection of the target’s satisfaction of some real or intangible personal desire or need. Victims may be direct, indirect, symbolic, random, or accidental. Direct and indirect targets a not usually associated with serial or spree fire setting. arsonists who adopt a cause or agenda may set multiple fires, but a claim of responsibility frequently accompanies the fire event. Random target selection has a high association with serial and spree fire setting because the behavior is more directly associated with emotional needs that cannot be resolved by setting fires. Fire investigators must adopt the offender’s perspective determining the actual victim from one the arsonist intended which may result in a significant difference in potential suspects to be considered for investigation.

Fire investigators must use considerable skill, training, and ability to determine the origin and cause at the scene of a fire – establishing what occurred. If a determination is made that the fire was an intentional criminal act, a new skill set must be employed to determine who was responsible for the crime. an understanding of




the behaviors exhibited by fire setters can help the investigator sift through the deluge of information and potential leads generated in the course of an arson investigation, particularly those where losses of large amounts of money or human lives have occurred.

The next paper in this series focuses on behaviors associated with the criminal - the arsonist.

References

Coucelis, H., Golledge, R., Gale, N., & Tobler, W. (1987). Exploring the anchor point hypothesis of spatial cognition. Journal of Environmntal Psychology, 7, 99-122.

Douglas, J. E., Burgess, a. W., Burgess, a. G., & Ressler, R. (1992). Crime classification manual: a standard system for investigating and classifying violent crimes. New York, NY: Lexington.

Fineman, K. R. (1995). a model for the qualitative analysis of child and adult fire deviant behavior. american Journal of Forensic Psychology, 13(1), 31-60.

Lanyon, R. I., & Goodstein, L. D. (1997). Personality assessment (3rd ed.). New York, NY: Wiley & Sons.

Morton, R. J., & McNamara, J. J. (2005). Serial murder. In R. Byard, T. Corey, C. Henderson, & J. Payne-James (Eds.), Encylopedia of forensic and legal medicine (). New York, NY: Elsevier.

Rossmo, D. K. (2000). Geographic profiling. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.

Sapp, a. D., Huff, T. G., Gary, G. P., Icove, D. J., & Horbert, P. (1996). Essential findings from a study of serial arsonists. Quantico, Va: u. S. Department of Justice, Federal Burreau of Investigation, National Center for the analysis of Violent Crime.

Vreeland, R. G., & Waller, M. B. (1979). The psychology of firesetting: a review and appraisal (NBS-GCR-79-157). Washington, DC: u. S. Department of Commerce, National Bureau of Standards.

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