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HISTORICAL MATERIALISMBy NIKOLAI BUKHARIN

Karl Marx formulated and applied the theory of historical mater-ialism. This theory has never been adequately described or analyzed.Bukharin is the first Marxian scholar to do it. His monumental ''Historical Materialism" is a complete study of t n e theory which is thecornerstone of scientific Socialism.8 vo. 320 pp. $3,25

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CHAINS

By Henri Barbusse

A dramat ic story of the subjugationand oppression of mankind from the dimdawn of history u n t i l today. The wholepanorama of universal history, w i th menas p a w n s in the hands of oppressors andexploiters throughout the ages, is un-folded in t h i s giga.ntic epic.

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WHITHER ENGLAND?

By Leon Trotsky

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No. 1TRADE UNIONS IN

AMERICABy Wm, Z. Foster, Jas. P-Cannon and Earl, R. Browder,

Is a brief statement of thetrade union movement in Am-erica and the history of the de-velopment of the Left Wing.Written by the three men whofor years have been prominentfigures in the American revo-lutionary labor movement.

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CLASS COLLABORA-TION

By Earl R. Browder,is a study of labor banks, the

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No. 5POEMS FOR WORKERS

Edited by Manuel Gomez.

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No. 3PRINCIPLES OF COM-

MUNISMBy Frederick Engels.

The original draft of the'ommunist Manifesto.

With historical notes andtranslation by

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"Blah!"The coming Congress will discuss at length all questions—except those of importance to the welfare of the workers!

54T H E W O R K E R S M O N T H L Y

Street Fighting in Moscow, December, 1905. The mountedsoldiers are charging the workers' barricades.

act of the revolutionary drama of 1905 took place. Decreedby the fate of the Revolution, the workers who were underGapon's tutelage and government protection, were chosento be the performers in that first act.

It began with a strike at the Putilov Mills. The strikewas conducted by the Society of Factory Workers—thePetersburg police union, with economic demands as the orig-inal cause. The leaders of the Society and of the strikewho were employed at Putilov's were discharged by theadministrators. Sympathetic strikes followed, first in dif-ferent parts of the Putilov workers and later spreading to >thefactories until they embraced about 140,000 workers.

It was then that the grandiose plan to present the czarwith a petition was put forth. Gapon, sensing a dramaticopportunity for himself, urged this plan upon the massesof striking workers who were getting beyond control. TheSocialists tried hard to dissuade the workers from adoptingthe plan. They warned the workers not to go into the trapwhich the government was spreading for them. But it wasof no avail. Gapon and his lieutenants had the control overthe masses. The petition was drawn, in which, in humbleand pious language, the Little Father was importuned totake pity on his suffering children and improve their mis-erable lot. Not being able to stop the proceedings, the So-cialists tried to introduce some political demands into themovement upon which they looked with apprehension.

Gapon organized the parade to the Winter Palace ingrand style. He got thousands of workers—men, women

and children—to join the procession with church ikons andportraits of the czar carried at the head, attesting to thereligious and political reliability of the masses. The paradewas set for Sunday, Jan. 22. Gapon claimed that he hadnotified the Minister Mirsky about the intended pre-sentation of a petition to the czar at the Winter Palace.When the procession reached the square in front of the pal-ace, it was met, not by the Little Father, but by his pickedsoldiers, who sent a volley of shots into the crowd, with theresult that thousands lay killed and wounded on the snow-covered stones, before the masses could realize what hadreally happened.

The government knew of the proposed manifestationand petition. It knew the contents of the document, whichwas devoid of any revolutionary sentiments. The petitionwas full of humility and resignation. It ended as follows:

"These, Lord, are our main needs which we want to callto your attention. Decree and swear to carry them out—and you will make Russia glorious and powerful; you willimprint your name on our hearts and the hearts of ourprogeny forever. If you will not accept our prayers, weshall die here on this square in front of your palace. Wehave no place to go to, and there is no purpose in it. Wehave only two ways, either to liberty and happiness, or tothe grave. Point out, Lord, either one and we shall go toit without protest, even if it shall be the way to death.Let our lives be the sacrifice for suffering Russia. We areprepared to make this sacrifice. We shall gladly make it."(Quoted in L. Trotzky's "1905").

The butchery was a clear provocation on the part ofthe government. The workers were fooled into the under-taking so that the government might administer a "rebuke"which would be remembered by all those who might wantto embark on a similar course of action. The murder onPalace Square was the apotheosis of the "Spring" regime.The autocracy bared the claws which it haa kept hiaden,and served notice on the people that it would brook noopposition, nor even loyal prayers for partial reform. Gov-ernor Trepov's orders to the Petersburg garrison "not to beniggardly with bullets" was the defiant answer of the czarto the approaching revolution.

The Revolution Is Born.

Almost two generations of revolutionists have come andgone before January 22, 1905. Many of them have swungfrom the gallows and still more were bured alive behindprison walls, or were laboring in Siberian mines for havingdared to dream about a rising of the people against autoc-racy. Bloody Sunday opened the flood-gates of the revolu-tion. The fiendish betrayal of the masses on the PalaceSquare destroyed in the Petersburg workers every vestigeof trust in the "Little Father''' and his government. Theyentered the square humble and servile subjects of the czar.Those who remained alive left the Square with their mindscleared of the age-long illusions and with a consuming ven-geance in their hearts for the murder of their fellows.

Not only in Petersburg, but in all industrial centers, arevolutionary class began to assert itself, realizing the con-ditions under which it was living and conscious of its powerto alter those conditions. The blood of the murdered Peters-burg workers cried out for revenge and action, and theworkers everywhere rose in a mighty protest against thecrime perpetrated upon their class. During the following

D E C E M B E R , 1 9 2 5 55

month one hundred and twenty-two cities were in the throesof strikes and political demonstrations of workers.

It was while these events were taking place that thecrafty Witte was writing Nicholas to end the war withJapan because of lack of funds, and because "we need thearmy in Russia to fight our own people." The Moscowworkers were none too gloomy when they heard on February4 that Grand Duke Sergius, the czar's uncle, was blown tobits in front of the Kremlin. Outbreaks were occurringeverywhere. The peasants were also rising against thelandowners and the government which was squeezing thevery lifeblood out of them. In the army, particularly in thefleet, unmistakable signs of revolts were being observed.During the summer, when it looked as though the govern-ment had succeeded in arresting the disturbances, the sail-ors on the battleship "Potemkin" of the Black Sea fleet, rosein revolt and attempted to get the rest of the fleet to followtheir example. This rebellion frightened the government,and it made public a proposal of one of its ministers toestablish a parliament with consultative powers to whichonly representatives of the capitalists and landowners couldbe elected. This proposal for a parliament was met withderision everywhere and nothing came of it. The middleclasses, particularly the professionals—teachers, lawyers,office workers, engineers, etc., were also being drawn into thewelter of the revolution. Organizations of these elementswere being formed and national conventions were held inwhich sympathies with the aims of the revolution were ex-pressed. The revolution was beginning to penetrate allsections of the population. While it was broadening out itwas also striking its roots deeper into the social fabric.

Revolutionary Theory and Revolutionary Action.

The revolution was marching in seven league boots.The Social-Democratic party was the leading political factorin the revolution. The Socialist-Revolutionists had little in-fluence among the workers. Among the Social-Democratsthe Bolshevik and Menshevik factions, though in the sameParty, were developing different ideas regarding the variousproblems affecting the revolution. The Mensheviks were incontrol of the Central Committee of the Party. Immediatelyafter January 22, the Bolsheviks began to demand the con-vocation of a Party congress to analyze what had happenedand chart of the course for future actions. The Mensheviksrefused and the Bolsheviks issued a call for a congress whichwas held in London. No Menshevik delegates came to theCongress, this faction having called a conference of its ownpeople in Geneva. Since the majority of the Party organ-izations were represented at the London Congress it wasconsidered as a regular Party Congress. The Mensheviksnever accepted that. This was really the first BolshevikCongress at which a homogeneous group gathered to eval-uate the changes in the conditions of the country and theideology of the workers. It was the most significant congressin the history of the Party. It laid the foundation for themost important policies, which later marked the Bolsheviksas a distinct group in the Socialist movement. Most of thebest-known Bolshevik leaders participated at this Congress—Lenin, Kamenev, Rykov, Lunarcharsky, Krassin, Litvinov,Vorovsky and others were there to formulate the policieswhich not only were carried out during the 1905 revolution,

The revolting workers are massacred by soldiersof the Czar.

but were at the basis of the revolutionary activity of theBolsheviks up to and during 1917.

While the Mensheviks were already getting scared thatthe revolution was going a bit too fast, the Bolsheviks wereboldly and optimistically looking forward to the naturalunfolding of the revolution in which the Russian workerswere destined to cover themselves with glory. It was atthis Congress that the Lenin formulation of the dictatorshipof the workers and peasants was adopted.

Only a chance discussion of democracy took place atthe previous Congress. This discussion became historic,because Plekhanov sided with Lenin in the analysis of theattitude of the proletariat toward democracy. A Bolshevikdelegate, Pasadovsky, raised the following question whilesome editorial changes of the program were being adopted:"Shall our future policy be subordinated to this or thatfundamental democratic principle, or shall all democraticprinciples be subordinated entirely to the advantage of ourParty," and continued: "I am for the latter position. Thereis no democratic principle which shouldn't be subordinatedto the welfare of the Party." Plekhanov replied by express-ing solidarity with Posadovsky's position. It is worth whilequoting his opinion somewhat at length on this very impor-

56 T H E W O R K E R S M O N T H L Y

The Czar sends his Cossacks into the village.

taut point. It would be well for our American Socialists whoare enamoured of democracy to read carefully the followinglines:

• "Every given democratic principle," said Plekhanov,"must be considered not as an isolated proposition, but inrelation to that principle which can be called the funda-mental principle of democracy—salus populi suprema lex—(the welfare of the people is the supreme law). Translatedinto the language of a revolutionist it means that the suc-cess of the revolution is the supreme law. If it were neces-sary for the sake of the revolution temporarily to limit theoperations of this or that democratic principle, it would be

criminal to question such limitations. My personal viewis that even the principle of universal suffrage can be lookedupon from the democratic principle just enunciated by me.It can be hypothetically conceived that we, social-democrats,may declare against universal suffrage. The bourgeoisie ofthe Italian republics sometimes denied political rights tomembers of the nobility. The revolutionary proletariat couldlimit the rights of the upper classes in the same way as theupper classes limited its rights. The worthiness of such ameasure could be considered entirely from the rule—salusrevolutiae suprema lex."

The draft program carried a provision for the election

D E C E M B E R , 1 9 2 5

of parliament every two years. In discussing this provisionin connection with the whole question of democracy, Plek-hanov said: "The same point of view should prevail regardingthe question of the duration of parliament. If the people,imbued with revolutionary enthusiasm, elected a very goodparliament, it would be our duty to make it a long parliament.If, on the other hand, the elections proved unfavorable weshould try to disperse it, not within two years, but withintwo weeks." (Quoted from Report of Second Congress ofthe Russian Communist Party.)

These golden words, coming from the father of RussianMarxism, were enthusiastically acclaimed by Lenin and hisfollowers, who left this Congress nick-named "Bolsheviks."When Zinoviev writes about this period of Russian Partyhistory, he cannot refrain from speaking about the "Bolshe-vik Plekhanov."

The Third Congress met during the Revolution.It not only formulated the theory of workers' and peasants'dictatorship, but raised the slogan for an armed uprisingas the only means of carrying the revolution to a favorableconclusion. The relation to the existing government on theeve of its overthrow, the attitude towards the provisionalgovernment which would come in its place, and toward thebourgeoisie, were among the important policies adopted atthis Congress which was sitting as a revolutionary warcouncil.

The General Strike.

The General Strike in October was the natural outcomeof the strike movement which was gaining momentum dur-ing the year. The political character of these strikes be-came their dominant feature and the workers began tolook upon the isolated stoppages as preludes to greaterdemonstrations.

A general strike was originally contemplated for Janu-ary, 1906, when the so-called Bulygin Duma, referred to above,was to convene. The railway workers of the Moscow dis-trict began to strike October 20, with a view to testingtheir strength. Other districts followed. In the meantime,demands for the 8 hour day, amnesty for political prisoners,and civil liberties were being advanced. The strikes beganto spread and to affect not only the railway workers allover the country, but other industries as well. Within oneweek the strike became general. Economic life was para-lyzed as a result in all industrial centers. After trying toliquidate the strike by the force of arms in several cities,the government admitted its defeat and "granted," on October30, a constitution with the promise to convene a parlia-ment. Although the civil liberties granted in the Manifestoremained on paper, and the Duma was a restricted legislativeassembly, the capitulation of the government proved thepower of the general strike employed for political purposes.

The liberal bourgeoisie declared itself completely satis-fied with the October Manifesto. They wanted a share inthe government and the constitution gave them that. Theywere anxious to see the strike liquidated. In this they weresupported by the Mensheviks and some labor unions whowere afraid that the strike might go "too far," and endangerits achievements. The Bolsheviks insisted on the continua-tion of the struggle and counselled further preparations asthe enemy was not entirely beaten. Within three days ofthe calling off of the strike, the government, in league with

LIEUTENANT PETER SCHMIDT.

Leader of the mutiny of the Russian sailors in Odessa in 1905.Executed on March 6, 1906.

the so-called Black Hundreds organized a come-back. Thecounter-revolution stalked through the land in the form ofJewish pogroms organized simultaneously in over 100 cities.Playing upon the religious prejudices of the ignorant andsuperstitious people, hired bands of criminal elements pro-ceeded under police protection to pillage and massacre Jews,aiming in this manner to terrorize the population. Underthe cover of these instigated disturbances the governmentwas preparing to liquidate the revolution.

The Soviet is Formed.

While the general strike marked an epoch not onlyof the Russian Revolution but of the international labormovement as well, it fell on a by-product of this strike tobecome the single outstanding contribution of the revolu-tion. When the general strike was spreading in Petersburgit became evident that a body would have to be formed

D E C E M B E R, 1 9 2 5 59

it, and were grateful to the government for its determinedaction in Moscow. And Plekhanov, too, joined the chorusby declaring that "this (the defeat) was not difficult toforesee and therefore there should not have been a resortto arms." Lenin, on the contrary considered the Moscowuprising as a highly important achievement of the revolu-tion. He recalled Marx' letters to Kugelmann written duringthe French Commune in which the latter glorified the "storm-ing of the heavens" by the Paris workers.

The Lessons of 1905.

If the Russian workers were born as a revolutionaryclass in Petersburg, it was in Moscow that they came ofage. The Russian Revolution began after Bloody Sunday:it reached its highest form during the December uprisingin Moscow. During 1905 the Russian working-class hadrun the whole gamut of revolutionary action. TheMensheviks considered the defeat of the 1905 Revolutionas irreparable. They counselled new methods, peaceful anddemocratic, to avoid sacrifices in the future. They proposed

the liquidation of the underground movement and favoredcoalition with the bourgeoisie which was going to functionwithin the framework of the October constitution. TheBolsheviks on the other hand were not down-hearted. Theycounted the losses during the counter-revolution. They sawnumerous mistakes which were made, but they realised thatduring the revolution, during the "storming of the heavens,"the Russian workers became conscious as a revolutionaryclass which was destined to assert its revolutionary will inRussia. While the Mensheviks were engaged in funeralrites over the revolution, the Bolsheviks maintained thatCzarism won only a Phyrric victory; that the revolutiononly retreated to reorganize its broken lines and to prepareitself for new action when the opportune moment arrived.Instead of calling off the struggle, as the Mensheviks pro-posed, the Bolsheviks threw into the teeth of the govern-ment the defiant declaration that the revolution had onlybegun, and that it would continue until every vestige ofautocracy and capitalism was destroyed. The Bolsheviksput themselves at the head of all those elements of the

D E C E M B E R , 1 9 2 5

Let no one think that the dis-satisfaction on the part of theExecutive Committee of theCommunist International with theFischer-Maslow Central Commit-tee of the Communist Party ofGermany has come suddenly. Theproblems examined and decidedupon in the last resolution of theComintern on the German ques-tion have been looked into andaccepted thrice: Yet these decis-ions of the Communist Interna-tional have not been executed.The last congress of the partymerely brought forth this non-execution—though acceptance—policy in all its naked ugliness.The last Berlin convention of theparty was a dead conference. Itreflected the dangerous conditionin which the party found itself,but it mirrored no life in theranks of the party membership.

For nearly eighteen months thecareful observer could see thedevelopment of a conflict betweenthe Fischer-Maslow Central Com-mittee of the Communist Partyof Germany and the ExecutiveCommittee of the Communist In-ternational. One need but recallthe letter sent by Comrade Zino-viev to the Frankfort congress ofthe party, the opposition by theFischer-Maslow delegates to in-ternational trade union unity atthe Fifth World Congress, thecriticism of the German Partyat the March, 1925, sessions of the Enlarged ExecutiveCommittee of the Comintern for its failure to normalize anddemocratize the party, the opposition of Katz and Scholem(allies of Fischer and Maslow) to a correct Communistpolicy in the elections in which Hindenburg was chosenpresident, the negotiations with the executive of the Comin-tern on the eve of the Berlin Party Congress, among manyother instances, to see that all has not been going well forsome time in the German section of the Communist Inter-national.

Thus we find in the letter of the Executive Committeeof the Communist Internationl to the Communist Party ofGermany:

"Up to the last, the Executive has sought toavoid the breaking out of an open conflict and the

Germany "Saved" by the Dawes' Plan!

resulting necessary organizational measures. . . .We have attempted to convince the Maslow-RuthFischer group of its errors by means of comrade-likeco-operation. Despite our misgivings, we avoided anopen conflict, in order that we might throw no diffi-culties in the way of the German Left, with Whosepolitical line the executive has soiidarized more thanonce, at a moment when it was undertaking a severestruggle against the right and ultra-left deviationsin the German Communist Party. . . .

"The Berlin Party Conference, and the events

immediately following its close, proved finally to the

Executive that all hopes of settling the differences

in tine* course of normal co-operation are shattered.

The attacks made by Comrades Maslow and Ruth

82 T H E W O R K E R S M O N T H L Y

"Democracy.' By Julian de Miskey

ing for ideals. They profess to be working for theirown material self-interest. They do not stand forideals; they stand for themselves alone. In thisthey are consistent followers of Marx/'

Russian Workers Striving for Better Society.

This might pass as a propaganda editorial in a yellowcapitalist newspaper, but from a professor of political econ-omy, who is presumed to know even the theories he opposeswhen he writes about them, one expects something moreclever. Marx did not exclude idealism (in the sense of theinfluence of a desire for a better state of society) fromamong the factors which influence the action of individuals.Marxian materialism does say that the way men gain theirliving, the class relationships which grow out of an existingeconomic system, are the dynamic forces from which theiractions spring. The workers today have conceived of theideal, and are striving for the ideal of a collectivist society,because the development of the machinery of productionunder the capitalist system makes the collective ownershipof that machinery of production the only means of abolish-

ing the exploitation and oppression from which they sufferand of ending the class conflict to which the ownership ofthat machinery of production by capitalism gives rise. TheRussian revolution is based upon the interest of the work-ers as a class, but the interest of the workers coincides withthe realization of the greatest ideal which man has conceived—the creation of a social order in which one class does notlive and thrive upon exploitation and oppression of another,but in which all men co-operate for the satisfaction of theircommon needs.

The fraudulent character of Professor Carver's attackupon Marxian materialism becomes apparent a little fartheralong in the same chapter from which the above quotationis taken, when he argues against the possibility that theproletarian revolution will abolish war. He says:

"The history of efforts to eliminate war by con-quest, and the elimination of all ruling groups exceptthe one that is victorious, does not lend much sup-port to the theory that the PAX BOLSHEVIKAwould endure for a long time, OR THAT IT WOULDBE PROOF AGAINST THE CONFLICT OF INTER-

D E C E M B E R , 1 9 2 5

(Owing to an error, pages 87 and 88 have been reversed.)

ence with the American Socialists, they rejected any en-deavor to set up a mechanical distinction between theMarxist party and the labor party, as two opposites whichexclude each other. The sectarians in the German S. L.P., who accused them of "liquidating the leading role of theMarxist party," were criticized unmercifully by them. Morethan that, year after year they pointed out through theresults of the progressing labor movement in America thatthe leading role of the Marxist party can be best realizedand can only be realized within the great revolutionary massparty. Only when the Marxist—or putting it in modernphraseology—the Bolshevist party fulfills this task within anextensive proletarian mass party—a labor party—can thehistorically conditioned backwardness of the American move-ment be overcome by the -practical experience of the massesthemselves, and can the differences and antagonisms withinthe working class be settled. In his letter dated November29, 1886, Engels formulates the task of the Marxist party,"to build up within this still wholly plastic mass a nucleusof persons who understand the movement and its goals'* and

which later takes over the real leadership of the movement,as follows:

"But just now it is doubly necessary for us tohave a few people who are thoroughly versed inTHEORY and well-tested TACTICS . . . for theAmericans are for good historical reasons far behindin ail theoretical questions, have taken over no med-iaeval institutions from Europe, but have takenmasses of mediaeval tradition, English common(feudal) law, superstition, spiritualism, in short, allthe nonsense which did not directly hurt business andwhich is now very useful for stupefying the masses.And if THEORETICALLY CLEAR FIGHTERS areavailable, who can predict for them the consequenceof their own mistakes, who can make clear for themthat every movement, wh?~.\s not incessantly fixits eye upon the destruction of the wage systemas its final goal must go astray and fail, many mis-takes can be avoided and the process can be consid-erably shortened." (Letter to Sorge dated Novem-ber 29, 1886).

In the letter of January 27, 1887 (quoted before), Engels

William Cropper.

The Social-Democrats After the Locarno Conference.

The Dove of Peace Turns Out to be a Snipe!

T H E W O R K E R S M O N T H L Y

Maurice BeckerThe anthracite miner, as the operators would have us picture him!

of their national associations are at their disposal. Theirsubsistence does not depend upon the immediate labor oftheir workers, while the workers always depend upon theimmediate proceeds of their labor. And, on top of that, thebosses have it in their power to prepare much more effective-ly for the strike than the workers. Intensive production forthe period immediately preceding the strike enables them tostore goods for the market during the strike. The strikeaffords an opportunity to stimulate the market price of suchgoods so that, for a time, the strike may even increase theprofits of ̂ the capitalists instead of stopping them.

Such is the case with the anthracite mine operators.They have large quantities of anthracite on hand and as longas this reserve lasts every additional strike day makes theprice of this stored coal soar higher.

In addition to this the operators have on hand the culmbank coal. As long as the supply lasts every additionalstrike day improves the market for this dust and dirt, and—increases profits. Besides, every additional strike day weak-ens the striking masses and improves the chances of asettlement favorable to the bosses. When the bosses get

ready to talk with the strikers about settlement then theworkers are already exhausted and the chances of the bossesto bring the workers to terms are so much greater.

Lewis Serves Bosses in Strike.The leadership of a strike must be judged by the services

that leadership renders the strike. Any judgment based onthe services rendered by John L. Lewis, the president of theUnited Mine Workers, to the anthracite strikers must bringus to the conclusion that Lewis is serving not the strikers,but the bosses.

The most vulnerable spot of the mine operators is theirproperty. The miners have it in their power to stop notonly the profits by ceasing to work, but also to cause thecapital to deteriorate and even partially to destroy it. Allthey have to do is to walk out of the mines 100 per cent.Water will do the rest. Underground water is the ally ofthe workers. But instead of mobilizing this ally, Lewismobilizes regiments of the strikers to fight this ally in theinterests of the bosses. Lewis has not to this day mobilizedall the forces of the union in the strike. About 10,000 main-tenance men are at work protecting the property of the

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78 pp. Duroflex Covers, 35 Cents

IMPERIALISM, THE FINAL STAGE OFCAPITALISM. By Nicolai Lenin

One of Lenin's monumental contributions to poli-tical economy. It is this final stage of capitalismthat finds its expression in a world struggle for themonopolistic control of markets, to capi tal is t im-perialism, which brought about the world war andwhich must inevitably bring further wars until capi-talism has been dethroned and the working class hasestablished itself as the ruling power.

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