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An Exploration of SubjectiveWellbeing Among People ExperiencingHomelessness: A Strengths-BasedApproachYvonne Thomas Dip COT M Ed PhD a , Marion A. Gray B. OccTherMHSc PhD b & Sue McGinty BA Dip Ed MA PhD ca School of Public Health, Tropical Medicine and RehabilitationScience , James Cook University , Townsville , Queensland ,Australiab School of Health and Sport Science , University of the SunshineCoast , Brisbane , Queensland , Australiac School of Indigenous Australian Studies , James Cook University ,Townsville , Queensland , AustraliaPublished online: 18 Oct 2012.

To cite this article: Yvonne Thomas Dip COT M Ed PhD , Marion A. Gray B. OccTher MHSc PhD& Sue McGinty BA Dip Ed MA PhD (2012) An Exploration of Subjective Wellbeing Among PeopleExperiencing Homelessness: A Strengths-Based Approach, Social Work in Health Care, 51:9, 780-797,DOI: 10.1080/00981389.2012.686475

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Social Work in Health Care, 51:780–797, 2012Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLCISSN: 0098-1389 print/1541-034X onlineDOI: 10.1080/00981389.2012.686475

An Exploration of Subjective WellbeingAmong People Experiencing Homelessness:

A Strengths-Based Approach

YVONNE THOMAS, Dip COT, M Ed, PhDSchool of Public Health, Tropical Medicine and Rehabilitation Science, James Cook

University, Townsville, Queensland, Australia

MARION A. GRAY, B. OccTher, MHSc, PhDSchool of Health and Sport Science, University of the Sunshine Coast,

Brisbane, Queensland, Australia

SUE MCGINTY, BA, Dip Ed, MA, PhDSchool of Indigenous Australian Studies, James Cook University, Townsville, Queensland,

Australia

Negative perceptions of homelessness contribute to deficit modelsof practice, false notions of homogeneity, and marginalization.Wellbeing is a state of satisfaction with material, social, andhuman aspects of life and can be measured both objectively andsubjectively. The study explored the meaning and experience ofwellbeing in the everyday lives of 20 homeless participants throughfieldwork and interviews. This study revealed that health con-tributed little to their overall perception of wellbeing. Keeping safe,being positive and feeling good, connecting with others, and theability to participate in “normal” life were the key contributors ofsubjective wellbeing. The authors demonstrate that social exclu-sion experienced in homelessness has a negative effect on subjectivewellbeing. Services that provide opportunities to experience socialinclusion and develop community and cultural connections willimprove the wellbeing of homeless persons.

KEYWORDS homeless persons, marginalization, wellbeing

Received March 10, 2012; accepted April 13, 2012.Address correspondence to Yvonne Thomas, Dip COT, M Ed, PhD, School of Public

Health, Tropical Medicine and Rehabilitation Science, James Cook University, DouglasCampus, Townsville, Queensland 4811, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]

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Subjective Wellbeing Among People Experiencing Homelessness 781

INTRODUCTION

The marginalization of people experiencing homelessness has been previ-ously discussed in the literature (Cosgrove & Flynn, 2005; Harnett & Johnson,2008; Melnitzer, 2007; Schiffer & Schatz, 2008). Negative representations ofpeople experiencing homelessness create stigma and support notions ofhomogeneity, inferiority and dysfunction; perpetuating a negative image ofthose who are homeless (De Verteuil, May, & von Mahs, 2009; Parsell, 2010).Health professionals may inadvertently contribute to deficit perceptions ofhomelessness through using labeling language and focusing on individ-ual problems and conditions, while ignoring sociopolitical contributors tohomelessness and individual capacities (Healy, 2005; Zufferey, 2008).

Discrimination toward those experiencing homelessness occurs aroundemployment, housing, and social services and become internalized resultingin reluctance to gain community access (Harnett & Johnson, 2008; Snow,Anderson, Quist & Cress, 1996). Homeless people experience stigma anddisadvantage in health services and hospitals contributing to low levels oftrust in health workers, services and reluctance to engage in services (Bhui,Shanahan, & Harding, 2006; Christensen, 2009; Reid, 1999). The portrayalof universal narratives of homelessness provides negative representations,depicting homeless people in ways that negates their life experiences, per-ceptions, and strengths (Hodgetts et al., 2008; Zufferey & Chung, 2006). Suchrepresentations of homelessness are particularly prevalent in research andpolicy on homelessness and influence social work practice (Parsell, 2011).

In contrast, a strengths-based approach emphasizes collaborative pro-cesses that aim to discover homeless people’s strengths and resources andexploit these positive characteristics to achieve their wellbeing (Saleebey,2009). The adoption of strengths perspective by social workers and otherhealth professionals counters a focus on problems and pathology andpromotes personal and community capacity (Fawcett & Reynolds, 2010;Saleebey, 2009). Interventions based on individual goals and strengthsrather than deficit models of care affirm the right to self-determination andwellbeing of homeless individuals (Morris, 2002; Saleebey, 2009). Regardlessof housing status, the freedom to pursue the aspects of life that are mean-ingful and valuable to the individual contributes to wellbeing (Sen, 2009).

A focus on strengths and empowerment is also relevant to the con-duct of research requiring collaborative strategies for investigating positiveattributes such as coping and resilience (Kidd & Davidson, 2007). The con-cept of a strengths perspective underpinned this study, which aimed toexplore and analyse the subjective experience of wellbeing, as it is definedand perceived by people experiencing homelessness.

The study involved extensive data collection in the field within servicesfor people experiencing homelessness in a regional city and in-depth qual-itative interviews with 20 participants. Interviews were designed to capture

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782 Y. Thomas et al.

the participant’s perceptions of wellbeing and the strength of individuals toachieve wellbeing despite poverty and marginalization. Using a strengths-based approach the concept of subjective wellbeing was used to explorethe ways that people who are homeless and marginalized experience sat-isfaction with their lives and the strategies performed to sustain positiveexperiences.

DEFINING WELLBEING

The concept of wellbeing is often used in conjunction with health, andtogether these concepts are considered to be important outcomes for healthand social service consumers. There is general agreement that wellbeing ismore than the absence of disease and pathology; however definitions ofwellbeing are contested (McAllister, 2005). Two views of wellbeing com-prise hedonic and eudemonic perspectives (Ryan & Deci, 2001). The formerview focusing on happiness as the measure for wellbeing, including lifesatisfaction, the presence of positive emotions and the absence of negativeemotions, is termed “Subjective Wellbeing” (SWB) (Tov & Diener, 2009).The latter perspective is based on Aristotles’ views of virtue, separateswellbeing from pleasure, emphasising the importance of personal growthand fulfilment and is discussed as “Psychological Wellbeing” (PW) (Ryff &Singer, 2008). Achievement of both SWB and PW is influenced by access toadequate resources, including economic, environmental, and social support(Helliwell & Putman, 2004; Ryff & Singer, 2008).

SWB is linked to life satisfaction and results from the fulfillment ofhuman needs, although the precise definition of constituent human needsremains a topic of debate (Costanza et al., 2007; Zikmund, 2003). Maslow’s(1943) theory of motivation identifies physiological needs as the mostbasic of human needs, which if unsatisfied takes precedence over otherhierarchical needs ordered as safety, love, esteem, and self-actualization.An alternative to this hierarchical approach is presented in Human ScaleDevelopment that identifies human needs as subsistence, protection, affec-tion, understanding, participation, idleness, creation, identity, and freedom(Max-Neef, 1991). This theory proposes human needs are dynamic and sys-tematic, with no fixed order provided the absence of extreme deprivation ofany need. Regardless of which constituent needs are to be satisfied, a state ofwellbeing has been defined as “the satisfaction of material, biological, psy-chological, social, and cultural needs and demands of an individual, whichare necessary for his satisfaction with life” (Zikmund, 2003, p. 402). In thiscurrent study on wellbeing among people experiencing homelessness, afocus of satisfaction with life is based on subjective assessment and defini-tions, rather than the rating of achievement of personal, social, and economicstatus.

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It is important to note that SWB is not directly linked with wealthor social achievement; despite increases in economic wealth over the last50 years SWB has remained consistent (Cummins, 2010; Helliwell & Putman,2004; Schmotkin, 2005). Happiness with educational, economic, and socialachievements is relative to cultural expectations and the achievements ofothers within a social environment (Diener, Oishi, & Lucas, 2003).Despitepoverty and disadvantage, individuals’ satisfaction with life is sustainedby positive self-assessment of morality, intelligence, and physical appear-ance and relationships with family and friends (Biswar-Diener & Diener,2006). In comparison with rough sleepers in America, people who are livingon the streets in Calcutta reported higher general life satisfaction, highersatisfaction with income, and significantly higher satisfaction with sociallives. This suggests that these factors may counteract the disadvantage ofpoverty and supports a systemic concept that human needs are influencedby contextual factors in contrast to Maslow’s hierarchical approach (Biswar-Diener & Diener, 2009; Maslow, 1943). Previous studies of wellbeing withinIndigenous Australian populations demonstrate the importance of strongconnections to culture and land (Dockery, 2009; Ganesharajah, 2009).

The evidence highlights that extreme poverty, deprivation, and disad-vantage negatively impacts on both material and SWB (Cummins, 2010).In such circumstances universal definitions and objective measures ofwellbeing are not useful and serve only to identify the degree of disad-vantage, rather than to explore the meaning of wellbeing and opportunitiesto increase wellbeing experiences. Sen (2009) argues that the distributionof primary goods is the means to wellbeing, not the measurement of it andhe supports the concept of capabilities, or the ability to achieve personalwellbeing goals. To this end “agency,” or a person’s capacity to achieve thethings that are valued and meaningful, is important in defining wellbeing(Hicks, 2004; Sen, 1993). An important distinction can be made betweenwellbeing and agency, when, for example, agency is directed toward mean-ingful goals unrelated to personal wellbeing, such as altruism (Sen, 2009).However, if personal and social circumstances prevent an individual fromachieving their wellbeing goals, injustice is apparent, requiring interventionsto address capability or the ability to achieve what is important (Morris,2002).

For people experiencing homelessness, agency is limited by inequalityand lack of opportunity to participate in society, however the experience ofwellbeing under such circumstances is worthy of further study. Therefore, astrengths-based approach allows exploration of how people who are home-less and disadvantaged in Australian society use their individual discretionand agency to act in ways that are perceived as beneficial to their wellbeing.The aim of this study was to explore and analyse the subjective experi-ence of wellbeing, as it is defined and perceived by people experiencinghomelessness in Northern Australia. This study uses the strengths-based

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approach to identify the ways in which SWB is experienced and sustainedin the everyday lives and activities of people who are homeless.

METHODS

This study was undertaken as part of a broader project exploringhomelessness and focusing on the use of time and its link to wellbeing forpeople who are homeless. Approval for this study was obtained throughJames Cook University Human Research Ethics Committee prior to datacollection (# H2905) and from a number of service provider agencies thatsupported this study. A constructivist methodology was utilized to exploreparticipants culturally and historically situated knowledge and its influenceon their lives and interactions with others (Crotty, 1998; Patton, 2002). Priorto data collection the first author undertook more than 100 hours of field-work and observation in order to establish trust and rapport within thehomeless community.

Data was collected from three facilities that provide services for peo-ple who are homeless: (1) a daytime drop-in center; (2) a night hostelspecifically catering for people who are intoxicated and at risk of offend-ing; and (3) emergency family housing catering for people with children.The consumers of these three services represented heterogeneity within thehomeless population including single males, Indigenous people and fam-ilies with children. All participants were adults of working age and werelegally able to give consent to interviews. The sites were chosen to providediversity in perspectives and experiences and therefore maximum variationin participant selection (Patton, 2002). Participants were informed of theaims of the study and invited to participate in an interview with the firstauthor. Participants were approached either directly by the researcher or bystaff members and informed of the requirements of participation prior to theinterview.

A pilot interview was undertaken with a key informant to practicethe wording of questions. A full transcript of this interview was providedto the key informant and to the other researchers for comment prior tocontinuing with data collection. To ensure appropriateness for Indigenousparticipants, the initial recordings were reviewed by an Indigenous men-tor who provided cultural understandings of the data. The interviews inthis study were conversational, co-constructed, and aimed to elicit partic-ipants’ situated accounts of the factors that contribute to their wellbeing(White & Drew, 2011; Keilhofner, 2006; Roulston, 2010; Silverman, 2006).Although a guide of questions was used initially, once familiar with the mainquestions, the guide was not referred to during interviews and the flow ofquestions was spontaneously changed to suit the individual. This method of

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conversational and negotiated interviewing is commonly advocated for elic-iting breadth and depth of data collection for qualitative research (Fontana& Frey, 2005; Patton, 2002). During the interview participants were asked“What does wellbeing mean to you?,” “What do you do to survive dayby day when you are homeless?,” “What makes life good when you arehomeless?’” Some participants were asked to rate their wellbeing using aself-anchoring scale, “On a scale of 0–10 where 10 is the best life has everbeen and 0 is the worst, what number would you rate yourself today?”(Cantrill, 1965; Lefcowitz & Wallston, 1973). This question was designed tohelp participants to explore the concept of subjective wellbeing relevant totheir own life experience and against which their current situation could beself-evaluated. Participants were given the space to talk about a range ofinformation about their homeless lives, their previous living arrangements,and their hopes for the future. A small number of participants requesteda second and third interview over a number of months. Data collectioncontinued until there were no new concepts added.

The interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim. Analysis com-menced prior to the end of data collection and involved both inductive anddeductive phases (Patton, 2002). To manage the large volume of data NVivoversion 8 was used to analyze each transcript and journal entry. The itemswere read carefully with a view to discover the ways in which participantsviewed wellbeing and the factors that influence their personal wellbeing(Coffey & Atkinson, 1996). Open coding of the items was conducted andcodes were compared across different items (Patton, 2002). The codes werecategorized into convergent groups through an interpretive process whichresulted in the emergence of broad themes that demonstrate the factors thatinfluence wellbeing (Coffey & Atkinson, 1996; Patton, 2002).

RESULTS

Demographic Information and Concepts of Wellbeing

Participants were aged between 22 and 65 year old (i.e., normal workingage). In total 24 interviews were conducted with 20 different participantsincluding 14 males and 6 females of whom 12 (9 males and 3 females)identified as Indigenous. Three participants were mothers with children,who were temporarily housed in emergency accommodation and waiting forpermanent housing. Four participants had been housed in units or temporaryhostels managed by homeless services and one had been living in a sharedhouse for 2 months. The remaining 12 participants were living on the streets.Table 1 outlines the demographic information obtained during the interviewsof the 20 participants who have been allocated pseudonyms. Key conceptsof wellbeing discussed by each participant and their individual self-rating ofwellbeing where obtained are also included.

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Twelve participants rated their SWB and provided ratings that rangedfrom 0–10. Two non-Indigenous males rated themselves at 9.5 and 10, andone Indigenous male rated his wellbeing at 0. The remaining self-ratingsvaried from 3–6 and generally indicated low levels of SWB in the home-less group (see Table 1). While not of any statistical significance, the rangeof ratings demonstrated the diversity of experiences of participants of thestudy.

The concept of wellbeing was viewed in a variety of ways by partic-ipants in this study. Some individuals had difficulty expressing what theythought it was and many did not try. The participant’s responses rangedfrom physical health to personal attitude and a sense of satisfaction. Few par-ticipants specifically identified the link between wellbeing and health. The

TABLE 1 Demographic Data and Key Wellbeing Concepts of Study Participants

Nameused M/F Age Culture Accommodation

Key Concepts ofwellbeing Self rating

Alan M 37 Indigenous Unit History, social family No askedBert M 50’s Street Trust and respect,

dignity4

Chad M 40’s Indigenous Unit Relationships > halfDoug M 50’s Street Safety, not? fighting,

trust10

Eric M 40’s Unit Sharing, relationships,being content

5 or 6

Fran F 22 Emergencyhousing

Looking after thechildren

About half

Greg M 42 Indigenous Street Political, rich and poor It’s gettingworse

Heidi F 24 Emergencyhousing

Being a good mom Not asked

Ian M 52 Street Being able to manage 9.5Jack M 30’s Indigenous Unit Support of the system Not askedKate F 23 Emergency

housingRole of mother, safety 6

Lisa F 40’s Indigenous Street Clothes, DV, alcohol,God

3 or 4

Mick M 49 Indigenous Street Alcohol, no? racism,culture

Not asked

Neil M 40 Indigenous Street Talking, family, fishing Not askedPete M 54 Indigenous Street Keep my mind

occupiedNot asked

Ruth F 48 Indigenous Street Safety, getting a place Not askedStan M 30’s Indigenous Street Safety, being

somebody0

Tom M 50’s Indigenous Street Alcohol and work Not askedUlna F 30’s Indigenous Streets Having a home,

alcohol6

Vince M 64 House share Being fed andsupported,money/work

3 or 4

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majority of participants related wellbeing to subjective feelings of happiness;Chad summed this up as “Being happy, feeling good in side yourself.”

The factors that influence wellbeing are outlined below underfour themes: (1) Keeping safe; (2) Being positive and feeling good;(3) Connecting with others; and (4) Staying human and normal.

KEEPING SAFE

Although some positive aspects of being homeless were discussed, themajority of individuals indicated a high level of uncertainty and insecurity,resulting in decreased wellbeing. Keeping safe from the threat of physicalharm was paramount; participants emphasized the dangers of sleeping onthe street, relating stories of others being “bashed . . ., murdered, just forsleeping out” (Bert). Harassment and bullying required participants to bevigilant and prepared to look after themselves if required. The police werenot always helpful and therefore surviving on the streets for any length oftime required being “tough and cunning” (Mick) and was a source of prideand identity.

Theft was a concern for many; most had few possessions and worriedthat what little they had could be taken by other homeless people or oppor-tunist thieves, especially if intoxicated. Participants were often the victims ofcrime contrasting common perceptions of homeless people being the per-petrators of crime. Despite the dangers people mostly talked positively ofthe camaraderie among homeless people and support received from eachother;

Homelessness is a society eh, you know, it’s different, they will sharethings with you, but you have just got to make sure that you pay themin smokes and drink, most of them understand they share, they are notgreedy people. (Chad)

Finding a safe place to sleep was not always easy and most participantshad a number of places where they slept alone, often called camps, whichthey kept secret. Going to the same place too frequently was considereddangerous because others people would learn where to find you, so mov-ing around from camp to camp provided greater protection. People sleepoutside “in the gutter or on a bench” (Greg) or close to city center buildings,where there may be shelter. Occasionally an unused building is used formakeshift accommodation, despite the risk of being caught: “. . . it’s likesquatting, it’s a place that you feel safety, gets you away from everybody,you know but at the same time, but it’s a serious charge if they catch you.You face the consequences eh” (Stan).

For those that had a place to stay, security of housing remainedimportant for families in temporary accommodation with short term leases

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although “. . . they do give you that bit of extra time, if you can’t get accom-modation” (Fran). Lack of security impacts negatively on SWB, as it becomesan overriding and immediate priority for people who are homeless. Withoutsecurity, homeless lives were lived in the present, concerns for the future orplans for making changes were subjugated to the immediate concerns andrisks to survival.

Jack and Tom spent time in the bush or rural locations away from townto increase their sense of wellbeing. Feeling more relaxed away from thecity was echoed by other participants who had spent much of their life inthe bush, or working on stations, and were more familiar with living in thecountry. Although dependent on the facilities available in town, the bushprovided a greater sense of safety.

BEING POSITIVE AND FEELING GOOD

Participants identified a broad range of personal, environmental, and socialresources that contributed to wellbeing through maintaining a positive atti-tude to life. Participants used their personal strengths, daily activities andopportunities to maintain wellbeing in the face of homelessness and disad-vantage. Intrinsic resources contributed to wellbeing such as being lucky,positive and “just happy” (Ian).

Two participants rated their wellbeing as high (9.5 and 10), and exhib-ited positive attitudes, high levels of independence and enjoy having a jokeand laugh with others. For both, wellbeing was a state of mind and requiredconscious adoption of positive attitudes to living on the streets. ConverselyStan, who rated his wellbeing as low (0), expressed his struggle to remainpositive and cope with difficulties: “It’s a hard thing but that’s kind of lifeyou know but we try not to worry about it, the only thing we got to worryabout is ourselves” (Stan).

Participants found pleasure and positive experiences in simple everydayactivities that provided opportunities for immediate satisfaction. For some,keeping clean and maintaining personal appearances was an important partof their wellbeing, “. . . if you are clean, you feel clean, you feel better,better about life” (Bert). When achievement of life goals through work oreducation, social relationships and acquiring status was impossible for peo-ple who are homeless, wellbeing was attributed to experiencing a senseof self-satisfaction and esteem in the present. Doing activities that resultedin feeling good in the present became a focus, rather than investing in anuncertain future.

Positive feelings are associated with being engaged in purposeful activ-ities such as going “to the beach, that’s where I have always gone, so Ican be with myself, keep my mind occupied” (Pete) and getting work ‘“it[cleaning the parks] gives me something constructive to do. It’s only an houror so work, but when I’ve finished you can think well I’ve cleaned these

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parks up” (Bert). For one Indigenous man there was a clear link betweenhis artwork, his cultural identity and wellbeing: “That painting it keeps meoccupied, and I am proud of what I do, the painting it gives me a lift everytime I sit down and paint, it’s in my blood you know” (Mick).

CONNECTING WITH OTHERS

Among homeless people there was a sense of a community, and of belong-ing together. Although most clearly identified by Indigenous participants,all participants enjoyed opportunities to meet up with others for a chat ora joke. The Drop In Centre and hostel provided valued opportunities forsocial interactions and maintaining connections with others. For the womenwith children who did not frequent drop in centers, social connections withfriends and families were important; although the main source of belong-ing was achieved through the women’s relationships with their children.Most participants talked about the importance of having friends, contactwith family or belonging to a group of people.

While most people felt it was good to make friends with people in thesame situation, trust was an issue for some. Bert made a clear distinctionbetween social interactions and trust saying “I just treat everybody the same.Oh I can sit down here and have a coffee and a smoke with everyone but Idon’t trust anyone” (Bert). Other participants were more trusting and felt itwas good to have friends and people they could talk to.

It was particularly evident for Indigenous participants that being part ofa group was important to a sense of wellbeing. Participants organized theirdays to meet up with friends and family and find places to sit and talk andoften to drink together. Being with others provided a sense of belonging,which increased their sense of wellbeing: “. . . this is all part of familybecause wherever we go, we go with the mob, you know like families, andwe have a laugh and yarn, play music, play guitars and that, and you feel atease there, you feel really at ease there” (Stan).

Among the single homeless people, being part of a community wasexemplified by sharing the limited resources they had, including money,tobacco, and alcohol. An informal system of sharing and paying back cre-ated relationships of obligation, reciprocity, and interdependence. Theserelationships affirmed a sense of belonging and economic community thatenhanced survival. Pension day was the day when debts were settled andmoney shared. Knowing that money was unlikely to last until the followingpension day, people were generous to each other when they had the capac-ity to be, thus ensuring the likelihood that others lent or shared their moneylater.

Having friends, family and kinship relationships contribute to a sense ofshared identity and esteem and mitigate the danger of loneliness. Being con-nected with others through social relationships and obligations provided a

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sense of belonging and community for those unable to belong in mainstreamsociety.

STAYING HUMAN AND NORMAL

This final theme emphasised the experience of homeless people as being“other than” and outside of the rest of the community. The participants inthis study experienced their own lives as different to those of their housedfriends and family. They recognized how being homeless is viewed nega-tively by the majority of people in the community, therefore limiting accessto participate in normal community life. Some participants took care to eitherhide their homelessness from others or to appear as normal as possiblethrough their actions: “. . . just trying to keep human . . . you can lose your-self when you are homeless, you can go all the way down to the bottomand just be an animal” (Bert).

For homeless people, being treated like anyone else was viewed pos-itively and contrasted with negative experiences of being judged on theirappearance. Casual conversations with members of the public confirmedacceptance and resulted from appearing normal. One participant talked ofhaving a close friend and a brother in the same city but neither knew hewas homeless. It was accepted that being homeless was generally seen as anegative and leads to attitudes that are degrading or being treated negativelyby others. Being normal was directly related to the subjective experience ofwellbeing for people who are living on the street. For one participant “Eat,drink and try to make love to the sexiest women I can find. . . . It keeps menormal” (Jack).

Keeping human and being normal counteracts the experiences ofmarginalization associated with homelessness. When viewed as “different”and inferior to the rest of society, homelessness changes one’s self-imageand impacts on ones sense of wellbeing. The participants who rated theirSWB highly were generally careful about their appearance and were outgo-ing and friendly, being readily accepted in a range of community situations.Negative community attitudes to homelessness were discussed by someparticipants in relation to self-concept: “. . . they are frightened, they thinkI might snap at them. But I am not like that at all, this is the way I am.They will come up to you and talk to you and think this is a nice bloke”(Stan).

DISCUSSION

The aim of this study was to identify how SWB is experienced andsustained in the everyday lives and activities of people who are home-less. A range of wellbeing experiences were found within this small and

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heterogeneous population of people experiencing homelessness. Not sur-prisingly the majority of participants in this study experienced low levelsof SWB, suggesting a difficulty in maintaining wellbeing in the face of per-sistent challenges of disadvantage such as poverty, unemployment, lack ofpersonal safety and lack of intimate and loving relationships; a finding thatis consistent with Cummins’ (2010) research. Regardless of these difficul-ties, this study highlights the factors that motivate behaviors to maintain andsustain SWB in such situations.

Using a strength-based perspective, the current study illustrates thecapacity of individuals to sustain wellbeing through their personal atti-tudes, relationships and resourcefulness (Saleebey, 2009). A strengths-basedview of homelessness counters deficit models by seeking to understandindividuals’ constructions of wellbeing through the reality of their life expe-rience and appreciating that contextual issues such as homelessness, culture,and gender influence wellbeing behaviors (Munford & Sanders, 2008). Thestrengths-based perspective encourages a strategic approach to coping withlife or a pathway to life satisfaction and wellbeing (Kidd & Davidson, 2007;Saleebey, 2009). Social workers can use this approach to better understandpeople experiencing homelessness and to discover the resilience inherent insurviving living on the streets.

Wellbeing among homeless people is achieved through finding con-tentment in their current life and confirms that people whose desires arewithin their range of achievement are happier and more satisfied with life(Solberg, Diener, Wirtz, Lucas, & Oishi, 2002; Wu, 2008). People experienc-ing homelessness strive to maintain happiness with what they have and whatthey can attain in the present, rather than focusing on “wants” or future goals.While living in the present moment, within the available resources, helpsachieve immediate satisfaction, its downside is the simultaneously negationof developing and achieving goals for the future.

In relation to the human need for security, feeling safe and havingsomewhere to sleep without constant threat of being moved on or attackedwas clearly important (Maslow, 1943; Max-Neef, 1991). The provision ofsafe and supported accommodation to homeless people is the foundationof assertive outreach models currently being adopted in Australia (Parsell,2011). The combination of permanent and affordable housing with supportservices such as mental health and substance abuse counselling, job trainingand placement, community activities, and help with life skills like cookingand money management has resulted in reducing homelessness in New YorkCity (CommonGround, n.d.) and are being introduced in Australia underthe Street-to-Home program (Parsell, 2011) However, as found in this cur-rent study, for some individuals housing may not be the immediate goal ordesire.

Health professionals who encounter people who are long-term home-less may be surprised to find a reluctance to obtain housing or actively

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pursue goals toward improving life circumstances. This study highlights thatthe decision to be content with being homeless is a strategy to maintainwellbeing and identity achieved through survival on the streets. Given thedifficulties in obtaining housing especially for single people who rarelyqualify for housing assistance and may be unable to afford private rentalaccommodation (Anderson & Christian, 2003; Commonwealth of Australia,2008) being content with living rough could be regarded as a protectivestrategy for wellbeing (Parsell, 2011). Previous findings demonstrate thatreducing the have–want discrepancy and changing importance perceptionsare pathways to life satisfaction (Wu, Tsai, & Chen, 2009). An implication ofthis finding for social work practice, and for health professionals generally,highlights the need for continued engagement with those who initially rejecthousing options to allow individuals to reconsider the potential wellbeingoutcomes of housing.

This study demonstrates how Indigenous participants associate theirwellbeing to belonging to a close-knit group of friends or family. Strengths-based approaches to homelessness should consider the importance of theserelationships and recognize that separation from significant relationships inorder to attain housing may negatively impact on overall wellbeing. Theimportance of maintaining family and kinship connections, as integral tothe wellbeing and identity of Indigenous people needs to be recognized byservice providers. Maintaining kinship connections can contribute to a goalof social inclusion and reduce marginalization (Fredericks, 2010; Gibson,2010).

Despite limited opportunities for participation in community, peoplewho are homeless actively seek out opportunities to maintain wellbeingby adopting a positive attitude, connecting with others and engaging in“normal” activities. Changing structural barriers to community participationmay be a more effective strategy to improving wellbeing and reducingmarginalization (Melnitzer, 2007; Parsell, 2010; Schiffer & Schatz, 2008).

Health professionals should support opportunities for positive experi-ences and social connectedness through collaborative, strengths-based inter-ventions rather than focusing on problems associated with homelessness(Munford & Sanders, 2008; Saleebey, 2009). Problem oriented models por-tray health professionals as experts and reinforce a conception of thehomeless as deficient, rather than recognize the strengths and resilienceinvolved in surviving homelessness (Zufferey & Kerr, 2004). This currentstudy demonstrates that the wellbeing of homeless people is threatenednot only by the lack of material resources but also by the social percep-tion and shame associated with being “other” than a normal member ofthe community (Parsell, 2010). Working towards inclusive attitudes withincommunity organizations and encouraging participation of people experi-encing homelessness may improve the subjective experience of wellbeingand provide new possibilities for change.

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LIMITATIONS

This qualitative study of wellbeing among people experiencinghomelessness was limited to 20 working-aged participants in a singlegeographic location. The study findings may not be applicable to other loca-tions where additional opportunities for engagement in community mightexist and community perceptions of homelessness are more sympathetic.The inclusion of Indigenous Australians in this study highlights culturalissues related to homelessness which result from a specific history of col-onization and make this case study unique. The results are not intendedto be generalizable to other populations and other locations (Patton,2002).

Although diversity was ensured by using three separate homeless ser-vices for participant recruitment, it is not assumed that the three agenciesinvolved in this study provided access to the entire range of homeless indi-viduals and groups. More males than females were involved in the study.Youths, aged persons and women escaping domestic violence were notincluded in view of the different issues affecting these groups. Despite thesmall number of participants in the study, the depth of interviews allowedfor saturation of data to be achieved, as indicated by no new issues beingevident in the final interviews (Patton, 2002). Further research is neededto explore the subjective wellbeing of other indigenous people experienc-ing homelessness and to explore the consequences of housing to perceivedwellbeing.

The conversational nature of the interviews resulted in a variety of databeing offered. Some participants were not asked to rate their wellbeingwhen dissatisfaction and unhappiness were already apparent in the inter-view. Clearly, comparisons of results are meaningless statistically. That somepeople rated their current situation at 9 or 10 demonstrates that subjectivewellbeing is not equivalent to levels of comparative wealth and income asis frequently assumed. As McGillivray and Clarke (2007) point out, incomemay indicate consumption; however, there is little evidence of how con-sumption relates to wellbeing for individuals. In rejecting the assumptionthat wellbeing equates to income, there is value in determining if alternativedefinitions of wellbeing might be more compatible for people experienc-ing homelessness. This is an area requiring further research across differentpopulations.

CONCLUSION

The study demonstrates that SWB is connected to satisfaction of basichuman needs such as safety, survival, and social connections in workingage people experiencing homelessness in Northern Queensland. Using a

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strengths-based approach to wellbeing, this study has shown the importanceof meeting basic subsistence and protection need and of belonging throughbeing “normal” to SWB. Attempts to achieve the appearance and lifestyle ofothers in the community demonstrate the significance of marginalization andsegregation experienced by those considered homeless. Although the cur-rent approaches to combat homelessness actively address issues of housingand support for the individual, there is little evidence or intervention aimedat addressing marginalization at a structural level. Future research focusedon the process of social inclusion and the barriers that exist for those thatexperience homelessness is required.

People experience homelessness and wellbeing subjectively, based onthe histories, cultural needs and personal resources available to each indi-vidual. Therefore interventions need to be targeted to meet the needsof individuals to move towards housing and social participation. Usinga “strengths based” model of care, collaboratively directed at individualgoals is critical to improving social inclusion and reducing marginalization.Interventions need to address aspects of homelessness at both the individualand systemic level. While services focus on providing housing to reduce thehomelessness statistics, this current study demonstrates that the experienceof homelessness is compounded by loss of identity and segregation fromthe broader community. Approaches that work toward increasing partici-pation must also address the social structures that support marginalization(Zufferey, 2008).

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an exploration of subjective wellbeing among people experiencing homelessness: a strengths-based...

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