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An Assessment

of ClientBarriers:

A Sample of NYCWORKS

Program Participants

A REPORT FOR THE UNITED WAY

of NEW YORK


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PREPARED BY THE WOMEN OF COLOR POLICY NETWORK at theRobert F. Wagner Graduate School of Public Service, New York

University

The Women of Color Policy Network at NYU Wagner is dedicated to endingthe invisibility of women of color in public policy through research, advocacy,education and mentoring a new generation of advocate-researchers.

The Network uses a co-production model of research that incorporates theknowledge of communities and nonprofit leaders into reports and policyanalysis. The approach has helped place some of the issues facing women ofcolor on the public agenda, while spurring local legislative action andinforming the public.

Acknowledgements

This report is the third in a series of reports produced for the United Way ofNew York on the NYCWorks project, a joint New York City Council and UnitedWay initiative to ensure that chronically unemployed and underemployedadults and out-of-school youth acquire both the hard and soft skillsnecessary to gain and retain employment. The Women of Color PolicyNetwork was contracted to study client barriers to employment amongprogram participants. In addition, the Network produced a regional

occupational and industry assessment and report on staff perceptions.

This report was written by Ramona Ortega with assistance from Diana Salas;WOCPN interns Mathew Graham , Grace Kaissal and editorial assistance fromAngela Dews.

The Women of Color Policy Network is dedicated to ending theinvisibility and enhancing the life chances of women of colorthrough policy research, advocacy, public education andmentoring a new generation of advocate -researchers.


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Staf f

Walter Stafford, PhD, Principal InvestigatorC. Nicole Mason, PhD, Executive Director

Diana Salas, Associate DirectorJyoti Venketraman, Staff Social Scientist

Ramona Ortega, Staff Social Scientist

N Y CWo r k s

a n d S t u d y G o a l s 3

K e y F i n d i n g s 4

B a c k g r o u n d a n d N Y CWo r k s i n C o n t e x t 5

M e t h o d o l o g y 7

C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f N Y CWo r k s S a m p l e 8

U n d e r s t a n d i n g B a r r i e r s t o W o r k 1 0

B a r r i e r s t o E m p l o y m e n t 1 1

L i m i t e d E d u c a t i o n a l A t t a i n m e n t 1 1

L i m i t e d H u m a n C a p i t a l a n d J o b S k i l l s 1 5

C a s e S t u d y 1 6

L i m i t e d L i f e S k i l l s a n d M e n t a l H e a l t h 1 9

L i m i t e d S u p p o r t S y s t e m s 2 2

C o m m u n i t y I s o l a t i o n 2 4

F o r m e r l y I n c a r c e r a t e d 2 7

C o n c l u s i o n 3 0


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NYCWorks and Study Goals

Launched by the New York City Council in March 2006, NYCWorks was a $14 millionworkforce development initiative conceived to provide the chronically unemployed and

out-of-school youth in New York Citys most distressed neighborhoods the skillsnecessary to find living wage employment. United Way of New York, whichadministered the initiative, provided an additional $800,000 of private funding to supportthe program. The additional support was targeted towards building the capacity ofgrantee organizations that were located in distressed areas.1 The funds went towardsprofessional development activities, technical assistance and organizational capacity.

The Initiative involved 82 community based organizations in all five boroughs.2

Additionally, United Way created unique collaborations between larger institutions , andsmaller, less-experienced community groups, giving the community organizations theopportunity to be competitive for larger government grants.

By focusing on the city's most distressed neighborhoods, NYCWorks aimed to capturedisplaced workers, the chronically unemployed; the formerly incarcerated; out-of-schoolyouth ages 17 through 21; and the working poor who hold low-paying jobs yet still live inrelative poverty.3

Study Goals

In 2007, United Way commissioned the Women of Color Policy Network at NYU Wagner (theNetwork) to conduct a study on the structural and personal barriers that affect an individualsability to successfully find and sustain employment. This report, a third in a series of reports for

the United Way on NYCWorks, specifically highlights personal and structural barriers toemployment faced by participants in the NYCWorks programs. Public Private Ventures, anindependent research organization, was contracted to provide a separate program evaluation.

This study aims to provide 1) a clear analysis of the ways in which structural and personalbarriers coalesce to hinder job seekers with multiple barriers and 2) to provide a set of concreterecommendations for future programs aimed to serve this population.

Using qualitative and quantitative methods we attempted to unpack the complex interactionsbetween structural and personal barriers for low-wage workers and the chronically unemployedin highly distressed New York City neighborhoods. The analysis looks at multiple barriers in thecontext of national trends and current shifts in policies related to workforce development.

1Researchers from the Women of Color Policy Network worked closely with the New York City Council to develop a methodology to

allocate NYCWorks funds.2 http://www.unitedwaynyc.org/?id=17&pg=nycworks3One out of five New York City residents -- or 1.7 million people -- live below the poverty line. Many are working, yet stil l forced to

choose between paying the rent and buying groceries.


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Key Findings

The following is a summary of key findings from survey data and interviews collected

from a sample of 206 participants in the NYCWorks program. The analysis is based ona multi-question survey and hour-long interviews. This summary articulates majorfindings about personal and structural barriers to employment as indicated by programparticipants. Each of these findings is elaborated in this report.

Structural and Personal Barriers overlap in the lives of individuals to create a setof interconnected barriers that cannot be addressed by piecemeal programs orpolicies.

Workforce development and social service agencies often serve the same clientpopulation yet are administratively disconnected, making it difficult to providestreamlined transitional supports to jobseekers who need services from both..

Despite job preparedness workshops and hard-skills training, individualscontinue to face difficulties in finding employment.

A majority of program participants with prior work experience had experience inlow-wage occupations with high turnover.

Occupational segregation by race and gender persists in New York City and wasalso reflected in enrollment in NYCWorks job-training programs.

Despite numerous GED and literacy programs geared towards low-income

workers, low levels of educational attainment continue to be a major barrier toemployment and higher wages.

Structural unemployment and a shifting economy that is increasinglyknowledge based, creates great challenges for job seekers with multiple skilldeficits.

Job retention continues to be a major barrier to high wage employment.

Both participants and community based organizations in distressedneighborhoods have limited social networks to high wage employers andoccupations.

Workforce development programs too often emphasize rapid labor forceattachment, when, for those with multiple barriers, a more long-term andcomprehensive program would be more beneficial.

Clients and service providers alike lament the limited range of transitionalsupports for low-wage workers, including caps on housing assistance, limitedavailability of child care and TANF time limits.


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Background and NYCWorks in Context

Between 1996 and 1998 two major legislative shifts in social policy took place thatimpacted current models of workforce development.

First, the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996established Temporary Assistance to Needy Families block grants, replacing the federalentitlement program Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). The overhaulshifted the cash entitlement to a means-testedprogram that emphasized work first. Second,the 1998 the Workforce Investment Act (WIA)4

replaced the Jobs, Training and PartnershipAct with a comprehensive workforcedevelopment system that emphasizedemployers and job seekers as customers of a

workforce development system of job trainingprograms, job readiness, supplementaleducation, transitional supports and socialservices.5. The expansion of workforce development programs has given rise toimportant challenges and questions of coordination, efficiency and effectiveimplementation, particularly for disadvantaged populations.

Studies have shown that individuals with multiple barriers make up a large percentageof those who continue to receive public assistance or suffer chronic unemployment. Thequestion of how to move those with multiple barriers into employment becameincreasingly important during the shift towards work-first.6 These individuals often cycle

in and out of low-wage work and public benefits programs and face a combination ofstructural and personal barriers, including drug addiction, criminal backgrounds, limitedwork experience and skills, low literacy and domestic violence. These barriers serve todiscrimination and marginalize them from employment opportunities and pose aparticular challenge in meeting workforce development objectives.

These major shifts paved the way for numerous inter-agency links between traditionalwelfare-to-work training programs and innovative workforce development strategies.7 InNew York City, workforce development systems are housed in the Mayors office ofNYC Business Solutions Centers and is governed by the Workforce Investment Board

4Workforce Investment Act - On August 7, 1998, President Clinton signed the Workforce Investment Act of 1998 (WIA),

comprehensive reform legislation that supersedes the Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA) and amends the Wagner-Peyser Act.WIA reforms Federal job training programs and creates a new, comprehensive workforce investment system. The reformed systemis intended to be customer-focused, to help Americans access the tools they need to manage their careers through information andhigh quality services, and to help U.S. companies find skilled workers. From the Rhode Island Department of Labor and Training.http://www.dlt.ri.gov/lmi/maps/wia.htm5Jacobs, R. & Hawley, J. (in press). Emergence of Workforce Development: Definition, Conceptual Boundaries, and Implications. In

R. MacLean & D. Wilson (eds.), International Handbook of Technical and Vocational Education and Training, Amsterdam: Kluwer.

Loprest, Pamela and Sheila Zedlewski. Making TANF Work for the Hard to Serve. Copyright April 2002. The Urban Institute.6Ibid.7Collaboration between the Welfare and Workforce Development Systems. Nanette Relave. Issue Notes, Welfare Information

Network. Vol. 4, Issue No.2

Many professionals involved in

administering secondary vocational

education programs, welfare-to-work

and other public assistance programsand regional economic development

initiatives now use workforce

development to describe theirservices Jacobs, R. & Hawley J.


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(WIB). The Business Solutions Center funds hundreds of workforce developmentprograms and operates Workforce1 Career Centers throughout the five boroughs.

While New Yorks welfare reform efforts and the economic boom of the 1990s served toshrink the welfare rolls and place a number of people into work, the success was short

lived with the recession of early 2000.8

In early 2004, a report by the CommunityService Society shed light on the particular crisis of unemployment amongst black men.9

In response to the crisis, the New York City Council created a $10 million fund toestablish and evaluate pilot programs to address the needs of the chronicallyunemployed with an explicit mandate to fund agencies in distressed neighborhoods. Itwas through this initiative that the New York City Council partnered with the United Wayof New York to establish NYCWorks.

8Bram, Jason, 's Economy Before After September 11. Current Issues in s Finance, Vol. 9, No. 2, February 2003

Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=6826229A Crisis of Black Male Employment:Unemployment and Joblessness in New York City, 2003 Mark Levitan. Community Service

Society.and Janny Scott. Nearly Half Of Black Men Found Jobless,New York Times. February 28, 2004


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Characteristics of NYCWorks Client Sample

The study findings are based on interviews conducted at 32 agencies funded throughNYCWorks from June 1 to September 30, 2007. A total of 206 individuals weresurveyed.

Demographics

The average age of all respondents was 35 years old. Over half of survey participantswere adults under 50. Out-of-school youth made up 32.6 percent of the sample(technically defined as 16-24 and not currently enrolled in school and unemployed, butin our sample youth represented 18-24). Adults older than 50 made up 20 percent of thesample. Over half of the respondents were female. There were twice as many femalesas males who were 50 years old or older. However, there were slightly more malesthan females in the youth category.,

African Americans comprised a majority of the sample (58.5%), while 29.5 percent wereHispanic-Latino. Whites, Asians, American Indians and Others made up less than 10percent of respondents. Twenty-eight percent (28%) of the sample were foreign-born.Amajority of the Latino immigrant respondents came from the Dominican Republic, andColombia. A smaller subset of the immigrant population was from Korea.

Nearly 60 percent (59.2%) of the sample had children. More than half (53%) of thesample had one or more children living in the home with them. A majority of those withchildren said they had childcare. Almost 13 percent (12.8) were married, while 67percent had never been married and 10.1 percent were divorced. (See Table 1).


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While most of the sample had housing, housing was unstable and over-crowding wascommon. Sixty percent (60%) of the sample lived in some type of shared housing.Over 50 percent stated that they received help paying the rent or mortgage; most often,

they were helped by familymembers or intimate partners.

Eighteen percent (18%) of thesample had moved two or moretimes in the last two years.Females made up over half ofthose in homeless shelters.

Although it was difficult tocapture, many of the hostfamilies with whom theindividual was living werethemselves receiving some formof government housingassistance. Several peoplestated that family members whowere helping to pay the rentreceived Section 8.

Survey

Respondents

%

Male 43.1

Female 56.9

Youth (age) 32.6

Adult 47.4

Older Adult (50+) 20.0

35.0

African American 58.5

Hispanic-Latino 29.5

White 3.8Asian 2.7

Other 2.2

American Indian 0.5

27.7

Married 12.8

Never Married 67.0

Divorced 10.1

Separated 6.1

Widowed 3.4

59.2

Has Some High School 34.7

Has GED or High School

Diploma 44.3

Associates Degree 7.2

Bachelors Degree 6.0

Some College 6.6

Masters Degree 1.2

Own home/apartment 8.5

Rent and live alone 23.8

Rent and live with family or

friends 33.9

Sharing with family or friends

(non-rental) 25.9

Homeless shelter 3.2Transitional housing 0.5

Supported housing (SROs

run by non-profits) 1.1

Drug treatment- residential 1.6

Other 1.6

Marital Status

Has Children

Race/Ethnicity

Foreign born

Table 1: Sample Demographics

Demographic

Gender

Average Age

Age

Housing

Arrangement

Education


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Understanding Barriers to Work

Numerous studies and researchers have cited structural and personal barriers ascontributing factors of intractable poverty and chronic unemployment. Although welfare

reform replaced welfare dependency with work individuals continue to face persistentand cyclical unemployment as they transition from welfare-to-work.10 A post-welfarereform study on barriers to work concluded that multiple barriers were strongly andnegatively associated with working, and among the individual barriers, low education,lack of access to transportation, poor health, having drug dependence or a majordepressive disorder, and several experiences of workplace discrimination reducedemployment.11

Evelyn Blumenberg, a Professor at UCLA, found that for each barrier a welfareparticipant faced, there was an added negative value on employment, with the effectmore marked for men than for women.12 Blumenberg also underscores thecompounded affects of multiple barriers on race and gender.

Multiple barriers are not limited to past and former welfare recipients.13 In a report onchronic unemployment, John Bouman and Joseph Antolin point to single mothers,persons leaving prison, low-income youth and people living in communities with highpoverty as those most affected by persistent and chronic unemployment. They alsoacknowledged that structural and personal barriers are compounded by racial andsexual discrimination and other socio-economic factors not always assumed to affectemployment status.

For close to a decade the Women of Color Policy Network (the Network) has conductedresearch on public policies that impact low-income women of color in New York City and

has found that race and gender coalesce through historic and contemporarygovernment policies and market failures to deny economic opportunity and jobs towomen of color. 14

The NYCWorks initiative was designed specifically to meet the needs of people withmultiple barriers and in this report we focus on the intersections of structural andpersonal barriers to employment, instead of focusing on structural and personal barriersin isolation. Where possible we also look at the racial and gender dimensions of eachbarrier.

Barriers to Employment10By John Bouman and Joseph Antolin, Attacking Poverty by Attacking Chronic Unemployment: A Proposal to Stabilize

and Grow the Transitional Jobs Strategy11 Barriers to Employment. Institute for Research on Poverty. Discussion Paper no. 1193-99.12

Blumenberg, E. (2002). On the Way to Work: Welfare Participants and Barriers to Employment. Economic Development

Quarterly, 16(4), 314-325.13Blumenberg, E. (2002). On the Way to Work: Welfare Participants and Barriers to Employment. Economic Development

Quarterly, 16(4), 314-325.14Stafford, Walter. Gender, Race and Class: The Need for Targeted Support. Women of Color Policy Network, Roundtable of

Institutions of People of Color. NYU, Wagner School or Public Service. 2003.


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Barrier: LimitedEducational

Attainment

44% of the sample had a GED or highschool diploma.

35% had only some high school orless.

21% had some college, an AssociatesBachelors, or Masters degree.

25% did not speak English as theirprimary language

It was very frustrating and it made me angry sometimes, because I felt like what washolding me back was I didnt have my bachelors degree yet. There were jobs that Iwould see that were so simple to do and they want you to have a bachelors degree.

And it would frustrate me so much. Because I can was say to myself, I can do this jobwith my eyes closed. And that bachelors degree was just a hindrance of me getting myfoot in the door. And thats all I wanted was to get my foot in the door. Then Ill take it

from there.Female Participant

Education is considered the key to upward mobility yet recent legislative reforms havemade it increasingly harder to access higher education. Writing about educationalopportunities for disadvantaged populations, Kathleen Shaw and Sara Rab cite themarket-driven approach of education and training programs delivered under TheWorkforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998:

it employs a work-first philosophy that actively discourages the acquisition of eithereducation or training.15

The New York City public school system is the largest in the nation, and is ranked 44

th

out of 50 urban high schools in America to NOT graduate students on time, according toa new report released by EPE Research Center.16 In 2004, only 45% of studentsgraduated on time from New York City schools.

Not surprisingly, a large percentage of the people with weak literacy skills have lowlabor force participation in New York Citys advancing technological workplace, andsome studies are concerned that, even as job readiness is barely being considered, theattainment of personal development and a broader range of skills is not beingaddressed at all.

According to the 2000 Census, in New York City the Hispanic drop-out rate (18 percent)

was about four times that for whites (4.5 percent), while the rate for Blacks (11 percent)is more than double that for whites.17 Thousands of teenage students are aging out ofelementary and junior high school without receiving a diploma. The reality is that

15Kathleen M. Shaw and Sara Rab. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 586, Community

Colleges: New Environments, New Directions (Mar., 2003), pp.172-193.16Christopher B. Swanson, Ph.D. Cities in Crisis: A Special Analytical Report on High School Graduation. EPE Research. April

200817Counting Drop-Outs by Andrew Beveridge. August 14, 2003.

http://www.gothamgazette.com/article/demographics/20030814/5/492


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actually many more teens do not finish high school but are not captured in the officialdropout figures since they are pushed out or counseled to pursue a GED program.Employers routinely shun these youth, giving the city one of the highest youthunemployment rates in the country (unemployment rates among 16 to 19 years olds in2004 was 23.1 percent).18

Participants in NYCWorks organizations viewed education as a critical barrier toemployment and to higher wage jobs. When asked why they were unemployed, thosewithout a GED cited that as the main reason. Even those with a GED or high schooldiploma said that the shifting job market increasingly requires a Bachelors degree.

Among the NYCWorks sample, Latinos had the highest rate of high school completionor a GED, and Whites had the highest rate of attainment within higher education.Whites made up 29% of those with a Bachelors degree and were the only group with aMasters degree.

Gender differences within races were more nuanced at higher levels of education.

Latino men had a higher rate of Associates but a lower rate of Bachelors degrees, whileLatina women were more likely to pursue four-year degrees.

Table 2: Education Attainment by Gender

Race

High School or GED Associates Degree Bachelors Degree

Male Female Male Female Male Female

Black 56.4% 38.2% 2.6% 5.5% 5.1% 5.5%

Latino 47.6% 50.0% 9.5% -- 4.8% 6.7%

White*(n=7) 40.0% 50.0% -- -- 40.0% --

Clients also shared that GED courses often require intensive time requirements withouttransitional cash benefits, making GED classes prohibitive for many in need of animmediate job. Several participants complained that the GED programs available wereinsufficient in preparing them for the exam. Of those that did not have their GED, manysaid they had previously taken the GED exam and failed, noting difficulty with the mathportion of the exam.

Agency staff indicated that many participants had low-literacy levels and often neededbasic skills preparation even before taking GED courses. Providers also voicedfrustration at not being able to provide more GED classes, including bilingual GEDclasses, and more pathways to higher education.

Immigrants in the sample also cited education as a barrier. 25 percent stated they didnot speak English as their primary language and saw their inability to communicate as amajor barrier. They indicated the need for ESL courses that were inexpensive and

18Stafford, Walter. The Case for Renewed Advocacy and Organizing: Nonprofit Organizations and New York City Public Schools in

Communities of Color. Unpublished study commissioned by the Schott Foundation for Public Education. 2005.


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available. Many had degrees in their home country and were attempting to find work ina similar field. Others, cited the absence of bi-lingual GED classes as a barrier.

Conclusion and Recommendations

Education attainment is clearly affected by structural and personal circumstances.Structurally, the failing school system in urban and high poverty areas negatively affectsstudents who have a distressed family support system. The upside is that the institutionof education is one that many Americans and policy makers take seriously and thereare clear opportunities and initiatives in place to strengthen it. The followingrecommendations are based on client observations.

Assist participants in obtaining substantive benefits and cash assistance whileparticipating in intensive education programs;

Offer weekend and after-work opportunities for GED and supplemental assistance; Provide additional tutoring for individuals based on initial TABE testing data; Tailor educational programs to career pathways and long-term educational plans; Provide opportunities for low-wage workers to obtain advanced degrees, with a

focus on collaborations with community colleges and four-year institutions; Develop internship and apprenticeship opportunities, in particular for older or

displaced workers who are unlikely to re-enter institutions of higher education butneed long-term training


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Barrier: Limited HumanCapital and Job

Skills

84% of clients were unemployed andlooking for a job at the time of theinterview.

Of those respondents who were looking fora job, 28.3% had been unemployed for a

year or more at the time of the survey. 32% of participants had been in two or

more job training programs in the last fiveyears.

27% were working full-time or part-time onand off the books.

85% of respondents had applied for morethan two jobs since being unemployed.

I was working for 1 year, as a security guard with an 8-hr certificate. Theschedule didnt work, so I went to Forest Hills and got my GED. I wanted to go toschool for networking. Before I was looking and I didnt have the certificate, but Irealized I needed the A++ first which I got from the program Successful

participant in IT training

Human capital is defined as a set of skills which an employee acquires on the job,through training and experience and which increases that employee's value in themarketplace. Persons with multiple barriers usually have erratic work histories andlimited job skills, making their prospects for finding stable living wage work difficult.Workers with limited work histories and limited skills can also suffer from structuralunemployment.

Structural unemployment is defined as a mismatch between available jobs and the skillsof those looking for work. Structural unemployment derives from a shifting job marketthat has replaced many accessible low-wage jobs with middle-tier jobs requiringadvanced skills. The changing labor market, characterized by intense competition andsaturation of highly qualified candidates, even for middle sector jobs, underscores thechallenges faced by those who are structurally unemployed.

Structural unemployment is complex, and those who are trapped within its hold oftenblame themselves for not having the skills necessary to acquire a job. This is especiallytrue for older participants who are trying to re-enter the workforce after being displacedafter a long period of time at one job. A study of psychological barriers to work force

participation of older adults found that structural barriers for this age group includeflexible working hours, relocations and multi-tasking.19 (see case study below fornarrative example).

19Rob Ranzijn, Psychological barriers to work force participation of older adults, University of South Australia. 1999


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NYCWorks focused specifically on persons who were chronically unemployed orunderemployed. While a number of survey respondents had prior work experience,their experience was erratic and short-term. Nearly 30 percent had been unemployedfor more than a year, while an almost equal proportion (27 %) were currently workingfull or part time jobs (on or off the books). Clients characterized prior job experiences as

temporary, unstable, and low-wage. Participants often worked in administrativeservices, health services, low end retail (often seasonal), security services, and fast-food. Twenty-three percent (23%) of the sample had experience in Building, Cleaning,and Maintenance, 18% in Administrative Services, and 11% in Food Prep and Sales.

Thirty-seven percent (37%) of the sample had spentless than a year at their longest job. The mediannumber of months survey respondents had beenunemployed was eight. The highest median hourlywage was $11.50, and 77.4 percent of the samplewas willing to work for minimum wage or less. Themedian number of months respondents spent at theirlast or current job was six months, and the mediannumber of jobs people held in the last two years wastwo.

There are a number of common characteristics thatare prominent in the low wage sector: job saturation,limited worker protection, few human resourcesupports, few opportunities for mobility and limitedopportunities for job training. Both clients andproviders where frustrated by the lack of job choices

and limited mobility within jobs but both attempted tocope with the options provided to them. Some clients, especially young people, hadvery little work history. Limited work history among participants often led to a cycle ofunsuccessful attempts to attain employment.

NYCWorks agencies sought to provide opportunities for participants to gain job skillsand work experience through an internship or temporary work assignment. Staffattempted to keep clients in job placements for at least six months, even when clientswere opposed to staying. Attentive staff dedicated time to check-in on employees andoften convinced them to work through transitional adjustments. Programs rotated clientsthrough internships to the frustration of clients who wanted permanent employment or

jobs with high levels of mobility. Some programs, using the welfare-to-work model, hadclients working at union jobs for much less pay and with little or no chance of advancingto full time work. This was particularly aggravating and humiliating for parolee clientswho understood their role as doing someone elses job.

Agencies offered a range of job preparation programs that included basic skill buildingand resume preparation, interview skills, and soft skills. In addition many programsoffered basic computer literacy classes as part of its general curriculum.

Table 3: Amount of Time atLongest Job

Time

SurveyRespondents

%

A year or less 36.6

1-2 years 17.8

2-3 years 9.7

4-5 years 4.8

5 + years 14.6

10+ 16.1


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Clients expressed that while they appreciated the basic computer classes they felt theyneeded more advanced computer and program training to be competitive in the jobmarket. Hard skills training programs ranged from very specific, i.e. tech or cable workto very broad, basic computer skills and retail training.

Clients were generally asked upon entry into the programwhat type of employment they were seeking, but that wasnot always matched with a complimentary trainingprogram. Many clients identified a range of work theywould like to be engaged in but ended up participating inwhatever program was offered. Many clients identifiedspecific career paths they would like to pursue but wereunclear about the types of supports they would need toachieve their goals. Additionally, some clients hadunreasonable expectations about pay and job mobility.This was particularly true for the young adults.


Structural unemployment aggravates already existing barriers for clients with limitedhuman capital and calls for more intensive job training programs and support services.In particular those that are structurally unemployed require that programs provide up-to-date training programs in order for them to acquire skills in demand. Particular attentionmust be given to the occupational segregation of people of color in low-wage jobs andefforts should be made to diversify highly homogenous industries and occupations.

Use available data on occupational segregation to inform program design and workwith industries to develop diversity initiatives;

Review follow-up data to understand the effectiveness of placing clients ininternships;

Track data to see where clients were employed and their retention in eachplacement

Tailor individual career pathways to prior skill sets, opportunities for leaning newskills, and reasonable educational opportunities;

Provide both basic and advanced computer and computer programming training; Develop broad skill set trainings, including effective communication, basic math and

writing, and problem solving techniques (as recommended by O*Net, see IndustryAssessments);

I Still would like toimprove my speaking

skills, I know I need tolearn to speak withoutmy hands, I need tobrush up on mycomputer and spellingskills but I amimproving. Femaleparticipant, Brooklyn


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Barrier: Limited LifeSkills and Mental

Health

11% had a physical/Mentalconditionaffecting employment

Females were more likely to bestressed out by their life situation (60%)

compared with 40% of males

So many needs out here. People need classes to help with self confidence. Notjust life skills or computer training. We have issues that we need to get rid of.Past experiences, hurts A lot of people are falling through the cracks.FemaleParticipant

Life skills have been defined by the World Health Organization as abilities for adaptiveand positive behavior that enable individuals to deal effectively with the demands andchallenges of everyday life. They represent the psycho-social skills that determinevalued behavior and include reflective skills such as problem-solving and criticalthinking, personal skills such as self-awareness, and interpersonal skills. Practicing lifeskills leads to qualities such as self-esteem, sociability and tolerance, competencies totake action and generate change, and to capabilities to have the freedom to decidewhat to do and who to be. Life skills, which are a comprehensive range of skills,including what is termed soft skills in workforce development jargon are influenced bya number of factors including life experience and have implications for ones mentalhealth.

Soft skills, like time management,

professionalism and on-the-job initiative arecritical to job retention and job mobility. A recentsurvey of employers perceptions found that raceand cultural norms are linked to soft-skills andthat employers perceive minorities as not havingsoft skills.20

Recent studies suggest that behavioral healthconditions are indeed a barrier to employmentand that the chronically unemployed populationhave higher rates of poor mental health than thegeneral population.21 Both perceived and real

psychological barriers have an intense emotionalimpact on the lives of the clients in the sample.These emotional impacts manifest themselvesas immobilization, disempowerment,helplessness and general anxiety. Onesemotional stability often frames the way in which

20Philip Moss and Chris Tilly, "'Soft' Skills and Race: An Investigation of Black Men's Employment Problems," (New York: RussellSage Foundation) 1995 [http://epn.org/sage/rstill.html]).

Soft Skills that are Important toEmployers in a Recent Study onEntry Level Jobs

Interaction: Friendliness; Teamwork; Ability to fit in; Spoken communication skills; Appearance and attire;Motivation, Enthusiasm; Positive work attitude; Commitment; Dependability; Willingness to learn;


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individuals react to and deal with stressful situations on the job and in the home.Emotional instability can lead to irrational behavior and a state of continual crisis.

NYCWork agencies attempted to address soft skills through workshops that dealt withanger management, communication skills, and appearance and attire. Among clients,

many identified a lack of soft skills as connected to their limited work histories. Inparticular many stated that they either left their job voluntarily or were fired due to angermanagement, citing problems with their immediate supervisor. Scenarios that involveddisruptive misunderstandings with supervisors or management were also characterizedby lack of mediation or third party involvement at the job site and the inability toreasonably cope with the problem by the employee.

Mental health problems are hard to identify and mostagency staff were not qualified to properly handle issues ofmental illness and addiction. However, agencies thatspecialized in substance abuse and rehabilitation focusedheavily on personal barriers and integrated counseling andpsychotherapy into their programs.22 One such program inBrooklyn, found that those who underwent psychotherapyhad an 89% completion rate compared with 59% for thosethat did not undergo psychotherapy.

Case managers and clients alike in the NYCWorks sampleidentified low-self esteem, depression and erratic behavioras barriers to work but were frustrated that many of theseissues were symptoms of undiagnosed or untreated mental

health issues.23

Most participants had very little access to orwere resistant to traditional forms oftherapy and counseling. Many identifiedpast failures as a source of low self-esteemand expressed a lack of proper role modelsand support. For those that experiencedrug and alcohol addiction, mental andphysical health problems increase, as dochallenges accessing stable housing. In

this particular sample, less than 10% were21

Behavioral Health Problems as Barriers to Work: Results from a 6-year Panel Study of Welfare Recipients. Denise Zabkiewicz,

MPH Laura A. Schmidt, PhD. The Journal of Behavioral Health Services & Research 34:2 April 200722

The Positive Impact of Psychotherapy on Program Outcomes. The Hope Program. ( A NYCWorks Funded

Program)23Depression is perhaps the most salient mental health problem reported by both regional and national studies. The Womens

Employment Study found that over 25% of a representative sample from Michigan experienced depression and studies in severalother states have reported rates approaching 50%. In Behavioral Health Problems as Barriers to Work: Results from a 6-year PanelStudy of Welfare Recipients

Discouragement cancreep in without youknowing that its there.

Sometimes may go oninterviews and you maythink youre projecting a

positive image, butyoure really not becausethe depression andfrustration is there andyou just dont realize it.Male Participant

I would start reaching young women10 or 11. And speak to them about selfesteem and respecting themselves.How to speak to people with love andnot judging or condemnation. To reachout and speak so they can bereceptive. Brooklyn, FemaleParticipant


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in supportive housing or residential drug treatment centers, but of those in treatmentcenters, almost all were male.

While workforce development programs cannot ameliorate long-standing personalbarriers, they can serve as conduits to other programs that provide counseling and casemanagement. In addition, workforce development programs can develop strong soft

skills training that can address some employer concerns.


Although limited soft skills are personal barriers,they are often connected to oraggravated by high levels of anxiety and undiagnosed mental health issues.Additionally, structural barriers arise when individuals that suffer depression and otheranxieties are not able to qualify for exemptions from work-first requirement or unable toqualify for additional benefits for their mental/physical illness. While more researchneeds to be conducted on the relationship between the two areas, there are some bestpractices that have been used throughout the country that are showing promise inreducing barriers in this area.

Conduct proper and thorough intake assessments that include probes to identifymental health issues;

Assist clients in accessing support systems and medical attention for substanceabuse and other physical/mental disabilities;

Provide at a minimum group or individual counseling and seek partnerships withsocial work schools to obtain students through internships;

Develop strong soft skill trainings and ensure that staff develop and modelsuperior soft skills in their work;

Work with employers to develop meaningful soft skills curriculum


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Barrier: LimitedSupport Systems

22% were currently receiving publicassistance and 13% had previouslyreceived it

47% were currently receiving food

stamps and 4% had previouslyreceived safety net 46% were currently receiving Medicaid

and 6% were receiving SSI 37% were receiving financial

assistance from family and 18% weregetting financial support from othersource

8% had a family member with acondition affecting employment

Not having the proper clothing for interview or job. Not having carfare andanybody to go to get carfare. Sometimes youll be hitting the pavement so hardand you need lunch and you dont have money for that. Thats discouraging. Youdont want to be out at 12 noon and everybodys eating lunch and your stomachis growling.A woman living in a homeless shelter.

The concentration of poverty in some New York City neighborhoods is a structuralbarrier that directly impacts ones personal and family obligations. Families that live inhigh poverty areas are often juggling multiple responsibilities, dealing not only with theirown set of circumstances but also with the additional stress of other poor familymembers and neighbors that live in close proximity. As a result of an overburdened

support system, families rely heavily on government supports to fulfill basic needs.

24

New regulations brought about by welfare reform have created tougher eligibilityrequirements and have made it particularly challenging and cumbersome to accesspublic benefits.

Personal and family barriers are often interconnected and work to undermine andimpede personal and professional development and only reinforce other relatedbarriers. Personal and family barriers encompass a wider range of challenges, includingphysical disabilities, mental health issues, drug/alcohol addiction, domestic violence,learning disabilities, behavioral problems, and multiple family obligations. Early trauma,due to poverty or unstable households can cause mental health issues which can leadto substance abuse and unhealthy life choices. Women and people of color aregenerally more prone to cycles of violence and poverty starting in childhood than whites,leading to disparate rates of unemployment and incarceration.25

24John Icelnad. Why Concentrated Poverty Fell in the United States in the 1990s. Population Reference Bureau.

25Separate and Unequal: America's Children, Race, and Poverty, by Marian Wright Edelman and James M. Jones The

Future of Children 2004The Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University and theBrookings Institution.
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=woodrow2http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=woodrow2http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=woodrow2http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=woodrow2http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=woodrow2


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The inflexibility of traditional low wage employment, characterized by few sick andpersonal days and little flexibility, forces people to choose between employment andfamily obligations. Twenty-one percent (21%) of the sample cited family obligations as abarrier to employment. Many of the survey respondents stated that their familydynamics were stressful, weak or nonexistent. Some clients characterized their

personal relationships with family and friends, or even between mothers and children,as emotionally draining or unhealthy.

Family obligations can range from taking care of children,grandchildren and elderly family members to responding tofamily crisis, all of which cause persistent challenges tosteady work without additional supports. Family obligationslead to issues with time management and make anemployee appear irresponsible and unable to properlymanage time.

Many clients who were working stated that they continued tofind it hard to make ends meet. Less than half of the clientswhere currently receiving cash benefits at the time of theinterview, yet they were managing to survive through family,friends and, for some, through the benefits they werereceiving through the program. Sixty-five percent (65%) of clients said they would needtransitional benefits to keep a job. More than half of the sample was relying on foodstamps and the support of a family member or friend to survive.


Neighborhood isolation and high concentrations of poverty are clearly results ofstructural policies but agencies can mitigate some of the negative impacts by workingwith families and individuals as a unit to maximize all available resources. Despitebarriers in accessing public benefits, low-wage workers in the sample were resilient andresourceful. Given the right strategies, agencies can serve as conduits to informalopportunities and maximize the resourcefulness of clients by providing additionalsupports in the area of public benefits.

Develop networks to free support services such as food banks and medical clinics; Work with clients to manage unnecessary family obligations

I was staying with mysister and she wasgiving me hell for somereason I dontunderstand. I couldntgo to work and talk toanybody and I couldntgo home and talk toanybody so I justcrashed. FemaleClient


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Barrier: CommunityIsolation

Bronx poverty rate 27% Brooklyn poverty rate 21.9% Citywide poverty rate 18.5%

Thirty percent (30%) of respondentswere living in households where therewere no adults working.

Community isolation is particularly common among low-wage workers and immigrantcommunities.26Research has shown that individuals find work through social networks,including friends, family, and neighbors. One study found that 40 to 50 percent of all

jobs are found through friends or family. Informal hiring practices exacerbateemployment segregation because they are based on networks of highly segregatedsocial circles.27 High concentrations of poverty in racially segregated neighborhoodstend to lead to social and spatial isolation that limit access to social networks these

communities need to gain access to better quality jobs.

Decades of research by policy makers and academics have shown that racialsegregation leads to undesirable community outcomes. High concentrations of povertyin Black communities have transformed many of these areas into physically deterioratedneighborhoods of high crime, low education, single-headed households and excessivemortality.28 Massey specifically attributes concentrated levels of poverty amongst Blacksand Puerto Ricans in New York as a leading cause of an underclass in some of NewYork Citys neighborhoods.

The New York City poverty rate at the end of July 2007 was 18.5 percent, slightly above

the national average. A more precise measure of poverty currently being touted byresearchers puts the NYC poverty at roughly 23 percent.29 New York City is one of twostates that have counties with the highest poverty rates in the country (the Bronx andBrooklyn) alongside counties with the lowest poverty rate (Nassau county).30

Numerous studies have shown that New York Citys poor live in areas where poverty ishighly concentrated, with rates as high as 35 percent.31

In recognition that some communities and the community based organizations thatserve them are under-resourced, the City Council and United Way made a special effortto partner community based organizations with larger institutionalized organizations in

26Ghettos and Barrios: The Impact of Neighborhood Poverty and Race on Job Matching among Blacks and Latinos Author(s):James R. Elliott and Mario Sims Source: Social Problems, Vol. 48, No. 3 (Aug., 2001), pp. 341-36127Are black workers missing the connection? The effect of spatial difference and employee referrals on interfirim racial segregation.

Ted Mouw. Demography VOl 39 NO. 3 (August 2002). 507-52828 American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass Author(s): Douglas S. Massey Source: The American

Journal of Sociology, Vol. 96, No. 2 (Sep., 1990), pp. 329-35729City Refines Formula to Measure Poverty Rate. Cara Buckly. NYTimes. July 14th, 2008

30Poverty Rate Declines in New York By SAM ROBERTS. August 26, 2008

31 American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass Author(s): Douglas S. Massey Source: The American

Journal of Sociology, Vol. 96, No. 2 (Sep., 1990), pp. 329-357


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order to strengthen their ability to compete for government grants and bolsterprofessional development opportunities. Many NYCWorks agencies themselves werereflections of the communities they served and had few professional networks toemployment opportunities outside of the low-wage labor market, this was particularlytrue for job developers at these sites. In silent competition with private employment

agencies, programs worked hard just to place people in industries and occupations thatwere already saturated or where clients had previous job experience. This systemcreated an environment where clients cycled through unstable low-wage jobs. Amajority of NYCWorks agencies placed or had training programs in one of four generaloccupations: 1) security services, 2) janitorial services, 3) home health aide and 4)cable installation. Established Workforce Development Institutions has existingnetworks with employers thatA few sites with specialized programs such as IT, health care (excluding home healthaids) and Cable installation, offered opportunities for advanced training and living wageemployment opportunities.

Latino immigrant groups located in the Bronx and Washington Heights had networks forjobs, but the jobs were often low-wage or had few opportunities for mobility. There werealso specific gender dimensions among job referrals for Latino immigrant men. .Agencies in Washington Heights for example had networks to the building maintenanceindustry, allowing them to place Latino men in jobs with an average wage of $10.00while the women were being placed into home health care work at a lower startingwage. A smaller sub-group of immigrants in the Bronx also suffered anxiety aboutleaving the community for work and stated they feared riding the train outside of theirneighborhood.

While community isolation for racial minorities has severe repercussions for communitystability, some immigrant communities have been able to use isolation as a competitiveadvantage, particularly homogenous immigrant communities, such as Korean immigrantcommunities. According to Massey and Fischer, as residential segregation works toisolate some, it has marginal success for some middleman groups.

The Korean community in Queens in our sample demonstrated many characteristics ofa middleman group. The NYCWorks agency in this community used its contacts withlocal businesses and churches to establish employment opportunities for its programparticipants. Their choice in providing training in medical billing was linked to a localemployers need for billing clerks and receptionists. The local agency was also arecipient of a spacious office from a local benefactor, evidence of strong and beneficialinternal relationships within an isolated community.


It is undeniable that historical discrimination is in part responsible for persistenteconomic inequality and that discrimination continues to manifest in defacto practicesrelated to hiring and housing. The contemporary residuals of historical discriminationexist in housing segregation, persistent poverty and educational outcomes. Although


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remedying discrimination is outside the scope of workforce development programs, it isimportant to note the impact it has on the job market, employees life/soft skills, andprogram outcomes. In order to reduce workforce segregation agencies should attemptto diversity the workforce through policy advocacy and industry roundtables...

Create supportive links for communities to access networks outside of theircommunity; Work with industries and business sectors to move more jobs into low-income

neighborhoods; Shift resources to local agencies and ensure proper professional development of

staff; Work with the local WIA board and other government agencies to create long-term

economic development plans that incorporate specialized trainings that meet theneeds of clients and employers


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Barrier: FormerlyIncarcerated

39.9% of the sample had previouslybeen arrested

64.7% had been convicted 36% of clients were currently on parole

at the time of the survey

I was working in Demo, and rebuilding apartments through some guy I knew. Iwant to find work in that industry because I just need someone to give me achance. Most likely they wont give me a chance. Ive been in and out for 8years. I need a job on the books because of parole, I have a baby on the way.I was working for a couple of weeks, but it is temporary, 70 to 80 a day for acouple of days, but I would like to be involved in a permanent company Male,Bronx, Ex-Offender

The last decade has seen an unprecedented increase in the incarceration of young men

of color and a subsequent flooding of ex-offenders in their home communities. Datashows that four-times as many prisoners were released in 2004 as in 1980 and withinthree years of release, two-thirds were arrested and more than half returned to prison or

jail.32 According the David R. Jones, president of the Community Service Society, theNew York neighborhoods of Harlem, the South Bronx, and Jamaica as well as portionsof Bedford-Stuyvesant and East New York in Brooklyn and Central Bronx are bearingthe brunt of large concentrations of the formerly incarcerated, many of whom cannotfind employment.33

A criminal history in combination with traditional barrierscreates almost insurmountable challenges for job seekers

returning home. Ex-offenders look to local communityorganizations and family networks for necessary supports,particularly during the first months of re-entry. Beyond theemotional stress of readjusting to life outside of prison,many ex-offenders battle depression, anxiety, andpressure to find a job. The stigma of a criminal record is

just the first of many barriers ex-offenders face. Theseriousness of the crime and the time spent in prison alsoinfluence the intensity of the stigma and deepen social andstructural barriers. Barriers to employment includeemployers' attitudes, legal barriers and parole regulations,education and financial obstacles, substance abuse,mental illness, and difficulties in finding stable housing.

Ex-offenders in the sample were found both in workforce development programsspecifically designed for ex-offenders and community based organizations throughout

32Dan Bloom ,Cindy Redcross ,Janine Zweig (Urban Institute) ,Gilda Azurdia Transitional Jobs for Ex-Prisoners Early Impacts from

a Random Assignment Evaluation of the Center for Employment Opportunities (CEO) Prisoner Reentry Program33http://www.cssny.org/pubs/urbanagenda/2008_05_01.html

Its sad, especially forBlack men who have beenincarcerated. If I already

paid for my crime, how longdo I have to keep gettingbadgered? Why cant we

just get on with our lives? Itstagnates us, especially inour jobs, and brings up thestress levels. EspeciallyNovember and December,and if you got little ones,you feel guilty if you are notworking.Male, Brooklyn


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the sample. While many ex-offenders share common characteristics with the rest of thesample, they face the added impediment of prejudice from employers or legal barriers toparticular types of jobs (these barriers vary by state, see Appendix A for NY list).

Participants that had spent a substantial period of time in prison had benefited from

programs such as GED and janitorial trainings. Many of them had hard skills related tocustodial work and were eager to utilize their skills. They were also very aware that theircriminal history would be an obstacle to employment.

Clients interviewed understood the benefit of aspecialized program where staff could help withresumes and job readiness and intercede withemployers, even if they felt that the programs werenot offering new skills or employment beyondtransitional job sites. Participants admitted that beingin a program was better than being on the streets or

sitting at home.

My convictions are for burglary and people dont look kindlyI wouldnt havenobody (without the program). We had this discussion. They said they work with

people who hire people like me. Without a job history Male, Bronx

For those who had been recently released, the programs served as a place to re-assimilate into society. Those who had a past criminal history but were no longer onprobation were frustrated by the stigmatization of their conviction. Many clientsexpressed frustration in being unable to attain stable employment due to their priorconviction despite having paid their debt to society.

Despite various attempts to clear their criminal backgrounds through the legal system,the bureaucracy of state clearance is particularly cumbersome. The programs that wereable to place people were able to do so through very specific initiatives andrelationships with employers. One program in particular negotiated a lower startingwage in exchange for giving participants a chance to work. Participants who weregainfully employed through these programs expressed gratitude towards the programand felt obliged to do their best, ensuring that others would have the same chance.While specific programs exist to address the particular need of ex-felons, morerelationships with employers need to be established and legislative reforms should bepursued to reduce the legal burden on ex-offenders.

Table 4: Respondents withCriminal Background

Status

SurveyRespondents

%Currently onParoleN=53 35.8Ever beenarrestedN=178 39.3Ever beenconvictedN=68 64.7


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Distressed neighborhoods with concentrated poverty and few resources often manifestparticular characteristics that involve criminal behavior leading to disproportionate ratesof incarceration in poor communities. Poverty and crime often converge in the lives of

many young African American and Latino youth who have few coping mechanisms andfamily supports and end up getting caught in the criminal justice system. If the rightsupports are not in place, like job opportunities, education and stable housing, thechances of recidivism are high.

Establish working relationships with industries most willing to hire ex-offenders; Look for innovative legislative models to increase incentives for industries that

employ ex-offenders; Facilitate and provide guidance with employer interviews, particularly in prepping

employer and client; Develop concrete initiatives for out of school youth, developed in conjunction with

schools and employers; Provide individual support to employee and employer as they transition into work; Provide group counseling and family therapy where needed; Provide innovative opportunities for work, including entrepreneurial projects,

cooperatives, and other alternative forms of employment; Build partnerships with parole officers and Department of Corrections to better serve

recently released parolees; Conduct thorough assessment of individuals skills including those gained through

employment during incarceration


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Conclusion

The economic vitality of states, cities, and communities depend on an educatedworkforce and an equal distribution of opportunity. Healthy vibrant

communities need economic development policies that create realopportunities for all residents. Government, business, and civil society areequally responsible for preparing a workforce that is able to participate andbenefit from the local economic engine. Successful models of workforcedevelopment should integrate all stakeholders and benefit the communityequally, including those most marginalized.

Recent reforms of public policies impacting workforce development provide anopportunity to make work-first a reality for all; even those with multiple barriers. Muchresearch has already been conducted that has identified creative out-of-the-boxsolutions and best practices. The challenge is to synthesize this knowledge and develop

a workforce development system that is tailored to New York City and inclusive of all itsdiversity.

New York City is home to the largest and most diverse workforce in America,representing every demographic group imaginable. The citys economic engine isequally complex, encompassing a wide range of industries and occupations. Thisscenario makes workforce development no easy feat but creates opportunities for realinnovation. Regional workforce development strategies must embrace the diversity ofthe workforce and find ways to capitalize on the different capacities of its residents.

Each report in this series has focused on a different dimension of the NYCWorksprogram and each contains a set of concrete recommendations. These followingrecommendations pertain to overall workforce development systems and not justNYCWorks.

Collaboration amongst the citys stakeholders is key. No one agency and no one pot ofmoney will be sufficient to address the needs of New Yorks diverse workforce,particularly those with multiple barriers. City agencies, non-profits and, most importantly,employers need to be in collaboration and in conversation about what is working andwhat needs improvement.

Policy research, data, and academic inquiry need to be integrated into the design andevaluation of programs. Every program cycle presents an opportunity to gain insightinto the success and failures of a program; and academic inquiry focused on variousdimensions of workforce development provides critical insight into barriers faced byparticipants and successful program implementation.

Policy makers, program developers, and service providers must have a comprehensiveunderstanding of the complexities and interactions between structural barriers, i.e.economic policies, legal barriers, and personal barriers, i.e. the impact and disparitiesbrought about by deep rooted discrimination and poverty, family trauma, and mental


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health issues. While individual workforce development agencies and social serviceagencies might operate individually, it is critical that they find ways to operate in waysthat benefit the clients.

Transforming workforce development into an engine of opportunity will require diligence

and commitment by all stakeholders but it can be accomplished with leadership andinnovation. Workforce development should be a piece of a larger plan of action tocombat poverty and disparate rates of employment for under-served and marginalizedcommunities. New York City has the capacity to remedy urban poverty and chronicunemployment and can serve as a national model.


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Appendix A


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New York State Occupational Licensing Survey

Prepared by Legal Action Center

Over one hundred occupations in NYS require a license, registration, or certification bya state agency. In determining job-relatedness and risk to property or public safety,

licensing agencies must consider New Yorks public policy to encourage the licensingand employment of individuals with criminal records, the specific duties andresponsibilities related to the license being applied for and any bearing the individualscriminal history will have, the seriousness and time elapsed since the criminal conduct,the individuals age at time of occurrence, as well as any evidence of rehabilitation.There are only a few statutes that automatically bar individuals with criminal recordsfrom licensure solely on the basis of past convictions, and most of these statutes allowfor lifting the automatic bar when the individual is granted a Certificate of Relief fromDisabilities, a Certificate of Good Conduct, or Executive Clemency (pardon). AlthoughCertificates of relief and Good Conduct lift automatic bars, individuals with criminalrecords may still be denied licenses, as licensing agencies are required to make

licensing decisions on a case-by-case basis whether convictions are directly related tospecific license or would create an unreasonable risk to property or safety. Privateemployers of more than 10 employees may not bar individuals from applying for orholding jobs based upon criminal convictions unless the convictions are job-related orthe individual poses a direct threat to public safety or property. Evidence of rehabilitationmust be considered, including certificates of good conduct and certificates of relief fromdisabilities.

The New York State Department of Health (DOH) requires that individuals who work forhome health agencies that it licenses or certifies, long-term home health care programs,personal care services agencies, AIDS home care programs, and employees oftemporary employment agencies who provide direct care to patients all be subject to afingerprint-based criminal history background check. Convictions for certain felonies willbar the agencies from hiring the applicant.Certificates of relief from disabilities and certificates of good conduct are offered andautomatically lift occupational bars. Certificates of relief from disabilities are available toindividuals with any number of misdemeanor convictions but no more than one felonyconviction. Separate certificates are necessary for each conviction. Temporarycertificates are available while on probation or parole, and become permanent unlessrevoked. N.Y. Correct. Law 700-03. Following waiting periods that vary based uponseverity of the offense, certificates of good conduct are available to individuals with anynumber of misdemeanor convictions and two or more felony convictions. One certificatewill cover all convictions.

The following is a selection of occupations with licensing requirements that may affectan individual with a criminal record, as well as whether the restriction is mandatory ordiscretionary. Information is also provided that describes the circumstances underwhich a bar may be lifted, and the appeal procedures that can be taken. These listingsdo not include State and City Civil Service positions, municipal licenses, or criminalrecord bars imposed in certain industries, such as home health care or trucking.


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Individuals with a criminal record are usually barred from certain professions like homehealth care, nursing, education, and childcare.


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Occupations with Licensing Requirements

that may Affect an Individual with a Criminal Record

Occupation AgencyCriminal Record

Restrictions

Removal ofCriminalRecord

Restriction

AppealProcedures

Alcoholic Beverage

Wholesale/ManufacturerRetailer

State Liquor

Authority

Mandatory bar for

felonies andspecificmisdemeanors forlicenses &employees

Bar for

employeesmay be liftedby SLApermission, foremployees &all others bypardon, C/GCor C/R.

Bar for

employeesmay be liftedby SLApermission,foremployees &all others bypardon,C/GC or C/R.

Animal Health Permit Dept of Agriculture& Markets

Discretionary-application maybe denied or

revoked if felonyconviction

Bail Bondsman Mandatory if convicted of anyoffense involvingmoral turpitude or ofany crime

Barber, Barber ShopOwner

Dept of State Discretionary N/A N/A

BingoDistributor/Operator

NYC ConsumerAffairs

Bar for convictionof any crime

Pardon. C/GC.Or C/R

Pardon.C/GC. OrC/R

Bus Driver DMV Mandatory- felonybar for certain sexand vehicularoffenses

May bewaived if 5 yrssince releasefromsentence, andC/R(in case offelony)

May bewaived if 5yrs sincerelease fromsentence,and C/R(incase offelony)

Disposal Plant orTransportation ServiceOperator

Dept ofAgriculture& Markets

Discretionary Lifted bypardon orC/GC

Lifted bypardon orC/GC

Licensed Electrician Dept of Buildings Discretionary

Emergency MedicalTechnician

State EmergencyMedical ServicesCouncil

Mandatory bar forcertain feloniesandembezzlement

Waived ifconvictionsdoes notdemonstratepresentdanger

Waived ifconvictionsdoes notdemonstratepresentdanger

Farm Labor Contractor Dept of Labor Discretionary

Firearms Carrier Licensing Officer of City

Mandatory forfelony and seriousoffenses

N/A N/A

Firefighter Fire Dept Mandatory felonybar

N/A N/A


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Entitlements and Legal Barriers for Individuals with Criminal Records

Public Benefit Eligibility Notes

Food Stamps Yes NYS opted out of federaldrug felon banPublic Housing New York City Housing Authority

makes individual determinationsabout applicant's eligibility basedupon the relevance of the criminalrecord, and will consider evidenceof rehabilitation.Denial for households withmethamphetamine production onPH premises or in lifetime sex

offender registry.

NYCHA does not considerarrests that did not lead toconviction in its admissioncriteria.. Conviction bar(s)range from 2-6 yearsfollowing completion ofsentence, depending onthe classification ofconviction.

TANF Yes NYS opted out of federaldrug felon ban

Federal Financial Aid No, if drug-related offense Ineligible for any grant,loan, or work assistance.Eligibility may bereinstated if convictionreversed.

Drivers Licenses Suspended for drug-relatedoffenses.

6 months suspension, oneyear for prior conviction.Restricted use licenses

available for purposes ofemployment, education,and medical treatment atdiscretion of theCommissioner of motorvehicles.

an assessment of client barriers_final

Documents