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DEVPOLICY BLOGSPNG2017-18

DEVELOPMENTPOLICY CENTRE

Photo: Matthew Dornan

Preface

ThisfourthcollectionofDevpolicyBlogpostsonPapuaNewGuineabringstogethersomeofthemostengagingwritingfrom2017and2018.IthasbeenasignificanttimeforPNGandhasincludedtheaftermathofthePNGelection,naturaldisastersandAPECpreparations.TherehasbeenconsiderablegrowthinPapuaNewGuineareadersoftheblog,reflectingtheinterestinthewidevarietyofresearch,analysisandopinionwehavesharedduringtheyear.We’vegroupedthiscollectionundersixheadings:aftertheelections;governanceandpolicymaking;theeconomy;education,healthandcommunications;endingviolenceandinternationalperspectives.Thereisalotmoreontheblogthatwewereunabletoincludeinthisvolume.AllPNGpostscanbefoundhere:http://devpolicy.org/category/png-and-the-pacific/png/.ThispublicationismadepossiblebysupportfromtheAustralianaidprogramthroughthePacificLeadershipandGovernancePrecinct,whichsupportsthepartnershipbetweenUniversityofPapuaNewGuinea’sSchoolofBusinessandPublicPolicy(SBPP)andtheAustralianNationalUniversity’sCrawfordSchoolofPublicPolicy,ofwhichtheDevelopmentPolicyCentre(Devpolicy)ispart.Theviewsexpressedinthispublicationareentirelythoseoftheauthors,anddonotnecessarilyreflecttheviewsofanyuniversity,governmentorotherinstitution.WehopethatthiscollectionwillgiveyouatasteofthePNGmaterialonDevpolicyandthat,ifyouaren’talready,youwillbecomearegularreaderofourblogatdevpolicy.org.Youmayalsoconsiderbecomingacontributor:wearealwayskeentoreceivenewpostsandcomments.Visittheblogorcontactusatdevpolicy@anu.edu.au.ProfessorStephenHowesDevpolicyBlogEditorDirector,DevelopmentPolicyCentre(Devpolicy)CrawfordSchoolofPublicPolicy,ANU

Acknowledgements

ThankyoutoAshleeBetteridge,RohanFoxandHusniaHushangfortheirworkincompilingthispublication.SpecialmentiontoSachiniMullerandCamillaBurkot,co-editorandformereditorrespectivelyoftheDevpolicyBlog,fortheirworksourcing,editingandpublishingcontributions.

Table of contents

AftertheelectionsPNGaftertheelections:reimaginingthefuturebyreflectingonthepast...............................4FionaHukula

Experiencesoffemalecandidatesinthe2017PapuaNewGuineageneralelection...........7KerrynBaker

Movingbeyondnowinwomen’spoliticalrepresentationinPapuaNewGuinea.................9MichelleNayahamuiRooney

What’sthematterwithelectionsinPNG?............................................................................................12TerenceWood

Governanceandpolicymaking

Promises,promises:adecadeofanti-corruptionbudgetsandspendinginPNG...............14GrantWaltonandHusniaHushang

ToomanyparliamentarycommitteesinPNGParliament............................................................19WernerCohill

Theelephantintheroom:addressingcorruptioninPNG............................................................21EricKwa

ProposedPNGICAClegalframeworkneedsalotofwork............................................................23SamKoim

Theeconomy

ForeignexchangerestrictionsinPNG:costsandremedies.........................................................26RohanFox,StephenHowes,NelsonAtipNemaandMarcelSchröder

LookingatthePNGeconomythroughataxlens..............................................................................29NelsonNemaandStephenHowes

Asensibleapproachtotacklingthebetelnutproblem..................................................................33BusaJeremiahWenogo

LowdemandformicrocreditinPapuaNewGuinea........................................................................36DekJoeSum

Education,healthandcommunications

‘Free’educationpolicyinPNG:ataleoftwoprovinces.................................................................38GrantWalton,TaraDavda,PeterKanaparo

Theworld’smostcommonchildhooddisease:theburdenandthesolutionforPNG.....41BarryReed

CompulsorySIMcardregistrationinPapuaNewGuinea.............................................................43AmandaHAWatson

Asmartphoneadaykeepsthedoctoraway:mobilesandhealthinPNG.............................45MikaelaSeymour

Endingviolence

InsearchofservicestoaddressfamilyandsexualviolenceinLaecommunities..............47MichelleNayahamuiRooney,MirandaForsyth,MaryAisiandDoraKuir-Ayius

TribalwarfareinPNG:ICRC’sresponsetoachanginglandscape.............................................50GrantWalton,MichelleNayahamuiRooneyandMarkKessler

PNGandbeyond...

Thetiesthatbind:theAustralia-PNGrelationship..........................................................................53MichaelWesley

Evidence-basedpolicymakinginthetropics.....................................................................................56StephenHowes,AshleeBetteridge,LawrenceSauseandLhawangUgyel

After the elections

PNGaftertheelections:reimaginingthefuturebyreflectingonthepast

ByFionaHukulaonAugust18,2017IwouldliketosharesomethoughtsonPNGaftertheelections.Myreflectionsarebasedonnearlytwentyyears’experienceasaresearcher.IthasbeenalittleoveraweeksincePNG’s10thNationalParliamentconvened.Thelastthreemonthshasbeenabusytimeforelectionofficials,mediaandsecuritypersonnel.Insomeplaceselectionshavebeenrelativelypeaceful.Peoplevotedandlifecarriedon,butinotherpartsofthecountry,violenceandtheunnecessaryandunfortunatelossofliveshasmarredtheseelections.MyobservationofmediareportsandpreliminaryfindingsfromresearchintowomenandelectionsinMorobebymycolleaguesMaryFairioandSarahKaut-Nasengomrevealsthatflawedelectoralrollshaveledtogreatdisappointmentformanypeoplewhohavenotbeenabletocasttheirvote.Ontheinternationalagenda,APEC2018isakeyeventthatwillhelpshapePapuaNewGuinea’sfuture.Atthenationallevel,theBougainvillereferendumwillbeanimportanteventforPNGastheoutcomeofthereferendumwillnotonlydictatethepoliticalfutureofBougainvilleandPNGbutitwillalsosetaprecedentforthoseprovincesadvocatingautonomy.Womenleaders

Unfortunatelyforthenextfiveyears,weshallnotbeseeinganywomenonthefloorofparliament.Inherinauguraladdress,theUnitedStatesAmbassadorMsCatherineEbert-Greystatedthatthefactthatwehavenowomeninparliamentshouldbeofgraveconcern.Whilethisisadepressingoutcomeoftheelectionsitalsoclearlyindicatestheneedtoreassessandre-strategisehowwethinkaboutthisissue.

Ithinkweneedtolookatthebiggerpicture.Inanalysingtheperformanceofsomeofthewomenwhocameinthetopthreeplacesforcertainseats,wecanseethatwomenarereceivingvotes.Forexample,DelilahGoreledinthefirstpreferencevotesandthesecondpreferencevotes.Shelostbyjustover200votesinthefinalcount.Intermsofreflectingonhowtogetwomenintoparliament,theexperiencesoffemalecandidatesarecrucial,asaretheexperiencesofformerfemaleparliamentarians.Whilewemaynothavewomeninparliamentnow,wedoknowfromexperiencethatwomencanbevotedintoparliament–thishashappenedonmorethanoneoccasion.For

example,MrsNahauRooney,DameJosephineAbaijahandDameCarolKiduwereallelectedintoparliamentmorethanonce,soweknowfromthepastthatwecanelectwomenintoparliament;itisgettingwomenintoparliamentateveryelectionthatisthechallenge.Wealsoknowthatwomenareleadersintheircommunities.Inmyexperienceofresearchingbothinurbanandruralcommunities,everywhereIhaveworked,womenleadersalwaysturnupwhenresearchmeetingsareorganisedandtheyarticulatetheirconcernsclearly.Theleadershipcapabilitiesofwomenatthelocallevelisevidentasweknowfromthelastlocallevelgovernmentelectionswhereforty-fivewomenwerevotedintolocalgovernment,withacoupleasTownMayors.AsPapuaNewGuineans,weneedtoaskourselvesthehardquestionssuchas,shouldwebetalkingaboutgettingwomenintoparliamentintermsofgenderequalityandparticipationorshouldwebetalkingaboutwhatmakesagoodleader?Also,whenwetalkaboutgettingwomenintoparliament,areweusingtherightlanguagewhenaddressingdifferentaudiences?GettingwomenintoparliamentisnotonlyaboutdiscussingtheseissuesinforumssuchasthePNGUpdate,butinmyviewitisalsoabouttryingourbesttounderstandthewaysinwhichourpeoplethinkaboutgender.Imakethiscommentbecauseoftenthisissueisviewedasawesternagenda,maybebecauseweusewordsanddefinitionsthatarenotfamiliartothemajorityofourpeople.ButifwelookbacktotheConstitutionalPlanningCommittee(CPC)reportof1974weseethatthiswassomethingthatourleadersclearlythoughtabout.Ifwetakeoffthewesterngenderlensthatweoftenusetohavethesediscussionsandstarttounpackgenderrelationsinawaythatallowsustoseetheworldviewofourpeople,wewillstarttomapawayforwardthatisinclusiveofeveryone.DevelopmentAlotofthedebatearoundhavingwomeninparliamentishingedontheideaofgenderequalityandequalparticipationinthedevelopmentofthiscountry.Weusethisword‘development’butwhatdoesitmeantodifferentcommunities?Forsomeitmeansaccesstogoodroadssotheycanselltheircocoaandcoffeeandaccesshealthcare.Forothers,itmaymeanaccesstocleanwaterandsanitation,forsomeitmaymeanfour-lanehighwaysandamall.Thisonewordcantriggerdiscussionsaboutallkindsofthingsandthewaysthatweimaginedevelopmentandourfuture.Asanation,wehavecreatedsomegreatplansandlaunchedmanypoliciesandprogramsindifferentsectorswiththefutureinmindandwithdevelopmentinmind.ManyofourplansandstrategiesareanchoredintheNationalGoalsandDirectivePrinciples.ButhowmanyofusknowtheNationalGoalsandDirectivePrinciples?ImustadmitthatIamnotthatwellversedwiththeNationalGoalsandDirectivePrinciplesbutsometimeswhenIreadthingsabouthowwetreateachotherasPapuaNewGuineansorhowdifferentpeopleimaginetheirfutureandespeciallywhenIseethegrowinginequalitiesbetweenourpeopleIgobackandtrytoacquaintmyselfbetterwiththeNationalGoalsandDirectivePrinciples.Ialsoliketo–everynowandthen–readbitsandpiecesoftheCPCreportjusttoremindmyselfofwhatthemembersoftheCPCimaginedourfuturetobe.Asa

researcherwhoseworkisnowmostlyintheurbansphere,therearetwostatementsfromtheCPCthatIoftenread.Iwillonlyreadthefirstparthereofparagraph116:

Weseethedarknessofneonlights,weseethedespairandlonelinessinurbancities.Weseethealienationfrommanthatistheresultofthepresentmachineorientedeconomy.Weseetruesocialsecurityandman’shappinessbeingdiminishedinthenameofeconomicprogress.

WhenIreadthis,Icanseethatthefuturewaspredictedaccurately,butthentwoparagraphslatertheCPCreportstates:

Ourwaysemphasisecommunity.Weexerciseourrightsinthecontextofourobligationstoourcommunity.

Thissentencealonegivesmesomesenseofhopebecauseyesintheurbancontextwearenowseeingincreasedpovertyinourcitiesbutalsoinmyexperienceofgrowingupinthiscity,oflivinginanurbansettlementaspartofmyPhD,andofmymorerecentresearchwithurbanvillagecourts,IcanseethatwestillholdfirmmanyofthesetraitswhichwecallourPapuaNewGuineanways.Intheurbansetting,weexercisetheseidealsbydoingkinshipthroughourstreet,church,sportingandworkcommunitiesanditisthroughthissenseofbelongingthatweneedtostarttoaddressthemanysocialissuesthatwefaceasanation,includingourhighratesofviolence,genderbasedviolence(notjustdomesticviolencebutsorceryrelatedaccusationviolencewhichmanyofourpeoplesufferfrom)andchildabuse.Forwhenwestarttoharnessthepositivethingsaboutwhoweare–aspeoplefromdifferentprovincesandregions–wewillbuildabetterfutureforourchildrenandtheirchildren.Finally,mycalltodaytoyouasmyfellowacademics,policymakersandstudentsistostarttodecolonisethewaywethinkaboutdevelopment,let’sstrivetounderstandourpeoplebetterinsteadofresortingtocallingourselvesuncivilisedanduneducatedwhenourpeoplefailtounderstandconceptsandwordsthatarenotintheirvernacular.Insteadlet’sbuildonourstrengthsandworktowardslocalisingglobalconceptssuchastheSDGs,sothatwecanmeetourinternationalcommitments,butalsosothatwecanseethechangethatwewanttoseeinourcountry.FionaHukulaisProgramLeaderoftheBuildingSaferCommunitiesatthePNGNationalResearchInstitute.ShealsooverseestheGenderinPNGresearchprogramatNRIwithhercolleagueElizabethKopel.Thispostisadaptedfromherkeynotepresentationatthe2017PNGUpdate.

Experiencesoffemalecandidatesinthe2017PapuaNewGuineageneralelection

ByKerrynBakeronFebruary6,2018PapuaNewGuineawenttothepollsinJune–July2017foritsninthgeneralelectionsinceindependence.Despitearecordnumberofwomenstanding—aroundfivepercentofthetotalnumberofcandidates—nowomenwereelectedinanyofthe111seats.ThisreportdrawsondiscussionsfromadebriefinPortMoresbyinSeptember2017with26womenwhocontestedtheelection.ParticipantshadcontestedinallfourregionsofPapuaNewGuinea,sothedebriefcapturedavarietyofperspectivesandexperiences.Thisbloghighlightssomeofthekeythemesthatarosefromthesediscussions.ResourcingcampaignsManyfemalecandidateshighlightedtheissuestheyhadinresourcingtheircampaigns.Ingeneral,womencontestingPapuaNewGuineaelectionshavefewerfinancialresourcesthantheirmalecounterparts,andwell-resourcedcampaignsareoftenthemostsuccessful(seealsoHaleyandZubrinich2013).Participantsinthedebriefsharedtheirdifficultiesinraisingfunds.Mostofthecandidatesaffiliatedwithpoliticalpartiesreportedthatthosepartiesdidnotprovidefinancialorotherresourcestothem,evenwhenhelphadbeenpromised,whichcompromisedtheircampaignplansandevendamagedtheircredibilityascandidates[1].Manydebriefattendeesreportedthattheircampaignshadbeenafinancialstrainonthemselvesandtheirfamilies.Onewayofcounteringresourceshortages,whichwashighlightedinthedebrief,waspoolingresourceswithothercandidates—sometimesmen,butoftenotherwomen.Thus,femalecandidatesrunninginseparateseats(forexample,ifonewasrunningfortheprovincialseatandonefortheopenseatinanarea),oreventhesameseat,wouldworktogether.Thisinvolvedsharingtransportandcoordinatingevents,arrangingpreference-swappingdealsandprovidingmoralsupportduringthecampaignperiod.ThesenetworksoffemalecandidateswereusedindifferentpartsofPapuaNewGuineaduringthecampaign.Participantssuggestednurturingthesenetworksandpotentiallyalsousingthemformentoringpurposes,andforsupportingwomenwhowanttoenterlocal-levelpolitics.

Takingalong-termapproachTheimportanceofstartingearlywasemphasisedbycandidatesandisborneoutbyresearchonPapuaNewGuineanelectoralpolitics.Whenwomenbegantovisitvotersaftertheofficialcampaignperiodhadstarted,manyweretoldtheywere‘late’,andthatsomeoftheirmalecounterpartshadbeencampaigningforalongperiodbefore.Whilecampaigningisnotallowedoutsidetheofficialperiod,womenattendingthedebriefstressedtheimportanceof‘visibility’—visitingdifferentareasoftheelectoratethroughouttheelectoralcycle,sothatyouarewellknownbeforeanofficialcampaignbegins.Severalofthehigher-performingfemalecandidatesinthedebriefnotedthattheyhadonlydecidedtorunrelativelylate,whichgavethemmuchlesstimetoprepare.Alongerpreparationtimewasseenasthepotentialdifferencebetweenwinningandlosing.Makingyourintentiontorunknownearlycanalsogiveyourcampaignaboost,throughallowingmoretimetoraisefunds;perhapsdiscouragingmalerelativesfromalsoputtinguptheirhandsandpossiblysplittingthevote;andsignallingyourinteresttopotentialsupporters,sotheydonotpromisetheirvotestoothercandidatesfirst.StructuralbarriersMoneypoliticswasarecurringthemeduringdebriefdiscussions[2].Thegeneralconsensuswasthatmoneypoliticswaspractiseddifferentlyfrompastelections,butthattheresultswereultimatelynolessdetrimentaltothechancesoffemalecandidates.Theelectioncampaignwasreportedtobe‘dry’insomeelectorates,withlessmoneyhandedoutthaninpreviouselections,butwithsignificantamountsofmoneyconcentratedinthehandsofafewpartiestosupporttheirfavouredcandidates.Inareaswherethecampaignperiodwas‘dry’,womencandidatesfelttheyhadamoreevenplayingfieldtoworkon;however,inmanyplacesmoneypoliticswaspractisedinthelatestagesofthecampaign,aroundonetotwoweeksbeforepollingorontheeveofpolling.Thiswasallegedlyintheformofbothvotebuying(andgifting)andthebribingofelectoralofficials.Femalecandidatesreportedfeelingdisadvantagedbyissueswithelectoraladministration.Themostoftencitedweretheseriousproblemswiththeelectoralroll,asreportedinthemediaandbyinternationalobserverteams.Onastructurallevel,dealingwithissuesofmoneypolitics,instancesofelectoralfraud,andfailuresinelectoraladministrationwereseenasvitaltoaddressiftheaimistoincreasewomen’spoliticalrepresentation.PositiveexperiencesThereareundisputeddangersinvolvedinengaginginPapuaNewGuineanpoliticsasawoman(orindeed,asaman).Onewomanreportedbeingattackedbysupportersofarivalcandidate;othersreportedreceivingthreatsofphysicalviolenceanddestructionofproperty.Yetthevastmajorityofdebriefparticipantsreportedpositive—ifattimeschallenging—experiencesincontestingthe2017election.Mostagreedtheywouldconsiderrunningagaininfutureelections.Thisisimportant,asevidenceshowsthatmanyPapuaNewGuineanpoliticianswerenotsuccessfulthefirsttimetheycontested.Themajorityofpoliticianswhoenteredparliamentforthefirsttimein2017hadcontestedatleastoncebefore,andthreeinfive

ofthosewhounseatedincumbentshadruninthesameseatinthepreviousgeneralelection.Itisimportanttotakealong-termapproachtoenteringpolitics.Thus,encouragingunsuccessfulfemalecandidatestorecontest—especiallythosewhoachievedhighlycredibleplacingsintheirelectorates,asnumerousdebriefattendeesdid—isacrucialpartofthestrategytoincreasewomen’srepresentationinthefuture.Notes:[1]Therewereexceptionstothisrule,includingtheSocialDemocraticPartywhichprovidedsignificantfinancialandstrategicsupporttoonedebriefparticipant.[2]FormoreontheproliferationofmoneypoliticsinPapuaNewGuineaelections,seeHaleyandAnere2009,HaleyandZubrinich2013,andHaleyandZubrinich2015.References:Haley,N.andK.Zubrinich2013.2012PapuaNewGuineaGeneralElectionsDomesticObservationReport.ReportpreparedforCardnoEmergingMarkets.KerrynBakerisaResearchFellowattheANUDepartmentofPacificAffairs.Movingbeyondnowinwomen’spoliticalrepresentationinPapuaNewGuinea

ByMichelleNayahamuiRooneyonApril5,2018On6March2018,PNG’sPrimeMinisterPeterO’Neillreportedlyannouncedashiftfromlimitedpreferentialvoting(LPV)backtothefirstpastthepostvoting(FPTP)systeminPNG’snationalelections.Thisannouncementwilllikelysparkintensedebatesabouttheprosandconsofeachvotingsystem.Italsoraisesquestionsaboutwomen’spoliticalrepresentationinPNG.Fordecades,debatesaboutwomen’spoliticalrepresentationhavewaxedandwaneddependingonwhoisinparliament,whoconstitutesthewomen’slobbyinggroup,thestateofthenationalwomen’smachinery,fundingavailabilityand–becausemostfundingisfromdonors–theprioritiesanddirectionthatdonorschoose.EarlydebatesrevolvedaroundaproposaltoinvokeaprovisioninthePNGConstitutiontonominateawoman’srepresentative.Thisdebateculminatedin2009whentheSomare-ledgovernmentbackedDameCarolKidu,whowasthenamemberofthecabinet,toputamotiontoparliamentforwomentobenominatedasrepresentativesofparliament,basedonthisconstitutionalprovision.Theparliamentrejectedtheproposal,butitwasanimportantmomentbecauseitdeepenedthedebateaboutlegislativereformandpavedthewayforprogressingthedraftingoftheEqualityandParticipationBill(alsoreferredtoastheWomen’sBill).Aftermanymonthsofsustainednationaldebate,consultations,lobbyinganddrafting,

womenscoredanothervictoryon22November2011whentheparliamentvotedtoallowthe22reservedseatsforwomenunderthisbill.Leadinguptothe2012nationalelections,theleaders’summitagreedtosupportreservedseatsforwomeninparliament.Theprocessinvolvedaconcertedeffort,withthesolewomanMPDameCarolKiduasthechampion,pullingtogetheradiverserangeofstakeholdersandsecuringthesupportofasignificantnumberofmalemembersofParliament.Somearguethatthisnationalbackdropmayhavecontributedtothreewomenwinningseatsinthe2012nationalelections.Duringthenextparliamentaryterm,debateswaned.DameCarolKiduretired.ThepassingawayofthelateScholarKakas,thePresidentoftheNationalCouncilofWomen(NCW)andavocalsupporter,createdanothervacuuminadvocacy.ThethreewomenmembersofparliamentreportedlywithdrewtheirsupportfortheWomen’sBill.Aproposedbillin2015tolegislatethattenpercentofcandidatesendorsedbypoliticalpartiesbewomen,wasmetwithmixedreactionsbymembersofparliament,includingoneofthewomenMPs.Fastforwardtothe2017nationalelectionsandnoneofthewomenwhocontestedtheelectionswontheirseats.Thispromptedcallsforrevisitingthedebatetointroduceseatsforwomencandidates,aswellasothertemporarymeasures.Thesecallsincludednationalandinternationalstakeholdersnotingthedifficultconditionsthatwomenfaced.Asonefemalecandidateimplored:TheGovernmentofPNGandthedevelopmentpartnersneedtomovebeyondshortterminterventionstoimplementingawell-plannedandcomprehensiveinterventionpackagewiththeoverallobjectivetocreatealevelplayingfieldforwomeninPNGpolitics.Whatwillconstitute‘movingbeyond’thestatusquoofdonorinterventionsisdebatable,buttherealitiesforwomenwhowanttoenternationalparliamentwillremainthesameforalongtime.Thefailuretopushlegislationthroughstemsfrompeople’sperceptionsthatitisadonor-drivenagenda.Somesaythatthedebatesaroundthewomen’sbillservedthepurposeofmeetingtheneedsoftheinternationalcommunity.ThreePacificwomenleadersinterviewedinthisreportofferadvice,cautionagainstoverestimatingthe‘relevanceandeffectiveness’ofdonors’support,andsuggestthatdonorstakealong-termapproachthatincludeswideningthescopeofsupportbeyondnationalpoliticalrepresentationtoincludeotherareaswherewomenexercisepublicleadership.DameMegTaylor,SecretaryGeneralofthePacificIslandsForumSecretariat,onInternationalWomen’sDayreflectedonaneedtomovebeyondstandardmeasuresofwomen’spoliticalparticipation.ForthePNGwomen’smovement,unapologeticallyowningandleadingtheagendaforwomen’spoliticalrepresentationwillbeimportantintheleadupto2022.Thisisahighlypoliticalandcontestedspace–afterall,itispolitics!Pushingforwomen’spoliticalrepresentationrequiresPNGwomentotakeamoral,political,socialandculturalstandagainsttheprevailingnormsinPNGandagainstperceptionsthattheyaresimplythevesselsofanoutsideagenda.FormanyPNGwomenwhodecidetoengageinthisspaceasresearchers,activists,orpoliticalcandidates,theirdecisionscomefromaconvictionthatwomen’spoliticalengagementisdesirablepersonallyandcollectively.

Theydosobreakinggroundinnavigatingalongpaththatalsoextendsnationaldebatesintotheirhomesandsocialrelationships.TooverplaytheroleofdonorsunderminestheleadershipandconvictionofthemanyPapuaNewGuineanwomenwhohavebeeninvolvedinthisjourney–asleaders,advocates,supportworkers,volunteers,employeesofinternationalorganisations,membersofpoliticalparties,journalists,andascandidatesinthenationalelections.Andyet,donorsdostillneedtomakesomefundsavailabletoPapuaNewGuineanwomenandinstitutions,especiallytheyoungergenerationofwomenwhomaywishtopursuethisagenda.Thiswillrequiredonorstoinnovatehowtheyprovidesupport,andtakealowerprofile.Donorsneedtoknowwhoisavailable,people’sdifferentstrengths,andwhentousethem.Thisisaspacewherethelinesblurbetweentheresearcherproducingtheevidencebaseneededforwomen’spoliticalengagement,politicalactivismandlobbying,andactions–ofwomencandidates,legislativedrafters,andlobbyists.Alltheseactorsareimportantforchange,buteachhasauniquecombinationoftheseattributes.Forexample,aresearchermightknowhowtoconsolidatecomplexfindings,butapoliticalactivistorlobbyistknowswhichdoorsofparliamenttoknockon.Onlyawomanwithahungertoenternationalparliamentwillputherhanduptocontest,butwithoutstrongactivismtocreateawarenessthatwomenmatter,heraspirationsdiminish.Menmatter!HistoryhasshownthatPapuaNewGuineanPrimeMinisters,especiallyMichaelSomareandPeterO’Neill,arewillingtoworkwithwomenonthisissue.Theyneedsupporttoframethesedebatestothewidercommunity,andespeciallytotheirfellowMPs.AnopportunitycurrentlyexistsbecausePrimeMinisterO’Neillhasindicatedhissupporttorevisitthedebateaboutlegislativereformforwomen’spoliticalparticipation.PeterO’Neill’srecentannouncementaboutareturntotheFPTPvotingsystemhintsathowheenvisagestheconductandoutcomesofthenextelections.Inthisparliamentarycycle,thefieldofdonorsinPNGhaschangedcomparedtothepastdecadeand,giventhetraditionalinfluenceofdonorsinthisspace,newdonorsmayweighintothedebate.Therewillbeimplicationsfortheoutcomesofwomenintendingtopursuecandidacyinthenationalelections.Beingpreparedtochangetactic,torevisitoldandsparknewdebates,includingboldlytakingupPrimeMinisterO’Neill’ssupporttorevisitthelegislativereforms,isanecessarypartofmovingbeyondthecurrentsituation.MichelleNayahamuiRooneyisaResearchFellowatDevpolicy.

What’sthematterwithelectionsinPNG?

ByTerenceWoodonSeptember7,2017Therearestillreportstobewritten,officialverdictstobemade,andelectoralpetitionstobeheard.Butmediareportingaloneisenoughforthemostimportantpointtobeclear:the2017electionsinPapuaNewGuineawerenotgoodenough.Thereweremajorrollissues,therewerelikelycasesoffraud,andelectoralviolenceisongoing.Votersdeservebetter. Thefirststepinmakingsureimprovementsoccurisdiagnosingtheissues.That’swhatI’mgoingtodointhispost.I’mgoingtolookatthestructuraldriversofPNG’selectoralproblems.I’mnotheretolevelaccusationsatindividuals.Ifpeoplehavecommittedcrimestheyshouldbetried.Yetmanyelectoralofficialsworkedhardduringthe2017elections.Andmostofthecountry’scitizenswantednothingmorethantoexercisetheirdemocraticrights.Buttheelectionswentawryregardless.And2017isn’tthefirsttimePNGhashadmajorproblemswithitselections.SoI’mnotgoingtogetpersonal.Instead,I’mgoingtoprovideasocialscientist’sanswertothequestion,‘what’sthematterwithelectionsinPNG?’Thecentralproblemispolitical.Andsimple.MostofPapuaNewGuinea’smembersofparliamentdon’tcarehowwellelectionsarerun.Becauseofthis,nopoliticalpressureisplacedontheElectoralCommissiontoperform.Itisn’tgiventheresourcesitneedseither.In2016,itwasreportedthatthePNGgovernmenthadonlybudgetedhalfasmuchfortherunningofthe2017electionsashadbeenspentonthepreviousones.Savingsarealwaysgood,buthalfpriceelectionsareimpossible.Nogovernmentconcernedaboutgoodelectionswouldhavebudgetedsolittle.Whyaren’tmostpoliticiansinPNGconcernedaboutelectoralquality?Theanswerliesinthevoter-politicianrelationship.InPapuaNewGuinea,mostvotersvoteforthecandidatewhotheythinkismostlikelytohelpthem,theirfamily,ortheircommunity.Theydon’tvoteonthebasisofnationalissues.Votingthiswayisn’tuniquetoPNG.Ithappensalloverthedevelopingworld.YoucanfinditintherecenthistoriesofmanyOECDcountriestoo.PNG’svotersaren’tdoinganythingwrongwhentheyvoteinsearchoflocalisedorpersonalisedassistance.Mosthaveacuteandimmediateneeds.Andmosthaveneverseenthoseneedsmetbynationalpolicy.Underthesecircumstances,votinginsearchofdirectassistanceisperfectlyreasonable.It’swhatIwoulddo.Unfortunately,however,becausecandidateswanttobeelected,andMPsre-elected,votingforpersonalorlocalbenefitshasaharmfulside-effect.ItcausesMPstofocusonchannellingstateresourcesdirectlytotheirsupporters.Theydothisattheexpenseofnationalgovernanceandnationalissues.Electionsareanationalissue.Politicianshavenopoliticalreasonforcaringaboutwell-runelections.They’renotgoingtogetpunishedattheballotboxiftheymessup.Indeed,ifanythingsittingMPs—aspowerfulpolitical

actors—arelikelytobenefitfrompoorlyrunelections;they’remucheasiertosubvertlocally.AndsomostofPNG’spoliticiansproactivelyignorethetaskofstrengtheningthecountry’selectoralinfrastructure.WhichiswhytheElectoralCommissionendedupstarvedofresourcesduringthesamepoliticaltermthattheDistrictServicesImprovementProgram(governmentmoneywhichMPscaneffectivelylavishontheirsupporters)increasedsubstantially.It’struethatsomepoliticiansinPapuaNewGuineahave,attimes,workedhardtoimprovethecountry’selectoralinfrastructure.Andothershavetriedparticularlyhardtomakeitworse.PNG’spoliticianshavesomeagencyandsodeservetobecreditedorblamedfortheiractions.ButthebroaderdynamicIhavedescribedisalwayspresent;ithasabroadeffectonpoliticalactionsand—atanationallevel—itisastrongforceworkingagainstwell-runelections.Amidsttheoverarchingeffectsofthisnationaldynamicthereisimportantvariation.Somepartsoftheelectoralprocessworkbetterthanothers.Andsomepartsofthecountryhavebetterelectionsthanothers.Nothingisperfect,butcountingisbetterthanrollcompilation,forexample.AndelectionsareworseintheHighlandsthaninotherpartsofthecountry.I’vewrittenaboutthisindepthinthisdiscussionpaper.FornowIwanttohighlighttwoimportantlessonsfromthevariation.Generally,thebestaspectsofelectionsarethemosttransparentaspects.CountingisusuallyOK(albeitslow)becauseallcandidateshavescrutineersincountingplaces.Thistransparencymakesitharder,althoughnotimpossible,tocheat.Also,electionsareusuallybetterinplaceswherepowerisdiffuse.Inelectorateswherecandidatescanmusterthepowertocapturepollingstations,pollingis—unsurprisingly—worse.Butinotherpartsofthecountryit’ssimplynotpossibleforcandidatestodothis.Whenitisn’t,mostcandidateswillhavescrutineerswatchingpolling,andbrazencheatingislesslikely.Eveninthebestpartsoftheelectoralprocess,inthebestpartsofthecountry,mattersaren’tperfect.Buttheyaregoodenough.Overall,PNG’s2017electionsweren’tgoodenough.Thequestionnowishowtotakewhatweknowofthedynamicsofthecountry’selectoralproblemstoimproveelectionsinthefuture.TerenceWoodisaResearchFellowatDevpolicy.

Governance and policymaking Promises,promises:adecadeofanti-corruptionbudgetsandspendinginPNG

ByGrantWaltonandHusniaHushangonAugust16,2017 InPapuaNewGuinea,governmentresponsestocorruptionhavereceivedagreatdealofmediaattentionoverthepastdecade.Despitethiscoverage,thereisstillmuchwedon’tknowaboutthestateofthecountry’santi-corruptionagencies.Indeed,manystruggletoprovidethepublicwithbasicinformationabouttheiractivities.WecouldnotobtainacopyofrecentannualreportsfromtheOmbudsmanCommission,despitearequest[i](frustratingly,youcanviewthecoversbutnotthecontentofrecentannualreports).Toaddressthisknowledgegap,ourrecentDevelopmentPolicyCentreDiscussionPapertrackstenyearsofbudgetaryallocationsandspendingonkeyanti-corruptionagencies:theOmbudsmanCommission,theNationalFraudandAnti-corruptionDirectorate,TaskforceSweep,theAuditor-General’sOfficeandtheFinancialIntelligenceUnit.Inthisblogweexamineoneofthethreeresearchquestionsweanswerinthepaper,namely:howhaveallocationsforandspendingonanti-corruptionorganisationschangedovertime?Bycomparingbudgetaryallocationsandactualspending,wehighlightthedegreetowhichgovernmentshavefulfilledtheirbudgetarypromises.PNG’sOmbudsmanCommissionisoneofthefewagenciesinouranalysiswherebudgetedandactualspendinghavemostlybeeninsync–thatwasthecaseuntil2015whenallocationsoutstrippedspending(Figure1).Budgetaryallocationsfor2017suggesttheorganisation’sfundingwilldeclineevenmore;oncurrentprojectionstheorganisationwillendthedecadeinthesamefinancialpositionitwasatthebeginning.

Figure1:OmbudsmanCommissionallocationsandspending(2016prices)

LocatedwithPNG’spolicedepartment,theNationalFraudandAnti-CorruptionDirectorate(FraudSquad)playsasignificantroleinfightingcorruption.Figure2demonstratesthatspendingontheFraudSquad,despiteitsroleinattemptingtoarrestthePrimeMinisterPeterO’Neillandotherseniorministers,increasedbetween2008

and2015.Yettherehasbeensignificantvariation.Between2011and2015therewerelargegapsbetweenallocationsandspending,althoughthegaphasbeendeclining.Reducedspendingin2012and2013islikelydueinparttoresourcesbeingreallocatedtoTaskforceSweep,whichwasestablishedin2011.Budgetallocationsdeclinedby23percentbetween2016and2017.

Figure2:NationalFraudSquadallocationsandspending(2016prices)

Thethirdanti-corruptionagencyweexamineistheFinancialIntelligenceUnit(FIU)–nowknownastheFinancialAnalysisandSupervisionUnit–anagencywithamandatetoinvestigatemoneylaunderingandterroristfinancing.Atthetimethe2015budgetwasannounced,themediamademuchofthefactthattheFIUwasallocatedlessthanthepoliceband’sbudget.Ouranalysis(Table1)showsthedifferenceinspendingbetweentheseorganisationswasevenworse.In2015,inrealkina1.07millionkinawasspentonthePNGpolicebandandtheFIUreceived264,364kina–sothepolicebandreceivedalmostfourtimesmorethantheFIU.Forthetwoyearsdataisavailable(2014and2015),spendingontheFIUwaslessthanhalfofallocations.Table1:FinancialIntelligenceUnitallocationsandspending(kina,2016prices)

TheAuditor-General’sOfficeistaskedwithinspecting,auditingandreportingonaccounts,financesandpropertiesofgovernmentdepartments,agencies,andpubliccorporations.Figure3showsthatin2012theagency’sallocationroseabovespending,and2013spendingroseaboveallocations.By2015,spendinghaddeclinedto21millionkina,andthenincreasedslightlyin2016to22.3millionkina.However,fundingissettodecline,withallocationsreducingto16millionkinaby2017;inrealkinathisislessthantheagencywasallocatedatthestartofthedecade.

Figure3:Auditor-General’sOfficeallocationsandspending(2016prices)

Figure4depictsthePNGgovernment’sbudgetedandactualspendingontheshort-livedbutrelativelysuccessfulTaskforceSweepandtheyettobeestablishedIndependentCommissionAgainstCorruption(ICAC).AfterTaskforceSweep’sroleintheattemptedarrestofPrimeMinisterPeterO’Neill,spendingslumpedsharplyto5millionandzerokinain2015and2016respectively.However,theamountsreportedlyspentarefarlowerthanallocations.WhiletheO’Neill-Namahgovernmentquicklyspent7.5millionkina(non-budgeted)ontheagencyin2011,sincethenthedifferencebetweenallocatedandactualspendinghasbeensignificant.Justunderonemillion(real)kinawasallocatedfortheyettobeestablishedICACin2017.Thus,ouranalysisshowsthatthemeteoricriseandfallofTaskforceSweepwasaccompaniedbyunfulfilledspendingpromises.

Figure4:TaskforceSweepandICACallocationsandspending(2016prices)

Togetasenseoftherelativespendingoneachorganization,Figure5comparesactualspendingovertime(andallocationswherespendingdataisnotyetavailable)ofeachoftheseorganisations.Itshowsthatoutoftheagenciesweexamine,the

OmbudsmanCommissionandAuditor-General’sOfficearebyfarthemostheavilyfunded.Traditionally,morehasbeenspentonthelatterthantheformer,althoughin2017thisappearssettochange,withtheAuditor-General’sOfficefacingseverefundingcuts.Incomparison,otheragenciesreceivepaltrysums.

Figure5:Spendingonfiveanti-corruptionorganisations,2008-2017(2016prices)*

*Actualspendingsolidlines;budgeteddashedlines.2016figuresforOmbudsmanCommissionandAuditor-General’sOfficefromFinalBudgetOutcome(2016).Figure6showsthatoverallspendingonanti-corruptionagencieshasbeenlessthanallocationssince2012.Overallspendingandallocationshavebeenreducingsince2014;becausebudgetaryallocationsaremadetheyearbefore(i.e.,the2014allocationismadein2013),thismeansthatthePNGgovernmentwassignificantlyreducingitscommitmenttoanti-corruptionagenciesbeforeTaskforceSweephelpedorganiseanarrestwarrantforthenPrimeMinisterO’Neill.

Figure6:Totalanti-corruptionallocationsandspending(2016prices)*

*TotalAnti-corruptionSpending–OmbudsmanCommission/NationalFraudandCorruption/Auditor-General’sOffice/TaskforceSweep/FIU/Anti-corruptionprogramDepartmentofFinanceAmidstcallsforthenewgovernmenttoestablishanICAC,thesefindingssuggestanti-corruptionactivistsandpolicymakersshouldbepressuringthePNGgovernmenttoclosethegapbetweenbudgetpromises(allocations)andactualspending.Inaddition,greatereffortsareneededtoensurethatspendingonexistinganti-corruptionagenciesdoesnotcontinuetofall.Note:[i]WeunderstandthatitisnowpossibletogetahardcopyofrecentannualreportsfromtheOmbudsmanCommission’soffice.GrantWaltonisaFellowandHusniaHushangisaProgramOfficerwithDevpolicy.ThisblogisbasedontheDiscussionpaper,‘Promises,Promises:ADecadeofAllocationsforandSpendingonAnti-CorruptioninPapuaNewGuinea’availableathttps://devpolicy.crawford.anu.edu.au/publications/discussion-papers

ToomanyparliamentarycommitteesinPNGParliamentByWernerCohillonDecember21,2017On29Septemberthisyear,duringitsfirstmeeting,thegovernmentappointed17parliamentarycommittees.Thesepermanentcommitteeswillremainforthewhole5-yeartermandarepartofthe31permanentcommitteesthatweresupposedtobeappointedinparliamentonthatdate.Whathappenedtotheother14permanentcommittees?WordgotaroundinthewingsofparliamentthatthegovernmentdoesnothaveenoughMPstomusterchairmenfortheremaining14committees.Thefailuretoappointall31permanentcommitteesinthefirstformalmeetingofparliamenthasneverhappenedbeforeinPNG’sshortparliamentaryhistoryandissolelytheresultofthisyear’snationalelections.TherealtestforthegovernmentcamewhenparliamentneededtoappointMPstothe31parliamentarycommitteesthatformavitalpartoftheworkofparliament.WhenconsideringthenumberofMPsremainingaftertheministersandtheirdeputieswereappointed,thereweresimplynotenoughchairstogoaround.Only17ofthe31committeeshavebeenprovidedmembership,with14committeesyettobeappointed.Ontheonehand,asmallernumberofparliamentarycommitteeswouldmeanthatthegovernmentwouldnotbefacedwithtoomanycommitteeplacesandtoofewMPs.Ontheotherhand,whyitissodifficulttoappointOppositionMPsaschairmenofparliamentarycommitteeswhenthereareinsufficientgovernmentmembers?Theby-lawsofthecommitteesprovidefortheformeroptionbutPNGpoliticsdoesnot,anunwrittenunderstandingofthepoliticalculture.ThePNGParliamentprobablyhasthelargestnumberofparliamentarycommitteesamongPacificislandcountries.Inaparliamentarytermtherecanbe34or36committeesappointed;the31permanentorstandingcommittees,andasmanyas5specialcommittee.Thesespecialcommitteesareappointedduringatermofparliamenttoinquireintoaparticularissue,andremainforthewholeterm.Whyareparliamentarycommitteesimportant?ParliamentarycommitteesaresmallgroupsofMPsappointedbyParliamenttoconsider,investigateandreporttoParliamentonaparticularmatter,theykeepthegovernmentaccountable.ThisresultsingreaterparticipationofMPsintheworkofParliament.Lawmakingandrepresentationarealsoveryimportantfeaturesoftheworkofparliamentarycommittees.Thismakesactivecommitteesvirtually‘mini-parliaments’.Parliamentaryoversightisanessentialtoolofdemocracy.AccordingtotheIPU/UNDPGlobalParliamentaryReportonparliamentaryoversight;Parliament’spowertoholdgovernmenttoaccount(2017),parliamentaryoversightisoneofparliament’sthreecorefunctions.Itisthemeansbywhichparliamentsholdgovernmenttoaccountonbehalfofthepeople.Itisavitalpartofthesystemofchecksandbalancesthatensuresthatnooneinstitutionisabletowieldabsolutepowerinademocracy.Thereportfurtherstressesthatparliamentaryoversightimprovesthequalityofgovernmentbyhelpingtokeepincheckthepoweroftheexecutive,andcontributestostrengtheningademocracy.ParliamentaryoversightcommitteesinPNGhaveneverperformedtotheirfullpotential.Theyhavefailedtoholdtheexecutivegovernmentaccountableby

scrutinizingthebillsbeforeParliament,investigatinggovernmentpolicies,andconductingappropriatereviewsandscreeningofappropriationbillsbeforeParliament.Onlyafewcommitteeshavebeeneffective,notably,thePublicAccountsCommitteeandtheConstitutionalLaws,ActsandSubordinateLegislationsCommittee.Nevertheless,eventheireffectivenesshasbeenovershadowedbythefactthatthemajorityoftheirrecommendations,particularlythePublicAccountsCommitteereports,aredroppedintothe‘toohardbasket’.Ontheotherhand,committeesliketheConstitutionalLawsandPlansandEstimateshavebecome‘rubberstamps’,forthegovernmenttobulldozethroughproposedlawsandthebudgetappropriations.Whataresomeoftheimmediatereasonshinderingtheseoversightcommitteesfromfullyperformingtheirfunctionsinparliament?Theyrangefromtheadministrationofthecommittees,totheproceduralprovisions,tothenatureofsupportcommitteesrequirefromparliamentitself.Firstandforemost,thesystemneedsstreamlining.Ofthe31committeesappointedaspermanent,thereare7sessionalcommitteesand24standingcommittees.Thestandingcommitteesareoversightcommitteeswhichfrequentlyhaveoverlappingfunctionsthatcomplicateandfrustratethecommitteesystemasawhole.Thesecondimportantreasonisthattherearerelativelyfewresourcesavailabletocommittees.Resourcesinvolvetwofactors–staffingandfunding.Withsuchalargenumberofcommitteesonewouldexpectadequatesecretariatstaff,staffwithrelevantqualificationsandexperiencetohandlecommitteeresponsibilitiesonallfronts.Furthermore,theremustbeadequatefundingforthecommitteestofunctionanddischargetheirresponsibilitieswell.Thesystemneedsmoreresources.Theoverarchingreasonistheneedtooperationalisetheroleandfunctionofcommitteesasprovidedforinthelegislation.TheConstitution,aswellasotherrelevantActsofParliament,includingtheStandingOrdersofParliament,hasprovisionsfortheestablishmentandworkofcommitteesbutthereisafailuretogiveeffecttothislegislationintheworkofcommitteesincurrentpractice.Thesearethreekeyreasonsthatmustbeaddressedfortheparliamentarycommitteesystemtobeeffectiveandworthwhile.However,itisperhapsthesizeofthecommitteesystemthatmattersthemost.ThePNGParliamentisasmalllegislaturecomparedtoothers,forexampleAustralia’sFederalParliamentortheParliamentoftheUnitedKingdom,andthesizeofitscommitteesystemappearstobedisproportionatelylarge.Thatthegovernmenthasfailedtoappointall31permanentcommitteesatoncespeakstotheurgentrequirementtoreducethenumberofparliamentarycommittees.Whatisneededisthepoliticalwilltomakethatchange,andwhilesuchchangemaynothappenovernight,theinadequaciesofthecurrentcommitteesystemmaygraduallydrivethismuchneededchange.WernerCohillistheActingDirectorofParliamentaryCommitteesatthePNGNationalParliament.TheviewsexpressedinthisarticledonotrepresentthoseoftheParliamentbutarehisown.

Theelephantintheroom:addressingcorruptioninPNG

ByEricKwaonNovember17,2017 ThereisageneralconsensusthatPapuaNewGuinea(PNG)isinadeepfinancialcrisis.ThecountryisindesperateneedofhelpfrombothwithinandoutsidePNG.Thepoliticalandbureaucraticleadershipisworkinghardtosustainthecountryunderthisfinancialclimate.TheGovernmenthasreachedouttotheinternationalcommunityforfinancialassistance.Therearesomepositiveresponses,whichisencouragingforthecountry.However,thisisatemporarymeasureandnotsustainable.Therealchallengeisdealingwiththeelephantintheroom–corruption–whichpermeatesallaspectsofPNGsociety.UnlessPNGtacklesthisproblemheadon,anyexternalorinternalinterventionstofinanciallyrescuethecountrywillbefutile.ThenewGovernmenthasacknowledgedthatimprovinggovernanceiscrucialtothefutureofPNG.TheGovernmentisnowembarkingonseveralinitiativestoimprovegovernancesystemstorestoreconfidenceinthegovernmentanditssystemsandprocesses.TheConstitutionalandLawReformCommission(CLRC)hasbeenpartytomanyoftheseinitiativesanditisinthiscontextthatIwouldliketosharewithyoutheseproposals.IfPNGistoimprovegovernanceandencourageinvestmentintheprivatesector,andstrengthenitsbureaucracytodeliverbasicandotherservicestothepeople,thenewGovernmentmustfirstofallcombatcorruptionasitsnumberonepriority.CorruptionisamajorproblemforPNG.In2016,itranked136ontheTransparencyInternational’sCorruptionPerceptionIndex,thesamerankingasGuatemala,Kyrgyzstan,Lebanon,MyanmarandNigeria.Asoneofthemostcorruptcountriesintheworld,PNGhasahugetaskaheadtoimprovethisimage.PNGsignedontotheUnitedNationsConventionAgainstCorruptionon22December2004andratifiediton16July2007.In2011,theGovernmentlaunchedtheNationalAnti-CorruptionStrategy.Afterthe2102NationalElections,theO’NeillGovernmentsupportedtheestablishmentofaninter-governmentanti-corruptionunitcalled‘TaskForceSweep’toinvestigateandprosecutecrimesofcorruption.ThisteamwasdisbandedabouttwoyearslaterwhenthePrimeMinisterwasimplicatedinacorruptionscandal.TheGovernment,however,in2014proceededtorequestthatParliamentapprovetheestablishmentoftheIndependentCommissionAgainstCorruption(ICAC)byamendingtheConstitution.AnewDivisionVIII.3underSection220oftheConstitutionwasinsertedthroughConstitutionalAmendmentNo.40,enablingtheestablishmentofICAC.

ThisconstitutionalamendmentpavesthewayfortheenactmentofanOrganicLawontheIndependentCommissionAgainstCorruptionanditsfullestablishment.In2015,theParliamenttookcarriageoftheproposedICACOrganicLawBill.TheBillwasreferredtotheParliamentaryCommittee,andunfortunatelythat’swhereitstayed.ThecurrentGovernmenthasfirmlyresolvedtotacklecorruption.AttheformationofthenewGovernment(theAlotauCampeventuallyformedGovernmenton4August2017),theAlotauAccordIIwasadopted,apoliticalstrategicplantoguidetheGovernmentthroughthefive-yeartermofthenewParliament.TheAlotauAccordIIsetsoutfivepriorityareasforthenewGovernment.Theseare:economicgrowth;infrastructure;lawandorder;education;andhealth.TheGovernmentacknowledgedthattodeliveronthesefivepriorities,itneededtoreformandstrengthenthesystemsandprocessesofgovernment.Akeyelementofthisstrategyistoimprovegoodgovernance–meaningfightingcorruption!ThePrimeMinisterhaspubliclyannouncedthattheGovernmentwouldliketointroducetheOrganicLawonICACeitherinthismonth’ssittingofParliament,orinFebruary2018.TheMinisterforJusticeandAttorneyGeneral,Hon.DavisSteven,hasbeentaskedwithfinalisingtheICACbillforpresentationtoParliament.ThekeyelementsoftheOrganicLawonICACare:

1. Purpose–themainpurposeofICACistoprevent,reduceandcombatcorruptconduct.

2. Jurisdiction–ICAC’sprimaryjurisdictionistoinvestigateandprosecute‘corruptconduct’of‘publicofficials’.Thedefinitionsofthesetwotermsarebroadandcoverawiderangeofcorruptconductbypublicservantsandpublicleaders.

3. Powersandfunctions–ICAChasawiderangeofpowersandcaninvestigateandprosecutethoseguiltyofcorruptconduct,eitherwiththesupportofotheragenciesoronitsown.

4. CompositionoftheCommission–ICACwillcomprisethreeCommissionerswhomustbepersonsofintegrity,andcanbenon-citizens.

5. Whistleblowers–therearestrongprovisionsfortheprotectionofwhistleblowers.

TherearethreemaincriticismsofthedraftOrganicLawonICAC:(1)powertoarrest;(2)powertoprosecute;and(3)unexplainedwealth.TheGovernmenthaslistenedandsoughtadvicefrompoliceandthePublicProsecutoronthefirsttwomatters.Inrelationtothefirstissue,thepolicehaveexplainedthattheConstitutionandrecentSupremeCourtdecisionsdeclarethatonlypolicecanmakearrestswhenthereareallegationsofcrimes.Withregardtothesecondissue,thePublicProsecutorhasindicatedthathewillnotbesharingthisconstitutionalfunctionwithanotheragency.OnlythePublicProsecutorhasthepowertodelegatehispowersofprosecutiontoanotheragencyorperson.ThefinalpointiscoveredbytheLeadershipCode,whichishandledbytheOmbudsmanCommission.ItistheOmbudsmanCommissionthatcanseekexplanationsfromleadersaboutunexplainedwealth.Forthepublicgenerally,theProceedsofCrimesActisalreadyinplacetocapturesuchinstances.

Inmyview,themostcriticalgoalatthemomentistoestablishICACandgetitoperational.TheConstitutionalAmendmentestablishingICACisalreadyinforce.PNGneedsonlytoenacttheOrganicLawonICACtofullyimplementandoperationaliseICAC.ItisencouragingtonotethattheGovernmentisseriousaboutICACandwantstoseeitestablishedsoonerratherthanlater.ThisisaneditedversionofalecturegivenbyEricKwa,SecretaryandCEOofthePNGConstitutionalLawReformCommission,atDevpolicyon15November2017.

ProposedPNGICAClegalframeworkneedsalotofwork

BySamKoimonMay1,2018

Thesettingupofacentralisedanti-corruptionagency(ACA)isanimportantdecisionforacountry,andin2014PapuaNewGuineatookthefirststep,amendingitsConstitutiontocreateanIndependentCommissionAgainstCorruption(ICAC).Althoughthiswasonthebackoftheprogressmadeby(nowabolished)InvestigationTask-ForceSweep(ITFS),thePeterO’NeillgovernmentwasunabletoprogresstheICAC,sincethePrimeMinisterhimselfbecamethesubjectofacorruptionallegationthatresultedinaprotractedlegalbattle.WiththeSupremeCourtdecisioninvalidatingthewarrantofarrestagainstPrimeMinisterO’NeillinDecemberlastyear,thegovernmentreneweditsinteresttoprogressthesettingupoftheICAC.Adraftorganiclawtoimplementthisconstitutionalbodyhasbeencirculatedaroundforpubliccomment.

Giventhesedevelopments,firstandforemostweshouldaskthequestion:dowereallyneedanICACwhenwehaveexistinglawenforcementagencies?Iftheanswerisyes,thenwhatACAstructureormodelwouldbebeneficialinthePNGcontext?ManycountrieshavedepartedfromrelianceontraditionallawenforcementagenciesandhaveestablishedACAs.Sadlythough,onlyafewhavesucceeded.CanwelearnfromtheirexperiencesanddesignanACAthatiscompatiblewithourownsettings?IfPNGistohaveanICACweneedtoacknowledgethattherearenumerousproblemswiththecurrentandproposedlegislation.Firstly,thedefinitionof“corrupt”conductstipulatedinthedraftorganiclawisnotonlyambiguous,butsubjectsICACtoduplicatethefunctionsoftheOmbudsmanCommissionandPolice.PursuanttotheOrganicLawontheDutiesandResponsibilitiesofLeadership,theOmbudsmanCommission’sremitincludessomeformsofcorruptionsuchasmisappropriation,conflictofinterest,and

bribery.TheCriminalCodeAct1974alsoempowerspolicetoinvestigateofficialcorruption,abuseofoffice,judicialcorruption,andbribery.Thedefinitionof“corruptconduct”underSection6oftheproposedICACorganicawisnodifferenttooffencesoftheexistinglaw.Secondly,therecently-amendedConstitutionprovideslittlerecognitionofthelimitationsofexistinglawenforcementagencies.Section220D(f)suggeststhattheICAC,afterithasconducteditsinvestigationsandissatisfiedthatcorruptconducthasbeencommitted,hastoreferthecasetoeitherthepoliceorthepublicprosecutorforfurtheraction.However,inPNGthepoliceareseverelyunder-resourcedandcanbecorruptthemselves.Thepublicprosecutorisoftenunaccountablefortheexerciseofitsownpower.AnewICACwillnotbeeffectivewithoutreformingexistinglawenforcementagencies.Whilstsomereformsmaybeincremental,therearesomethatneedtooccursimultaneouslytofeather-bedtheestablishmentoftheICAC.Lookingtoexamplesinothercontexts,Croatia,apartfromestablishingitsACA(USKOK)alsoestablishedanotherunit(PNUSKOK)withintheMinistryofInterior(police)tocollaborateandcooperatewithUSKOKincombatingcorruption.SingaporeandHongKonghavedemonstratedexemplaryprogressonreformingandrealigningpoliceandotheragencieswiththeirrespectiveACAs.Thirdly,moreneedstobedonetosimplifytheproposedICAClegislation.Thedraftorganiclawisconvolutedwithmattersdealingwithadministrationandprocedure,offencesandinvestigations,andwhistleblowersprotection,justtohighlightafew.Thereseemstobealotofduplicativeprovisionswithnodefinitepurposeandlogicalorganisationtoaidcomprehension.Forinstance,“Meaningofretaliates”(s.11),“MeaningofOccupationaldetriment”(s.12),and“Part8.ProtectionofPeopleofwhoassisttheCommission”,shouldbeseparatedintoaWhistleBlowerProtectionlegislation.Anotherexampleisthemandatoryrequirementundersection133(3)&(4)forinvestigatorstobeissuedandcarryidentitycardsatalltimes.ThisisanunnecessaryrequirementthatcanpotentiallyquestionthevalidityofactionsiftheinvestigatorsomehowdoesnotbeartheIDatthetimeoftakingcertainactions.Suchlengthystatutesrequiremoreefforttounderstandandincreasesthecomplianceburden.WecanlearnaboutthebenefitsofbrevityinlegislativeframeworksfromsuccessfulACAmodelslikeSingapore’sCPIBandHongKong’sICAC.InPNG,theorganiclawandtheConstitutionmustberevisedtomakethemconsistent,coherentandrobusttonotonlyenablethefightagainstcorruption,butalsowithstandanychallengesastheICACturnstheheatoncorruption.Finally,thelegislationneedstopaymoreattentiontopoliticalwillandthepoliticsofanti-corruption.Likeitornot,combatingcorruptionrequirestheunwaveringresolveofthePrimeMinister.TheforeshadowedcompositionoftheICACAppointmentCommitteeisthesameasthatoftheOmbudsmanCommission,exceptforthechairpersonofthePNGCouncilofChurches.Iconsideranotherframeworkwhereadelicatebalancehastobestruck.ThePrimeMinistermustbegiventheprerogativetonominatethecandidate(s),andthatpersonhastoundergoafitnesstestbyanindependentauthority.Theremovalcantakeasimilarpath.Inthatway,thePrimeMinistercommitsthepoliticalwilltoapersonofhischoicewhohasanimpeccablereputation.LessonscanbedrawnfromtheUnitedStatesofAmericarelatingtotheappointmentofcertaintopofficialssuchastheAttorneyGeneral.

Overall,thefundamentalquestionthatweshouldaskiswhethertheselegislativeframeworks,whenimplemented,willproducethedesiredpolicyoutcomeinaneffectivemanner.Idoubttheproposedstructurewillproducesucharesult.EstablishinganICACmustnotbejusta“tickingthebox”exercise.TheICACmustnotonlybeabletodoitsjobeffectivelybutmustalsobeabletoendure.So,doesPNGneedanICAC?GiventhesuccessofITFSandthesignificantproblemsofcorruptionIbelievePNGurgentlyneedssuchanorganisation.Butthatdoesn’tmeanwecreateanICACthatlookslikeatigeronpaperonly.PNGcannotaffordtocreateanorganisationthat,insteadoffightingthemonster(corruption),becomesthemonsteritself(corrupt).SamKoimisaPapuaNewGuineanlawyerwhosecareerhasfocusedonanti-corruptionefforts.HewasaPrincipalLegalOfficeratthePNGDepartmentofJusticeandAttorneyGeneral,andthenChairmanofInvestigationTaskForceSweep,PNG’smulti-agencyanti-corruptionbody.HeisaCouncilMemberofthePapuaNewGuineaUniversityofTechnology.

The economy ForeignexchangerestrictionsinPNG:costsandremedies

ByRohanFox,StephenHowes,NelsonAtipNema,MarcelSchröderonSeptember22,2017Threeyearsaftertheirintroductioninmid-2014,foreignexchange(FX)restrictionscontinuetobeinplaceasatJuly2017.UnofficialballparkestimatesofexcessdemandrangebetweenUS$300millionto1billion.Ina2017BusinessAdvantagesurveyofCEOs,60%nominatedaccesstoforeignexchangeas“themajorobstacle,…morethandoubleanyotherchallenge.”InterviewswithbusinessesrevealthattheyhavetospendsignificantlymoretimeonfindingFXandmanagingthecreditsituationwiththeiroverseassuppliers.Thisincreasestheiradministrativecosts,whicharelikelypassedontotheconsumers.Inaddition,firmsarepilingup“dollarized”debtwhenthereisdepreciatingpressureonthekina.TheexcessdemandforforeigncurrencyhasledtoasubstantialdelayintheprocessingtimeofFX-orders,whichisnowreportedtobebetween6and16weeks.TheprocessingdurationisafunctionoffluctuatingFXavailabilityandthepriorityofanorder,whichtheBankofPNG(BPNG)setsatitsowndiscretion.Thegeneralpatternisthatimportsofbasicfood(especiallyrice)andfuelarefavouredoverotherconsumergoods,orrawmaterialsforconstruction.DividendsandrepatriationarenearthebottomofBPNG’sprioritylist,andthemajorityofsuchordersdonotgetprocessedatall.Tograsptheseverityofthesituation,andtheextentofimport-compression,considertheshareofimportstoGDP.From1980,thevalueofimportstendstohoveraround50percentofGDP,butoverthepasttwoyearsimportshavecollapsedto15percentofGDP,withthestartofthesharpfallcoincidingwiththeimpositionoftheFX-restrictionsin2014.Thisdeclineinimportsisfargreaterthantheoneexperiencedin1994whenPNGunderwentacurrencycrisis.TheargumentcouldbemadethatthedecreaseinimportscouldbeoverstatedduetotheLNGproject,whichprovidedasubstantialboosttoGDP,withnocommensurateincreaseinthedemandforimports.However,importsasashareofnon-resourceGDP(thatis,GDPexcludingtheminingandoil/gassectors)havealsocollapsedto23percent.

ImportsasapercentageofGDPandnon-resourceGDP

Source:WDIandBPNG

TheforeignexchangerestrictionsareastrongindicationthatPNG’srealexchangerate(RER)issignificantlyovervalued.TheRERmeasuresthedomestic(Kina)priceofforeigngoodsrelativetodomesticgoods,andtakesintoaccountnotonlythemarketexchangeratebutalsothedifferencebetweendomesticandinternationalinflationrates.SincePNGisaresource-dependentcountry,theorysuggeststhatthereshouldbeastrongco-movementbetweentheKinaandcommodityprices.ThegraphbelowplotsPNG’sRERtogetherwiththetermsoftrade(TOT),whichprimarilyreflectsthestrengthofcommodityprices.TheRERandTOTindeedmovecloselytogether,butonlyduringtheboomupuntil2012.Sincetheendoftheboom,thetwoserieshavebeendiverginginthesensethatthetermsoftradedeclinewhiletheRERcontinuedtoappreciate.Thissuggeststhat,allelseequal,theRERhasbeguntodeviatefromitsequilibriumvalue,i.e.isovervalued.EconometricresultssuggestaRERovervaluationofabout20percent.

PNG’srealexchangerate(RER)andtermsoftrade(TOT)2000-2016

Source:WorldDevelopmentIndicators(WDI)

Thequickestandeasiestwaytocorrectarealovervaluationisthroughadepreciationofthenominalexchangerate.BPNGnowsetstheUSD-Kinaexchangerate.Between2015andearly2016,theKinalostitsvaluevis-à-vistheUSdollaratarateofabout1percentpermonth.However,theratehasremainedfixedatapproximatelyUS$0.31perKinasinceMarch2016.Whileinternationalexperienceshowsthatadepreciationwouldhavehugebenefits,itwouldalsohaveshort-runcosts.Whattypicallymakeshighlyimport-dependentcountriessuchasPNGreluctanttodevalueareconcernsaboutrisinginflation,especiallyinrelationtostaplefoods,e.g.rice.Moreover,adepreciationcausesafallinrealincomeforpredominantlytheurbanelitethatisoftenpoliticallyinfluential.Anotherreasonforthehesitationtodevalueistheprevalent“elasticitypessimism”,thebeliefthatPNGexportsareinelasticwithrespecttoprices,duetocapacityconstraints.However,thereisampleempiricalevidencethatarealdepreciationbooststheexportsofevenprimaryproduct-dependentlow-incomecountries.InPNG,depreciationwouldboostnotonlyagriculturalcommodityproducers(ofcoffee,cocoa,etc.)butalso

vegetableproducers(sincetheywouldbemoreabletocompeteagainstvegetableimporters).AcademicresearchshowsthatinPNG“smallholdersareresponsivetomarketopportunities”andsensitivetopricechanges,andthatdomesticfoodproductionexpandedsubstantiallyduetothedevaluationofthekinainthe1990s.ThelongeraRERovervaluationpersiststhemoredifficultacorrectiontypicallybecomesfromapoliticalperspective.ButinternationalexperiencealsosuggeststhateveryRERovervaluationneedstobecorrectedeventually.PNGisnoexception.Thegovernmentcouldallowtheexchangeratetoonceagaindepreciategradually(asitdidover2014and2015),butalargerdevaluationwouldbringforwardthebenefits.Itcoulddothiseitherbyfloatingtheexchangerateonceagain,orbyBPNGretainingcontroloftheexchangerate,butdevaluingit.Agoodsolutiontotheabovepoliticaleconomyproblemscouldbetheimplementationofatransitionaldualexchangeratesystem.Thiswouldoperateasfollows.Thecurrentofficialratecouldbemaintainedforimportantimports(e.g.food,essentialpharmaceuticals,andfuel),whereasasignificantlydepreciatedrate,perhapsevenonefreelydeterminedbythemarket,couldbeappliedtoallothertransactions.Tominimizetheeconomicdistortioncostsassociatedwithsuchapolicy,abindingtimelimitedof,say,18monthscouldbeimposedbeforetheexchangerateisunifiedagain.Severaldevelopingcountriesinthepasthaveusedthisdeviceasashort-termstrategytohelpdepreciatetheirovervaluedexchangerates.Thispostisbasedonthe2017PNGEconomicSurvey,authoredbyateamofANUandUPNGeconomists,andavailableathttps://devpolicy.crawford.anu.edu.au/publications.

LookingatthePNGeconomythroughataxlens

ByNelsonAtipNemaandStephenHowesonDecember8,2017PapuaNewGuinea’sgovernmentdependsalmostentirelyontaxrevenuereceivedfromvarioussourcesincludingtaxesonincome,profitsandcapitalgains,taxesonpayrollofworkforce,taxesongoodsandservices,andtaxesoninternationaltradeandtransactions.Taxrevenueservesasadirectmeasureofeconomicactivityandthewell-beingofcitizens.Inourearlierblogpost,almostayearago,wearguedthatthedeclineintaxrevenuewasindicativeofarecession,ormorespecificallyadeclineinnon-resourceGDP.Inthisblog,weupdateandexpandonthoseclaims.ResourcetaxationPNGisheavilyreliantonnaturalresources.Itisnosurprisethatminingandpetroleumtaxeshavedeclinedwiththedropincommodityprices.Itissurprisingthatthedeclineinrevenuehasbeensosevere(Figure1).Newresourceprojectsarenotpayingtaxesduetotaxholidays(RamuNickel)oraccelerateddepreciation(PNGLNG).Furtherresearchisneededtodeterminethereasonsforalackoftaxfromoldergold,copperandoilprojects.

Figure1:PNGmining&petroleumtaxes,2012-2017

Sourceandnotesforthisandsubsequentgraphs:PNGBudgetDatabase;2017revenuefiguresareestimates

andarefromtheMYEFO.Taxrevenueinthenon-resourcesectorsMostofPNG’spopulationisengagedinthenon-resourcesector.Threedifferentnon-resourcetaxessupporttheargumentofadeclineintheeconomy.Incometaxes,corporatetaxes(excludingfromresourcecompanies)andGSTallincreasedfrom2012to2014,buthavedeclinedsinceinnominalterms(Figure2).Thetaxongoods&servicesisperhapsthebestindicatorofthehealthoftheeconomy.ItsdeclinefromK1,669min2014toK1,443min2016isstrongevidencethattheeconomyhasbeeninarecession.

Thelatestestimatesfor2017showaslightpickupinnominaltermsinthesethreetaxessummedtogetherbutatlessthantherateofinflation,resultinginanongoingdeclineinrealterms(Figure3).

Figure2:PNGeconomy-widetaxes,2012-2017

Figure3:PNGmajoreconomy-widetaxessummedtogether,2012-2017

TaxcomplianceAnalternativeexplanationforthedeclineinrevenueisfallingtaxcompliance.Itispossiblethattherewasaone-offdeclineincompliancewiththeendoftheconstructionofthePNGLNGproject.Ingeneral,however,thereisnoreasontothinkthattaxcompliancehascontinuetofall.ThebudgetaryallocationtotheInternalRevenueCommission(IRC)hasbeenonanincreasingtrendsince2012,evenafterinflation(Figure4).DiscussionswithIRCmanagementandadviserssuggestedthatcompliancelevelshave,ifanything,beenincreasing,duetoincreasedfundsandcapacity.WeweretoldthatIRCstaffhadincreasedfrom324in2013to660currently.Figure4:InternalRevenueCommissionfunding(adjustedforinflation)

Source:Treasurydocuments.TheincreaseinstaffingcapacitybyIRC(doublingthenumberofstaff),togetherwithgovernmentpressuretoboostrevenuemakeithighlyunlikelythatthestoryisoneoffallingcompliance.Itismuchmorelikelytobeastoryoffallingoutput.Finally,wecanlookattheratioofnon-resourcetaxestonon-resourceGDP.Figure5showsasteepdeclinefrom30%in2014toanestimated21%thisyear.Whiletheratioclearlydoesfluctuate,andsomedeclinewouldhavebeenexpectedwiththeendingofthePNGLNGproject,itishardtoimaginewhythedeclineshouldbesosteepandpersistent.Thisalsosuggeststhatofficialoutputnumbersaretoooptimistic.

Figure5:Economy-widetaxesasaratioofnon-resourceGDP

Inconclusion,thisfurtheranalysisconfirmsourearlierargumentthatthedatasuggestaslowdownineconomicactivityin2015and2016.Thealternativeexplanationoffallingtaxcomplianceisnotconvincing.Thetaxdataismorepositivefor2017,butevenherethefactthatthethreemaineconomy-widetaxessummedtogetheraregrowingbylessthantherateofinflationsuggestthattherecessionhasmoderated,ratherthanaresumptionofeconomicgrowth.NelsonAtipNemaisaLecturerinEconomicsatSBPP,UPNG,andStephenHowesistheDirectorofDevpolicy.

Asensibleapproachtotacklingthebetelnutproblem

ByBusaJeremiahWenogoonMarch26,2018

Earlythisyear,theHon.PowesParkop,GovernorforPNG’sNationalCapitalDistrictCommission(NCDC),sentsocialmediaintoafrenzywhenheannouncedthathewouldre-introducetheinfamousandill-fatedbuai(betelnut)banonthepublicsaleandconsumptionofbetelnutifbetelnutchewersandvendorsdonot“clean-uptheiract”.Sincethen,theannouncementhastakenanewtwist,withtheCommissioncomingoutrecentlytoexplainthatitisimposinga“partialban”insteadoftheoriginallyplanned“totalban”onbetelnut.Thepartialbanwilltargetboththechewersandsellersofbetelnut,andwillrestrictsalesofbuaitoparticularareas,ratherthanbanningitoutright.Borokowillbeusedasamodeltotrialoutthepartialban.TheCommissionwasforcedtoexplainitsstanceonthebetelnutbanafterafewincidentsoccurred:thefirstinHohola,whereateargascanisterusedbypolicetodispersebetelnutvendorsalmostbecamefatalwhenitmadeitswayintothenearbyschool(ScaredHeartPrimarySchool);andthesecondanallegationthatpolicestrippedbetelnutvendorsinPortMoresbyasaformofpunishment.WhiletheAPECSummithascreatedanurgencytocleanupthecity,theseincidentsandpreviousexperiencepointstothecriticalneedforthegovernmenttotakeasensible–anddifferent–approach.Itisalreadyclearthatthelasttimethebanwasimposed(inOctober2013),itnotonlycostthetaxpayersmillionsofkinabutalsoledtothelossofhumanlives,destructionofthousandsofkinaworthofprivateproperties,andtheabuseofpowerbypoliceandbetelnutrangers–theverypeopleresponsibleforenforcingthelaw.Thecleanlinessofthecitydidimprove,butatthecostofthelivelihoodsofthousandsofitscitizens.Infact,areviewconductedin2017bytheNCDConthebetelnutbanfoundthatatotalbanonbetelnutwasnotthebestwayforwardforallstakeholders,includingchewersandvendors.Eventhepartialliftingoftheban–withtheintroductionofanumberofmarketsdesignatedforthesaleofbuai–hashadverylittleimpact.Confrontationsbetweenvendorsandbuaicityrangersisamajorconcern.Thecongestedspacewithindesignatedmarketsisabigissue,withcasesofconfrontationbetweenvariousfactionsofvendors.Furthermore,therecentbanisnotexclusivetobetelnut;itwilltargetotherinformaleconomicactivitiesaswell.Thismeansthatthebanwillhavewide-rangingimplicationsandasignificantimpactonmanyPortMoresbyresidentswhorelyoninformaleconomicactivitiesforsurvival.Anewapproachshouldbetaken,basedonmutualunderstandingandsharedownership.ThestartingpointforachievingsuchanoutcomeistheNCDC,whichshouldreachouttothevendorsandproducersofbetelnutandengagetheminaconsultationprocesstofindanamicablesolution.Aconsensusneedstobereached,withthe

intentionofgettingeveryoneonboardtoachievethedesiredobjective,whilealsoensuringthatlivelihoodsarenotadverselyaffected.Priortoimposingtheban,theNCDCshouldorganiseaforumtogaugetheviewsofthosewhowillbeaffectedbytheban.Theforumshouldprovideasetofrecommendationstotacklethebetelnutprobleminthecity.Abetelnutvendorsandproducersassociationshouldbecreated.Theleadersofthisassociationshouldworkwiththeauthoritiestoironoutanyissuesanddevelopanamicablewayforward.Toitscredit,theNCDChasalreadyset-up11associationsformarketvendorsoperatingoutofGordonsandGerehuMarket.However,thereisaneedtoelevatethelineofcommunicationtotheOfficeoftheGovernorortheCommissionsothatconcernscanbepromptlyaddressed.Secondly,theforumshouldrecognisethegapintermsofpolicy.WhiletheNationalInformalEconomyPolicyexists,aseparatepolicyonbetelnutshouldbedeveloped,giventhenatureoftheproblemsassociatedwiththetradingandconsumptionofbetelnutandthefactthatbetelnuthasnationaloutreach.Theforumshouldalsofeaturediscussionaroundthesettingupandstrengtheningoftheroleoftrainedfoodandhealthinspectors.Thebetelnutvendorsassociationshouldbeworkwiththeseinspectorstoensurecompliance,particularlyonsection13(4)oftheInformalSectorDevelopment&ControlAct2004.Amemorandumofunderstanding(MOU)shouldbesignedtofacilitatethis.Lastbutnottheleast,thereshouldbediscussionbetweenvendorsandtheNCDConhowbesttostrikeabalancebetweenover-regulationandunrestrictedselling.Thereneedstobeanunderstandingthatunlikemarijuanaandhomebrew,theactofproducing,consumingandtradingbetelnutisnota‘crime’aspertheSummaryOffencesActortheCriminalCodeAct.Subsequently,itwillbeworthwhiletoseeklegaladviceontheimpositionofthebanduringtheforum.DiscussionshouldfocusontheprosandconsofthebetelnutbaninlightofPNG’scurrenteconomicenvironment(highunemployment,risingpopulation,rural-urbandrift,highcostofliving),policyclimate(financialinclusion,SMEDevelopment),healthindicators,andculturalcontext.Lessonscanbedrawnfromothercountrieswhereabetelnutbanhasbeenimposed,inordertodeterminetheextentofitsbenefitsandcosts.Thisshouldbecomplementedbydiscussionsaroundtheutilisationofalternativeapproachestotacklingthebetelnutproblem.Therearealreadyplanstosetupswholesalemarketat8Miletocontroltheflowofbetelnutintothecity.Thewholesalemarketwilldistributebetelnutintoregulatedareasonly.It’saninitiativespearheadedbyHonJohnKaupa,thenewMemberforMoresbyNorthEast,andGovernorParkop.AsimilarinitiativewasmootedbyGovernorParkopwhenthebuaibanwasfirstintroduced.Thisideawouldinvolvetheengagementofaprivatecompany(AskopinaLtd)tobuyandthenselldehusked/packedbetelnut,andhasnotyetmaterialised.Inbothcases,widerconsultationisneededtoensuretheproposedplansaresupportedbyallpartiesconcerned.ThereareconstituencieswithinPNG,suchasKokopoandAlotau,wheretheircitizens’chewingethicsandcommonsensehashelpedpreventbetelnutstainsandwastefromtarnishingtheimageofthetowns.Perhapsthegovernmentcouldlookatstandardisingthesechewingethics/commonsenseintheformofinstructionbookletstobemadepublictoassistchewersfromotherpartsofPNGtochewresponsibly.Goingfurther,

theseethicscanbeenshrinedinlaws/rulesandregulations.Intheabsenceofthis,theInformalSectorDevelopment&ControlAct2004providesaguidetoregulatebetelnuttradeandconsumption.Regularawareness-raisingiskeytoembeddingtheseethics/commonsenseintobetelnutchewers.Clearly,theunderlyingbetelnutprobleminthecityislargelyduetoirresponsiblechewing.Inaddition,healthauthoritiesandtheMedicalResearchInstitute(MRI)shouldconductregularresearchontheeffectsofthebetelnutonchewersandthepublic.Thesefindingsshouldbemadepubliclyavailabletoinformdecision-makingbyauthorities,chewersandpublicalike.Theyshouldalsodelveintodeterminingtheacceptablelevelsofcombination(betelnut,mustard&lime)anditseffectonchewers’healthgiventhevaryingamountsofingredientsusedbychewers.Intheabsenceofinformationthereareallkindsofmisconceptionsthatwillonlyleadtobadchoices.HealthproblemsinPNGshouldbetackledinaholisticmanner,ratherthanbyjusttargetingbetelnut.Alcoholconsumptionandsmokingalsocontributesignificantlytodeathsandlifestylediseases.Furthermore,theabuseofalcoholcomparedtobetelnuthasahighcostonsocieties,leadingtoproblemslikedomesticviolence,familyconflicts,marriagebreakups,underagedrinking,andrape.Inthesamesense,aholisticapproachtotacklinglitterinthecityshouldbeused.Betelnutisnottheonlyproductgeneratingrubbish.Plastics,bottles,smokebutts,papers,emptycans,foodwaste,etc.areallformsofrubbishthattheNCDCmustaddressalongwithbetelnut.TherearecountriessuchasTaiwanwherebetelnutischewedby90%ofthetotalpopulationandisresponsibleforahugerevenuewindfallforthegovernment.However,facedwithrisingcasesoforalcancer,thegovernmentwasforcedtoprovidesubsidiesasincentivesforbetelnutproducerstostopproducingbetelnut.Domestically,PNG’sbetelnutindustryisestimatedtobeworthinexcessofonehundredmillionkinaperyear.Combinethatfigurewithrevenuegeneratedthroughexportsandyouhaveagoldmine.ItssignificanceforPNG’seconomyisreflectedbyitshighweightinthecountry’sCPI(10%).PNG’snationalsecurityisatstakeduringAPEC2018,andthelastthingweneedisforpoliceofficerstobestretchedthinkeepingpeaceonthestreetsbetweenauthoritiesandbetelnutsellerswhilealsotryingtoprotectthevisitingleadersanddelegates.Inaddition,wewanttoavoidscenesofpolice/rangerschasingafterbetelnutvendorswhileourguestsarehere.Weneedtomoveawayfromdealingwiththe‘betelnutproblem’onanad-hocbasisandinsteadworktowardsfindingalastingsolution.Itallstartswithtakingasensibleapproachtowardsaddressingtheproblem,andthatsensibleapproachrevolvesaroundtheneedtofindanamicablesolutiontothebetelnutproblem.Thebanhasalreadyhadnegativeeffects,howeveritishopedthatasensiblesolutionwillcomeaboutafterNCDCreviewstheimplementationofitsnewpartialbaninsixmonths’time.BusaJeremiahWenogoisaneconomistwhoworkswithPNG’sConsultativeImplementation&MonitoringCouncilasaSeniorProjectOfficerspecializingintheinformaleconomy.

LowdemandformicrocreditinPapuaNewGuinea

ByDekJoeSumonApril24,2018Theconceptofmicrofinanceisnotnew.Theformofmicrofinanceservicesweseetodayislargelyderivedfromthecommunity-basedmutualcredittransactionsthatexistedcenturiesagoandthatwerebasedpurelyontrustandnon-collateralborrowingsandrepayments.ThefirstmicrofinanceserviceinPapuaNewGuinea(PNG)wasintroducedbytheAsianDevelopmentBank(ADB)in2002undertheMicrofinanceandEmploymentProject.Today,microfinanceservicesinPNGaresuppliedthroughthestate-ownedNationalDevelopmentBank,fivelicensedmicrobanks,21savingsandloanssocieties(SLS)andaround70smallcommunity-basednon-governmentorganisations.Whilethesefinancialinstitutionshavesuccessfullyreachedouttomorethan43,000microcreditborrowersand250,000depositorsinPNGovertheyears,themicrofinanceindustryhasbeenfacingtheproblemofdisproportionatelylowdemandforborrowingsincomparisontosavingsdepositssinceinception.ThisproblemwasfirsthighlightedintheMicrofinanceandEmploymentProject’scompletionreportpreparedbyADBin2010.ItisalsoreflectedinthedatapreparedbyMicrofinanceInformationExchange(MIX),whichshowsthattheloan-to-deposit(LTD)ratioofPNG’smicrofinanceindustryrangedfrom52-58%between2013and2018.Thisimpliesthatforeverykinadepositedinamicrofinanceinstitution(MFI)inPNG,only55toeaarelentoutasaloantothepublic.

TheLTDratioisusuallyusedasameasuretoevaluatetheliquidityandfinancingstructureofafinancialinstitution,andtodeterminewhetheritiscapableofself-fundingorrequiresexternalfinancing.WhilethereisnogeneralruleofthumbforwheretheoptimalLTDratiolies,theMFIsinPNGhavebeenexperiencingamuchlowerLTDratiothantheglobalandregionalaveragestandardovertheyears.TheabovegraphshowsthattheEast-AsiaandPacificregion,whichcomprises136MFIsin14countries(includingPNG),hasatrackrecordofissuingloansatleasttwotimesthevalueof

depositsin2014and2015.Moreimportantly,PNGremainstheonlycountryintheregionwithaLTDratiooflessthanone.Thisimpliesthattheremaybeexcessiveliquidityinthecountry’sMFIsthatisnotfullyutilisedforloanpurposes.Operationalself-sufficiency(OSS)isameasureusedtoevaluateMFIsustainability.Itassessestheabilityofafinancialinstitutiontocoveritsoperationalandfinancialexpenseswithitsrevenues.Thedatainthesecondfigureshowsthatthecountry’sMFIsonaveragejustbarelyachievedself-sufficiency,at101.6%and99.4%in2015and2016respectively.Whileallfivesavingsandloansocieties(SLS)inthesurveysamplerecordedmorethan100%self-sufficiency,themicro-banksonaveragehavenotbeenableto.Thisimpliesthatonaveragetherevenuesreceivedbythemicro-banksarenotlargeenoughtocovertheirexpenses.ThisresultisnotsurprisinggiventhattheSLSonlyissueloanproductsexclusivelytotheirmembersandhavefewbranches.Themicro-banksontheotherhand,experiencehighoperationalcostsassociatedwithprovidingservicestothegeneralpopulationbysettingupbranchesandestablishingfinancialagentsinthemostruralandremoteregionsofthecountry.However,thesituationfacedbythemicro-bankscouldbeimprovedwithanincreaseinthedemandofloansfromthepopulation.Asmostoftheunutilisedfundsfromthesurplusofdepositsoverloansareusedtoinvestingovernmentandtreasurybills,withreturnsrangingfrom4.7%(182-dayT-bill)to8.0%(364dayT-bill),theMFIscouldhaveeasilyearnedmuchmorebyissuingmoreloansatahigherinterestrate.

TheongoinglowLTDrateintheMFIscertainlydecreasestheeffectivenessofwhatmicrofinancecandotohelpthepoor.Whiletherearemanydifferentservicescoveredundertheumbrellatermofmicrofinance,suchasmicro-insuranceandmicro-leasing,microcreditundoubtedlyformsthecoreofmicrofinanceasitistheonlychannelwherebypeoplelivinginpovertycangainaccesstoextramoney(credit)forpersonaluseandwealthcreation.Lowerdemandformicrocreditamongruralandlow-incomehouseholdsleadstolowerwealthcreation.Thisprevailingproblemisnotonlyimpedingeffortstoreducepovertyeffectively,itisalsohamperingthegovernment’sinitiativestopromotegrowthinlocalbusinessownershipandexpandthecountry’staxbase.

ItisimportanttonotethatthelowLTDratioisasector-wideproblemanddoesnotonlyaffectthemicrofinanceindustry.Infact,PNG’sbankingandfinancialsectorhasthelowestLTDratioofanycountryinthePacific.ThePNGgovernmentneedstodevelopamorecomprehensivepolicytoaddressthelackoflendinginthecountry.Financialincentivessuchasaninterestratecaportheuseoflessstringentcollateralrequirementsmaynotbesufficientormayevenbecounterproductive.Rather,thegovernmentneedstoimprovethebusinessenvironmentinPNGsothatthegeneralpopulationisabletodevelopbankableprojects.Increaseddemandforcreditandgreaterlendingwillthenfollow.DekSumisaVisitingAssociateLecturerinEconomicsatSBPP,UPNGandtheANU-UPNGProjectCoordinatorwithDevpolicy,basedinPortMoresby.Education, health and communications ‘Free’educationpolicyinPNG:ataleoftwoprovinces

ByGrantWalton,TaraDavdaandPeterKanaparoonAugust11,2017 ThePNGgovernment’sTuitionFeeFree(TFF)policy–introducedin2012–wasacentralpillaroftheO’Neillgovernment’sfirstterminoffice.Overtheyears,thispolicyhaschangedsignificantly;schoolshavebeenbannedfromcharginganyofficialfees(until2015theywerestillallowedtochargefeesforprojects).Thepolicyhasalsosoughttorecentralisethedistributionofsubsidiestothedistrictlevel,throughDistrictEducationImplementationCommittees(DEICs).Whiletherehasbeenmuchspeculationaboutthesechanges,therehasbeenlittlerecentempiricalevidencefromschoolsandsub-nationaladministrationstoinformdebate.InourrecentDevelopmentPolicyCentreDiscussionPaper,welookathowthesepolicychangeshaveimpactedasmallnumberofschools(n=10)anddistrictsintwoprovinces:EastNewBritainandGulf.Researchersvisitedthesameschoolsinboth2012and2016.Thedifferencebetweenthesetwoprovincesisstark:in2012,90percentofparentsinEastNewBritainclaimedthatmostchildrenintheircommunityattendedschool,comparedtoonly37percentinGulf(seepageixofthispdf).HowhavechangestotheTFFpolicyimpactedschoolsandadministratorsintheseverydifferentcontexts?TheTFFpolicyhasimprovedaccesstoschooling–oneofitskeyobjectives–particularlyinEastNewBritain.Indeedsomeschoolsintheprovincewerestrugglingtocopewithenrolmentsincreases,withadistrictofficialnotingthat:

BeforetherewasnoTFF,youcouldnotseecrowdedclassrooms…andthenpeoplesawthemoneycome.Assoonasitwasmentionedthateducationwasfree,allourclassroomsbecameovercrowded.InGulf,however,schoolsvisitedhadexperiencedadeclineinenrolmentsduetopoorqualityschooling.Oneteachernotedthatstudentshave“quitbecausetherewerenomaterials.”Thissuggeststhatfreeeducationpoliciesthatfocusongettingstudentsintoschools,withoutconcurrentlyimprovingqualityeducation,canleadtostudentsdevaluingeducation.Thisthreatensthegovernment’sgoalofincreasingschoolaccessinsomeplaces.WhileschoolsinGulffacedsignificantchallenges,manyinsurroundingcommunitiesworkedtoimprovetheirschools.Forinstance,someschoolsensuredteachersandcommunitymembersjointlymonitoredstudentsandreprimandedparentsontheirchildren’snon-attendance.Asoneteachersaid:Ifthereisaconsecutive21-dayabsence,parentsmustcomeandexplain…Ifthere’snogoodreason,[thematteris]handedovertotheBoM[BoardofManagement].Ortheyareaskedtotransfertoanotherschool.Whilecommunities,particularlyinremoteareas,playacrucialroleinmanagingschools,theycannotprovidequalityeducationwithoutsupportfromthegovernmentandotherserviceproviders.TheTFFpolicybansschoolsfromchargingparentsfees;however,manyschoolsarenotfollowingthisdirective.Nineoutofthetenschoolswevisitedwerenotadheringtothegovernment’sban,andchargeshadincreased(i.e.,goingtoschoolbecamemoreexpensive)between2015and2016.Thiswaspartlyaresultoflateanderraticdeliveryofgovernmentsubsidies;itwasalsoareflectionoftheabsenceofotherfundingsources.Wefoundthatchurch-runschoolsinparticularwerethreatenedbythesefactors.SincetheintroductionoftheTFFpolicy,churchschoolshavebecomefarmorereliantonnationalgovernmentfunding(churchschoolswevisitedwereevenmorereliantongovernmentfundingthangovernment-runschools),andchurchadministratorsnowplaydiminishedroleinschoolmanagementandoversight.Enforcedrelianceongovernmentfundinghasresultedinanationaldisputeoverlegalrightofchurchschoolstochargefees.Giventhatchurchesplayasignificantroleintheprovisionofeducationalservices,andthegovernmentsubsidyisnotoriouslylate,thereactionofchurchadministratorsisunsurprising.Ourfindingssupportcallstoreinstatebothprojectfeesandchurchagencyfeestoallowschoolstomanagefundingshortfalls.Ourpaperalsoshowsthateducationstandardsofficers(whoareemployedbytheNationalDepartmentofEducation,andarestationedatdistrictadministrations)playacrucialroleinmonitoringspendinganddisputeresolution.Forexample,theyhelpmediatedisputesaboutschools’BoardsofManagement–disputeswhichappeartobebecomingmoreacutegiventheriseinfundingassociatedwiththesepositions.However,manystandardsofficers,particularlyinGulfprovince,havebecomedisheartenedwiththeirjob.OnestandardsofficerinGulfsaid:

I’vecomeaverylongway,butIgiveup.Ihavethewillpowerbutnotthemeanstogointomyschools.Itisveryfrustrating.Iamnot[supposedtobe]anofficeworker,yetIsithereallday…Thereisnomoneyfortravelling,normoneyforphotocopying.

Anotherbrokedownandcriedwhendescribingthedifficultiestheyfaced,whilesomereportedtakingonpersonaldebtinordertovisitremoteschools.Standardsofficersneedtwothings:resourcesandinformation.ResourcesaremostdesperatelyneededinGulf,wherestandardsofficersarebecomingincreasinglydemoralized.Therearealsosignsthatthemostbasicinformationaboutschoolfundingisfailingtomakeitswaytoschools.Norisinformationaboutschoolsmakingittoadministrators.Forexample,wefoundsenioradministratorsandstandardsofficersinbothprovinceswhodidnotknowhowmuchfundingeachschoolwassupposedtoreceive.Thisneedstoberectified.Itishearteningthattherehavebeensomestepsmadetowardimprovinginformationsharing,withSecretaryforEducationUkeKombraannouncinginlate2016thatprovincialTFFcoordinatorshadbeenappointedacrossthecountry.Itisimportantthatthesecoordinatorsareproperlyresourced,andhaveappropriateinformationaboutschoolpaymentsandschoolsintheirprovince.Theproposedrecentralizationoffunds–fromschoolstodistrictadministrationsthroughDEICs(with30percentoffundssettobeadministeredbythisinstitution)–isstillslatedtooccur.Ourfindingssuggestthattherearethreekeyproblemswiththispolicy.First,itwilllikelyincreasethecostofinfrastructure,particularlyifcontractorsratherthancommunitiesareinvolvedindrawingonthesefunds.Second,itislikelytofurtherempowerMPsandleadtoastrengtheningofpatronagepolitics,particularlyinprovincessuchasGulfwheretheadministrationsystemisalreadystretched.Third,becausepreviouspromisestobolsterfundingforeducationprojectswithindistrictshavenotmaterialised,thereisgrowingsuspicionamongadministratorsandschoolsthatDEICswillnotbeableorwillingtodistributefundsallocatedtothem.Wesuggestthattherolloutofthispolicybedelayeduntildistrictadministrationsarebetterestablished,andthereisgreaterseparationbetweenadministratorsandpoliticians.Whiletheschoolswevisitedarecasestudies,ourfindingspointtothetypesofchallengesthatschoolsandsub-nationaladministratorsarelikelytofaceacrossthecountry.Itsuggestspolicymakersnowneedtofocusonthelesspoliticallypopularaspectsofeducationpolicy,suchasimprovingteacherquality,andoversightandmonitoring.Italsomeansbeingbraveenoughtorollbackpoliciesthatwillharmqualityeducation,particularlymovestotakeevenmorefundingawayfromschoolsthroughestablishingDEICsatdistrictadministrations.IntherushtoincreaseaccesstoschoolingacrossPNG,theproblemsassociatedwithchangestotheTFFhavebeenoverlooked.Withthenewgovernmentvowingtolearnfrompastmistakes,nowisthetimetoaddresstheseunintendedconsequencesofeducationreform.GrantWaltonisaFellowandTaraDavdawasaResearchOfficerwithDevpolicy.PeterKanaparoisalectureratSBPP,UPNG.

Theworld’smostcommonchildhooddisease:theburdenandthesolutionforPNG

ByBarryReedonMarch8,2018Theworld’smostcommonchildhooddiseaseaffectsover90%oftheworld’schildren.Itischronic,non-communicable,neglected,andthemostcommoncauseofpain(80%ofchildrenwillexperiencepainfromit). WhatdiseaseamIreferringto?Dentaldisease,usuallyfromtoothdecay.ManyPacificnations,includingPapuaNewGuinea,areexperiencingthegrowingproblemofdentalpain,whichcanbealleviatedthroughthecontrolofdentaldisease.OnesurveyofsixvillagesintheWesternProvinceshowedthattherewerethreeuntreateddiseasedteethperperson.Thereisonlyonedentistper90,000peopleinPNG,anoverwhelmingnumberofpatientsforPNGdentists.DuringmytimeinPNG,Iremovedtwelveabscessedteethfromthemouthofonefour-year-oldgirl,whowasinsomuchpainthatshecouldonlyeatbananas,whichclearlyaffectshergeneralhealth.Shehadalreadybeeninpainforhalfofherlife,astherewasnolocaldentist.ThisburdenisonlysettoincreaseasPNG’spopulationisexpectedtodoubleinthenexttwelveyears.PNGneedseffectiveandpermanentpreventionofdentaldisease,andtheyneeditsoon.Worldwide,therearethreepreventativemethodsforreducingdentaldisease.However,onlyoneispracticalforPNG:saltfluoridation,ortheadditionoffluoridetocommonly-consumedtablesalt.Thismethodhasbeeneffectivefor300millionpeoplein30countriesacrossEuropeandAmerica,andbenefitsawidevarietyofpeople:children,adults,theruraldisadvantaged,andtheurbanpoor.Thecost-benefitratioofsaltfluoridationis1:240,whichmeansthatforevery$1investedinprevention,$240issavedinfuturefillingsandtoothextractions.Inaddition,itonlycostslessthantencentsperpersonperyear.Saltfluoridationresultsintherapidreductionoftoothdecay,of10%peryear,whichisamassivepermanentreductionof50-65%injustfiveyears.Thiswouldbeafantasticpublichealthachievement,anditssafetyhasbeenprovenbyresearch,particularlyasitdoesnotincreasetheconsumptionofsalt.SohowdoesthispreventionofdentaldiseaseenhanceAustralia’sdevelopmentimpact?AustraliaprovidessubstantialsupporttoeducationandhealthinPNG.Australia’seducationaldevelopmentimpactisreducedbydentaldiseasebecausechildrenmissschoolduetothepaintheyareexperiencing,andtheireducationsuffers.Adultswithstrongpaincannotworkorarelessproductiveatworkduetothepain.Thisresultsinanongoinglosstotheeconomyandextracoststothehealthsystemforpainrelief.

Reduceddentaldiseasewouldincreaseschoolattendanceandproductivityatworkplaces,enhancingAustralia’saidimpact.Imakethreerecommendationsforthistowork.

1. AppealforasmallamountofaidforanationalfluoridemappingstudybyPNGdentalpostgraduates.

Thisresearch,onanationalscale,wouldverifymyinitialresearchthatshowsthatfluoridelevelsindrinkingwaterisverylowacrossPNG.Ifweknowdefinitivelythatfluoridelevelsarelownationally,weknowthatfluoridatedsaltissuitableforthecountryasawhole.

2. ProvideaidtoPNGdentalpostgraduatestoeducatethepeopleandgovernmentintheeffectivenessandsafetyoffluoridatedsalt,gaintheirapproval,andpromotetheneedforactionnow.

Thisiskey,aseveryoneneedstobeonboardforthistowork.

3. Dentaldiseasetakesawaytheenjoymentoflife.Itspainisstealingawaythesmilesofchildren.Actiontofundandlegislateforfluoridatedsaltwillbringthesesmilesback.Actionandaidnowwillenhancethehealthandimpactthelivesandwellbeingofchildrenwithinfiveyears.Withoutfluoridatedsalt,thereisnorealisticsolutionforthesufferingchildrenofPNG.DrBarryReedisanoralandmaxillofacialsurgeoninNewcastleandMaitland,NSW,andhasbeenanOMSspecialistinOncologyattheNewcastleCalvaryMaterHospitalandJohnHunterHospitalforover20years.AsaformerKokodaTrackFoundationandYWAMaidvolunteerandteacher,hehasmadeeightaidvisitstoPNGinthelast5years.

CompulsorySIMcardregistrationinPapuaNewGuinea

ByAmandaHAWatsononJanuary24,2018 TheSIMcardregistrationdeadlineinPapuaNewGuinea(PNG)hasnowbeenextendedtoApril30.Thedeadlinewastobetoday,butoveramillionmobilephonesarenotyetregistered.Allpre-paidmobilephoneSIMcardsmustberegisteredwithaserviceprovider(Digicel,bmobileVodafoneorTelikom)beforethenewdeadline.Ifconsumersdonotregisterintime,eithertheirSIMcardwillbedeactivatedortheoperatorwillreceiveafinefromtheNationalInformationandCommunicationsTechnologyAuthority(NICTA)forcontinuingtooperateunregisteredSIMcards.ASIMisaSubscriberIdentityModulelinkedtoauser’sphonenumberandusuallylookslikeasmallcomputerchip.IfaSIMcardceasestofunction,themobilephoneitisinsertedintowillnotwork;theuserwillnotbeabletomakecalls,sendtextmessagesandsoon.Registrationinvolvesauserprovidingtothemobilephonecompanytheirname,proofofidentityandotherdetails.Therequirementappliestoallpre-paidSIMcardsinthecountry:thosewhichrequireausertoaddcreditbeforetheycanmakeaphonecall,sendatextmessageorusedata.Theregistrationexercisedoesnotapplytopost-paidSIMcards(thatis,mobilephonesforwhichauseroremployerpaysabillattheendofeachmonth),asmobilephonecompaniesalreadyhavecontactdetailsfortheseusers.Invariouscountries,SIMcardregistrationhasbeenlegislated.Governmentsoftenadoptsuchapolicyinorder“tohelpmitigatesecurityconcernsandtoaddresscriminalandanti-socialbehaviour”.InPNG,similarmotivationsforthepolicyhavebeenexpressed,includingtheneedtohaveincreasedsecurityintimefortheAPECmeetinginPortMoresbylaterthisyear.Aconcernthoughisthat“todate,therehasbeennoempiricalevidencethatmandatorySIMregistrationdirectlyleadstoareductionincrime”.Indeed,inMexico,thetheftofhandsetsincreasedafterasimilarpolicywasintroduced,likelybecause“criminalsstolehandsetstoavoidtheriskofbeingtraced”.MexicosubsequentlyabandonedtheirSIMregistrationpolicyandlaterintroducedaschemeforregisteringhandsets.SeveralcountriesinLatinAmericahaveoptedforhandsetregistrationinordertoaddresshandsettheft.Proofofidentityissuesareamajorconcern,asthemajorityofpeopleinPNGliveinruralareasanddonothavewrittenidentificationsuchasadrivers’licenceorpassport.Theglobalpeakbodyformobilephonecompanieshassuggestedthatthe“effectivenessofSIMregistrationsolutionsalsodependsontheavailabilityandpervasivenessofnationalidentityschemes”.InPakistan,SIMregistrationhasbeensuccessfullyestablished,baseduponanationalidentityschemeincorporatingbiometricdata.InPNG,theNationalIdentification(NID)projecthasbeenestablished,butitisaverychallengingundertakingandtodatehasonlyregisteredafractionofcitizens.Issuesof

identificationremainedasignificantchallengeduringthe2017nationalelection,andconcernsregardinginaccuraciesintheelectoralrollwereraised.WhileillegalsaleofNIDcardshasbeenuncovered,NIDcouldpotentiallyassistwitharangeofactivitiesinthefuture,includingelections.InDecember,IwasremindedabouttheneedtoregistermySIMcardsthroughpromotionalmessages,suchasadvertisementsonradioandtelevisionproducedbymobilephonecompaniesandNICTA.IregisteredabmobileVodafoneSIMcardeasilyandquicklyatabmobileVodafoneretailoutletinPortMoresby.Astaffmembercompletedmydetailsusingatablet.Informationrequiredincludedmyname,address,sex,anddateofbirth.Iwasgiventheimpressionthatitwasnotpossibletoleaveanyfieldsblank.IusedmyPNGdrivers’licenceasproofofidentity.IalsoneededtoregisteraDigicelSIMcard,buttherewerealwaysqueuesatDigiceloutletsandtheregistrationprocessitselfalsoseemedlengthier.IhadtocompleteapaperformandthenastaffmemberenteredallmydetailsontoatabletwhileIwaited.Myphotographwastakenandaconfirmationcodewassenttomymobilephone.Ineededtoprovidethisinorderfortheregistrationprocesstobecomplete.Iwantedtoleavesomefieldsblank,butwastoldbythestaffmemberthatifIdidsomyregistrationwouldnotbeacceptedasvalid.ThereweresomequestionsaboutDigicelservices,suchasmobilemoney,whichhadbeenincluded.Again,IusedmyPNGdrivers’licenceasproofofidentity.Iwasgivenacopyofthepaperformtokeep,andwastoldthatitwouldbehandyifIeverneedtore-activatethephonenumber(forinstance,ifmyhandsetisstolen).Forme,theregistrationprocesswastime-consumingandraisedquestionsaboutprivacyanddatasecurity.Iworryaboutpersonaldetailssuchasmydateofbirthbeingheldindatabasesbelongingtocommercialentities.Foranilliterateorsemi-literatePNGcitizenwithnodrivers’licenceorotherformofwrittenidentification,theprocessmustbechallengingandconfronting.Toaddressthischallenge,thelegislationallowsforpeopletousealetterfromareputablepersonsuchasapastororvillagecourtofficialasameansofidentification.Nonetheless,manypeoplelivealongwayfromretailoutletsandthustheymustbeincurringtransportcostsandmakingasubstantialeffortinordertoregistertheirSIMcards.WhileSIMcardregistrationissupposedtobefreeofcharge,sourcessuggestthatsub-contractorsinsomeprovincesarechargingconsumersfiveKinatoregister.Foralltheeffortbeingmadebyconsumersandtelecommunicationcompanies,Iwonderabouttheextenttowhichtheprocesswillleadtotangiblebenefitsforthecountry.Certainly,theexerciseiscostingtheoperatorsmoney,ashasalsobeenobservedelsewhere.Insomeplaces,forinstanceNigeria,theregulatorybodyhasshoulderedregistrationcosts.Theremayalsobeariskthatvulnerableorsociallymarginalisedpeopleareexcludedfromtheopportunitytoownandusemobilephones.Theextensionofthedeadlinemaygivemoreconsumersachancetoavoidbeingcutoff,buttheregistrationofSIMcardsinPNGremainsasignificantlogisticalchallenge.Whensimilarinitiativeshavebeenintroducedinothercountries,deadlineshavebeenextended,butnonethelessSIMcardshavebeendeactivatedafterthefinaldeadline.Deactivationwouldlikelyresultindecreasedrevenueforoperatorsandthegovernmentthroughtaxes.

Butperhapsmoreimportantly,thispolicycouldleadtoanabsenceoftwo-waycommunicationindisadvantagedcommunitiesinPNG.Ifthefewactivemobilephonesincertainremotevillagesarecutoff,thiscouldhavenegativeimplicationsregardingtime-criticalemergencycommunication,suchasforchildbirthcomplicationsandnaturaldisasters.Citizensinsuchplacesmayneedtoovercomefurtherhurdlesinordertoensurethattheyarenotleftevenfurtherbehind.Dr.AmandaHAWatsonisaDevpolicyVisitingLecturerinPublicPolicyatSBPP,UPNG.Asmartphoneadaykeepsthedoctoraway:mobilesandhealthinPNG

ByMikaelaSeymouronNovember10,2017

HealthservicesinPapuaNewGuineaaremainlyprovidedbyCommunityHealthWorkers(CHWs),whohavetwoyearsoftrainingprovidedbyHealthColleges,afterwhichtheyareallocatedtheiraidpostroles,usuallytoruralorremoteareas.Encouragingly,manyoftheyounggraduatesIhavehadthepleasureofworkingwithareeagertoservethecommunitiesofPNGandhaveagenuinepassionfortheirwork.

However,onceworkingintheruralaidpost,CHWsfindthemselvesbattlingwithanirregularandunreliablesupplyofhealthcareproducts,lackofaccesstocontinuedprofessionaldevelopment,professionalisolationandlackofsupport.TheruralcommunitiesinwhichCHWsarestationedcommonlyhavelimitedelectricity,sanitationviadugtoiletingandwaterprovidedbythelocalcreekinwhichbathing,washingandcookingalltakeplace.Nevertheless,eveninthemostremotelocationsonemoderngadgetseemsomnipresent–themobilephone.Inthepast,shortwaveradiohasoftenbeenrelieduponinPNG,especiallytosupportandconnecthealthcareservices.OneparticularlygoodexampleisthatofRumginaeHospitalwhereDrBrandonconductsweeklymeetingswithworkersfrom5healthcentersand10aidposts.ThroughthesemeetingsDrSharonBrandonisabletoprovidepastoralsupport,education,medicaladvice,andcollectcrucialepidemiologicalinformationregardingdiseaseintheregion.Howeverthisopportunitytoconversedirectlywithadoctorisnotavailableformanyruralhealthcareworkers.Whenawomanislaboring,obstructedinthemiddleofthenight,aCHWneedsurgentadvice–theycannotrelyonanurseordoctortoconvenientlybenexttoalarge,bulkyanddifficult-to-transportradiosystem.Whenasmallchildhasanunfamiliarrashandfever–thehealthcareworkerworriesenoughtoconsidermeningitisversusthetypicalchildhoodexanthem,buthowcantheyseekatimelyopinionviaradiowhenthisisaclinicalsignbestphotographedandreviewed?Inacountrywithalimitednumberof

specialists,imaginetheimmensebenefitofbeingabletocalloneintheirofficesinPortMoresbytoseekadvice,orperformatele-healthconsultforspecialistexpertisewhichwouldotherwiseneverreachtheseremoteareas.ProfessorSuwamaruofDivineWordUniversityMadanginterviewedhealthcareworkersfromsevenprovincesandfoundthatpractitionerswereusingmobilephonesfororderingmedicalsupplies,receivingcallsfromthecommunityaboutwomenlaboring,usingthecalculatorfunctiontoanalysemalariaparasitedensityandtransmittinginjuryphotostocolleaguestoclinicalseekadvice.Someworkersalsoreportedkeepingtalliesofmalariaincidentaccountsandtextingthemforepidemiologicalpurposes,allowingfortargetedprovisionofcaretoareasbattlingoutbreaks.ManyCommunityHealthWorkersarealsousingtheirmobilestosendinformationaboutlocationsinwhichtheywillbeconductingclinicsorvaccinationssothatvillagersfromsurroundingareascancongregateforhealthcareprovision.Thekeybenefitsofmobileoverradioareportability,accessibility,andfutureproofingwithextendedtechnologicalcapacities.MostPNGfamilies,particularlyyoungpeople,haveaccesstomobilephones.Theparadoxofteenagerslivingwithoutelectricity,runningwaterorsanitation,butbeingabletoapplysnapchatfilterstotheirselfiesisalmostcomical–butcertainlyanopportunitywhichcannotbedenied,withtheWorldBankestimatingthat2millionpeopleinPNGnowownamobile.MobilephonenetworksinPNGcontinuetoexpandandimprove,withcompaniessuchasDigicel,BeMobileandCitiphoneinvestinginnetworkexpansion.Incomparison,theshort-waveradionetworkhasfallenintodisrepairandrequiresspecificgovernmentsupporttomaintainfunctionality.Forexample,inOroraVillageintheMadangProvinceonlyathirdofvillagershadaccesstoaworkingradioreceiver,butallvillageshadfullphonecoverage.Dr.JonathanRitchiesaysthat80%ofthelandmassofPNGhasmobilecoverage,aremarkablefeatconsideringthedifficultterrain,denserainforestandformidableisolationofmostareas.Further,sincetheintroductionofcompetitionintothemobilemarketin2007,pricesofhandsetsandcallshaveplummeted,withthecostofacallfallingby60%by2016.AsuccessfulexampleofmobileuseinthePNGHealthsettingisthetollfree“KaunselinHelpimLine,”whichprovidescounsellingandadviceonfamilyviolence,includingSTIsandHIV,andcanbecalledwithoutanyphonecredit.Internationally,DanisetaldescribetheuseoftheUgandanHealthMinistrySMSremindersystemwhichencouragespatientstotakemedicationatcertaintimes–thiscouldbeagamechangerinthebattleagainstmultidrugresistantTBwithinPNG.Lookingtothefuture,themobile,especiallythesmartphone,maybecomeawayforindividualstocarrytheirhealthbooks–whichareoftenpresentedtohealthworkersinpoorcondition,withpagesmissing,orpatientslosingtheirbooksaltogether.Tohavearecordofvisits,vaccinations,andtreatmentsontheindividual’sphonewouldrevolutionisethesystem,withnoneedtoprintthousandsofhealthbooksyearly.AsthePNGpopulationcontinuestoexpand,healthcareintheregionneedstoembracemoderntechnologytomeetexpandingneeds.RuralCommunityHealthCareWorkersareindispensabletotheprovisionofcareatagrassrootslevel,andtheseworkersneed

tobesupported,educated,andconnectedwithtoprovidethequalityservicesPapuansdeserve.Mobilephonesaretheonlywaywecanrealisticallycontinuetosupporttheseworkersinthe21stcentury,andshouldbefocusedoninpolicyandfunding.DrMikaelaSeymourcurrentlyworksinGeneralSurgeryattheSunshineCoastUniversityHospital,Queensland.Herinterestsareinmaximisinghealthoutcomesinlowresourceenvironments,especiallyinruralandremoteareas,andoverthelast3yearsshehasworkedandstudiedwithinPapuaNewGuinea,specificallyWesternProvinceandMilneBay.Ending violence InsearchofservicestoaddressfamilyandsexualviolenceinLaecommunities

ByMichelleNayahamuiRooney,MirandaForsyth,MaryAisiandDoraKuir-AyiusonMay22,2018 WeconductedresearchinLaeforthreeweeksinApriltoexploretheconnectionsbetweenwomen’sexperiencesofseekingsupporttoaddressfamilyandsexualviolence(FSV)intheirlives,andtheirchildren’swellbeingandopportunitiesforeducation.Workingthroughchurchandlocalnetworks,weheldeightcommunityfocusgroupandtownhall-stylemeetingsreaching,over500participantsfromalloverthecity.Weconductedindividualin-depthsemi-structuredinterviewswith70women.Attheinstitutionallevel,weconductedmeetingswithserviceproviderssuchasthepolice,thepublicsolicitor’soffice,educationalinstitutions,andcasemanagementservices.Wehadseveralfocusgroup-styleandkeystaffmeetingswithstaffofprimaryschools,highschools,andonecommunity-basedhealthclinic.Thesecutacrossgovernment-fundedandchurch-runinstitutionsinthecityandinsettlementcommunities.Emergingfindingsfromthisresearchhavehighlightedthemultiplefinancialandsocialconsiderationsthatlimitwomen’sabilitytoseekcertaintypesofassistance.Theresearchalsohighlightsthegapbetweenformalsystemsofsupportandtherealityformostlow-incomefamilieswhosechildrentendtofalloutoftheeducationsystembecauseoftheimmediateandlonger-termimpactofFSV.Manyofthewomenweinterviewedhaveextremelylowincomesandloweducationallevels.Theirexperiencesofviolencereflectdeeply-entangledcyclesofpoverty,maritalbreakdowns,andchronicepisodicviolence–allofwhichreinforceeachother.Manywomenaresupporting

otherswhilealsodealingwiththeirownexperiencesofviolence,andtheresearchrevealedthecriticalrolethatneighbours,familymembers,othersurvivors,schools,andchurchesplayinassistingthoseexperiencingFSV.Lifetimeexperiencesandepisodesofviolencecanalsoinvolvemultiplefactorsandrelationships.Theeconomic(financialandopportunity)costsofseekingsupport,particularlyfromthestate,areamajorconstraintonwomen’sabilitytoaddresstheviolenceintheirlives.Manyofthesecostsarerelatedtotheirabilitytoprovidefortheirchildren’shousing,food,education,andotherbasicneeds.Thesecostsareexacerbatedbythelackofknowledgeandconfusionoverthesupportservicesavailable.AnotherimportantreasonwhywomendonotpursuetheformalrouteforaddressingFSVisthefearoflosingthefamilyincomeiftheirpartnerissentencedtojail.ForthoselivinginLae’sinformalsettlementcommunities,eveniftheywishtoresolvethematterlocallyinthecommunity,theymustpay‘tablefees’forlocalleadersandkomiti(committee)memberstoheartheircasesofdomesticviolence.TheselocalmediationfeescanrangefromK10toK50perpartytothedispute.Iftherearemultiplepartiesinthecomplaintsuchaswhenthereisapolygamousrelationship,thesecostscanescalatetoincludeothercostssuchascompensation.Whenwomendochoosetoseeksupportthroughtheformalpoliceandcourtsystem,theirstrategiesvaryandtheoutcomesaremixeddependingontheirpersonalcircumstances.ManywomenacknowledgedtheimprovementsinthepoliceresponsesandattributedthesetothecurrentstrongleadershipintheLaepolicehierarchy,includingtheintroductionofatollfreenumberforthepublictocall.Theincreasinginvolvementandawarenessamongpoliceonthesematterswasalsopositive.Increasingawarenessandpublicityoffamilyprotectionlawshasalsomeantthatthethreattogotothepoliceoravisittothepolicestationandafollowupcallfromthepolicealsohelpedtodeescalatethesituation,sothatthefamilycanhelptoavoidfurtherepisodesofviolence.However,mostresponsessuggestedthatfromtheperspectiveofwomenexperiencingFSV,thereisaneedtoimproveinformationabouttheprocessesandaccesstopoliceandotherservices.WomenfromLae’sinformalsettlements(alsocalled‘compounds’or‘blocks’)talkedaboutbeingsentbetweenthelocalmediatingkomitiandthepolicestation,oftengivingupintheprocess.Costsincludebeingaskedtopaythepoliceforfuelorotherenticementsbeforetheywillattendtoadomesticviolenceincident.Thedelaysinresponsesoftenmeanthattheperpetratorhasrunaway.Theprocessofseekingformalsupportinvolvestimetoobtainamedicalreportforevidence,andwaitingatthepolicestationorthecourthouse(oftenforentiredays).Thiscanresultinsubstantiallossofincomebecausewomen’swagesarecutortheyneedtoabandontheirinformalmarketactivities.Othercostsofpursuinglegalandformaloptionsincludetransport,payinglawyers,gettingdocumentstyped,andpayingfeesforlegaldocumentationormedicalreports.Somewomenexpressedconcernthattheyarerequiredbypolicetodirectlyrequestaperpetratortocometothepolicestationtofaceacomplaint.Othersnotedthatpolice,magistrates,lawyersorlocalmediatorswereoftenknowntobothparties,makingitdifficultforcomplaintstobedealtwithindependently.Manywomenalsoexpressedawarinessabouttheformalprocessespeciallybecausetheyfeartheviolenceworseningiftheprocessisunsuccessfulorwhentheperpetrator

isreleasedfromjail.Forthisreason,manywomenprefertoresolvematterswithinthefamily,thechurchorcommunity.Manywomensaidthattheyturnedtoreligiousspiritualityforcomfortandhopeandfoundsocialsupportwithintheirchurchnetworks.Importantly,manywomen’sdireeconomicsituationandthedelaysinseekingsupportforFSValsomeantthattheirlongertermprospectsofsecuringfinancialsupportoncetheirformerpartnerhadmovedontoanewrelationshipwasweakened,thusexacerbatingtheproblemsshefacedinprovidingforherchildren.Theresponsessuggestthatthestrongerpresenceofpoliceishavingapositiveoutcomeintermsofdeescalatingorpreventingepisodesofviolence.Currently,thepoliceacceptwomen’sagencyindetermininghowtoproceedwiththeircomplaints,accommodatingtheirdemandstobringtheirpartnersinforamediation,orevencallingtheperpetratorstowarnthemaboutthepotentiallegalconsequencesoftheirviolence.Thisapproachprioritisesawoman’sdecisionaboutherandherchildren’ssafety,givenmultiplefinancialandnon-financialconsiderations.Suchanapproachwouldbethreatenedbytheintroductionofa‘nodroppolicy’ashasoccurredelsewhereinthePacific,andwhichmayhaveunintendedconsequences,suchasdissuadingwomenfromseekingthisvaluablesupportfromthepolice.Itwouldalsobeusefultoprovidemorebasicsupportservicestoeasethecostsanddifficultiesthatwomenfaceinseekinghelp,particularlyaddressingthecommonoccurrenceofchildrendroppingoutofschoolasaresultofFSV.Forexample,allowingwomentotakeleaveofworktoseeksupport,supportingtheirsocialsupportnetworksthroughfamily,friends,orchurchmembers,andprovidinglogisticalsupportsuchasassistancewithdocumentingtheircases,wouldallbewaystostrengthenwomen’sconfidencetoseeksupport.StrengtheningschoolresponsestosupportingstudentsaffectedbyFSVisanotherwayofensuringstudentsremaininschool.LinkingFSVsupporttolonger-termsupporttosecurechildcaremaintenanceorpropertyandhousingrightsfromformerpartnersisalsoimportant,asislinkinginschoolsinstrategicwaystoassistchildrenincopingwithdifficultperiods.Despitethegeneralviewexpressedbyourintervieweesthatdomesticviolenceisamatterfortheprivatespace,wewereheartenedbytheresponsesandthefrankdiscussionsinwhichtherewasanoverwhelmingconsensusthatthisisamajorproblemfacedbyfamilies,andwomenespecially,andthatacollectiveeffortisrequiredforanychangetooccur.Althoughourresearchhasfocussedonwomen’sperspectivesontheseissues,astrongmessagefromwomenwastheneedtoinvolvemen,includingsons,inthiskindofresearch.Acollectiveeffortthatalsoincludessupportforrelationshipmediationandcounsellingisneededtoaddressfamilyviolence.MichelleNayahamuiRooneyisaResearchFellowatDevpolicy,MirandaForsythisaFellowattheDepartmentofPacificAffairs,ANU,MaryAisiiswiththePNGUNITECHDepartmentofCommunicationandDevelopmentStudies,andDoraKuir-AyiusisaLecturerinsocialworkintheUPNGSchoolofHumanitiesandSocialSciences.TheauthorsaregratefulforsupportreceivedduringfieldworkinLaefromtheCatholicDioceseandCatholicWomen’sAssociation,SDAchurch,FemiliPNG,theMorobeFSVACChairperson,andtheWard2Councillor.

TribalwarfareinPNG:ICRC’sresponsetoachanginglandscape

ByGrantWalton,MichelleNayahamuiRooneyandMarkKessleronAugust8,2017MarkKessler,headofICRCPapuaNewGuinea,knowswar.Hehasbeenpostedtoconflicthotspots,suchassouthernAfghanistan,southThailandandIraq,beforebeingassignedtoPNG.Reflectingonhispreviouspostings,hesaidhe’dcomefromplaces“orientedtowardsjihad,bombs,ImprovisedExplosiveDevices…thelastoneinKirkukwaswhenISIStookMosul”.It’snotsurprisingthenthatcomingtoPortMoresbywasakindof“break”.InPNG,ICRC’sbiggestoperationsareintheHighlands.Itisherewheretheagencydealswiththefalloutofanalmostconstantcycleoftribalviolence,whileimplementingtheirwater,sanitationandhygiene(WASH),sexualviolence,prisons,andhealthprograms.InJune,ICRClaunchedashortdocumentarywhichaimstoraiseawarenessofthenatureoftribalviolence.Thedocumentaryaimedtoopenupaconversation,ratherthanexploringtheunderlyingcauses,outcomesandpotentialsolutionsoftribalwarinthehighlands.Toreflectfurtheronthecontextofthedocumentary,MarkrecentlysatdownwiththeDevelopmentPolicyCentre’sGrantWaltonandMichelleNayahamuiRooneytoshareICRC’sexperienceswithtribalwarfare,itsresponsestoconflict,andwhatothersshoulddotoaddressongoingviolenceintheHighlands.MarkarguedthattheintensificationoftribalwarfareintheHighlandshasbeenduetothreekeyfactors.Firstistheavailabilityofguns.Notonlyhavegunsbecomemoreubiquitous,therearesomewhoareactingasmercenaries,“Rambosforhire”,whoarecontractedbyclanstofightagainsttheirenemies.Markalsonotedaninterestingsecondfactorthathashelpedtoexacerbateconflict:thespreadofmobilephoneconnectivityandgreatermobility,whichhasmeantthat:

thefightsspreadoutfasterandonalargerarea.Itcanalso[mean]thatpeopleinareallydifferentplace[towherethemainfightingisgoingon]justgetattacked.

Finally,Markwasconcernedthatconflicthasbeenexacerbatedbyanintergenerationalstruggle,wheretheyoungwanttobypassmoretraditionalroutestobecominga‘bigman’:

theyoungpeople,theywantguns.Theydon’twanttowaittoolongtohavepowerthroughexperienceandsocialacceptanceofleadership…itgivesthemimmediatepower.

Tribalwarshavehorrificimpactsonsurroundingcommunities.Whilestatisticsarenotavailable,ICRC’sdocumentaryclaimsthatnon-combatantsarebeingincreasinglytargeted.Reflectingonthisissue,Marksaid:

women,oldpeople,wounded,areattacked.Andkidsareactuallytargeted,it’snotliketheymerelygetcaughtincross-fire.Basically,whoeverisnotfastenoughtoleaveisatarget.

Markwasalsodeeplyconcernedthatrapeisbeingusedasaweaponofwar,withcombatantsbelievingthattheyhavearighttosexuallyassaultwomenfromtheopposingside.InthiscontextICRCworkstoalleviatetheimmediateneedsofthoseaffectedbytheviolence:

oneofthefirstthingsthatwetrytodoisgive[victims]basicgoodsthattheyneed,[suchas]toolkitstogarden,andtobeabletobuildhouses.Thebasicideaistogivethemastarttowhatevernewlifetheyhaveandtotakepressureofftheirhostcommunities.

Thisiscriticalbecausetheinfluxofthoseaffectedbywarintoneighbouringcommunitiesisoftenasourceofconflict:

Hostcommunitiesalreadyhaveenoughpressurereceivingthesepeople,buttheniftheyhavetoshareeverything…That’softenoneofthefirstpointsofconflictbetweenhostcommunitiesandtheincomingdisplacedpeople.

TheICRCisalsopilotingaprogramwithtwolocalhealthcentrestodealwiththeoutcomeofsexualviolence:“we’reworkingontrainingthemonvarioussubjects,forexampleonhowtousepost-exposureprophylaxiskits,whichiswhat’susedtotreatpatientsaftersexualassault”.Thisisimportant,Marksays,because“manywomenandalsomenarenotawarethatsexualviolenceisactuallyahealthissue”.Asaresult,womenwhohavebeensexuallyassaultedgenerallydonotgotohealthclinics.ThisworkcomplementsICRC’songoingawareness-raisingeffortsincommunities,withtheagencysponsoringatheatregrouptorecreatethewaystribalfightsbegin,andgettingpeopletothinkabouthowtensionsmightbereduced.MarksaysthatICRCstafftry,asbesttheycan,nottogetcaughtupintheconflict,butthatisnotalwayseasy.Recentlytwostaffmembersquitduetotheirconnectionstowarringtribes:

theycouldn’tworkforusanymorebecausetheirclanhadgottenintotribalfights,whichaffectedthem.Theycouldn’tgoeverywhereanymorewithus…theytoldus,“Wecan’tworkforyouanymore.”

Duringthenationalelection,whenthepotentialforviolenceisheightened,ICRCensuredthatstafflimitedtheirmovements.WhileICRCplaysanimportantroleinamelioratingtheimpactsoftribalviolence,Markstressesthattheycannotsolvetheissuealone.Heurgedotherstodomuchmoretohelpbringaboutsustainablepeace.Thisincludesinvestmentsinlawandorder,whichisimportantbutisbynomeansamagicbulletas,Marksays,policearealreadyoutnumberedandoutgunned.“Yes,probablytheydoneedmoreresources,morestaff,moreguns,morecars.[But,duetopoorcapacity]youjustcan’tgivethemallthesethings”.Instead,Marksuggeststhatinitiativesthatstrategicallyinterveneintheleaduptoconflictcouldbemorebeneficial:

[with]mosttribalfights…youcouldfindsolutionsforthemratherquickly.Beitafairtrial,beitaworkingjudicialsystem,orgoodmediation.

Evenafterseeingthesometimeshorrificfalloutoftribalwarfare,MarkiscautiouslyoptimisticaboutthefutureoftheHighlands:“I’moptimisticbecausetheyareanamazingpeople,andthereissomuchpotentialupintheHighlands”.Henotes,however,thatchangehastocomefrom“insidetheHighlands”.Reflectingonthepossibilityofsustainablepeace,hesaid:“IthinkthingscanbedonebutIdon’tthinkthere’saquickfix”.GrantWaltonisaFellowandMichelleNayahamuiRooneyaResearchFellowatDevpolicy.MarkKesslerisHeadofMissionfortheICRCinPapuaNewGuinea.

Amotherandchilddisplacedbytribalviolencestandoutsideahutinahostvillageprovidingthemwithtemporaryshelter.Thewoman’sextendedfamilyof16isbeingforcedtosharethecoal-blackenedhutwithpigs,astheyawaittheendofatribalwarthatispreventingthemfromreturningtotheirland.(JesseBoylan/ICRC)

PNG and beyond... Thetiesthatbind:theAustralia-PNGrelationship

ByMichaelWesleyonAugust17,2017 PNGisasfoundationaltoAustralia’sroleintheworldasAustraliaistoPNG’sroleintheworld.Asthecolonisingpower,Australiabroughtglobalisation,warandthenindependencetoPNG.Bythesametoken,PNGandthebroaderPacificstimulatedfederation,independenceandaglobalroleforAustralia.NevilleMeaneywritesthat“geopoliticswasthedeterminingconditionofAustraliannationalism.”InApril1883,QueenslandproclaimedtheannexationofeasternNewGuineainthenameofQueenVictoria.BritainrefusedtorecognisetheannexationandmadeasecretdealwithGermanyinstead–infuriatingtheAustraliancolonies.TheepisodemadeitcleartoAustraliansthatBritaincouldn’tbetrustedwithAustraliansecurity,andthatthecoloniesneededanindependentforeignpolicy.ColonialAustraliawasbornwithaproprietorialattitudetothePacific;thattheregionshouldbemanagedas“anAnglo-Saxonlake”totheexclusionofallotherpowers.Fromthe1860sAustralianshadbeenspeakingofanAustralianMonroeDoctrineinthePacific–butunliketheAmericanversionwhichalsoreliedonBritishnavalpower,AustralianandBritishinterestsdidnotalign.BritainfranklysawthePacificasnotlucrativeorimportantenoughtokeepotherpowersoutof;theywerehappytocutdealswithFrance,GermanyandtheUSinthePacificinordertogetcolonialconcessionsinwhattheysawasmoreimportantplaces,suchasEgypt.AustralianswereadamantthattheonlythingthatwouldstoptheBritishtradingawaytheirsenseofsecuritywasiftheytookovertherunningofthePacific.TheyinsistedthattheBritishacceptAustraliaasthedominantvoiceinimperialdealingsinthePacific,andbadgeredtheBritishtohandovertheadministrationofPapuatoAustraliaasoneofthefirstactsofthefederalParliament.Forthenexthalfcentury,theytriedtogettheBritishtohandovertheadministrationofSolomonIslandsandtheBritishportionofNewHebridestoAustralia,andeventalkedtotheDutchaboutcedingcontrolofWestNewGuinea.

AtthecoreoftheAustralianMonroeDoctrinewasadeal:thatAustraliawouldassumeresponsibilityforthestability,orderanddevelopmentofthePacificasaconditionforunwelcomeinterestsstayingoutoftheregion.TheunspokenassumptionherewasthatinstabilityandunderdevelopmentinthePacificisthenecessaryandsufficientconditionfortheintrusionofunwelcomeinterests.ThisisastrainofthinkingembeddeddeepinAustralia’sviewoftheworld,anditcontinuestoexertapowerfulimpactonAustralianforeignpolicyinthePacific.AttheendoftheSecondWorldWar,Australia’sdreamscametrue.WithGermanyandJapandefeated,BritainandFrancepreoccupiedwithinternalrebuilding,andtheUnitedStatesrisingtoaglobalrole,AustraliaandNewZealandwerecededresponsibilityforthePacific.Thewesternalliancesystemdivideduptheworldtokeepitsafeforfreedom,andAustraliaatlasthaditsMonroeDoctrinerecognisedaspartofglobalalliedstrategyintheColdWar.SoPNGandthePacificbecametheplatformforAustralia’sglobalrole–byassumingresponsibilityforaregion,Australiagainedastatusandimportancefaroutofproportiontoitssizeorlocation.ItembeddedAustraliainthewesterndefencealliance–ineffectAustraliagotAmericanprotectionagainstAsiainreturnforassumingresponsibilityforlookingafterthePacific.AsindependencecametothePacificinthe1960sand1970s,AustraliabecamethecuratoroftheAmerican-ledglobalorderintheregionthroughpromotingdemocracyandtheruleoflaw;market-ledeconomicdevelopment;andstabilityandresiliencetotransnationalthreats.ProblemswithanyoneoracombinationofthesewouldsignifyAustralia’sfailinginitsresponsibilityfortheregion,aswellasopeningupavenuesformaligninfluenceintheregion.TheothermajordriverofAustralianpolicytowardsPNGinthisperiodwasitsperceptionofAsianpowerdynamics.AsfearsofAsiarose,theintensityofAustralia’sengagementwithPNGrose.Significantly,PNG’sindependencecoincidesneatlywithwhatIthinkofasthe“Asiansettlement”–theacceptanceofAmericanprimacyinAsiabyChinainreturnforthespacetodevelopeconomically;theexclusionoftheSovietUnionfromAsianpowerdynamics;andtheshelvingofrivalriesinSoutheastAsiatofocusonindividualandcollectivedevelopment.AsOwenHarriesargued40yearsago,AustraliawascomfortableinrushingPNGtowardsindependencebecauseitsfearsofhostileAsianpowershadreceded.ThiswasthestrategiccontextthatgovernedthefirstdecadeofAustralia’srelationswithanindependentPNG.ApolicyofdirectbudgetsupportemergedfromacombinationofguiltatnothavingdonemoretopreparePNGforindependence,andabenignassumptionthatstabilityanddevelopmentwouldoccurnaturally.TheeruptionofviolenceonBougainvilleshockedAustraliaoutofthesebenignassumptionsofunidirectionaldevelopment.ThebehaviourofthePNGDFonBougainvilleshookconfidenceinCanberraabouttheabilityofAustralianmentoringtoshapeinstitutionsinPNG,whilerevealingthelimitsonAustralia’spost-colonialinfluence.

Almostadecadelater,theSandlinecrisisraisedfearsthatPNGwasslippingtowardsa‘coupculture’likeFiji.EventsinPNG,FijiandVanuatubegantocallintoquestionAustralia’scapacitytoexerciseresponsibilityfortheregion.ThethreatofdomesticinstabilityinPNGandotherPacificcountriesjeopardisedsomeofAustralia’sfoundationalforeignpolicyprinciples,includingtheabilitytocuratewesternliberalvaluesinitsregionofresponsibility,anddirectlychallengedthenarrativethatliberalinstitutionsdelivereconomicdevelopment.TheyalsoraisedtheprospectthatPacificgovernmentswerewillingtocallonunwelcomeoutsideintereststorestorestability,therebythreateningAustralia’sglobalreputation.Canberra’sstrongresponsetotheSandlinecrisiswassoonfollowedupbyitsdeeplyriskyinterventioninEastTimor.IthinkwewilllookbackontheperiodbetweenSandlineandtheEnhancedCooperationProgram(ECP)in2005asadistinct,interventionistperiodinAustralianforeignpolicydrivenbythreefactors.First,agrowingsensethatarms-lengthattemptsatindirectinfluencewereinadequatefortheincreasinglycomplexandunpredictabledynamicsofthePacific.Second,agrowingconfidenceintheeffectivenessofstabilisinginterventionsandarealisationthatthesecouldenhanceratherthanerodeAustralia’sreputation.Andfinally,anincreasingcomfortwiththethoughtthatAustraliacouldfindexternalsolutionstoitsdomesticproblemsbycuttingdealswithitsPacificneighbours.Whilethe2005rulingthattheECPwasunconstitutionalandthe2006Honiarariots,nottomentiontheworseningviolenceinIraqandAfghanistan,puncturedAustralia’sconfidenceininterventions,nothingshreddedAustralia’slegitimacymorethantheso-called‘PacificSolution’.Therhetoricofaltruismandpartnershipwasquicklydeflatedbytherealitiesoftransactionaldeals.ThiswasnothingbutpureAustralianself-interest.HereinPNG,theManusIslanddetentioncentrehasbecomeaweepingsoreattheheartofthebilateralrelationship.ForPNG,thedeterrentrationalefordetainingasylumseekersonitsterritoryactsasaconstantrecyclerofnegativeperceptionsaboutthiscountry,whileforAustraliaManushasbecomeasourceofdependenceonanothercountrythatithasrarelyhadhistorically.Meanwhile,theAsiansettlementislookingincreasinglyragged,asChinamoreandmoreinsistentlycontestsAmericanprimacyinAsiaandbuildsinfluenceinSoutheastAsia.Decadesofencouragingprivatesector-ledgrowthinthePacificmeansthatthedaysoftheAustralianMonroeDoctrineareendingfast,asPacificnationsengagewithrisingAsianpowers.FewAustraliansrealisehowfoundationalAustralia’srelationshipwithPNGandthePacificaretoitsglobalinterests,andsoareunawarehowquicklyandhowprofoundlythingsarechanginginwhatwetaketobeourregionofspecialresponsibility.WhilehereonthegroundthePNG-Australiarelationshipisbroadandintimate,itsstrategiccontextischanging.WearebothpartofanislandchainthatseparatesthePacificOceanfromtheIndianOcean,atthefulcrumofastrategicrealmincreasinglyreferredtoastheIndo-Pacific.

AustraliaandPNGwillinevitablybecomesubjecttotherivalriesamongAsia’srisingpowersandtheUnitedStatesastheytrytoreshapetheregionalorderintheirinterests.Thisnextphaseofourrelationshipisuponus,andIworrythatwehavenotyettransitionedfromoldmodesofthinkingaboutit.That’swhybilateralexchangesofideas,suchasthePNGUpdate,aresoimportant.Geography,historyanddeepsociallinkagesbringourtwocountriestogether;wemustensurethatourconversationsandcooperationacrosstheTorresStraitareconstantandevolvinginthechallengingcontextsthatlieahead.MichaelWesleyisProfessorofInternationalAffairsandDeanoftheANUCollegeofAsiaandthePacific.Thispostisaneditedversionofhisremarksgivenatthe2017PNGUpdateconferencedinner.Evidence-basedpolicymakinginthetropics

ByStephenHowes,AshleeBetteridge,LawrenceSauseandLhawangUgyelonJuly28,2017 Thesedays,oneoftenhearsthatpoliciesshouldbebasedonevidence.It’sapropositionthatishardtoarguewith,butalsoonethatiseasiersaidthandone.That’strueevenforacountrylikeAustralia,richincapacityandresources,butwhataboutforapoorcountrysuchasPapuaNewGuinea?InourDevpolicyDiscussionPaper,weexplorethechallengesfacingandtheprospectsforevidence-basedpolicymakingindevelopingcountries.Wedrawonthedevelopmentliteratureandcross-countrycomparisonsmoregenerally,butalso,forconcretenessontheAustralia-PNGcomparison.Ofcourse,oneshouldbewaryofgeneralizationsbasedoncomparisonsbetweentwocountriesoreventwocategoriesofcountries.Poorordevelopingcountriesdifferfromeachother,andinmanycasesitisbettertothinkofcountriesasfacingvariousdegreesofchallenge,ratherthaneitherfacingachallengeornot.Nevertheless,wedothinkdevelopingcountriesaredifferent,andthatcarefulscrutinyofthechallengestheyfacewhenitcomestoevidence-basedpolicymakingwillpaydividends.Wefocusonfourmaindifferences.Thefirstisinstitutions.Youdon’thavetobeaninstitutionalisttorecognizethatinstitutionsinrichercountriesaregenerallybetterandstrongerthanthoseinpoorerones.Withweakerinstitutions,theincentivestofindandusetheevidencetoimprovepolicieswillbeweaker,ifnotabsent.Academicresearchismorelikelytoremainjustthat.Theupsidefordevelopingcountriesisthatthereishugescopetoimproveinstitutions,butinstitutionsrespondmoretopoliticalintereststhananalyticalheft,andtendtoimproveonlyslowly.

Theseconddifferenceisinformality.Citizensofdevelopingcountriesworkmainlyintheinformalsector;thoseofdevelopedcountriesmainlyintheformalsector.Bydefinition,theinformalsectorislesssubjecttogovernmentregulation.Theresultisthatgovernmentsofpoorercountrieshavefewerpolicyoptions,bothonthetaxationandexpenditureside.That’swhyonaveragedevelopingcountrieshavealowertax/GDPratio,andonereasonwhytheyhaveaweakersafetynet.Whenunemploymentisunverifiable,unemploymentbenefitsareunfeasible.Fewerpolicyoptionsmeansasmallerroleforevidencetoinfluencegovernmentpolicy.Thesetwodifferencesaffectthedemandforpolicyoptions.Athirdinfluencesthesupply.Herethedifferencesareperhapsthemoststriking.WeestimatethatPNGspendsonly$6perpersononuniversityeducation;Australiamorethan$1,000.Accordingtothetwoleadingglobalrankingsofuniversities,atmostfouroftheworld’stop100universitiesareindevelopingcountries–andtheyareallinChina.Whatlittlefundingismadeavailabletouniversitiesindevelopingcountriesisoverwhelmingly,andunderstandably,spentonteaching,leavingveryfewfundsavailableforresearchingthosebigpolicyquestionswhereevidenceissorelyneeded.Allofthismakesitsoundverytoughforevidence-basedpolicymakingindevelopingcountries.Buttheyhaveonethingworkingintheirfavour,andthatisforeignaid.Aidisbeinggivenatrecordlevels,andisstillanimportantresourceforthepoorestcountries.Andmuchofitisdedicatedtoimprovingpolicymaking,toresearchforbetterpolicies,andtopromotepolicyandinstitutionaltransferfromrichtopoorcountries.Towhatextentdoesaidcompensateforthedisadvantagesdevelopingcountriesface?Viewsvarywidelyonthis,anditishardtogiveadefinitive,generalanswer.Therearecertainlysomegoodexamplesofsuccessfulpolicytransfer,buttherearealsomanycasesoftransferinnameorformonly.Thestressnowinaidisonitsusetopromoteincremental,opportunisticreform.Thisisnodoubtappropriate,butalsorevealsthelimitationsofthisinstrument.Itseemstoustobeatbestapartialcompensationforthedifficultiesfacedbydevelopingcountrieswhenitcomestobasingpoliciesongoodevidence.Whilethepaperisnotacounselfordespair,itisacallforrealism.Evidence-basedpolicymakingremainsanadmirableaspiration;butitmayjustbealongwayaway.Oftheconstraintsaddressedinourpaper,theonemostsusceptibletoimmediateinfluencebybothdomesticgovernmentsanddonorsisthestateofuniversitiesandthinktanksindevelopingcountries.JimAdamsinhis2013MitchellOrationhighlightedthesuccessoftheAfricanEconomicResearchConsortium,adonor-backedinitiativewhich,startingin1988,successfullyrespondedtothe‘criticaltaskofbuildingtheeconomiccapacityrequiredtopromoteandsustaineconomicreform.’Thecurrentauthorsarepartofasimilarinitiative,inwhichtheAustralianaidprogram,throughthePacificLeadershipandGovernancePrecinct,issupportingapartnershipineconomicsandpublicpolicybetweentheAustralianNationalUniversityandtheUniversityofPapuaNewGuinea.Ifwewantmoreevidence-basedpolicymakinginthetropics,wewillneedmoresuchinvestmentsbybothdonorsandgovernmentsalikeinlocaluniversitiesandthinktanks.StephenHowesisDirectorandAshleeBetteridgeProgramManageratDevpolicy.LawrenceSauseisaSeniorLecturerandLhawangUgyelaDevpolicyVisitingLecturerinthePublicPolicyDivisioninSBPP,UPNG.

DEVELOPMENTPOLICY CENTREThe Development Policy Centre (Devpolicy) is a think tank for aid

and development serving Australia, the region, and the global development community. We undertake independent research and promote practical initiatives to improve the effectiveness of

Australian aid, to support the development of Papua New Guinea and the Pacific island region, and to contribute to better

global development policy.

We were established in September 2010 and are based at Crawford School of Public Policy in the College of Asia and the

Pacific at The Australian National University.

Our publications, discussion papers, policy briefs and reports make our research available for all. Our events are fora for the

dissemination of findings and the exchange of information and ideas. The Devpolicy Blog is our platform for analysis,

discussion and debate.

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