south asian americans: a sleeping political giant
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Emily IkutaApril 28, 2010
Professor Jane SinghAsian American Studies 127
South Asian Americans: A sleeping political Giant?
Ever since the Immigration law of 1965, Asian
Americans, particularly South Asian Americans, have
maintained growing and diverse communities with high numbers
of educated professionals. Yet their numbers and economic
significance have not translated into increased political
representation. Asian Americans have one of the lowest
rates of voter participation among all ethnic groups.1 This
includes South Asians Americans who, due to constraints in
voting and political apathy, have long been underrepresented
in American politics. Will this lack of political awareness
and activity continue to plague the South Asian American
community into the 21st century? Fortunately, recent
developments among South Asians and Asian Americans in
general may be changing this trend. There is evidence to
suggest that South Asian Americans are becoming more
1 Gary Locke, “The Need for Asian American leadership: A Call to Action,” in Asian American Policy Review, ed. James Koshiba and Janice Yoojin Lee, ed., (Cambridge: Harvard University, 2000), Vol. IX: pg.2
politically active, and engaging in a broad range of
political activities that represent a break from their
political apathy before the 21st century. In this essay I
will first describe the obstacles that have and continue to
constrain South Asian political awareness and participation.
Then I will describe how South Asians have become more
politically active despite these constraints, such as the
growing number of South Asians elected or appointed to
political office at all government levels, the growth in
civic engagement among South Asians, and increasing
participation in electoral politics. I will also explain
the possible factors behind this development, in particular,
the aftermath of 9/11, efforts by both major parties to
appeal to South Asians for political resources, and changes
in technology.
There has been some difficulty in compiling evidence on
the South Asian American community. Statistics focusing
specifically on South Asian involvement can be hard to find,
and studies in political participation often lump South
Asians with other Asian groups. However, developments among
Asian Americans often reflect that of the South Asian
community as well, so information on Asian American
political activity helps shed light on the political
activity of South Asian Americans. As the second largest
Asian-American group in the US, and one that makes up about
20% of the Asian American population, there is no doubt that
any statistic measuring Asian American activity would
largely reflect that group. Another issue is that when
research and statistics do focus on South Asians, the focus
is often primarily on Asian Indian Americans. This may not
be too problematic, however, since Asian Indians comprise
the largest ethnic group among South Asians and different
South Asian groups share many characteristics in terms of
political activity. Thus, information on Indians often
sheds light on the larger South Asian American community.2
Taking into account these issues, I will argue that recent
developments show promising trends in the area of political
participation among South Asian Americans.
2 SAAPRI: South Asian American Policy and Research Institute Online, “Making Data Count: South Asian Americans in the 2000 Census with Focus on Illinois,” Asian Health Coalition of Illinois, http://saapri.org/pdfs/Web-Document5.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010).
Before I describe this development, I will outline some
political structural barriers that historically and
currently present a problem for South Asian political
participation, especially in terms of voting. One obstacle
is the fact that a large percentage of the South Asian
community are foreign-born, and that this group includes a
large number of non-citizens. According to a 2003 article
from Indian Life and Style Magazine, roughly 34% of the 2
million South Asians living in the US are citizens.3 Also,
according to the South Asian American Policy Research
Institute using data from a 2000 census, nearly 76% of South
Asians are foreign born, and of these 39% are naturalized.4
Since citizenship is one of the basic requirements for vote
registration, and since a large numbers of South Asians are
non-citizens waiting for naturalization, many are shut out
of the electoral process. In fact, according to the Pilot
National Asian American Political Survey (PNAAPS) of 2000-
3 Reshma M. Saujani, “It’s Politics, Stupid,” Indian Life and Style, October 2003, pg. 20.4 SAAPRI: South Asian American Policy and Research Institute Online, “Making Data Count: South Asian Americans in the 2000 Census with Focus on Illinois,” Asian Health Coalition of Illinois, http://saapri.org/pdfs/Web-Document5.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010).
2001, 80% of South Asians cited non-citizenship as their
main reason for non-voting.5 Other barriers include the
unfair redistricting of Asian American communities and lack
of bilingual ballots and voting materials that prevent Asian
Americans (and South Asians) from exercising their full
voting rights. Interestingly, unlike other Asian ethnic
groups, which are to be found in disproportionately large
numbers on the west coast, the Indian population is more
evenly distributed throughout the US.6 This dilutes the
concentration and thus the political power and
organizational capacity of the South Asian community.
In addition to these barriers, there are also obstacles
within the community that hamper political participation.
One is the growing ethnic and economic diversity of the
South Asian community, which began during the third phase of
South Asian immigration in the 1980’s and continues to this
day. A large proportion of these immigrants entered the US
5 Pei-te lien, et al., “A Summary Report of the Pilot Study of the National Asian American Political Survey,” in 2001-02 National Asian Pacific American Political Almanac, 10th ed. (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American StudiesCenter, 2001), pg. 826 Vinay Lal, The Other Indians: A Political and Cultural History of South Asians in America (Los Angeles: Asian American Studies Center Press, 2008), pg.55
under the provision of the family reunification section of
the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act. During previous
phases of immigration, South Asians were accepted into the
US based on their education and occupational skills. The
recent third phase, however, involved the US allowing South
Asian Americans to bring family members with them to the
country. This phenomenon, combined with growing numbers of
non-Indians like Sri Lankans, Bangladeshis, and Nepalese
have resulted in a more racially and economically diverse
South Asian community.7 Nirav S. Desai, editor of the
Subcontinental, a publication on issues of the South Asian
American community, summarized the consequence of this
growing diversity in a 2003 edition: “The South Asian
American community today speaks with many disparate voices.
These viewpoints are often organized along old divisions and
rivalries that made sense in South Asian, but that hinder
the formation of a political identity needed to gain the
attention of U.S policymakers.”8 This diversity has led to 7 Nazli Kibria, “South Asian Americans,” in Asian Americans: Contemporary Trends and Issues, ed. Pyong Gap Min, 2nd ed. (California: Pine Forge Press,2006), pg. 207 8 Nirav S. Desai, ed., “Forging Political Identity: South Asian Americans in American Policymaking,” The Subcontinental: A Journal of South Asian
divisions and conflicts within the South Asian community
that have hindered the formation of a coherent political
identity. Persistent divisions have existed across
religious and racial lines, including tensions between
Pakistanis and Indians, or Hindus and Muslims. However,
economic divisions have also emerged as an influence on
political activity among South Asians. Middle and upper-
class South Asians felt that they had no need to fight
political battles; as an economically-successful group they
could insulate themselves somewhat from the class and racial
issues affecting other minorities. To this group, only the
poor or those on the fringes of society needed to be
politically organized, and that raising an issue was more an
excuse for failure than an indication of a real social
problem.9 Finally, many South Asians Americans,
particularly first generation South Asians or those who have
recently immigrated, continue to identity with the political
issues and trends of their birth countries rather than
American Political Identity, (Washingon: The Subcontinental, Spring 2003), vol.I, Issue 1: pg. 89 Arvind Rajagopal, “Better than Blacks? Or Hum Kalle Hain to Kya Hua,” SAMAR: South Asian Magazine for Action and Reflection, summer 1995, pg.8
political affairs in America.10 Many Indian Americans, for
example, are strongly concerned with foreign policy issues
relating to India. One article from a 2006 article of India
Life and Style mentioned this in light of a recent
demonstration by Indian Americans in California: “As the
gathering in Sunnyvale shows, it is still the issues in the
old country that are apt to get Indian Americans riled or
concerned. Many Indian Americans may yet be reluctant to
attend anti-war rallies or immigration rights
demonstrations, but events in India…..and a demonstration in
front of the Indian Consulate in San Francisco can turn up
at a few days notice.”11
So how have South Asians worked toward improving
political participation in light of all these obstacles?
Recent political trends show that more South Asians are
trying to defy or downplay these constraints. One promising
trend is the growing number of South Asians, as well as
Asians in general, running for or being appointed to
10Rudolph J. Vecoli, ed., Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural America, (Detroit: Gale Research Inc., 1995), pg. 13111 Ashfaque Swapan, “The Power of Protest,” Indian Life and Style, July-September 2006, pg. 48
political offices. There has been an unmistakable increase
in the political participation and presence of Asian
Americans in electoral politics. For example, the first
edition of the Asian Pacific American Political Roster and
Resources Guide published in 1978 listed over several
hundred Asian American politicians, while the 1995 edition
of this guide listed over 1,200 Asian Americans elected or
appointed as major officials, a huge increase.12 This trend
has continued into the 21st century, with South Asians (in
particular Indian Americans) leading the way in mostly local
offices. South Asian American candidates ran in more than
30 races around the country in 2006. State legislature and
local city council elections showed that ethnically South
Asian citizens were mobilized behind candidates who
represented their concerns.13 These politicians motivate
their communities into supporting their campaigns, usually
in the form of donations for their fundraising activities. 12 Paul Ong and Don Nakanishi, “Becoming Citizens, Becoming Voters: The Naturalization and Political Participation of Asian Immigrants,” in 1996National Asian Pacific American Political Almanac, 7th ed. (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1996), pg. 155-15613 Daya Gamage, “Asian American Clout in US politics on the Rise,” Asian Tribune, 31 December 2006, http://www.asiantribune.com/node/3926 (accessed 20 April 2010)
Those who were hesitant to donate to politicians in the past
became more willing to part with their money for candidates
they saw as trusted intermediaries for their communities.14
Yet South Asian politicians are not limited to local office;
the highest ranking South Asian American elected to office
is Bobby Jindal, the second-Indian American elected to
Congress in 2004 and the first Indian-American governor
after winning the race for Louisiana Governor in 2007. In
addition to these accomplishments, there is even speculation
of Jindal as a potential candidate for the 2012 presidential
election.
While more South Asian Americans are getting involved
in political offices and positions, trends in voter turnout
and registration are complicated and difficult to determine.
The electoral participation of Asian Americans has been
marked by highs and lows rather than predictable trends, and
Asian Americans continue to vote in lower numbers compared
to other ethnic groups. However, recent presidential
14 Shira Toeplitz, “Indian-American Priming the Pump,” Roll Call, 20 October 2009, http://www.rollcall.com/issues/55_43/politics/39676-1.html(accessed 20 April 2010)
elections show rising voter turnout among Asian Americans.
According to a table released by the Pew Research Center on
the change in Voter Turnout Rates among Eligible Voters in
the 2004 and 2008 elections, Asian American turnout was up
2.4 percent points – 47% in 2008 versus 44.6% in 2004.
While this is lower than the high of 54% in 1992, this
represents a reversal of the downward trend in turnout that
reached its nadir in the 2000 presidential election.15
In addition, a NY Times article reported that about
600,000 more Asian Americans turned out at the 2008 national
election. Among 18-24 year olds, voter turnout increased
from 34.4% in 2004 to 40.6% in 2008, while turnout among 25-
44 year olds increased from 40.2% in 2004 to 47.3%, a
difference of about 6% and 7%. This shows that not only
that Asian Americans turned out in higher numbers, but that
many of the new voters consisted of young to middle-aged
citizens.16 Finally, while young Asian American 15 Mark Hugo Lopez and Paul Taylor, “Dissecting the 2008 Electorate: Most Diverse in U.S History,” PewResearchCenter, 30 April 2009, http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/108.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010), pg. 416 Sam Roberts, “2008 Surge in Black Voters Nearly Erased Racial Gap,” The New York Times, 20 July 2009, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/21/us/politics/21vote.html (accessed 20
registration rates fluctuated during presidential elections
from 1990 to 2004, registration rates during midterm
elections show a clear upward trend.17 It is assumed that
these trends extend to South Asian American turnout as well,
although some further elaboration is useful. According to a
1995 encyclopedia, only 25% of Asian Indians were registered
voters. Also, according to a 2003 article in India Life and
Style, a little over a quarter of South Asian Americans
voted in the last election (2000) compared to majority of
whites and African Americans.18 However, a 2000-2001 Pilot
National Asian American Political Survey (PNAAPS) reported
that the turnout rate was highest among South Asians
(93%).19 The National Asian American Survey (NAAS), which
was released just before the 2008 presidential election,
reported that among Asian American citizens, 65 percent can April 2010)17 Karlo Barrios Marcelo, et al., “Civic Engagement Among Minority Youth,” Circle: The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement, January 2007, http://www.civicyouth.org/PopUps/FactSheets/FS_07_minority_ce.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010), pg. 818 Reshma M. Saujani, “It’s Politics, Stupid,” Indian Life and Style, October 2003, pg. 20.19 Pei-te lien, et al., “A Summary Report of the Pilot Study of the National Asian American Political Survey,” in 2001-02 National Asian Pacific American Political Almanac, 10th ed. (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American StudiesCenter, 2001), pg. 82
be described as likely voters. Japanese American citizens
were the most likely to vote (82%), followed by Asian Indian
(73%), Koreans (72%), Filipinos (67%), Vietnamese (65 %) and
Chinese (60%).20
After the 2008 presidential election, the coalition
at SAALT.org (South Asian Americans Leading Together) didn’t
provide numbers on South Asian American voter turnout, but
did report that the election "marked a turning point in the
participation of South Asian American citizens in the
American democracy. We witnessed robust South Asian voter
turnout at the polls on Election Day; steady involvement
with political campaigns; and bids for local and national
office on the part of South Asians."21 So, there is good
reason to believe that South Asian Americans, as well as
other Asian Americans, turned out at higher rates in the
2008 election compared to previous elections. While still
20 Jane Junn, et al., “Asian Americans and the 2008 Election,” NAAS: National Asian American Survey, 6 October 2006, http://www.naasurvey.com/assets/NAAS-National-report.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010), pg. 21
“SAALT in ’08: Amplifying the South Asian Voice in the Elections andBeyond,” SAALT: Strengthening South Asian Communities in the Unites States, 2008, http://www.saalt.org/pages/Elections-2008.html, (accessed 20 April 2010)
low compared to other ethnics groups except Hispanics, Asian
Americans (and in extent South Asians) are coming out in
larger numbers, demonstrating a growing political awareness
in the community. Whether this trend will be continue in
the next election remains to be seen.
In addition to voting and registration, studies of
other methods of political participation help shed light on
important political developments among South Asian
Americans. Circle, a non-profit research center that
conducts research on the civic and political engagement of
young Americans, released a report on the Civic engagement
of minority youth in 2007 that reveals important information
on the political activity of Asian Americans (and thus South
Asians). A Figure 9 table on electoral activities shows
that among Asian American 15-25 year olds, 51.3% tried to
persuade others in an election, higher than any other ethnic
group. In addition, while only 4.2% of Asian Americans are
regular volunteers for political candidates or groups, this
was still a higher rate than those of other ethnic groups.
Focusing on South Asians, a graph from the 2008 National
Asian American Survey found that 70% of Asian Indians
discussed politics with family and friends, and 14% visited
the internet to discuss a candidate or issue.22 At last, a
prominent method by South Asians in influencing politicians
and policy-makers is financial political contributions.
This type of political activity had been utilized by South
Asians since 1980 and will become even more prominent and
significant as more South Asians run for office. For
example, in 1996 Indian Americans alone contributed $7
million to political campaigns.23 Ashish Sen of the
Subcontinental described the continued significance of this
activity among South Asians: “Political fundraisers are
widely acknowledged as the quickest way to carve a niche in
the good books of Washington’s powerbrokers. The
22 Jane Junn, et al., “Asian Americans and the 2008 Election,” NAAS: National Asian American Survey, 6 October 2006, http://www.naasurvey.com/assets/NAAS-National-report.pdf (accessed 20 April 2010), pg. 2123 Nirav S. Desai, ed., “Forging Political Identity: South Asian Americans in American Policymaking,” The Subcontinental: A Journal of South Asian American Political Identity, (Washingon: The Subcontinental, Spring 2003), vol.I, Issue 1: pg. 7
community’s influence on the political process has been
primarily measured by its ability to raise hard money.”24
An important indicator of South Asian political
participation is the recent appearance of South Asian
political organizations, national and local, aimed at
informing and mobilizing South Asian Americans on a variety
of issues. These organizations demonstrate a growing
political awareness compelling South Asians to form groups
that provide information, assistance, and opportunities to
unite behind issues that most concern their Communities.
While looking through the 7th edition of the National Asian
Pacific American Political Almanac of 1997, I counted only
one South Asian organization in the list of national, state,
and local Asian American civil rights groups.25 In
contrast, I counted 12 South Asian organizations in the 12th
edition, 2005-2006 copy of the National Asian Pacific
24 Ashish Kumar Sen, “South Asian American Political Clout: No Giant Leaps…Yet,” The Subcontinental: A Journal of South Asian American Political Identity, ed. Nirav S. Desai, (Washington: The Subcontinental, Summer 2003), vol. I: Issue 2: pg. 1525 “National Asian Pacific American Civil Rights Groups and Political Party Organizations,” in 1996 National Asian Pacific American Political Almanac, 7th ed. (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1996), pg. 196-199
American Political Almanac.26 Political organizations are
forming all over the country, including the Indian American
Political Action Committee (IAPAC) in Seattle and Houston,
Project-Impact on the East Coast, the newly formed Indian
American Policy Institute, the Indian American Republican
Council, Sikh Media Watch and Resource Taskforce (SMART),
the Indian American Leadership Incubator, and the South
Asian leaders of Tomorrow (SAALT) organization focused on
civil rights, to name a few.27 SAALT, for example, was
formed in 2000 and is the only national staffed organization
in the United States that advocates issues affecting South
Asian communities through the use of a social justice
framework. National organizations like SAALT are not the
only means by which South Asian come together; numerous
state and local organizations have also been created to
provide crucial services to South Asians, like NOT IN OUR
26 “National Asian Pacific American Civil Rights Groups and Political Party Organizations,” in 2005-2006 National Asian Pacific American Political Almanac, 12th ed. (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 2006), pg. 49-5727 Nirav S. Desai, ed., “Forging Political Identity: South Asian Americans in American Policymaking,” The Subcontinental: A Journal of South Asian American Political Identity, (Washingon: The Subcontinental, Spring 2003), vol.I, Issue 1: pg. 10
NAME, a New York coalition established in 2002 that
campaigns against post-9/11 crackdowns on civil liberties.
Friends of South Asia (FOSA) is an organization founded in
2001/2002 with a focus on issues in South Asia, and in 2006
it joined with the Alliance of South Asians Taking Action
(ASATA), an organization formed in 2000 by a group of
second-generation South Asians. This alliance was formed to
create DESIST, or Desis to Stop the War, to coordinate anti-
war activism and address violence and discrimination of the
South Asian community.28 Some organizations are purely
political, such as the US Indian Political Action Committee,
or USINPAC, that was founded in 2002 with goals of getting
Indian Americans into political office and impacting policy
issues important to the Indian American community. Other
political South Asian organizations have been created to
support specific candidates, most notably South Asians for
Kerry (SAKI) and South Asians for Obama (SAFO).
These are just some of the many organizations created
by South Asian Americans covering a wide range of issues.
28 Ashfaque Swapan, “The Power of Protest,” Indian Life and Style, July-September 2006, pg. 50
What’s important about these organizations are the ways
they’ve circumvented the traditional political constraints
within the South Asian Community. However, the importance
of these organizations in politically motivating the South
Asian American community cannot be fully understood without
taking into account certain events and developments. For
example, technological developments like the internet have
given the South Asian community a crucial organizing tool,
and it is being heavily exploited in the 21st century. Now,
many recent organizations come with websites that can reach
and service South Asian Americans from all around the
country, helping to overcome the problems that geographic
dispersal posed for organization. The 2004 Indian Life and
Style article helps illustrate the importance of the
internet in mobilizing political participation among South
Asians: “Republican and Democratic volunteers this year say
it’s easier than ever to get involved in campaign politics.
You don’t need money, a lot of free time, political
experience, or powerful friends – just the Internet.”29 The
29 Neil Shah, “On the Campaign Trail,” Indian Life and Style, July/August 2004,pg. 56
internet has also resulted in the explosion of blogs by
South Asians who want to express their political and
cultural concerns, allowing them to not only express
themselves but also to be noticed and heard. Influential
blogs include Sepia Mutiny, which started in 2002 to covers
South Asian issues and include posts on South Asian American
political participation and voter turnout.30
Certain events and situations have also pushed South
Asian Americans to respond out of fear, which includes
creating these political and social organizations. Often
these events are hate crimes or displays of discrimination
that the community cannot ignore. Perhaps the most
significant event to impact the South Asian community was
the 9/11 attacks and the federal legislation and hate crimes
that followed. These events not only pushed South Asians
into becoming more politically conscious, but also reduced
the salience of intra-community divisions like class,
ethnicity and religion. Since all South Asians became
potential targets of post-9/11 legislation and
30 Mandira Banerjee and Aswin Punathabekar, “Blog.ind: The Browning of Blogsophere,” Indian Life and Style, September-October 2005, pg. 54
discrimination, old divisions gave way shared feelings of
vulnerability. The environment of heightened hostility may
spur political solidarity among South Asian Americans and
make them organize along pan–South Asian lines. Already
many influential South Asian Americans are calling for
increasing efforts toward uniting different segments of the
South Asian community in order to present a large and
coordinated front against unconstitutional laws and hate
crimes that target them all regardless of ethnicity,
religion, and class.31 Many hope to take advantage of this
move toward solidarity in the face of discrimination and
hate to create a fixed pan-South Asian community united
under one political banner to maximize the political and
financial clout of the community in issues outside post-9/11
concerns.32 (Indian life and Style 2004 pg. 58).
Already there are signs that South Asians are reaching
across class, religious, and ethnic lines to help each
other. Many of the organizations I’ve mentioned have turned31 Nazli Kibria, “South Asian Americans,” in Asian Americans: Contemporary Trends and Issues, ed. Pyong Gap Min, 2nd ed. (California: Pine Forge Press,2006), pg. 21132 Reshma M. Saujani, “It’s Politics, Stupid,” Indian Life and Style, October 2003, pg. 20.
to other organizations in helping to compile information and
provide services to their targeted groups. SAALT especially
has not only collaborated with specific South Asian groups,
but also Asian American organizations. For example, during
the days leading up to the 2008 presidential election, SAALT
recruited and worked with volunteers around the country as
part of the AALDEF (Asian American Legal Defense and
Education Fund) Asian American Voter Survey. Currently,
SAALT is working on a project, the National Coalition,
involving the agreement of 34 South Asian community
organizations from 12 regions throughout the United States
to form of a National Coalition of South Asian
Organizations. “Coalition partners provide services to,
advocate on behalf of, or organize individuals from
Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and the
diaspora. The Coalition also serves and represents
individuals of diverse faiths including Muslims, Christians,
Hindus, Jains, and Sikhs.”33
33 “SAALT in ’08: Amplifying the South Asian Voice in the Elections and
Beyond,” SAALT: Strengthening South Asian Communities in the Unites States, 2008, http://www.saalt.org/pages/Meet-the-National-
Thus, South Asian Americans are becoming more
politically active in a broad range of activities that
includes both electoral and non-electoral activities.
Despite structural and intra-community obstacles to
political participation, South Asian Americans are learning
to bypass these limitations to participate more actively in
political issues. This has resulted in higher voter
turnout, as well as heightened political activity in other
areas like running for office, handing out donations, and
creating organizations aimed at serving the community.
These developments have existed due to technological
advances like the Internet and events like 9/11 that have
raised political awareness among South Asians and pushed
them to work together on issues that matter most to them.
But, are these developments the beginning of a powerful and
united South Asian political group, with political resources
that will allow them to influence policy and address issues
like discrimination? Or is this a short-term fad that will
peter out by the next election, with South Asian American
Coalition.html, (accessed 20 April 2010)
returning to isolation and political apathy? Only time will
tell.
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