american orientalism (2)
TRANSCRIPT
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Hasan Karayam
U.S & Middle East
10-3-2011
Review book
Douglas Little,American Orientalism: the United States and the Middle East since 1945,
University of North Carolina Press: Chapel Hill: North Carolina, 2002. 407p.
The book is divided into acknowledgments, abbreviations, introduction, eight chapters,
conclusion, notes, Bibliography and Index. The structure of the book is thematically. The book
argues the impact of that dynamic on five decades of U.S policy toward the Middle East. The
books audience is to be interest to specialists in diplomatic history and area studies and it is also
designed to provide the general reader with abroad understanding of the political, cultural, and
economic considerations that have influenced U.S policy since 1945. Little uses different
primary sources, oral histories and interviews, and movement documents.
The first chapter is entitled Orientalism, American Style: the Middle East in the Mind of
America. Little talks about a quick look at eighteenth and nineteenth century popular culture
shows that Muslims, Jews, and most other peoples of the Middle East were organized and
depicted as backward, decadent, and untruth worthy. By 1900 anti- Semitic and anti- Islamic
sentiments were as American as apple pie. During the early twentieth century, businessmen,
missionaries, and archaeologist reinforced this orientalist outlook, with help from popular
magazines like National Geographic. With the coming of the Second World War, the Holocaust,
and the founding of Israel, however, anti-Semitism abated somewhat and Jews were
westernized while Arab and Muslims were demonized as anti-Western terrorists. By the late
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1990s these more complicated orientalist messages were being projected not only onto
Americas movie screens through Hollywood blockbusters such as Schindlers List and True
Lies but also into Americas living rooms nightly news footage that contrasted telegenic Israeli
moderates with ruthless, rich, or radical Arabs.
The second chapter is entitled Opening the Door: Business, Diplomacy, and Americas
Stake in Middle East Oil. Little talks about the emergence of the international oil industry and
multinational corporations. He explains how policymakers and oil executives developed a
symbiotic relationship that allowed the United States to provide aid and exert influence in the
Arab world, while keeping shareholders and friends of Israel relatively happy. He also explains
the role and impact of the emergence of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries
(OPEC) after 1970.
The third chapter is entitled The Making of a Special Relationship: America and Israel.
Little talks about the special relationship between the United States and Israel and its influences
that created problems with the Arab oil states. Little argues the contradiction of their interests
against each other. Once the United States became convinced that the Israelis possessed both the
will and the way to build an atomic bomb. Conventional arms sales became part of a concerted.
Although the Israelis never really accepted the notion that what was good for the United States
was necessarily good for the Jewish state.
The fourth chapter is A Tale of Four Doctrines: U.S National Security, the Soviet
Threat, and the Middle East. Little traces U.S efforts to contain the Soviet Union by utilizing
the newly created cold war national security state to enforce what amounted to Monroe
Doctrine for the Middle East. The Truman Doctrine envisaged the United Kingdom providing
the military muscle and the United States bankrolling a regional security system that stretched
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from turkey to Pakistan. The Suez crisis, however, showed that U.S and U.K interests were not
identical, and America moved to convert Britain into its junior partner under the Eisenhower
Doctrine during the late 1950s. Little explains the U.S efforts to face the Soviet Union
involvement in region, like twin pillars. [p5]
The fifth chapter is entitled Sympathy For the Devil?: America, Nasser, and Arab
Revolutionary Nationalism. Little talks about the American ambivalent reaction to Gamal
Abdel Nassers nationalism revolution. Little examines the American position after Nasser
seized power in July 1952, especially the administrations of Dwight D. Eisenhower, Kennedy,
and Johnson who considered Nasser as at best the Egyptian equivalent.
The sixth chapter is Modernizing the Middle East: From Reform to Revolution in Iraq,
Libya, and Iran. Little argues that the United States hoped to avoid a replay of revolution in
Egypt by modernizing and reforming traditional Muslim societies from North Africa to Persian
Gulf. U.S policymakers deluded themselves into thinking that by initiating evolutionary change
in Iraq, Libya, and Iran. Little explains the American efforts in Iraq to reform the Hashemite
monarchy, in Libya to encourage king Idris to modernize his regime and in Iran invested heavily
in the shahs White Revolution to be repaid with an Islamic backlash led by Ayatollah
Khomeini.
The seventh chapter is entitled Kicking the Vietnam Syndrome: Waging Limited War
From the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf. Little shows that the 1990-91 Gulf War must be
understood not merely as a response to Saddam Husseins smash- and- grab tactics but also as a
reaction to the Vietnam Syndrome that had curtailed armed U.S intervention in regional
conflicts for nearly two decades. Little explains U.S involvement during Eisenhower through
George Bush.
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The eighth chapter is entitled Opportunities Lost and Found: the United States and the
Arab- Israeli Peace Process. Little argues that for more than fifty years the U.S prescription for
an Arab- Israeli settlement has been based on simple truth: If there is to be an end to bloodshed,
both Arab and Jew must accept the principle of peace for land. Little explains the Arab
position toward principle of peace throughout 1947-1967, and the position of U.S foreign policy
against the issue.
Stylistically, Little's writing is very difficult to navigate. His rampant use of passive voice
and colloquial language is quite distracting. On numerous occasions Little refers to the President
as "the man in the Oval Office, or the State Department as "Foggy Bottom." This might not
bother some, but it comes across as unprofessional and informal. It's hard to imagine the final
version of this book making it past an editor's desk because in the end, these flaws detract from
the effectiveness of the book in a major way. When passive voice or other indices of poor writing
show up almost every other paragraph, the book's 328 pages seem particularly long and
burdensome.
The use of primary sources, oral histories and interviews, and government documents
inform his careful analyses of the contradictions of U.S. policy. However is one-sided, for the
author doesn't bring any sources from the Middle East and confines himself mainly to sources
from American politics.
Instead of providing a straight forward chronological narrative, Little divided his book
into several thematic chapters, each exploring a different facet of postwar U.S involvement in the
Middle East, whether cultural perceptions, oil diplomacy, modernization efforts, responses to
radical Arab nationalism, military interventionism, or Arab-Israeli peacemaking. While this
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approach entails a certain amount of repetition, its great advantage is the opportunity it provides
for elucidating broad patterns in postwar American foreign policy.1
American Orientalismis, however, a strange work. The title has little to do with most of
the books content, at least in terms of supplying an analysis based on the paradigm of
Orientalism. Although the books introductionprovides a survey of the mostly Bible-based
assumptions, biases, and racial stereotypes that have shaped American behavior toward the
Middle East, starting with chapter 1, the author drops the Orientalist model and proceeds to give
the reader little more than an overview of diplomatic history from Presidents Harry Truman to
George W. Bush. Thus, most of the text is a standard tour of cold war imperatives, the Baghdad
Pact and tactical differences with the British, the approach-avoidance feelings toward Arab
nationalism, the growing affinity for the shah of Iran and its anti- American consequences, the
tail-wags-dog alliance with the Israelis and corresponding vilification of the Palestinians, the
minor disasters of President Reagans administration, the 1979and 2000 Camp David summit
meetings, and finally, the two Gulf wars through which American leaders sought, among other
things, to kick the Vietnam Syndrome.
Little seems that is not dispassionate historian in their words used in the book. Where in
this comprehensive survey do we find the Orientalist mindset? It is not part of any critical
analyses, but rather is found in the seemingly unconscious asides and characterizations given by
the author himself. That is, Littles own words too often become examples of the Western
assumptions so aptly described in his introduction. For instance, there is pan-Arab
skullduggery(p. 129); Egyptian and Syrian governments are radical regimes (p. 133); those
who, in 1958, take over Iraq in order to eliminate British and American influence while seeking
1Yaqub, Salim, American Orientalism: the United States and Middle East Since 1945, Reviews in American
History, Vol.31, No 4 (Dec-2003):619-25.
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aid from the Soviets are anti-Western(p. 134) (since when are the Russians not Western
relative to the Arab East?);the House of Saud is corrupt and unpredictable(p. 138); Iran and
Iraq are two rogue states (p. 155); and Arabs who attack American interests are devilish
terrorists(p. 155). Moreover, Little describes Arabs who developed an ideology of national
liberation during the 1920s as Arab radicals (p. 160) and Gamal Abd al-Nassers Arab
nationalisms radical (p. 167) and left-wing adventurism (p. 187).2
2Davidson, Lawrence, American Orientalism: the United States and Middle East Since 1945, Journal of Palestinian
studies, Vol. 33, No. 3 (Spring 2004):120-21