algc masters thesis- final draft

Social Integration of African Refugees in Norway: Policy and Education perspective

By

Marques D. Anderson

Master’s Degree Program in Adult Learning and Global Change

Faculty of Social Sciences

Master Thesis

2013

Marques Anderson Linköping Universitet II

Acknowledgments

First I would like to express my love for my family. Without their support and

understanding it would have been very difficult to complete this thesis. Secondly I would

like to express my gratitude for my advisor Robert Aman. His guidance and insight

allowed me to develop as a writer and his continuous advise throughout the process made

it a wonderful learning experience.

To all my informants, I would like to acknowledge and express my appreciation for your

participation in the interview process. I have made some friends during this portion of the

thesis and I am grateful for the honesty and expressiveness each of you gave to the

project.

I would like to thank the staff at Linköping Universitet for giving me the tools throughout

the course of the Adult Learning and Global Change Master’s program. Having the

opportunity to learn under such a diverse platform, really broadened my horizons in many

facets of Adult Learning and how Global Change affects societies all over the world.

To Lilly White for going the extra mile and gathering information from informants in

Lillehammer. Thank you kindly for your time and your efforts. Big Up!

Lastly, I would like to send a special thank you to My wife, my best friend and confidant.

She and our son have given me unconditional support throughout this process, and I am

blessed to have such a strong team...Love

One Step at a Time, We will Positively Change the World!

Marques D. Anderson

Marques Anderson Linköping Universitet III

ABSTRACT

Social integration of refugees is generating considerable global discourse throughout policy chambers and academics. Due to the development of globalization, migration of humans across borders has increased considerably. In relation to refugees, international policies concerning social integration remain interlinked with economic and political markets for each country. Globalization has increased the urgencies to consider which ideals and policies are implemented to enhance cultural integration, social justice, inclusion, and equality in diversity. This qualitative thesis examines refugees from multiple countries within Africa and their perceptions concerning social integration in Norway. Focusing on the Introductory Program mandated by Norwegian law for all refugees retaining a residence permit, the paper explores which criteria of adult learning and engagement has the greatest impact in the social integration process. More essentially, which aspects do refugees feel is most important to accomplishing successful integration into Norwegian society? The key areas the paper focuses on are: competence of Norwegian Culture and Language, Opportunity of Transferable Education, Access to Native Norwegian networks, Employment Opportunities, Psychological Assistance, along with Discrimination. The approach follows 7 key matrixes, (language, economics, access to employment, social networks, discrimination and experiences to trauma and humiliation) which the Directorate of Immigration and Diversity utilize as barometers in gauging the success of social integration of immigrants. The paper considers the participant’s exposure to the phenomenon of social integration, aiming to understand the informants lived experiences and how the participants themselves make sense of their experiences. Analyzing 13 interviews from respondents of multiple native African countries, the results indicate how the interviewed refugees perceive themselves to be vulnerable, unequal and at times discriminated against, while considering educational practitioner’s role in the social integration process in Norway.

Marques Anderson Linköping Universitet IV

Chapter 1: Introduction ....................................................................................................... 6 1.1 Aim and Research Question ...................................................................................... 8

Chapter 2: Literature Review and Theory .......................................................................... 9 2.1 Access to Education ................................................................................................ 11 2.2 Access to Employment ........................................................................................... 13 2.3 Discrimination ......................................................................................................... 14 2.4 Social Networks ...................................................................................................... 15 2.5 Language ................................................................................................................. 16 2.6 Experiences of Trauma and Humiliation ................................................................ 17 2.7 Native Networks ..................................................................................................... 18

Chapter 3: Research Design: Presentation of Procedures ................................................. 20 3.1 The Study Site ......................................................................................................... 20 3.2 Informants ............................................................................................................... 20 3.3 Ethical Considerations ............................................................................................ 21 3.4 Language ................................................................................................................. 22 3.5 Procedures of Data Collection ................................................................................ 22 3.6 Limitations .............................................................................................................. 23 3.7 Method Discussion .................................................................................................. 24

Chapter 4: Norwegian Immigration and Continued Education Policy ............................. 26 Chapter 5: Data Analysis .................................................................................................. 30

5.1 Informants’ Views Concerning Social integration ................................................. 32 5.2 Informant’s Views Concerning Educational Processes and Opportunities in Norway .......................................................................................................................... 35 5.3 Employment Access and Opportunities for Refugees ............................................ 38 5.4 Evaluation of Networks in Social Integration ......................................................... 41 5.5 Examination of Language in Social Integration ..................................................... 43 5.6 Access to the Welfare System ................................................................................. 45 5.7 Assessment of Welfare System ............................................................................... 46 5.8 Experiences of Trauma and Humiliation ................................................................ 48 5.9 Psychological Context and Support for Refugees .................................................. 51 5.10 Norwegian Friends Network ................................................................................. 53 5.11 Perception of Equality in the Workforce .............................................................. 54

Chapter 6: Conclusion, Adult Learning Context and Recommendations ......................... 62 6.1 Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 62 6.2 Adult Learning Context .......................................................................................... 65 6.3 Recommendations ................................................................................................... 66

References: ........................................................................................................................ 69 APPENDIX ....................................................................................................................... 76

Marques Anderson Linköping Universitet V

Marques Anderson Linköping Universitet 6

Chapter 1: Introduction Political conflicts within or between countries, ethnic issues, persecution of minorities

caused by racial or religious discrimination, unfairness in rationing natural resources and

development projects, along with societal collapse are some of the reasons why refugees

flea their native lands. Other movements are due to natural disasters such as floods,

hurricanes, drought, etc. (UNHCR, 2008) Global conflicts and the expansion of

interconnected societies, perpetuate migration across borders. This dynamic sets the stage

for discourse regarding social integration of refugees and an analysis of statements from

refugees form African countries on how effective efforts have been.

This thesis focuses on the refugee’s personal perceptions of social integration in Norway.

In this aspect, the refugees are derived from different countries, educational backgrounds,

religions and social statuses. In consideration of this I was able to evaluate multiple

perceptions of the refugees while reflecting on the policies and programs initiated by the

Norwegian government to assist in the process of integration. According to Spencer

(2003:6), integration is not simply about access to the labor market and services, or about

changing attitudes or civic engagement; it is a two- way process of adaptation by migrant

and host society at all of those levels. In this study, social integration is defined as:

Participation in the community and local environment while maintaining one’s own

culture and integrity. It is a subjective feeling belonging to and being part of society

(Granerud, 2008).


The topic of immigration is increasingly creating debates, which are calling for

resolutions within Norwegian politics. Norway has been a signed member and participant

of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) since the conception

of the Refugee Convention in 19511. As of 2010, Norway serves host to 151,000

refugees, equating to 3.1 percent of their population2 (Fig. 1). Norway has maintained

extensive state sponsored integration programs, which are exclusive in a European

context, where housing and education are at the forefront of the social integration agenda.

Even though Norway provides considerable assistance towards social integration, they

have yet to find comprehensive success in elevating social and economic inequalities

between refugees and the native population within Norway.

Figure 1

1 Official text of the Refugee Convention in 1951 and the 1967 protocol a can be found here: http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49da0e466.html 2 Largest groups are from Iraq and Somalia, 19,800 and 17,700 respectively: http://www.ssb.no/flyktninger/ (See table 1 in Index) 2 Largest groups are from Iraq and Somalia, 19,800 and 17,700 respectively: http://www.ssb.no/flyktninger/ (See table 1 in Index)


1.1 Aim and Research Question

Interviewing 13 refugees from multiple countries on the continent of Africa, the research

ultimately analyzes how refugees perceive and experience the Norwegian integration

process and categorize which factors, contribute to refugees ultimately ‘feeling’ socially

integrated. During the course of this research, the paper aims to analyze the meta

question: How do refugees from Africa in Norway perceive the role of continued

education, access to employment, social networks, discrimination and experiences of

trauma and humiliation.

Analyzing the perception’s my interviewers hold towards continued education, social

networks, discrimination and access to the labor market in Norway will develop insight

for authorities on how the ideological foundation of Norwegian integration policy can be

more efficiently implemented. Through the evaluation of this study, the paper will serve

to examine the execution and limitations of Norwegian integration policy and practices.


Chapter 2: Literature Review and Theory

Social Integration

Social integration is a highly complex and contested concept. The 7 categories of social

integration which this paper focuses on are: Access to Education, Access to Employment,

Discrimination, Social Networks, Language, Native Networks and Exposure to Trauma

and Humiliation. Categories were derived from respondents’ interview responses along

with the Norwegian Introduction Act of 2003, which sets the guidelines and framework

for immigration and integration in Norway. These categories serve as a backbone for this

research, forming the interview questions along with shepherding the assessment process

once data was received.

There is a great deal of discourse which attempts to determine what constitutes

integration and how one determines if the strategies put forth are successful in the

process. Generally, studies of refugee integration can be classified into two broad

concepts; those that attempt to delineate the domains in which refugees might be

integrated; and those that identify factors that might influence refugee integration (Atfield

et al., 2007). Developing the framework for this paper, conceptualization of perceived

social integration is defined as the process of promoting the values, relations and

institutions that enable all people to participate in social, economic and political life on

the basis of equality of rights and opportunity, equity and dignity (Ferguson, 2008). With

that being stated, social integration is a two-way process involving mutual adjustment

and participation on the part of the host society as well as by the refugees themselves,


rather than as a process of assimilation in which refugees are encouraged to adopt cultural

norms of the host society (Atfield et al., 2007).

Literature on social integration tends to focus on the economic, social or cultural domains

of the phenomena, often featuring communities of refugees or immigrants. The analytical

dimensions to be processed are surfaced around: Economic, Social, Political, and Cultural

stability during the social integration process. Sen (1999, p.10) proposes five instrumental

freedoms, complimenting each other and promoting the capacity of a refugee: political

freedoms, economic facilities, social opportunities, transparency guarantees, and

protective security. These freedoms are consistent with social integration goals, which

promote, social, political and cultural capabilities for refugees.

Adding further context to indicators, which can be used to gauge the success of social

integration, literature from Ager and Strang’s (2004a) suggest domains are

conceptualized in ‘Means and Markers’ containing employment, housing, education and

health. The domain ‘Facilitators’ includes language and cultural knowledge, safety and

stability. Finally the domain ‘Foundation’ consists of the indicator ‘rights and citizenship’

(Ager and Strang 2004a via Valenta, 2010). Both the ‘Means and Makers’ aspects must

be met in order to incubate successful social integration. Sifting through the allocated

data from the respondents, I was able to splice my analysis into 7 core aspects allowing

me to interpret refugees’ perceptions of their social integration process. It is worth a

mention that many of the respondents were highly educated, having elevated educational

status from their home country along with generating additional education in Norway.


2.1 Access to Education Those who have access to a good education generally procure higher earning potentials

and opportunities to get involved in their communities (Stiftung, 2008). Human Capital

theory suggests that education or training raises the productivity of workers by impairing

useful knowledge and skills, hence raising workers’ future income by increasing their

lifetime earnings (Becker, 1994). Therefore, education increases an individuals’ human

capital in a knowledge-based society, which Norway subsequently is. Exploring different

writer’s discussions concerning human capital theories and the implications for

educational development retains quantifiable value in moving forward (Olaniyan.

Okemakinde, 2008).

Under the notion that formal education is highly instrumental and improves the

production capacity of an individual and a nation, creating the discourse, which

rationalizes investment in raising individual’s human capital would be relevant. As the

EU Ministers of Education state, “Higher education should play a strong role in fostering

social cohesion, reducing inequalities and raising the level of knowledge, skills and

competences in society. For education to contribute significantly to economic growth and

development, it must be of high quality to meet the skill-demand needs of the economy.”

(Olaniyan. Okemakinde, 2008, pp.157).


In the Salamanca statement of 19943 a majority of Western nations proclaimed that

inclusive education was to be a fundamental principle for learning institutions. The aim

focused on providing equal opportunities for all students, where social inclusion is

defined by Barton (in Dyson, 1999) as the absence of injustice, discrimination, and

exclusion.

Robert (1991) developed a human capital model, which shows that education, and the

creation of human capital was responsible for both the differences in labor productivity

and the differences in overall levels of technology that we observe in the world. As a

capital good, education can be used to develop the human resources necessary for

economic and social transformation. The three rational criteria supporting human capital

theory according to Babalola (2003) are:

1. The new individuals placed in society must be given the appropriate parts of the knowledge, which has already been accumulated by previous generation,

2. The new individuals should be taught how existing knowledge should be used to develop new products and services, to introduce new processes and production methods and social services; and

3. People must be encouraged to develop entirely new ideas, products, processes and methods through creative approaches.

In the case of this paper, human capital theory is directly linked to social integration

through a societies investment in refugees. Through continued learning, integration into

the labor market is one of the most crucial factors to social inclusion and social

3 300 representatives representing 92 governments and 25 international organizations met in Salamanca, Spain to further the objective of Education for All by considering the fundamental policy shifts required to promote the approach of inclusive education, enabling schools to serve all children, particularly those with special educational needs. UNESCO 1994.


integration. Educating refugees into being active participants in the economic structure of

the host country, gives the individual a sense of pride and accomplishment.

2.2 Access to Employment Economic integration in terms of employment is specifically defined to be achieved when

the employment levels of immigrants including refugees are on the same pay scale as

those of native participants (ECRE, 2005). Considering social integration employment is

considered very important in the aspect of economic stability but also in creation of

informal networks, which broaden knowledge. Groups that work together and meet after

work have a positive influence on self-activity and help to create a mutual bond (Howard

et al. 2000).

Djuve (2006,2007) argues that the Norwegian workforce is not closed to immigrants, but

the jobs that they have are often temporary, poorly paid and do not necessarily require

formal education. Weber (1924) believed social class starts with the relationship to means

of production, but class stratification needs more than this- being a more complex

analysis of property (ownership of wealth), market situation and then status and power.

69 percent of Norwegians feel being able to support oneself and family through

employment is the second greatest factor to determine successful integration (IMDi,

2009). According to points 36 and 37 of the Position on Reception of Asylum-Seekers of

the European Council on Refugees and Exiles, of June 1997, asylum seekers should

benefit from the access to the labor market of the host state at the earliest possible

stage…Reform of the refugee and asylum procedures is, of course, the starting point in


such situation. A reception policy, which includes the right to work, will simultaneously

prevent exclusion from the host society and facilitate re-integration, upon return, to the

country of origin (ECRE, via INTEGRAR, 1998).

Many refugees experience apparent difficulties in the process of establishing themselves

in the workforce, where research has been specifically conducted to evaluate the

relationship between the educational credentials possessed by immigrants and their

earnings (Galarneu and Morisette, 2004; Ferrer and Riddell, 2003; Bratsberg and Ragan,

2002). This phenomenon can create a perceived inequality in a refugee’s status, where

status relies on a social estimation of honor, where status relates to developing visible

lifestyles, and the likely exclusion of certain pre-defined social groups that may not join

(Weber, 1924).

2.3 Discrimination In the Norwegian Integration Act, the term ‘Direct discrimination’ is defined as: “the

purpose or effect of an act or omission that persons or enterprises are treated less

favorably than others, have been or would have been treated in a corresponding situation

on such grounds mentioned above in this paragraph”. Also defined is the term ‘indirect

discrimination which states, “any apparently neutral provision, condition, practice, act or

omission that would put persons at a particular disadvantage compared with other persons

on such grounds as mentioned at the top of this paragraph. (Section 4, Gov.no A,

translation).


On January 1, 2006, Norway implemented, The Act on Prohibition of discrimination

based on ethnicity, religion, etc. (the Anti-Discrimination Act), which promotes equality,

ensures equal opportunities and rights and prevent discrimination based on ethnicity,

national origin, descent, skin color, language, religion or belief. A further analysis of

perceived discriminations can be discussed in the context of how education creates

economic inequalities. Some Scandinavian studies can be found which pertain several

‘discrimination oriented’ investigations, where policies have been systematically set forth

to create inequalities in the labor-market between immigrants and native-born individuals

(Rogstad 2000; Craig 2007).

2.4 Social Networks There has been increasing debate on the development of social networks in consideration

of social integration of refugees. Organizations such as the Norwegian Refugee Council

have focused on how refugees engage in capacity building and network expansion. The

domain ‘Social connections’, which draws on the work of Putman (1993) and his

operationalization of the social capital concept, consists of social bridges with members

of other communities, social bonds within a refugee’s own community, and social links

with the institutions of the host society (Putman 1993, 2000). Ager and Strang’s (2004a)

framework for assessing refugees’ integration places great emphasis on social

relationships in the definition and achievement of refugees’ integration into society,

suggesting that it is ‘the nature of relationships that most clearly defines a sense of

integration’ (2004b; 3). They draw on the language of social capital to evaluate how

different types of social relationships contribute to refugees’ integration. These types of


connections, following theories of social capital are often identified as examples of

‘bonded’ or ‘bridged’ social capital (Putnam, 2000), Bonded social capital provide

resources for certain groups to ‘get by’, yet are subject to ‘social isolation’, where

bridged social capital provides resources for a group to ‘get ahead’ (Putman, 2007).

Further, social networks provide refugees with informal resources which can assist in

accommodating desired opportunities in which the hosted would like to explore and feel

satisfied doing. Social contacts also provide an opportunity to learn the native language

and culture. Ultimately, social networks increase tolerance and reduce discrimination and

prejudices associated with the host’s lack of knowledge of the hosted (Allport 1954;

Pettigrew and Tropp 2006), which in turn facilitates a stronger sense of belonging to the

host society (Lee and Bean 2004).

2.5 Language Based on the question, how and why does language matter in the social integration

process? Jandt (2004) defined language as a set of symbols shared by a community to

communicate meaning and experience. Jandt further points out that when people learn

their native language, they also unconsciously learn their culture.

Esser (2006) believes for adults learning a new language, there are four basic factors,

which are considered: Motivation (e.g. the prospect of increased income), access (e.g.

opportunities for contact or availability of courses), skills (e.g. general intelligence or

particular ability to learn languages) and the costs associated with learning (e.g. time


involved, pressure to assimilate). Language in the context of integration associates three

functionalities:

Language is firstly, a- more or less – valuable resource, through which other resources can be obtained and in which one can choose to invest (or not) and thus it is part of the actors’ human capital. Secondly, it is a symbol, which can describe things, express internal states, convey requests and (through this) “define” situations, including the activation of stereotypes about the speaker and potentially associated prejudices, for example relating to an accent. Thirdly it is a medium of communication and the transactions that proceed through it and therefore assume the special function of the communicative securing of coordination and “understanding” (Esser, 2006, pp.11).

Maintaining a comprehensive acquisition of language is a primary function to gain deeper

access to social and economic resources of the host country. 82 percent of Norwegians

describe having good Norwegian language skills as the most important factor to being

well integrated. (IMDi, 2009)

2.6 Experiences of Trauma and Humiliation A Swedish researcher (Erdner et al., 2002) concluded that lack of friends and meaningful

activity, in addition to lack of participation in their own care, can leave an existential

vacuum for people suffering from mental health problems. The problems of feeling

lonely and experiencing difficulties integrating in society have also been confirmed in a

study by Bengtsson-Tops (2001). Without active interventions in the form of community

participation and individual support, people with mental health problems who live by

themselves can find themselves excluded from social networks (Hardiman & Segal,

2003). A Canadian study showed that persons with mental health problems report lower

levels of both social contacts with neighbors and general life satisfaction compared to

other community residents (Aubry & Myner, 1996). People with mental health problems


are vulnerable, feel different and are dependent on help from professionals (Johnstone,

2001).

2.7 Native Networks With the examination of the social balance theory developed by Heider (1958) we can

evaluate how relations among certain people characterize interactions that occur within a

social system. These interactions can have a major influence on the susceptibility of

educational programs set forth for refugees and the social integration of refugees, where

voluntary self-segregation can undermine the efforts of Norwegian integration policy

(Wirth 1988; Valenta 2008).

Barker (1999) defines a social network as, "Individuals or groups linked by some

common bond, shared social status, similar or shared functions, or geographic or cultural

connection. Social networks form and discontinue on an ad hoc basis depending on

specific need and interest." (pp.112) Sharing of information, contacts and resources

define the criteria held within shared agreements to create mutual benefits between

individuals and or communities. In order to achieve a social network, reciprocity must be

present between actors within the network. If social contacts improve the chances of

getting a good job at high pay, net of individual abilities, workers must have the right

social contact to get ahead. (Korczynski et al. 2006, pp.287).

In the context of social inclusion, refugees can be described as a vulnerable group due to

the fact that many Norwegians are skeptical when it comes to allowing foreigners into


their social networks. From a policy stand point, this can explain Norway’s direct

implementation of understanding the language and showcases this portion of the process

to be a catalyst for successful social integration.


Chapter 3: Research Design: Presentation of Procedures

3.1 The Study Site The city of Oslo, Norway generated the densest population of African refugees in the

country, allowing a diverse culmination of respondents. With Oslo being the largest and

most diversified city in Norway, the site provided a micro indication of the social

integration context in which to be examined.

3.2 Informants The primary data for this study was allocated from 15 refugees- 7 women and 8 men

from multiple African countries. The informant’s ages ranged from 20 to 55. Of the 15

respondents, 2, which were both men provided insufficient answers and data could not be

used in final analysis. Gathered by friends, colleagues and different refugee assistant

organizations provided the opportunity to engage with potential respondents who were

willing to be interviewed. My selection will be influenced by 4 criteria: Gender, Age,

Citizenship Status (must be refugee status) and National background. After selection

most interviews were conducted as a one on one informal interview, where I was able to

administer my research questions. During the flow of the conversation, topics, which

were not specifically on the questionnaire, were discussed. Respondents were allowed to

answer the questions individually, and then provide their individual experiences and

perspectives concerning the topic. Interviews were audio recorded if given permission

and transcribed if respondents chose not to be recorded during the session.


Before acquiring participants or conducting interviews the informants were instructed and

ensured their confidentiality would be protected during the research and that all

information would be anonymous in any written format. After suggestion of informants

through sources and or self-acquiring, potential participants were in direct contact with

me and no knowledge of the informants participation was disclosed to the organization in

which referred them. Each respondent was also ensured that data derived from

conversations would solely be used for academic purposes.

3.3 Ethical Considerations The qualitative portion of this research, engages with human subjects exploring their

personal experiences. This was conducted and considered as a sensitive engagement. Full

disclosure and consent forms detailing the materials were provided before conducting the

interview. The safety and confidentiality was a major focus for this research project,

assuring that integrity of interviews and materials gathered are preserved.. During the

interviews, informants were allowed the option to reveal their identity, but for research

purposes, informants were provided aliases in correspondence to their occupation.

Informants were asked to participate on a voluntary basis, in the process of gathering data

from 15 interviews, 2 interviews could not, or were not willing to provide consistent

information. Subsequently, I was unable to use the data and had to discard it from the

analytical process. Out of the 13, which provided sufficient data, 7 were women and 6

were men. All informants were adult native African refugees over the age of 24 coming

from multiple parts of the continent. Countries represented in this research are: Ethiopia,


Eretria, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Uganda, Algeria, Senegal, Sudan and/or

Somalia.

3.4 Language Two languages (Norwegian and English) were used during the data allocation portion of

the research. Most participants had a good command of English, allowing them to answer

the questions along with elaborating through informal conversation. Participants, who

were not fluent in English or Norwegian, were considered and answers were qualified by

length and content of answers, determining if they understood the question correctly.

From the beginning of the interview I presented them with the option of speaking in

Norwegian and or English allowing the informant to choose which language they felt

most comfortable using.. All respondents had a at least a basic grasp of English and or

Norwegian.

3.5 Procedures of Data Collection Respondents were allowed to see the questions and my literature review before

conducting the interview, in order for them to get an idea of the type of questions in

which would be asked. I feel this procedure created a more comfortable atmosphere for

the informants. The same interview guide was presented at the interview with no

alterations. If allowed, I recorded the conversation along with noting key words and or

phrases in which coincided with related concepts of the research. I explained to each of

the respondents that the interview was informal and any topics they wished to elaborate

on, they were able to do so. Each of the 30 questions was asked in numeric order to all of


the respondents. Once the interview was concluded I provided a 64 plain page, 9x14cm

legendary notebook for the informant to take home and write down their responses.

3.6 Limitations Although research was carefully prepared, I am aware of its limitations and

shortcomings. The study was targeted only to African refugees in the Oslo and

Lillehammer areas, where results may not be indicative of the entire African refugee

community in Norway. Also the refugees interviewed were not considered as a

homogenous group. There were vast geographical, cultural, societal and religious

distinctions between my informants. A small sample of 15 informants was used as a test

pool, which is a rather small percentage of the entire African refugee population.

Language was also a limiting factor for respondents who did not speak Norwegian and or

English. Making sure the respondents clearly understood the aim of the question was left

up to my discretion and 2 interviewers were not considered for final analysis due to

inconsistencies in understanding the aim of the research questions.

After choosing the study site for which I conducted my research it was apparent

procedures in which were to be followed during each phase of my research had to be

altered depending on different factors, such as informant allocation, informant

scheduling, place, language and consistency with administering questions. These factors

had to be considered in order to insure a successful research project.


3.7 Method Discussion The research method utilized to carry out this study is administered through 13

individual, informal interviews. Semi-structured questions were asked, focusing on

refugees from multiple African countries perception’s of Norwegian social integration

functions, consisting of: the Norwegian Introductory Program, access to labor market,

discrimination, psychological assistance and access to the Norwegian welfare system.

Cohen et al., (2005, pp. 273) argue that the semi- structured interview is neither highly

structured comprising only close-ended questions formulated ahead of time nor is it

unstructured such that the client interviewed talks with ―greater flexibility and freedom

about issues on the topic. Bryman (2008) suggests that conducting semi-structured

interviews is a flexible approach that has the “capacity to provide insights into how

research participants view the world” (pp.438). The semi-structured interview effectively

guides exploration of key issues within confines of the broad topic on participant‘s lived

experiences.

In this thesis I chose to utilize a qualitative approach through conducting informal

interviews, examining cause and effect of interactions undertaken by the interviewers.

Heavy attention is given to how refugees from African countries ‘feel’ concerning their

social integration process through 7 key aspects; Access to Education, Access to

Employment, Discrimination, Social Networks, Language, Native Networks and

Exposure to Trauma and Humiliation. I defined these categories as they derived from

personal conversations with refugees, an evaluation of the Norwegian Integration Act,

and an assessment of the present programs set in place to assist refugees with social


integration in Norway. An analysis of the collective interviews provided me insight into

successes, challenges and efforts of the current social integration process in Norway.

In subsequent research, I was also able to gather secondary analysis through conducting

interviews with providers of social services and directorates, who mandate the curriculum

and program strategy for educational practitioners conducting the integration program.

My analysis of the guidelines and methods educational practitioners employ to individual

adult learners provided insight on influences and considerations concerning pupils

engaged in the social integration process. Their influence on policy and implementation

was a voice needed to provide further analysis of my collected data. The 7 key aspects

mentioned, construct the framework, which this paper works from, deriving subsequent

results and recommendations for future progress in the field of social integration in

Norway.


Chapter 4: Norwegian Immigration and Continued Education Policy

After the oil crisis of 19734, Norway suffered a major increase in un-employment, which

led to policy makers reconsidering Norway’s immigration policy. With many of the

population being allowed to stay in the country under their legal residence status, Norway

had to approach the foreign temporary laborers as permanent immigrants. To face the

newly presented phenomena Norway adopted a hesitant multicultural policy towards

immigrants, known as ‘ambivalent multiculturalism’. Norway seeks to maintain its image

as a leader in international peace negotiations and supporter of human rights, yet this

official rhetoric is quite different from the attitude of many Norwegians, who can view

the growing ethnic population of foreigners with skepticism.

A clear understanding of Norwegian Immigration policy is pertinent to evaluate the

discrepancies between refugee and asylum seekers perspective’s concerning social

integration and actual Norwegian integration policy. Under Norwegian policy, The

Directorate of Immigration (UDI) makes the initial decision concerning applications for

citizenship; asylum and most other applications pursuant to Norway’s Immigration Act

enforced January 1, 2010. A refugee within the definition of the act is a foreign national

who falls under Article 1A of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention Relating to the Status of

Refugees, or who is entitled to protection pursuant to Norway’s international obligations,

such as the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR). Before the summer of 2010,

Norway announced several measures to reduce the number of asylum seekers arriving in

Norway. In 2007 Norway received 6,500 asylum seekers and in 2011 are expected to 4 In October of 1973 Middle-Eastern OPEC nations stopped exports to the US and other nations. They meant to punish the western nations that supported Israel, their foe, in the Yom Kippur War.


receive 15,000 (Embassy, 2011). The most significant change in policy comes in the form

of the Norwegian government placing the responsibility of the refugee’s application to

the state in which the applicant first applied for asylum, unless the applicant has family

members residing legally in another state. The government is now proposing additional

measures to reduce the number of arrivals (index 1).

It is the Norwegian parliament that decides the number of resettlement refugees Norway

accepts and from which nationality and regions the refugees will be selected. The

Norwegian Government distinguishes three major categories of refugees:

1. Asylum seekers: Individuals who come to Norway on their own initiative and seek to

be considered as refugees. In that case, they seek refuge form their native country for fear

of safety and or persecution ‘Asylum’ stands for ‘a free area’.

2. Quota refugees: They are refugees who come to Norway on quota basis under the

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ request to the Government of Norway.

It is the Norwegian Parliament that decides on the number of refugees that are supposed

to be accommodated. Nowadays, the quota amounts to1, 000 refugees per year.

3. Humanitarian basis: There is a category of refugees that does not obtain asylum

status but which is allowed to stay in Norway. The reason why this category of refugees

is not given refuge is the lack of sound proof of political pursuit by refugees. Such

refugees are given a residence permit on humanitarian grounds. However, they do not


enjoy the same rights to education and social security arrangements like those mentioned

above. Mjeldheim et.al. (1995: 189-91)

At present, the Norwegian resettlement quota is 1,200 refugees each year. Established on

January 1, 2006, the Directorate of Integration and Diversity (IMDi) is the responsible

institution for processing integration and social inclusion procedures for refugees and

asylum seekers. IMDi conducts resettlement interviews for refugees and/or asylum

seekers, placing them in the proper municipality conducive to their future goals and

aspirations. At this time it is very important that the new resident give detailed

information on what they would like to do concerning what kind of job, training or

further educational course they would prefer. According to Norwegian policy IMDi will

find a municipality where the refugee will have the chance to qualify for a job or further

education by participating in an introduction program. IMDi will give the new resident an

opportunity to resettle where IMDi has placed them. If they turn the offer down, then

they will loose all financial support and have to move out of the asylum reception center.

Within the Immigration policy, continued education in a Norwegian language course is

obligatory for new residents. New residents between 18-55 must complete the 300-hour

course within the first three years in Norway. It is the host municipality that is

responsible for supplying Norwegian language education. If the refugee does not receive

the education in which they are entitled, they are able to file a complaint. The aim of the

program is to assist in the integration of securing work, which will economically allow

the individual to support themselves and their family members. The curriculum is based


on learning Norwegian and learning about Norwegian society and working life. The full

time 2-year, 5-day a week program is to be tailored to the new residence’s background

and plans for the future. During 2009, 10,00 people participated in the introduction

program, which reflected a 15 percent increase from 2008 (ssb, 2009). If a participant in

the program gets paid work before the two years is finished they can get permission from

the municipality to leave the program. Residence will receive an introduction grant only

while attending the program, which works just like a job, where wages are subject to

taxation and deductions if missed classes are recorded. Those who take part in the

program receive an introduction benefit that is equivalent to twice the basic amount from

the National Insurance Scheme. The annual benefit is now NOK 133 624 (Gov.no, B).

Only when the refugee has been granted a residence permit in Norway, are they allowed

to participate at a university or college of higher education. If the resident has previous

qualifications, from their homeland, the Norwegian authorities must recognize them, if

not, they will have to start their qualifications from the beginning of acquisition. Since

1999, there has not been a systematic registration of educational level for persons

migrating to Norway. Immigrants to Norway after 1999 will quite often have an

‘unknown’ attained level of education.


Chapter 5: Data Analysis According to Holliday (2002:99), data analysis is the process of making sense of, sifting,

organizing, cataloguing, selecting, and determining themes-for processing the data. This

study is organized in themes, which are related to the research questions and the

hypotheses. This is so in the sense that themes are the basis upon which argument and the

data extracts are organized- providing headings for discussion and stages in the argument

in the data analysis chapter Holliday (2002: 99).

Chapter 5 describes and presents data collected from subsequent research as well as

answers provided by refugees and asylum seekers interviewed based in Oslo and

surrounding territories. Each respondent willingly participated in the interview process.

This chapter provides analysis and testimonial from informants and how they perceive

their process of social integration in Oslo. Ultimately interpreting the responses given by

the informants at the time of each individual interview.

In regards to anonymity and confidentiality I have provided aliases for each person

interviewed. It was up to my discretion to do so, as each participant was ensured their

identities would be protected and no personal information leading to their identity would

be included in the research paper. This assisted with gaining trust and comfort in the

initial allocation stages of potential interviewers.

Among the informants, 4 were highly educated individuals, which contradicted discourse

describing refugees as low skilled and uneducated. Their degrees consisted of at least


receiving a bachelor’s diploma from an internationally recognized institution, yet 1

informant received a Masters and PhD. 2 are nurses, 3 undergraduates, 1 chef in a

kitchen, 1 on maternity leave, 1 cargo handler and 1 in integration program. The level of

skills and education vary in the group, which provided me with a well-rounded source of

information and different perspectives concerning the research topic.

Table 5.1 Key Aspects of Integration

_______________________________________________________________________ Aspects of Integration Key Activities ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1. Functional Having a job Speaking Norwegian Going to School or University Having accommodation Having Money Health Care Obeying Laws Paying Bills Knowing where places are ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2. Belonging and Acceptance Immigration Status and Passport Mixing with Norwegian natives Speaking Norwegian Feeling Accepted Feeling Safe Making Friends Getting Married Staying in the Same Place Knowing how to Do Things ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3. Equality and Empowerment Having the same legal rights as

Norwegians Having the same Opportunities as Natives Having the same Status as Norwegians

Being the same as Norwegians Experiencing no Discrimination Living a ‘normal’ life

Options being heard Capacity Development


5.1 Informants’ Views Concerning Social integration The responses to the question of what integration means to each refugee was considered

analyzing the context of three main themes provided by the literature review and

Norway’s Introductory Program focus. First theme considered is the Functional Aspects,

of social integration. This theme focuses on primary concerns of the interviewed

refugees, highlighting, education, employment and Norwegian language acquisition. The

second theme; Belonging and Acceptance is related to subjective and emotional aspects,

which can be interpreted in multiple ways, depending on their personal interpretation of

the social integration process. This theme explains the importance of social networks,

social spaces and refugee community engagement. The third theme covers Equality and

Empowerment, as this theme considers the aspirations of refugees to acquire equal

citizenship, employment and education rights, for self-fulfillment and pride. Each of

these aspects plays a role on how refugees view and perceive their integration into

Norwegian society as during the interview these main themes were reiterated throughout

the total interviews. Looking at table 5.1 the first set of responses from categorize

Functional Aspects of integration (Zetter, Griffiths et al, 2002) or ‘means and markers’

(Ager and Strang, 2004a). The second set of responses indicated the importance of

Belonging and Acceptance as it relates to relationships and their role in refugees feeling

integrated. These responses focused on the presence and depth of social networks with

Norwegian natives. Secondly, the formal aspects of belonging relating to immigration

status and citizenship are considered being a driver for acceptance in the society. The last

aspect considered, Equality and Empowerment, closely relates to achieving the first two

set of aspects and was considered a consequence of both.


Throughout Norway refugee incorporation has become coordinated through the

formation of integration policies, which are regulated and supported through the

Norwegian Directorate of Immigration. Yet, taking a broader examination of the criteria

in which refugees interpret their personal social integration process within the society can

provide valuable insight. An analysis on how multiple perceptions of the personal

meaning of social integration can affect the process of actually becoming socially

integrated.

Mrs. Maternity from Eretria felt integration consisted of her learning the language and

culture of Norway. Robert Bunge, an American linguist and philosopher, came up with a

fascinating remark on the role of language: “Language is not just another thing we do as

humans; it is the thing we do. It is a total environment; we live in the language as a fish

lives in water.” (Bunge, via Reagan, 2002, pp.42) Language is both a vehicle for

communication and an important aspect of culture and identity.

When refugees and asylum seekers first arrive to Norway they are directed to a reception

camp provided by IMDi. This process can take up to 24 months from first settlement to

find a commune, which will receive the refugee and/or asylum seeker. This portion of the

integration process is the first perceptions our informants received and have lasting

ramifications of their social integration. For Mr. Theo from Eretria, the feeling of

integration consisted of, “Feeling equal to native Norwegians and respected as a man

with integrity and truth”. He further explains his rational, “When I arrived to Norway, I


never felt equal, the Norwegian authorities treated me like a criminal, at first they didn’t

believe our stories and many of my friends were sent back home to endure more

injustice”. In instances where newcomers construct negative stereotypes about indigenous

locals during their stay in reception camps, the initial inclination for bridging to the

mainstream may diminish (Valenta, 2001; Knudsen, 2005).

For Mr. Handler from Somalia felt it was imperative to get a decent job and receive a

paycheck in order to be accepted in society. At a general level, refugees have been

expected to actively take part, as workers and taxpayers, in the reciprocal social and

economic relations between the state and the local population fundamental to Norway.

These two different perspectives denote:

Integration is not just an analytic term measuring levels of social incorporation according to pre-defined parameters of achievement within, for example, employment, housing and education. It has become an emic term denoting the ability to conform to social norms and cultural values defined in dominant discourse as basic to proper citizenship. ‘Integration’ therefore has become a powerful notion, designating who ‘belongs’ and by implication who does not ‘belong’ in society (cf. Olwig & Pærregaard 2011)

The perception of social integration varies in each individual as many refugees share their

stories of the past with one another in their communities and throughout their social

networks. The idea of acceptance and access to jobs and employment is a key element,

which provide negative and or positive emotions concerning social integration.

Immediately after their arrival in the receiving society, newcomers hope that they will

gain acceptance and recognition from their hosts (Knudsen, 2005)


5.2 Informant’s Views Concerning Educational Processes and Opportunities in Norway 7 of the informants felt the educational opportunities in Norway were exceptional. Out of

the 7 informants 4 were highly educated and 3 were currently enrolled in undergraduate

programs. 1 informant, Mr. Einbo who has received his Master’s in Anthropology

initially felt upon his arrival in 2006 it was very difficult to have his foreign credits

recognized through the Norwegian Agency for Quality Assurance in Education

(NOKUT). The institution was established in Oslo by the Norwegian government to

facilitate refugee absorption into both the Norwegian labor market and the higher

education system. Mr. Einbo schooled in his native country of the Democratic Republic

of Congo and felt he had accomplished more of his degree then what he was given credit

for and basically had to start the program over. Publication on the recognition of foreign

higher education qualifications by NOKUT cites:

Subject specific recognition: Higher education institutions decide on applications for subject specific recognition; i.e., whether a foreign higher education qualification is academically equivalent to a subject specific scope and depth requirements of a specific degree, part of a degree, or other qualification awarded by the receiving institution concerned. Specific recognition may confer a Norwegian academic degree and give the right to use that academic title (NOKUT-Recognition of Foreign Higher Education Qualifications, 2005: 10)

Mr. Einbo’s main disappointment with this was his expectations to procure a job when he

arrived. In order for a refugee to show their potential employer how much higher

education they have obtained prior to their immigration, the refugee must first apply to

NOKUT for general recognition of the foreign qualification credential. The NOKUT

publication contends that 60 ECTS credits are equivalent to a full-time workload of one

academic year in Norway. (NOKUT, 2006) Mr. Einbo was awarded only 10 ECTS

credits for his 1.5-year completion of his undergraduate program from the University of


Kinshasa. Mr. Einbo stated, “ I thought I would only have 2.5 years left before I could

receive my bachelor and when I received news from the NOKUT that I would only

receive 10 ECTS credits I was discouraged a bit, because it would be that much longer

before I could begin to earn a decent income in Norway”. Access to education or in Mr.

Einbo’s case, the recognition of his education is instrumental in this aspect as he

improves the production capacity of himself along with creating value for employment

opportunities.

Mr. Educar from Uganda is a PhD candidate in Norway. He came to Oslo in 2005 and

believed he was above the threshold for the University of Oslo’s admissions and was

accepted with little resistance or strain. In this regard, NOKUT compiled the GSU

(General Entrance Requirement) list, which specifies what levels of education applicants

with foreign higher education from different countries outside the European Union (EU)

require to enhance minimum recognition requirements as higher education in Norway or

enhance admission to Norwegian higher education. Essential information included in the

Norwegian general entrance requirements (GSU List) is the following:

• The name of each country for which Norwegian general entrance requirements

are listed for foreign applicants admission to higher education in Norway

• The high school diploma and/or certificate conferred upon a candidate for

completion of secondary school in each foreign country;

• Any requirements concerning English language proficiency

• One year of university education must be completed by applicants from certain

countries in Africa, Asia, Central and South America, countries of the former

Soviet Union, and the United States of America in addition to secondary

education to meet university minimum admission requirements in Norway.


Through education processes for refugees, policies, which give the opportunity to

become citizens, have shown to generate more sufficient economic integration success:

An observation from recent OECD reviews on the labor market integration of immigrants and their children is that naturalized immigrants often tend to have better labor market outcomes than foreign-born foreigners, even after controlling for other factors such as education, country of origin, and length of stay. Those who are better integrated tend to be more inclined to naturalize- improvements in labor market outcomes for those who became citizens are also observed in longitudal studies following the same people over time (OECD, 2010).

Economic integration is directly linked with the ability to be a citizen, which in turn

provides refugees with partial investment in the country.

Mr. Educar was well informed concerning the procedures on how to integrate into

Norwegian Higher Education system, which was not the case for every respondent. When

Mrs. Maternity was asked, “Are you aware of educational programs set up for refugees in

Norway,” her response was, “No”. But when asked if Norway cared about her education

her response was, “Yes they care –they care about my results from previous schools. And

also they asked about my further education and what I would like to do”. Yet Mrs.

Maternity did not indicate specific programs she was aware of, she felt like she had the

same opportunities to an education as a native Norwegian. In regards to educational

opportunities respondents had multiple outlooks concerning access to employment, which

some were more eager to engage than others.


5.3 Employment Access and Opportunities for Refugees From responses gathered, the most common answer relating to functionality in becoming

integrated to Norwegian society is maintaining secure employment. Common barriers to

participation in the labor market for refugees include a lack of Norwegian language skills,

a lack of recognition of qualifications and experience and a lack of appreciation of

abilities. Some of the obstacles specific to refugees include a long period of economic

inactivity due to lengthy migration and time awaiting asylum decision, a reliance on their

own community, dependence on welfare and difficulties with culture at the workplace.

When immigrants arrive in a new country, they are confronted with new labor market

requirements such as language proficiency, familiarity with job-search procedures and

work practices, which they are not always able to satisfy. (OECD, 2012)

When asked if the informant was currently employed, 5 said Yes, 8 said No. Analyzing

the context of the 13 respondent’s current occupations, some informants were not

available to the job market. i.e. 4 highly educated informants, where 3 of the 4 were

pursuing their higher education, and 1 was in the search for a job. 3 of the 13 respondents

were undergraduates at the University not currently working and 2 of the 13 were

unemployed while enrolled in the Integration Program set up for immigrants and

refugees. Yet, when asked if the informant had a job in their nationalized country 12 said

Yes.

When asked, “Do you believe that you will be employed in a good job as long as you

complete/participate in the education program that Norway offers to refugees? 5 said


Yes, 4 said it is difficult and 4 said No. During the interview with Mr. Fare, a Somalia

native currently participating in the integration program why he responded no to the

question, he stated:

“There are so many obstacles and hurdles to jump in order to become equal in this society. The system is not set up to have refugees reach the top. Once you are in the system as a refugee, you can only go so high in the country. Many of my friends and community members have finished this course and are either unemployed or have to work very low paying unskilled jobs.”

While speaking with Mrs. Sitter, a Nurse from Sudan, she stated, “even though I have a

job, it is not the job I would have liked, I was an accountant in Sudan, but my credentials

did not transfer to Norway. After completing the Integration Program this was almost the

only option NAV had for me that would allow me to work, and even still the job is on a

temporary basis”. Similarly, Mrs. Maternity quoted, “I don’t know. I hope, but I don’t

know. I know many other people in my situation that does not have a job. But I hope”.

Speaking with Mr. Marx and Economist from Uganda, he stated, “I finished the

integration program before I began studying again, because I thought I could expand my

education and get a better job. After graduating I thought I would be able to get a good

paying job, but I have been working as a cashier at a bakery for a year and a half and I

have not found a position that is interested in hiring me at this point.”

In Mr. Fare’s case he feels there are multiple challenges that would prevent him from

accessing sufficient work opportunities once he finishes his course and enters the labor

market; one of those challenges being discrimination. Mr. Fare feels being labeled as a

refugee already places him in an unequal, discriminatory position when trying to gain


employment in Norway. From conversations held among members of his community he

has a developed a preconceived notion that his situation most likely could turn out like

the participants who he has spoken to who completed the program and are currently

unemployed or working undesired jobs.

Mrs. Sitter is employed as a nurse and even in spite of working as a high level accountant

in Sudan she expressed discontent for her current position due to a lack of appreciation

from the Norwegian labor market. Her feelings mirror the theory of Kaladjahi, who

claims that refugees are not economically integrated unless their occupation in the present

country of residence is of the same level of competence, or status, as their previous

level/status in the country of origin. (Kaladjahi, 1997) She also points out the lack of

security the work contract provides, as she is a temporary employee. Wrench, John et. al

(1999:48) who has made a distinction between four different forms of discrimination

asserts that short-term contracts recruitment is a form of discrimination. Mr. Fare feels

being labeled a refugee is in itself a form of discrimination. Discrimination is defined as

“any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on [a proscribed ground]

which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or

exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political,

economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life” (Sedoti, 2002, pp.1)


5.4 Evaluation of Networks in Social Integration Examining the importance of networks as they compliment the integration process of

refugees into society, two aspects of networks in a social environment can be taken in to

account. Formal networks are organizations that serve a social aim, such as voluntary and

community organizations and faith based groups, or organizations that serve a functional

aim, such as ESOL colleges or places of employment. (RCUB, 2007) These

organizations help refugees in skill development and opportunity for economic

independence. Ultimately these organizations aim to setting up scenarios where refugees

can meet new friends i.e. Norway’s social integration program for refugees. Informal

networks are not structured groups and often do not possess a specific aim. 11 of the

respondents felt informal networks were more essential to their well-being and happiness

in Norway. Korac found that informal networks and an ability to participate freely in the

social life of the host country were regarded by refugees as more effective than certain

government-sponsored integration programs or even more formal community-based

initiatives.

(2003)

In response to asking respondents how they felt about formal networks such as

Norwegian language courses, Mrs. Maternity stated, “The language courses are good and

I meet a lot of people from different parts of the world and I have even made a couple of

friends through the class.” With no Norwegian pupils in the class, Mrs. Maternity’s

contact’s acquired were those of other refugees, failing to foster the intermingling of

native Norwegians and refugees in the program. Through the Introductory Program,


refugees have the opportunity to learn the language, learn the social aspects of Norway

and ultimately meet new friends, most likely other refugees. On the other hand when

asked about the importance of informal networks Mrs. Maternity said, “It is easier to talk

to the people in my community and have conversations with people in my neighborhood,

weather it be when I am shopping, when I am taking my walks or if I am having friends

over for dinner.” She expresses that informal networks make her more comfortable and

most likely more able to feel relaxed in her host environment.

Social networks can also be defined by who participates within them and in which social

environment. Miss Plato, a Philosophy major from Tanzania explained, “When I am in

my community, I usually hang out with friends and family that are in the same culture

and belief system, and I am surrounded in an environment which reflects Tanzanian

culture. On the other hand when I go out with my friends from school, we have a good

time and we meet new people and share interesting stories, which broaden my

perspective on a lot of things.” In her response, Miss Plato underlined the concepts of

Inclusive and Exclusive types of networks. Here we see exclusive networks characterized

by bonds formed within groups, for example those that are formed by people from the

same family, country of origin, ethnicity and language. On the other hand when Miss

Plato explains her experiences with her friends from school she is characterizing a more

inclusive network. Inclusive networks are based on forming connections based on

common interests, such as school, sport and faith. Typically this would include friends

from different ethnic groups, friendships with school associates, acquaintances and

friends of friends.


Explained in the response from informants, it is seen that some have several different

network affiliations concurrently. Literatures on hybrid and diasporic identities suggest

that local, national and trans-national ties blur the boundaries of belonging which lead

migrants to forge distinct and complex identities (Brah, 1996; Hall, 1992).

5.5 Examination of Language in Social Integration No State is entirely neutral in ethno-cultural terms. This is manifested in the choice of an

official language. As a rule, the official language used by government and the public

administration – what we often refer to as the State language – is the language of the

majority community. This has unavoidable implications for those who do not speak the

designated language. (OSCE, 2010)

The ability to feel at home and having the comfort level to communicate your thoughts,

desires and ideas is one of the staples to becoming integrated into a society. All 13 of my

respondents agreed that learning the Norwegian language was the top priority to

becoming socially integrated into the society. Miss Cook a chef from Algeria responded,

“My belief is that whoever comes to live in Norway should learn how to speak the

language, because when I first arrived here, I was confined to my friends and family that

spoke my language; but once I began going to classes and speaking Norwegian, Norway

became a much bigger place and the doors began to open up through meeting Norwegian

friends and having access to job opportunities.”


Even though a majority of Norwegians under the age of 60 speak fluent English, when

applying for a job, many employers feel more comfortable hiring someone who can

communicate fluently in Norwegian language with co-workers and customers. Mrs.

Pythagoras, a Ugandan mathematician perusing her PhD responded, “I learned English in

primary school in Uganda, and when I arrived in Norway I was amazed how many

Norwegians spoke English, but as I went to apply for jobs I was looked upon as not

qualified because I did not speak the language.” Another respondent, Mr. Handler a

Cargo employee said, “Speaking Norwegian helps me relate to my co-workers, I was told

the first time I could tell a joke in Norwegian is when you have mastered the language.”

This sentiment follows along the same lines of Mr. Theo an undergraduate in History of

Religion from Eretria who stated, “Speaking Norwegian is important, Mix in with the

Norwegian students, make them your friends. Show them that you are at least trying to

learn the language and they will help along the way, it is a great way to become

accepted.”

Language maintains many implications to social, educational and economic capacity of

integration. Even more, the causal link between language skills and labor market

performance may go through different mechanisms. Knowledge of local language

improves the chances of obtaining local education (Bleakley and Chin, 2004), provides

better access to work-related information and access to more jobs (where the local

language is required), access to wider social networks, and improves the productivity at

jobs where language skills are used.


Refugees who have been granted a residence permit in Norway are entitled and obliged to

participate in a full time introduction program for up to two years, with the possibility for

one year extension (IMDi, 2011) This program applies to newly arrived foreign nationals

between the ages of 18 and 55 in order to obtain basic qualification. The goal of the

program is to provide basic Norwegian language skills and basic insight into Norwegian

society, preparing participants for participation in the labor market.

5.6 Access to the Welfare System Norwegian society has viewed the incorporation of immigrants and refugees into society

as a responsibility of the welfare state. As refugees become an increasingly prominent

part of the immigrant population, a number of welfare programs were put in place,

offering not only practical assistance with housing and the economic support necessary

until the refugees become self-sustainable, but also helping refugees to incorporate into

Norwegian society. The central component in the Norwegian welfare societies’ approach

to refugees is the extensive introduction program that all newly admitted refugees are

expected to complete. (Olwig, 2010)

One of the more concrete measures Norwegian authorities have taken is the establishment

of a compulsory two-year program for newly arrived refugees. This program essentially

took effect in 2004. The aim of the program is to qualify participants for a job or further

education. The local authorities in each municipality are responsible for implementing an

introductory program, which consists of an individual program and an introductory

allowance. NAV (Norwegian Labor and Welfare Services) is an important partner in this


work and the Directorate of Integration and Diversity (IMDi) monitors the programs in

each municipality. Each participant has a contact person- a primary contact- who, in

collaboration with the participant, develops an individual career plan consisting of an aim

mainly, what type of job are the individuals interested in and various classes and training

schemes deemed relevant to achieve their desires.

9 of the informants stated welfare in Norway is relatively easy to navigate. While 2 said

they had to be guided by their community to understand what opportunities where

available. The remaining 2 stated they found access to the welfare system on their own

merit and research. 5 felt the welfare system was discriminatory and was selective on

providing information concerning programs available to refugees. 7 said they have or are

currently accessing Lånekassen, which provides grants, stipends and loans for school and

educational development. 1 said they are currently receiving maternity leave and has

been receiving a monthly stipend from the state for her other child. 2 of the respondents

are currently receiving assistance from NAV, while the remaining 2 are no longer

receiving direct assistance from the Norwegian government.

5.7 Assessment of Welfare System The 5 of the respondents who felt the welfare system is discriminatory agree that

discrepancies between natives get narrower with longer times of residence, but never

disappear. As Grete Brochmann points out, good welfare states do not have the time to

wait for equality to occur after two, three or four generations (Brochmann, 2004). To wait

is simply not a legitimate response to current problems in ambitious welfare states. They


have social problems on their hands now and need to find remedies. 2 felt the welfare

system was damaging to refugees because they became dependent on the state and never

motivated themselves to become self-sufficient. This phenomenon can be categorized

under the idea of snillisme. The word is constructed by combining the adjective ‘kind’

with the suffix ‘-ism’---kind-ism. The claim is that Norwegian politicians and policy

makers are being kindest. Kindism pertains to devising new benefit schemes, rather than

telling immigrants what to do for themselves. Norwegian authorities have been more

concerned with securing their rights to this or that benefit. The result is a situation where

minorities systematically obtain less education, do not learn the language and are more

often unemployed than the majority population—in other words, an “ethnic underclass”.

(Hagelund 2005, pp.672)

Informants pointing out Municipalities lack of coherency from law to practice received

additional assessments of the Norwegian welfare system. In other words informants felt

the autonomy of each municipality in Norway as it relates to the structure of their welfare

systems use the law to politically recognize refugee rights, but the municipality can

overlook those laws and discriminate towards certain refugees when reviewing

applications.

Through various organizations, Oslo provides computer courses, a women’s group, a

traffic course, sewing courses, job-seeking courses, courses specifically targeting work in

the health sector or in catering, as well as schemes for introducing participants to the city

and civil society. Even though these programs are available, only 4 of the informants


knew about additional programs besides the introductory integration program set up for

refugees. This inconsistency expresses a flaw in the communication protocol between

Norwegian authorities and refugees.

5.8 Experiences of Trauma and Humiliation Mental and physical health implications surrounding how refugees are received is of

great importance to the integration process. Conflicts and complex emergencies often

result in the sudden creation of large numbers of refugees and displaced persons. They

also subject large numbers of people who did not flee the country due to ongoing war,

persecution, and violence. Conflicts involve various weaknesses in governments or even

collapse of national authorities. This leads to loss of government control and can make it

nearly impossible to provide vital services and protection to civilians (WHO, 2001). 7 of

the informants expressed that they personally had experienced suffering and serious

human rights violations, while 11 of my respondents had been a direct victim of, or

witnessed traumatic situations in their native country. Mental health is an important

public health issue, but it is also warrants increased attention in the context of social

integration of a new host country. Evidence suggesting that one in ten refugees who have

resettled in western countries has Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and sometimes-

chronic impairment. Richard Mollica explains post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) as

a psychiatric illness resulting from a life-threatening traumatic event and characterized by

current memories and nightmares of event; avoidance of thoughts, places, or persons that

evoke the trauma; feelings of detachment and withdrawal from people; and ease of being

startled or physiologically excited. This definition shows that PTSD may be developed


because of traumatic situations undergone. Shock or surprises may also cause PTSD for

some people. Refugees who have experienced war conditions are among people with

high risk of developing mental disorder (Mollica, 2006)

Studies estimated that one in twenty refugees has depression, and that one in twenty-five

refugees have generalized anxiety disorder. Discussing the mental health of the

informants indicated there were signs of PSTD (WHO, 2001). 4 of the informants

disclosed that they had witnessed or been a victim to extreme human rights violations

such as, rape, torture, and false arrest. Mr. Fare in particular was having an extremely

difficult time with the transition due to his previous exposure to violence and torture. He

further explains, “ They beat [me] for weeks and I was in a small space for months. I

thought I was going to die and they told me they would kill me. Even now, those

memories are with me and sometimes I wake in the middle of the night from

nightmares.” Even though this was a traumatic event in his life story, when Mr. Fare

spoke of his arrival to Norway and his first interactions with authorities, he began to sob,

“Norwegian authorities where very difficult to talk to, and they were treating me as if I

was a liar, while telling them my story. This was quite humiliating, because I had to think

and express what happened to me, but even still it seemed at first they didn't believe me.”

Each refugee interviewed had lived for 1-2 years in a Norwegian reception center for

asylum seekers and refugees before they were granted residence permits and were able to

settle in Oslo. Mrs. Hospice from Ethiopia explained the 14 months she stayed in a

reception home was very humiliating. She explained, “When I was there, I felt like a


prisoner, similar to my home country. I knew 1 other person and we were spilt up after

the first 2 weeks. There was even conflicts were we stayed, between refugees and

Norwegian authorities.” During this process, refugees and asylum seekers are subject to

medical examinations, fingerprint samples, body measurements, police interviews, as

well as communication with lawyers, and the possibility of rejections and appeals

(Valenta, 2010).

On the other hand, 5 of the informants were ready to move on from their traumatic pasts

and begin a new chapter in their lives. Mr. Theo had to flee from his country due to

persecution of his religious beliefs and stated:

“Many of the people I communicated with when I first arrived were from my home country. We were all speaking of our stories of the past and the traumas we faced. But after I was relocated to Oslo, I did not want to speak of those things any more. I still care about Eretria, but I have to focus on my life here. I now live in Norway and I would like to have a life here and become part of this society.”

The implication here is that the levels and types of trauma differ between each

respondent, yet mental health of the refugee still maintains a critical relationship in the

evaluation and ability to become socially integrated in the host country. The experience

each refugee is exposed to upon his or her arrival to the home country could also play an

intricate part in the willingness for the refugee to want to become socially integrated.

Refugees who have been exposed to extremely traumatic situations are prone to

developing aggression and schizophrenia. For refugees willing to manage their traumas

and past bad experiences tend to have an easier transition into their host society.


5.9 Psychological Context and Support for Refugees The reason a refugee would seek psychological support vary, ranging from inner

emotional and existential conflicts, to individual and family problems, to neurotic and

psychotic feelings or state of mind. Most of these traumas are perpetuated from the living

conditions and experiences acquired in their homeland. When speaking with my

informants, it became clear that each representative interpreted their current situation by

reflecting on their past experiences. Cognitive psychologists, such as Markus and Zajonc

(1985), describe mental representation as how an event or an experience is represented in

the mind. A schema is an organized body of knowledge about past experiences that is

used to interpret present ones. From a social-cognition perspective, Kihlström and Kantor

(1984) recognized the self-concept as one of many types of cognitive structure. Markus

(1977) defined self-schemata’s as “cognitive generalizations about the self, derived from

experience, that organize and guide the processing of self-related information contained

in the individual’s social experiences” (p. 64). In 1986, Markus and Nurius used the term

“working self-concept” (p. 954) to denote the specific aspects of one’s identity that are

activated by the role one is playing at any particular moment.

Mental health is a major contributor to the perception and process of social integration.

All respondents did not have access to psychological evaluations and/or assistance upon

their arrival to Norway. Evaluating the significance trauma and how psychological

support can help the integration process, responses were considered in the analysis of this

paper. Due to the sensitivity of the issues shared with me, I will not mention names or

aliases in this section.


One of the refugee’s was a victim of sexual violence in the home country. She stated:

“I have nightmares when I think about the horrible things, which happened to me in my home country. Sometimes I wake up in a sweat thinking they are still after me; so in my body, I am in Oslo, but in my mind I still feel trapped and in danger. When I came to Norway, I was scared to talk about it, but also, I was never offered the opportunity to talk about it. So I suppressed it hoping in time the dreams would go away. They still haunt me.”

Another informant responded:

“Sometimes I feel really depressed. I don’t know why, it may be Norway; maybe I miss my family back home. Maybe I feel guilty for leaving. I don’t know. The only people that I have talked about the issues from back home are the friends and family I have here, who have their own problems. In my culture we talk to each other, I don’t think a Norwegian would fully understand what I went through back home. I’m not sure, but I wish I could be happier here [Oslo, Norway].”

In the last two testimonies concerning mental stability and health, we witness the ‘State

of Being’ is influenced by the experiences faced in the informants home country. The

word state is intended to define a certain set of feelings, thoughts or conditions. It is

defined in The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on Historical Principles (Brown,

1993) as “a combination of circumstances or attributes belonging for the time to a person

or thing; a particular way of existing, as defined by certain circumstances or attributes; a

condition especially of mind or body...” (p. 336). The word being is used to encapsulate

the ideas of life and existence (Frankl, 1976; Heidegger, 1949; May, 1967). Werner

Brock, in his foreword to Heidegger’s “Existence and Being”, states the following:

“According to Heidegger, the concept of ‘Being’ is the most universal one. ...We make

use of it in all knowledge, in all our statements, in all our behavior towards anything that

‘is’ in our attitude towards ourselves” (Heidegger, 1949, pp. 12-13). The expression as a

whole attempts to approach a definition of the feelings, thoughts or conditions that seem


to surround the person’s life or existence in the new country and cause, influence or

complicate his/her inner and outer difficulties. The states of being are the stranger,

loneliness, missing, longing, guilt, shame, separation and loss, sorrow, language

degradation, value degradation, inferiority, non-identity, rootlessness, bitterness,

suspicion, prejudice – to be prejudiced, to feel prejudice, the scapegoat – to be the

scapegoat, to feel like a scapegoat. When a refugee does not receive the mental attention

he/she needs, it directly and monumentally effects the integration process, making it more

difficult to feel accepted and in place in the new society.

5.10 Norwegian Friends Network Social networks are important not just for generating social relationships and friendship

groups, but also in providing material, emotional or functional support, and often act as

gateways for different domains of integration (Atfield et al., 2007). 9 of the informants

stated they have Norwegian friends who are regular participants in their lives. They also

indicate that having Norwegian friends makes them feel more accepted and in touch with

the society.

When asked of the importance of having a Norwegian network, Mr. Marx explained, “…I

am happy with the friends I have made here in Norway, they invite me to places I would

not go if it were not for them. They make sure to introduce me to other Norwegians,

which I feel is great.” Miss Pythagoras explains, “when I am alone walking through the

streets of Oslo, sometimes I feel like I don’t belong, but when I am with my Norwegian

friends, it feels like I am part of the society and people are more willing to talk to me and


know me.” Miss Plato described her experience with Norwegian friends by stating,

“When I first arrived to Norway, I was very scared to speak with Norwegians, because I

didn’t speak their language, but as I began going to school and meeting Norwegians I felt

more comfortable and managed to create some great relationships. I even was able to get

some part-time work from them introducing me to other Norwegians. In all these cases,

having a Norwegian social network can be beneficial and are seen to generate particular

resources to emotional attachment and belonging. It would appear that interaction

between several different processes contribute to the development of the emotional

feelings of integration, and by having Norwegian citizens in a social network along with

being able to speak and learn from them is an important component of integration.

5.11 Perception of Equality in the Workforce The level of language and employment are two of the main aspects, which indicate direct

success or perceived success of social integration of immigrants into Norway. Studies

indicate that people with ethnic minority backgrounds are often overqualified, in terms of

education and competence, for the jobs they hold (Orupabo, 2008, Rogstad, 2000a, 2006;

Støren, 2008) and they earn less than ethnic Norwegians (Pedersen, 2006; Wiborg, 2006).

According to Støren (2008), non-western immigrants often meet problems in the

Norwegian job market, which lead to higher risk of employment; they thus take jobs that

they are overqualified for. Brekke (2007) further demonstrated that the transition from

education to work among graduates with ethnic background is slower compared to that of

ethnic Norwegians.


Ethnic diversity, opportunities and equality are some of the core aspects in which many

of the informants evaluated their success or failure of integration. 6 of the respondents

felt they did not have the same opportunities as other Norwegians when it came to the job

market. 3 felt they had to work harder than Norwegians to get the same position or

opportunity as a Norwegian. 8 felt there is discrimination in the workplace past a certain

job level in Norway. When asked about opportunities in Norwegian society Mrs. Cook

explained:

“After taking the Norwegian Introductory Course, I believed I would be able to get a job in the same field as what I did back home. I was an accountant and I enjoyed dealing with numbers. When I finished the course I went through NAV to apply for a job in that field and they came back to me and advised that no accountant jobs were available. The job they suggested was a cleaner in a hotel, or a cook. I couldn’t understand why I could not be an accountant, when I was very qualified in Algeria.”

Another respondent, Mr. Einbo believes there is opportunity for those with refugee status,

but you have to work harder than Norwegians to get the job.

“I feel there are opportunities, but as a foreigner you have to be 10 times better than a Norwegian. You have to have something special that they need. That’s why I got my higher education, because the street corners are filled with Norwegians who have bachelors and Master’s degrees. So when I arrived here, I knew I had to do one thing and that was study more to get the same opportunities.”

When discussing future opportunities with Mr. Fare who is still currently in the

Introductory Program he perceived his future job opportunities as such:

“I feel like my future is better here than in my home country, because I was a victim to horrible things, but what I have heard about Norway and talking to my


advisor, it is possible that I will end up with a temporary or bad paying job once I finish the program. They say, there is a place for refugees here, but we always end up with the jobs Norwegians don’t want to do.”

Mr. Educar felt discouraged in his pursuit for an equal opportunity. When discussing his

education and opportunities it has brought he explains:

“Even though there is opportunity here in Norway, I still feel like those opportunities are not for me. When I concluded my degree in higher education, I was pretty confident that I would get a job quickly. Many Norwegians talk about the low unemployment here. But, when I put out my resume to jobs that I wanted to start my career in, I got no response. I don’t know if it is my status or my name, but I am very disappointed I have to work as a waiter and then a bartender, when I really wanted to continue in education. I have skills, but for some reason Norway doesn’t want them. “

Many of the respondents feel their opportunities for equal treatment in the workforce are

stifled by their residency status or ethnic background. While a small percentage of the

informants’ feel they are over qualified for the current position and/or title. This seemed

to directly impact the desire and motivation of some of the respondents to be actively

involved in the job market. Many felt discouraged, or fearful there would not be good

results. Others believed the path to equal treatment is by working harder than other

Norwegians in order to reap same benefits and were optimistic about their chosen path.

Respondents under 25 had a much more optimistic perspective towards the job market as

they feel there is a higher tolerance for diversity in the workforce. Miss Plato describes

this phenomenon by stating:

“Speaking with older people in my community, I see there is a greater divide between Norwegians and them, but when I am going to school, I often have some of the best marks in class. So when it is time to get a job, I already now that I will


be qualified, plus you can tell that Norway is starting to accept diversity more than the past. Immigration is fairly new to Norwegians and they may be adjusting to change, but in a globalized world they are starting to understand that they need different perspectives in their work environment.”

Even though studies have been conducted, which indicate discrimination does occur in

the evaluation of CV’s in the Norwegian job market towards ethnic backgrounds and

names, there is still hope in a small percentage of the respondents, which believe with

hard work and dedicated studies to learning Norwegian, discrimination will not play a

factor in their job opportunities.

Summary of the Situation

For refugees entering Norway, their hopes and dreams of a better life is at the forefront of

their aspirations. From the research conducted, 4 of the respondents feel they have a great

chance to become completely integrated into Norwegian society through the introductory

program provided. 8 of the respondents feel they are not given enough educational tools

to compete with the high level of education here in Norway. They feel the mastering of

the Norwegian language is essential to job opportunities and would like to have more

language skills before entering into the workforce.

Language was the number one aspect in the feeling of social integration. If the

respondents felt confident to communicate in Norwegian, a majority of the respondents

felt they were able to ‘open doors’ for more opportunities and ultimately economical

sufficiency. Language is the tool which most informants felt gives them the best chance

to meet Norwegian friends and allocate a stable job. 7 of the respondents feel they must


have a Norwegian network in order to become fully integrated into Norwegian society.

Norwegian networks are a key aspect, which determined the level of social integration for

most refugees who maintained Norwegian friends. Respondents, who maintained a close

Norwegian social network, felt they were accepted and possessed the confidence to

engage in the process of social integration in Norwegian society. Participation in informal

networks was most evident in the absence of formal networks. Many of the respondents

felt they received benefits from identifying with Norwegian friends, such as information,

emotional and capacity-building resources and expansion of Norwegian networks. The

research identified a number of structural barriers to social networking by refugees, and

consequently to their social integration, particularly: lack of material resources; inability

to work; inadequate Norwegian language skills or cultural literacy; and prejudice.

The respondent’s legal status contributed to a portion of the refugee’s willingness to

engage in the society and broaden their social networks. Most of the informants who

were active participants in Norwegian social networks were either in school or at work.

Respondents who were still in the introductory program did not have a Norwegian

network and felt they have not been given the opportunity to meet and interact with

Norwegians.

9 of the respondents have perceived to experience discrimination in the workforce or in

civil society; either in search for a job, job opportunities allowed and/or on the job site by

employer or colleagues. This sense of rejection is deeply rooted in the informant’s

perception of social integration. As respondents feel they have no control over their


outcomes in the integration process, there is direct correlation to a lack of motivation and

sense of helplessness. Many of the respondents doubt there is full equality in the

workforce, which there are two responses. Some informants feel it is necessary to

continue their education to a higher level outside of the introductory program, allowing

them to compete in the job market. Other respondents felt discouraged and unsatisfied

with their outlook on work opportunities, given that they already felt discriminated

against and somehow defeated. Majority of the respondents who are working or looking

for work, feel as though they are working in jobs that they are over-qualified for, or had

limited options in choosing their occupation. The sense that most of the jobs allocated to

refugees are limited and temporary employment affect the psyche of the refugee and

bring little security or comfort to the integration process.

Secondary Data

Social integration is a very complex, multi-tiered process, which involves many different

actors beyond the actual immigrant. In this case I spoke with Anders Ringereide and Liv

Gjœringen from the NAV offices of the Oslo Kommune to discuss their perspectives

concerning the Introductory Program and challenges in which they faced in implementing

the program. Oslo currently has 410 refugees in the Introductory Program spread out

through 15 sections of the city. Anders and Liv are currently responsible for 32 of the

refugees who have been stationed in this commune.


Throughout the interview Anders and Liv emphasized the benefits of being engaged in

the Introductory Program and how this program was designed to provide language and

job opportunity skills to refugees living in Norway:

The Introductory Program is provided to asylum seekers and refugees who have received their residence permit and has been assigned to a commune. Once they are enrolled, they will be placed in a 2-year program (3 years if needed) tailored to their needs and desires for the future. Each refugee is treated as a separate case and has different goals based on their plans. They go to courses 5 times a week for 37.5 hours. Attendance is kept as they treat the classes as a job provided by the Norwegian government. If the informant misses or is late to classes, the allowance in which they receive from the State is subject to be docked.

Anders and Liv let me know that the class is mandated by the government, and if a

participant leaves the program, they will not be let back in and they forfeit their rights to

allowance monies.

According to the advisors, one of the key components to this program is the Work

Program, where the refugees are given the opportunity to work with employers who have

a relationship with NAV usually in the; retail, secretarial, cleaning, cooking and public

health care sectors. They expressed, that there is little to no discrimination with these

partners, but were concerned about discrimination outside of their network. They pointed

out:

There was a case study done in Norway where 1800 false applications were sent out to companies across Norway. The CV’s had identical education and work qualifications, but the name and ethnicity were changed in the categories of native and foreign. We found that many of the companies ignore Norway’s anti-discriminatory laws, which should be considered in the integration process.

I feel they shared this information with me to point out; that many of the refugees they

work with can become discouraged in their quest for social integration. Most of the


refugees arriving in Norway have been subjected to discriminations in their own

countries and may have been of a higher status in their homeland.

Discussing the main challenges Anders and Liv’s main challenges they indicated 2

aspects, which created these challenges. First, working with refugees who may have

never been in the job market before and have little experience on how to work. They

pointed out that particularly women fall into this category, as it may have been culture

and expectations of women in their home country, which did not permit women to gain

education and work experience. The second challenge stated was women with children.

For the advisors it was hard to allocate women who have many children, because they are

away on maternity leave for so many months out of the year and not engaged in the

Introductory Program.

When asked what they would change about the program, Anders stated:

2 years is not long enough to develop the proper educational and language skills to compete at a high level in the Norwegian job market. The State should mandate 3 years of education, so participants in the Introductory Program can become fluent in the language and have a solid foundation when entering the job market.

Shared responsibility between the State, the advisors and the refugee determine the

success of social integration. Creating the ideal situation for refugees becoming

independent of State funds and preparing them to live a sustainable life is Anders and

Liv’s main goals and objectives.


Chapter 6: Conclusion, Adult Learning Context and Recommendations

6.1 Conclusion While participating in Norway’s Introductory Program upon my arrival, I had the

opportunity to meet and discuss with many immigrants from around the world. Listening

to some of the historical implications, which influenced, or forced the refugees to leave

their native countries, initiated this thesis. Just as intriguing was their perceptions

concerning their integration process in Norway. This perplexed me, but also allowed for

self-reflection on the idea of social integration and what constitutes a successful

integration process. Each of my interviewers maintained the age of 18 or older, which in

Norway constitutes them as an adult. With continued learning mandatory for all refugees,

adult learning is critical to the success of their integration process.

During this research I was able to conduct 13 interviews to evaluate refugees from

different African countries perspectives on social integration in Oslo, Norway. It is

imperative to address preconceived notions and discourse surrounding refugees, as the

common perception of a refugee is that of despair, low skills and marginalization. It

turned out many of my respondents were highly educated either from their home country

and/or continued education in Norway. The findings from this research are relevant, as

there are few studies where refugees’ views concerning this phenomenon have been taken

into consideration. Integration itself has been seen to be very complex and multifarious a

process to be achieved in one straightforward manner. Refugees have aspirations

concerning social integration that take place at different times and locations, which are

dependent on a multifaceted sequence of achievements. The biggest hurdles for refugees


achieving integration were found to be a lack of status, lack of Norwegian language skills

and a lack of acceptance within the native community.

7 key categories regarding social integration, derived from Norway’s 2003 Introductory

Act set the framework for the topics and questioning. Evaluating language, economics,

access to employment, social networks, discrimination and trauma for each respondent,

results indicated participants give less or greater value to each of the functions depending

on their individual situation. The unanimous function, which refugees agreed as top

priority for successful integration, is education and mastering of the Norwegian language.

With 7 of the respondents maintaining higher education degrees or in bachelor programs,

the respondents echoed the importance of continued education. In order to achieve social

integration; a person who has arrived from another country must ensure that

communication barriers are overcome within the community. Refugees believe being

able to communicate provides greater opportunity for employment, allowing the planning

and development of daytime activities and work, thus promoting social integration. The

labor market supplies the refugee with a sense of self-worth and accomplishment within

the community, along with the ability to economically provide for themselves and their

families, domestically or abroad.

When thinking of refugees, there must be a careful approach not to homogenize refugees’

legal status with the level of their education. Many of the respondents were highly

educated, which indicated through the interviews. The confidence possessed by the

educated respondents versus the non-educated respondents was adverse as the more


educated respondents carried a higher human capital value, which provided them a better

grasp of how to navigate through the system to achieve their goals.

It is also indicated that social networks play an active role in the social integration

process, but is not a linear process in which social networking inevitably results in

integration. Refugees access different types of social networks to meet different

integration aspirations. The refugee’s participation in informal networks was most

desired, as formal networks limited their ability to fully express themselves. Some

refugees maintain exclusive networks placed within their own cultures and communities,

where others involve themselves within networks comprised of native Norwegians.

Social networks are comprised of access to material resources as well as meaningful

identity formation, and are both a functional process as well as an emotional one.

The largest barrier in the process of social integration lied in the perception or actual

experience of discrimination. Refugees who had experienced upward educational or

occupational mobility were more conscious of the reality of discrimination in the labor

market than did those who are at work in a low-status, less competitive environment.

Financial and situational prosperity was associated with the perception of less personal

discrimination. In this sense, the scale of where refugees felt they were at considering

their socio-economic status had a direct correlation to frustrations and feelings of

vulnerability towards discrimination.


6.2 Adult Learning Context Through the data provided by the interviews, we witness a number of motivations of why

and how refugees from multiple African countries participate in the social integration

programs provided by the Norwegian government. Motivation is a key factor to how each

learner approaches the dilemma of social integration and can be directly related to the

success or failure of their social integration process. Through the interviewing process, I

was able to evaluate mutliple types of learners, while assessing each individual’s

motivations or lack thereof concerning participation in the social integration process.

Boshier, Morstain and Smart (1991) provide 6 key motivational factors indicating an

individual’s participation in Adult Learning;

1. Social Relationships: make friends and meet others

2. External Expectations: complying with the wishes of someone else with authority

3. Social Welfare: desire to serve others and/or community

4. Professional Advancement: desire for job enhancement or professional advancement

5. Escape/Stimulation: to alleviate boredom and/or escape home or work routine

6. Cognitive Interest: learning for the sake of learning itself

Each of my interviewers possessed one or more of these motivations, indicating a growth

or stagnation in their integration process. Being able to recognize what type of learner

each of the students are, enables the teacher to develop the proper deliverance of material

for each pupil. For example I found a consistency, that older learners have slower

reaction times than younger learners. Older learners need more time to learn new things

with age, however, when adults can control the pace of learning, they can often


effectively compensate for their lack of speed and learn new things successfully. (Cross,

1981)

6.3 Recommendations Norway has developed considerable programs to monitor and evaluate the progress and

challenges of social integration. A continued effort to develop strategies concerning the

integration of refugees is a matter of urgency in Norway. Its demography, projected

migration trends, relationship with the UNHCR and the continued exclusion experienced

by some refugees into second and third generations, have ensured this issue be given

considerable attention on the Norwegian political agenda.

Looking forward, policies and educators must address the institutional barriers of

integration, including discriminatory practices, along with refugees’ need to adapt and

develop their skills. For educators, a key factor is the continued development of methods

of learning. As suggested by Merriam & Caffarella, attention should be paid to, "…the

framing of more holistic conceptions of adult intelligence that are grounded in the real

lives of adults of all colors, races, and ethnic backgrounds" (p.188). Looking not only at

the individual's mind, but also at how the individual and the context interact to mold

intellect can foster a substantial advantage for adult learners. Adherence should be also

paid to learning styles, motivation and learner’s self-concept, i.e. how they perceive their

situation and themselves. Hence practitioners, policy makers and learners themselves

need to be aware of the importance of individual differences in learning style and its


potential impact on the success of planned/unplanned and formal/informal learning

experiences.

Over-qualified refugees working low-income jobs should be placed in a fast track system,

which will provide employment, which is equivalent to their skills. Policies should not

solely focus on integration in the employment sector, or cultural acceptance, but

ultimately take a holistic approach. First, in order to do so, the experiences and

challenges of different racial, ethnic and religious groups need to be identified. Secondly,

recognizing and assessing the different economic and social barriers refugees encounter,

including language, discrimination, access to social networks and previous traumas.

In consideration of current Norwegian policy, policies targeted at certain disadvantaged

groups are appropriate and should be implemented; yet there should mindfulness of a

homogenous discourse concerning African refugees. Interviewing an employee at IMDi,

he indicated there was a problem with categorizing African refugees as Somali, where

other countries were subsequent to being treated as one entity. Many of my informants

were highly educated, while showcasing a high level of competence either attained from

their home country and/or continued education in Norway. The incorporation of specific

inclusion and equality objectives within mainstream employment, education, housing and

health programs will determine the success of refugees integrating into Norwegian

society. Monitoring social and economic progress of refugees, along with creating an

open dialogue with refugees, focused on their experiences and perceptions must be

implemented. Finally, a program, which promotes and fosters participation in civic and


political decision making from refugees, should be at the forefront of Norwegian policy

implementation. Taking these actions will provide migrants from refugee status a stake in

the future of their society and expresses an acceptance on the part of the majority.

Norway should continue to educate the native population to promote; social cohesion

based on recognition of differences within and between cultures, which enable the society

as a whole to meet human rights and equality standards.


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APPENDIX Appendix A: Interview

Interview Administered

Questionnaire for Social Integration Through Education Thesis:

-Sex -Age -Marital status -Education level - Country of origin 1. Do you speak Norwegian? 2. Do you have children? 3. Do you have other dependents? 4. Do your children go to school? 5. Do your dependents go to school? 6. What is your reason for coming to Norway? 7. How long have you been living in Norway? 8. Do you think an education is important? Yes or No 9. Did you go to school in your nationalized country and what did you study? 10. What is your previous education level from your home country? a) High school b) university c) technical degree d) graduate degree e) doctoral degree f ) post-doc working 11. Did you have a job or trade in your nationalized country? 12. What was your job or trade in your nationalized country? 13. Are you currently employed? 14. If not, do you feel frustrated because you don’t have a job? 15. How comfortable do you feel living in Norway on a scale of 1-10 with 1 being extremely uncomfortable and 10 being Extremely Comfortable? 16. Do you think Norwegian language training is enough to integrate into Norwegian society? 17. Do you feel like your skills can be transferred here to Norway? 18. Do you think the Norwegian system provides good courses to assist in your integration process? 19. Have you studied with other Norwegians? 20. Do you feel a continued education will help you integrate into Norwegian society better, why or why not? 21. Are you aware of educational programs set up for refugees in Norway? 22. Do you think Norway cares about your education? 23. How do you think the welfare system functions to help educate refugees? 24. Do you feel you have the same opportunities to receive an education as Norwegians? 25. What do you think are the reasons that can explain your employment or unemployment? 26. Do you believe that you will be employed in a good job as long as you complete/participate in the education system that Norway offers to refugees? 27. What would you change about the education system in Norway for refugees? 28. Are you part of a social organization with other refugees, or Norwegians? 29. Have you experienced discrimination here in Norway? 30. If so, what happened to make you feel discriminated against?

Appendix B: Guidelines given from the Norwegian Introductory Act


1. To assess the question of humanitarian grounds, each case shall be examined individually, and not undergo a general group assessment based on the particular geographical area.

2. Lack of link to a particular geographical area, shall not be conclusive when it comes to accessing the internal flight alternative, there have to be other strong humanitarian grounds for granting residency.

3. The Norwegian authorities determine Norwegian asylum and immigration policies. Norwegian practice shall as a main rule harmonize with practices in other comparable countries, both today and in the future.

4. Norway’s assessment of cases under the Dublin II regulations will be harmonized with practices by other member states to the effect that Norway does not make general exceptions from the regulations unless there are particular reasons to do so. An individual assessment shall be carried out concerning applicants who are to be returned to Greece and unaccompanied minors.

5. Persons who have been granted residency on humanitarian grounds must have four years of education or work experience in Norway to be granted family reunification with existing or new family members. The same conditions apply for those who have been granted refugee status, but only related to family establishment. Persons with permits granted on the basis of a job offer in Norway and citizens of the EU/EEA, are exempt from these conditions, and other exemptions can also be made under special circumstances.

6. Based on an individual assessment, temporary residency without the right to renewal can be granted to unaccompanied minors who are 16 years or older and today are given residency simply because Norwegian authorities cannot locate their parents/family.

7. When establishing a practice contrary to UNHCRs recommendations concerning protection, the changes should as a main rule be put forward to the Grand Board of the Immigration Appeals Board, unless the new practice has been put down by instructions from the Ministry of Labor and Social Inclusion.

8. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the responsibility for negotiating a readmission agreement with Iraq. This shall be given priority. The conditions for entering into such an agreement and the budgetary consequences shall be further investigated.

9. The Government will intensify efforts to negotiate readmission agreements with the main countries of origin for persons who are in Norway illegally.


10. Further investigation will be one into the possibilities of faster procedures for asylum applicants who do not contribute to disclose their identity.

11. Fingerprints shall be taken of all applicants who cannot document their identity or are suspected of having a false identity.

12. A proposition for regulations to limit the meetings in the Immigration Appeals Board only to issues that are essential for the result of the cases will be sent on a public hearing.

13. A fast track procedure for particular groups where there are a high percentage of rejections will be established. This is conditional of cooperation between all government bodies needed in the process.

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