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Political Parties in Africa: Challenges for Sustained Multiparty Democracy

No. Country Year ofintro-duction

Recipient Basic allocat ion cri teria(amount for party) foreach election

Total amountper year

1 Benin N/A Parliamentarycandidates

Presidentialcandidates

Reimbursement ocampaign expenses orsuccess ul candidates.(Rule or proportionaldistributed undingnot implemented.)Candidates must winmore than 10% inpresidential elections

Decided bypresidentialdecree

2 Burkina Faso 1997 Parties electioncampaign

Central partyorganization

50% distributedproportionally among theparties in the NationalAssembly,

50% to parties withcandidates in at least 5 othe 45 provinces.

Unspeci ed supportbetween elections

380,000 USD

3 Cameroon 1990 Political parties

4 Chad 1993 Grant to newparties

10,000 USD or each newparty

5 Egypt N/A Central partyorganization

All registered parties(29,000 USD or eachparty)

6 EquatorialGuinea

N/A Presidentialcandidates


All participants (30,000USD each)

All parties (8,900 USDeach)

7 Gabon 1990 Central partyorganization

All parties with acandidate in eachconstituency

37,700 USD

8 Morocco N/A Parties electioncampaign

The parties receive20% be ore the end ocandidate registration,30% is given to partiesbased on the number ocandidates led, 25% isgiven to parties basedon the number o votesobtained by each party inevery district, and nally25% is distributed basedon the number o seatswon

Total amountto be decidedby primeminister(1997: 13.6million USD)

Table 6.5: Public subsidies or parties in A rican democracies by year o introduction, recipient, allocation criteria and amount


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9 Mozambique 1999 Central partyorganization

Presidentialcandidates

1/3 distributed equallyamong presidentialcandidates,

1/3 distributedproportionally toparties represented inParliament,

1/3 distributed to allparticipating partiesbased on number oapproved candidates

340,000 USDto the twolargest parties

10 Namibia 1997 Central partyorganization

Funding limited toparliamentary parties

11 Seychelles 1996 Central partyorganization

Parties that nominatedcandidates or thepreceding election, basedon percentage o thevotes

1.5 millionUSD

12 South A rica 1996 Central partyorganization

Funding limited to partiesin National Assemblyor in a ProvincialLegislature. A sumdivided equally amongparties plus anothersum based on theirshare o parliamentaryrepresentation

9 million USD

13 Tanzania 1992

1995

1996

Law notimplemented.9,600 USDor eachpresidentialcandidate.1,900 USD perconstituencyor campaigncosts + 1,900USD or eachconstituencywon towardsadministrativecosts

Support or partiesbetween elections,proportional toparliamentaryrepresentation

10 millionUSD or19962000

14 Zimbabwe 1992

1997


Must hold 15 seats in theNational Assembly toreceive unds

Funds givento partiesreceiving 5%o the votesin previous

election

No. Country Year ofintro-duction

Recipient Basic allocat ion cri teria(amount for party) foreach election

Total amountper year

Source:Quoted in Mathisen, H. and Svsand, L., Funding Political Parties in Emerging A ricanDemocracies: What Role or Norway?, Report R 2002: 6 (Bergen: Chr. Michelsen Institute, 2000),updated in Fambom, Samuel, Public Funding o Political Parties in A rica, Paper submitted at thecon erence on Elections, Democracy and Governance, Pretoria, South A rica, 710 April 2004.N/A = not available.


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Country Enforcement authority

Benin Minister o internal a airs

Cape Verde

Ghana National Electoral Commission

Lesotho National Electoral Board

Malawi National Electoral Commission

Mali Ministry o Interior and Revenue Court

Morocco Minister o internal a airs and in ormation, and minister onance

Mozambique National Electoral Commission

Namibia Auditor general

Niger Ministry o Interior and the Revenue Court

So Tom and Prncipe General Accountancy O ce

Seychelles Party Finance Regulatory Board

Sierra Leone National Electoral Board

South A rica National Electoral Commission

Tanzania National Electoral Board

The en orcement authorities which ensure that the laws or administrative ordersgoverning political party nance, public unding, election campaigns, subsidies and

so on are summarized in Table 6.6. Notably, eight di erent types o en orcementauthorities exist in 15 countries.

Table 6.6: En orcement authority in A rican countries with political party fnance and income disclosure regulations

Source:Compiled rom IDEA database, downloaded July 2006.

While national, external regulation o A rican political parties is becomingincreasingly better documented, less is still known o the internal organization,unctioning and management o political parties. We still do not know how theseregulations and instruments work in reality, whether political parties really adhere tothem. Another area o concern is whether political parties are accountable institutionsand who manages them? Are they brie case political parties whose resources and lesare carried around by the leaders, or are they e ectively-operating institutions? What

are the requirements or developing political party management norms beyond therhetoric o their role as democratic institutions?

Chapter 7 summarizes some o the important ndings or the role o A rican politicalparties or democratic progress and consolidation.


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Chapter 7

Conclusions andRecommendations


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Chapter 7

7. Conclusions and Recommendations 7.1 Conclusions

How can A rican political parties be assisted to make progress towards becoming moreresponsive, representative and e ective organizations in support o democratizationand development?

Internally, A rican party systems are diverse and ragmented, and externally,globalization and the IFIs policies have made political party programmes subservientto global agendas, with political parties increasingly unable to deliver on theirpromises. Hence among many A ricans we observe political apathy and withdrawalrom the political process; this is also con rmed by low voter turnout in somecountries. It is sa e to argue that political ideology is in ormed and largely infuencedby global, liberal thinking and policy options ormulated by the IMF and the WorldBank, and with alternative A rican party programmes increasingly absent where they are most needed. Important steps towards more in ormed party programmes andpolicy ormulation processes could be achieved by increased SouthSouth exchangeo experiences, not least between Latin America and A rica.

The current understanding o political parties role in governance is narrow. Thegrowing documented narrative on internal and external party regulations should besubjected to reality checks. Our knowledge o how political parties are managed andinternally organized and o how they develop their party programmes is insu cientand the need or better understanding is growing as political parties develop andchange over time. A rican party systems are changing rapidly, with the emergence

o two contradictory tendencies: (a) ragmentation;15

and (b) the consolidationo dominant-party and two-party systems. Although minority governments andcoalitions persist, little is known about how and why coalitions are really ormed,

Basedau 2007: 118 .15


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or what purpose they are ormed, what legal instruments govern their power-sharing arrangement, and what are the implications or political party ormation and

alignments in the uture. Kadima (2006) provides use ul insights into the politicso party coalitions in A rica but more research is needed. The generic relationshipbetween parties, government and parliament is generally well understood. However,in many countries, the actual constellation o these relations in between elections isinadequately understood.

A recurrent eature o all dialogue events during 20052006 carried out by International IDEA and partners in A rica has been the issue o dominant rulingparties and their relationship to the state. We do not have to got to extreme cases o

party abuse o state resources, be they nancial, media, use o repressive arms o thegovernment or the judiciaryas in Zimbabwe todayto see that this usion o party and state boundaries constitutes a real challenge to the sustainability o multiparty politics in A rica. While the problem is more serious in A rica than in other regions,it is certainly a common eature also in other regions, including Europe. Carothers(2006: 6873) provides a use ul insight into this problem at the global level.

No evidence emerges rom the research conducted thus ar to suggest that theincrease in the numbers o women parliamentarians has been matched in womensrepresentation in party leadership positions and committees. In our view, womensparticipation and representation in party politics is more important than tokenparliamentary representation. Womens presence in political party leadershippositions is an important step or sustaining democratic governance at the local levelgiven political parties proximity to society and to local political culture and the very values that we aspire to nurture in order to oster political inclusion at the nationallevel.

Pan-A rican party to-party networks o like-minded ideological trends and policy orientation are yet to develop independent o party internationals. Almost all pan- A rican parliamentary groupings are engaged in elections or election observation, buttheir conclusions may have been less than impartial and accurate: it is problematic tosee how election observation missions to other A rican countries have concluded thatelections have been ree and air (even Zimbabwes 2002 presidential election, or someorganizations) while at the same time we see various orms o civil authoritarianismemerging in the same countries.

Two serious challenges will keep upsetting the A rican democratization process:political party nancing and succession politics. First, the current patterns o political party nancing corrupt politics and by extension spread corruption inpolitical institutions based on political appointments. It is di cult to imagine


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how corrupt political parties which have won elections through raud would, uponnding themselves in control o government, nances and personnel, adopt the

principles o good governance overnight. Second, the enigma o succession politics isa major confict-inducing actor in almost all A rican countries, including collapsedstates. Little is known, let alone understood, o the relationship between leaders andpolitical parties and we do not know whether succession crises are political party-driven or a refection o nationwide leadership crises.

These challenges might seem ew on paper. However, their political rami cationshow to come to grips with their solutions and what policies and actions couldcontribute to meeting themare di cult and complex to address. They orm a

long-term agenda that requires inter aces with several other institutions, and some o that agenda is not even directly within the domain o party politics.

7.2 Recommendations

1. Although the role o political parties in promoting democratic governanceis commonly understood, most A rican countries use political parties in thenarrow sense as instruments developed by the elite or state capture. This couldbe recti ed through increased capacity-building and awareness workshopsand seminars on the centrality o political parties or thriving democraticgovernance.

2. There is a pressing need or the vast documentation on internal and externalparty regulations to be subjected to a reality check in order to support politicalparties through workshops, training and capacity-building programmes toredress de ciencies in their organization, structures and unctions.

3. Too little is known about how political parties are managed and internally organized, how their programmes are developed (and in act the content o these programmes and how the global context a ects them), what mechanismsparties have in order to implement these programmes once in government,or how opposition political parties develop policies to infuence governmentprogrammes by actively re erring to and improving their own. There isthere ore a need or training programmes on political party managementand organization in order to increase their e ectiveness, transparency andaccountability.

4. While some progress has been made on womens representation in parliament,not least in Southern A rica, this has not been matched by any increasedinfuence o women in political parties, or by policy agendas refecting many gender-related matters. There are no short cuts to increased gender equality

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except real infuence over party agendas and policy ormulation. Training anddecision-making processes that can help to alleviate these shortcomings must

remain high on the agenda or parties and development partners.5. A rican party systems are changing rapidly, with contradictory tendencies.

One is towards ragmentation and the end o the nationwide, towards theormation o regional, quasi-ethnic and religious parties. The other is towardsdominant-party and two-party systems. In this sense A rican political partiesare not static; once a countrys system has been classi ed as a one-party system or another the classi cation could change in subsequent elections.By implication, studies on political party institutionalization are importantand should be carried out to show what aspects o party systems have beeninstitutionalized, which have not, and why. The lack o regime turnoverthrough elections needs to be analysed urther rom the perspective o opposition parties and coalitions, and their prospects or institutionalizationand consolidation.

6. More e orts are needed to nd ways in which to curb domination by rulingparties through the abuse o state unds and resources. Independent auditunctions can be introduced, but parliamentary committee systems can alsocontribute to transparency in this regard. The establishment o a code o conduct or ruling parties and coalitions in A rica could be another importantstep in the right direction.

7. There is an increasing body o literature on minority governments andcoalitions, but little is known about how and why coalitions are really ormed,and what legal instruments govern their power-sharing mechanisms. Thereis there ore a need or a better understanding o coalition politics and itsshort-, medium- and long-term implications or the democratic process.Kadima shows how presidential systems are more prone to the breaking upo winning coalitions than parliamentary systems are (Kadima 2006: 224 ),giving urther evidence o the problems associated with the concentration o power in the o ce o the president.

8. Although the generic relationship between political parties, government andparliament is well understood, in act the constellation o these relationsbetween elections is poorly understood. This could be a result o too muchcapacity building or parliamentarians (in e ect empowering the machinery o government) and too little training or political parties leaders and their

key members. Training or political parties and political party unctionaries isimportant or creating democratic inter aces and synergies as well as buildinga solid base or democratic practices which can be passed up the line rompolitical parties to parliament.


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9. There is reasonable documentation on the nancing o political parties intheir e orts to maintain themselves as organizations, to compete or elections

and to participate in national politics and national debates. However, thereis a pressing need or detailed case studies on how political parties are really con gured on the ground. This topic has not been meaning ully researched,and only a ew ull-fedged case studies, concentrating on priority area, havebeen carried out. A comparative database has been developed by InternationalIDEA. IDEA and the Institute o Social Studies (ISS) in the Netherlands arein the process o establishing a partnership to provide better opportunities orcomparative analysis.

10. The desirability or non-desirability o party laws and urther party regulationshas not been ully documented or debated in many A rican countries. Similarregulations may have very di erent impact. Some countries have kept delayingthe enactment or implementation o party laws until such time as these laws would give the governing political party advantages over the opposition.However, there should be a serious debate on political party regulations be orerash policy recommendations are hastily implemented, probably creating moreproblems that they have been expected to solve.

11. Although A rican political parties are integrated into global party-to-party networks, associations and the so-called party internationals, correspondingpan-A rican party-to-party networks o like-minded ideologies is yet to developamong A rican political parties independent o the internationals (apart o course rom the so-called progressive liberation movement governments).IDEA and other democracy promotion institutions should build on IDEAscurrent work with A rican regional and sub-regional parliamentary orums,communities and networks. Finally, more encouragement o SouthSouthexchange and sharing o experiences is also important.

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NGO Non-governmental organizationNPP New Patriotic Party (Ghana)

OAU Organization o A rican Unity PAP Pan-A rican ParliamentPBV Party Block Vote (electoral system)PFDJ Peoples Front or Democracy and Justice (Eritrea)PR Proportional representationRemano Resistncia Nacional Moambicana

(Mozambican National Resistance)SADC Southern A rican Development Community SADC-PF Southern A rican Development Community

Parliamentary ForumTRS Two-Round System (electoral system)UDF United Democratic Front (Malawi)UNDP United Nations Development ProgrammeUSD US dollarZANU Zimbabwe A rican National Union


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About the Authors

Per Nordlund is as a Senior Programme O cer at International IDEA, working with IDEAs Programme on Research and Dialogue with Political Parties. Prior to joining IDEA in 2004, he was a Senior Democracy and Human Rights Advisorat the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), and wasstationed in Zimbabwe in 2000-2004 as Sidas Regional Advisor or DemocraticGovernance in Southern A rica. Per Nordlund has worked and carried out researchin A rica since 1990, and he holds a PhD rom the Department o Government at

Uppsala University, Sweden: his thesis is published asOrganising the Political Agora:Domination and Democratisation in Zambia and Zimbabwe (Uppsala University:1996). He has also been a research associate o the University o Zimbabwe, theUniversity o Zambia and the University o the Witwatersrand, South A rica.

Mohamed Salih is Pro essor o Politics o Development at both the Institute o SocialStudies (ISS), The Hague, and the Department o Political Science, University o Leiden, the Netherlands. His latest publications include African Parliaments betweenGovernment and Governance (New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2005) and African

Political Parties: Evolution, Institutionalization and Governance (London: Pluto Press,2003).


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What is International IDEA?The International Institute or Democracy and Electoral AssistanceInternational IDEAis an intergovernmental organization that supports sustainable democracy worldwide. Itsobjective is to strengthen democratic institutions and processes.

IDEA acts as a catalyst or democracy building by providing knowledge resources, expertiseand a plat orm or debate on democracy issues. It works together with policy makers, donorgovernments, UN organizations and agencies, regional organizations and others engaged onthe eld o democracy building.

What does International IDEA do?Democracy building is complex and touches on many areas including constitutions,electoral systems, political parties, legislative arrangements, the judiciary, central and localgovernment, ormal and traditional government structures. International IDEA is engaged

with all o these issues and o ers to those in the process o democratization: knowledge resources, in the orm o handbooks, databases, websites and expert

networks; policy proposals to provoke debate and action on democracy issues; and assistance to democratic reforms in response to speci c national requests.

Areas of workIDEAs notable areas o expertise are:

Constitution-building processes.A constitutional process can lay the oundationsor peace and development, or plant seeds o confict. International IDEA is ableto provide knowledge and make policy proposals or constitution building that isgenuinely nationally owned, is sensitive to gender and confict-prevention dimensions,and responds e ectively to national priorities.

Electoral processes.The design and management o elections has a strong impacton the wider political system. International IDEA seeks to ensure the pro essionalmanagement and independence o elections, adapt electoral systems, and build publiccon dence in the electoral process.

Political parties.Political parties orm the essential link between voters and thegovernment. Yet polls taken across the world show that political parties enjoy a low level o con dence. International IDEA analyses the unctioning o political parties,the public unding o political parties, their management and relations with thepublic.

Democracy and gender.International IDEA recognizes that i democracies areto be truly democratic, then womenwho make up over hal o the worldspopulationmust be represented on equal terms with men. International IDEA develops comparative resources and tools designed to advance the participation andrepresentation o women in political li e.

Democracy assessments.Democratization is a national process. IDEAsState of

Democracy methodology allows people to assess their own democracy instead o relyingon externally produced indicators or rankings o democracies.

Where does International IDEA work?International IDEA works worldwide. It is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and has o ces inLatin America, A rica and Asia.

About International IDEA


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