ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS

Studia Musicologia UpsaliensiaNOVA SERIES

29

Celebrating Lutheran MusicScholarly Perspectives at the Quincentenary

Edited by Maria Schildt, Mattias Lundberg

and Jonas Lundblad

© AUU and the authors 2019

Cover illustration: Eyolf Østrem

Distribution: Uppsala University Library, Box 510, SE-751 20 Uppsala, Swedenwww.ub.uu.seacta@ub.uu.se

ISSN 0081-6744ISBN 978-91-513-0809-8http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-396261

Printed in Sweden by DanagårdLiTHO AB, Ödeshög 2019

Contents

List of Figures ............................................................................................... 9

Prelude ........................................................................................................ 13

Part I: Sixteenth-Century Currents1. “Before Our Time”: Latin and Lay Latinity in Early Lutheran

Hymnals ................................................................................................. 17Esther Criscuola de Laix

2. SocialConflictsandtheUseoftheVernacularinSwedishReformation Liturgy ............................................................................. 33Martin Berntson

3. DraftingaNewLutheranLiturgyinPost-ReformationIceland .......... 49Árni Heimir Ingólfsson

4. LatinLiturgicalChantinFinnishandSwedisharound1600 ............... 67Erkki Tuppurainen

5. Music,Politics,andtheReformedLivonianServiceBooksof1530and 1537 ................................................................................................ 81Anne Heminger

6. LiturgicalReformsduringtheLutheranPeriodoftheUnityoftheBrethren ................................................................................................ 97Eliška Bat’ová

7. Learning to be Lutheran by Singing: The Pedagogy of a CommunionHymnoftheSwedishReformation ............................... 109Teresia Derlén

8. A Vast and Unfamiliar Field: Swedish Hymnals and Hymn-Printing in the Sixteenth Century ....................................................... 125Otfried Czaika

Part II: Music in Consolidated Lutheranism9. Pure Lutheranism? On Catholic Devotional Texts in Dietrich

Buxtehude’s Lutheran Figural Music .................................................. 141Olga Gero

10.LawandGospelinJohannSebastianBach’sCantata106:A Fundamental Lutheran Theme Set to Music .................................... 155Daniel Johansson

11. TheOldTestamentApocryphainEarlyModernLutheranMusicalCulture .................................................................................................169Anders Jarlert

12.TheHymnodyofAndreasRudmaninNewSweden,Delaware,1696–1708 ............................................................................................ 177Kim-Eric Williams

13. JohanHelmichRoman’sTe Deum and Jubilate, and a Lutheran Feast ..................................................................................................... 191Eva Helenius

14.DevotionalDialogue:ExploringtheMusicalRepertoireforSoloVoiceandClavichordfromReformationEurope ............................... 207Christina Ekström and Joel Speerstra

15. The Organ’s Effect on Hymnal Singing: A Microhistory of Congregational Singing and Playing in Överselö, Stallarholmen, 1754 ............................................................................ 223Hanna Drakengren

16.TheRoleofMusicandtheLutheranChurchintheAwakeningofIngrian-FinnishNationalIdentity,1861–1919..................................... 235Samuli Korkalainen

17. Luther’sSignificancefortheSwedishChoraleBookEditorsJohannChristianFriedrichHæffnerandHaraldGöransson ............... 251Anders Dillmar

Part III: Systematic and Contemporary Perspectives18 ListeningtheLutheranWay:TheologicalPerspectivesonthe

DevelopmentoftheHymn .................................................................. 267Torbjörn Johansson

19. TheVitalityofLutheranLiturgy:SacramentumandSacrificiuminSwedishLiturgicalRenewal ............................................................ 281Tomas Appelqvist

20.ChurchMusicforChildren:Embodied,Formative,Crossgenerational ............................................................................... 297Sam Eatherton

21. Brass Ensembles as a Process of Community Building: ParticipatoryPerformanceandthePosaunenchor ............................. 309Ryoto Akiyama

22.LutheranMusicalCultureanditsInfluenceonSouthAfricanLiturgical Organ Music ...................................................................... 323Theo van Wyk

23.“Come,AllYouPeople”:LutheranInfluencesontheSpreadofGlobalHymnody ................................................................................. 337Martin V. Clarke

24.Luther’sMusicalThoughtThroughTimeandSpace:NegotiatingTraditionAcrosstheTraditional/ContemporaryDivide ..................... 351Marcell Silva Steuernagel

Bibliography .............................................................................................. 367

Authors’andEditors’Biographies ............................................................ 403

Index .......................................................................................................... 411

9

Figure 1. Example 1a.“Diesestlaeticiae”,JistebniceCantional(Prague,NárodníknihovnaČeskérepubliky,IIC7),p.99.Transcribed in Nejedlý, Dějiny husitského zpěvu,Vol.6,p.296.Example 1b. “Dies est laeticiae”, Babstsches Gesangbuch(1545),sig. Q5v. ................................................................................................. 22

Figure 2. Example 2a.“Nuncangelorumgloria”,JistebniceCantional(Prague,NárodníknihovnaČeskérepubliky,IIC7),p.509.Transcribed in Nejedlý, Dějiny husitského zpěvu,Vol.6,p313.Example 2b. “Nunc angelorum gloria”, Babstsches Gesangbuch (1545),sigs.R1r–R1v. ............................................................................ 23

Figure 3. Example 3.“Indulcijubilo.”Babstsches Gesangbuch (1545),sigs.R1v–R2r. ............................................................................ 26

Figure 4. Example 4a.“KyrieSummum”,opening.FranzEler,Cantica sacra(1588),p.XIIII.Example 4b.“Gloriainexcelsisdeo”,opening.FranzEler,Cantica sacra(1588),p.LV......................... 27

Figure 5. Example 5a.Magnificattone11,opening.FranzEler,Cantica sacra(1588),p.CCLVIII.Example 5b.“Verbumcarofactumest”,opening.FranzEler,Cantica sacra(1588),p.LVII.Example 5c.“JosephleuerJosephmein,”opening.FranzEler,Cantica sacra(1588),p.LVII. ............................................................... 27

Figure 6. Example 6.“DiscubuitJesus”,opening.JohannesKeuchenthal, Kirchen gesenge lateinisch und deutsch (1573),fol.21r.TranscribedbyMatthewCarver. .................................................... 30

Figure 7. Example 7.“RexChristeomnesintelaetamur,”opening.Lucas Lossius, Psalmodia(1579),fol.120r. ........................................... 31

Figure 8. Að óbrugðnum, óskertum[...](Inviolata)andcollectfromStockhperg8vono.10,Ib(fol.1v),NationalLibraryofSweden. ....... 59

Figure 9. Að óbrugðnum, óskertum og skærum meydóm(Inviolata,integraetcastaes,Maria)fromS.252a,NationalLibraryofSweden.Thefinalline(partlymissinginthismanuscriptduetopapertear)istakenfromStockhperg8vono.10,Ib,NationalLibraryofSweden. ................................................................................ 60

Figure 10. Sjáið þeir dagar munu koma(Eccediesvenient)fromStockholmS.252a(fol.1r),NationalLibraryofSweden. ..................... 63

List of Figures

10

Figure 11. Hæc est dies quam fecit Dominus, hodie. Latin: AntiphonariumTammelense,260r–v.Swedish:ManuscriptfromIisalmi(Idensalmi),74–76.Finnish:ManuscriptfromIisalmi(Idensalmi),76–77. ................................................................................ 70

Figure 12. Hæc est dies quam fecit Dominus, hodie. Fragment from theSwedishversioninIisalmi. .............................................................. 70

Figure 13. Discubuit Iesus. Latin: Sångbok II in the Finnish Church, Stockholm,220r.Swedish:AhandwrittenappendixtoPiæ Cantiones(1582)inStifts- och landsbiblioteket [Diocesan library] (Sweden).Finnish:CodexWesth,131v–132v. ......................................... 74

Figure 14. Discubuit Iesus. Fragment from the Skara version. ................... 74Figure 15. Benedicamus parvulo nato,ManuscriptfromHämeenkyrö,

25r. (Note: Obvious notation errors: seven tones at the beginning ofthesecondrow,andtwotonesattheendofthethirdrow.)............... 76

Figure 16. Benedicamus parvulo nato.SwedishandFinnish:ManuscriptfromHämeenkyrö(Tavastkyro),25r.Latin:Antiphonæ et responsoria in vespertinis canenda(1568),53r. .............. 77

Figure 17. O sacrum convivium. Latin:ManuscriptfromMarttila(StMårtens),167v–168r.Finnish:AhandwrittenappendixtoMichaelAgricola’spassiontextSe meiden Herran Jesusen Christusen Pina (1549, 2ndedition1616),intheFinnishNationalLibrary(Helsinki),Rv 13/1. .................................................................................................. 79

Figure 18. MapoftheLivonianConfederationbefore1558. ...................... 83Figure 19. Titlepage,1530Kurtz Ordnung des Kirchendienst for Riga. .... 87Figure 20. OpeningoftheintroitforChristmas,1537Kurtz Ordnung. ...... 91Figure 21. Breakingthecontinuity:“BooksoftheServicesofGod’s

Word”(Prague1570),f.A2r.Thetextofthewholebookbeginswiththerubric“ThefirstSundaybeforeAdvent”. .............................. 106

Figure 22. Thebook-faircataloguesfrom1599and1609. ......................... 151Figure 23. Thebook-faircataloguefrom1599. .......................................... 152Figure 24. J.S.Bach,Cantata106,fuguethemeinmovement2.d. ...........163Figure 25. J.S.Bach,Cantata106,sopranothemeinmovement2.d. .......163Figure 26. J.S.Bach,Cantata106,endofmovement2.d. .........................165Figure 27. Roman’s Te Deum(HRV405,S-SkmaRo65b,party

autograph)andJubilate(HRV401,S-SkmaRo63a,autograph). ....... 193Figure 28. Theroyaldecreeofayearofjubilee1730,Årstrycket, 25

June1730.............................................................................................. 194Figure 29. TheroyalorchestraatthecoronationofkingFrederickI,

1720.Handteckningar,PersonerFredrikIB.1,NationalLibraryofSweden. ................................................................................................ 198

11

Figure 30. CarlDavidGyllenborg(1734–1811),“IlluminationWidFransyska Ambassadeuren Marquis de Lamarys Bale, Hans Kongl.HöghetPrinsAdolphFredrichtillÄhraiDeLagardiskaHusetwidDrottningegatanåNorrmalmden13NovemberÅr1743”,D2386.Inv.nr31320,UppsalaUniversitylibrary. .................... 201

Figure 31. Thefirstverseof“Turtur–Dufvan”fromOlofKolmodin’s1734 book of meditations Andelig Dufworöst. ..................................... 214

Figure 32. TheopeningbarsofJ.H.Roman’sandT.Odhelius’s“Lätjord,tittLofmedSångupgå”. ...............................................................216

Figure 33. Theopeningbarsof“HvadliufMusikochHarmonie”(“WhatSweetMusicandHarmony”)fromG.ALejonmark’smusic book, The Archive of the Evangeliska Brödraförsamlingen, Stockholm. ............................................................................................ 218

Figure 34. “Bitten”fromC.P.E.Bach’sandC.F.Gellert’s1758Geistliche Oden und Lieder. ................................................................. 219

Figure 35. “Demut”fromC.P.E.Bach’sandC.F.Gellert’s1758Geistliche Oden und Lieder. ................................................................ 220

Figure 36. “Morgengesang”fromC.P.E.Bach’sandC.F.Gellert’s1758 Geistliche Oden und Lieder. ........................................................ 220

Figure 37. FerdinandZellbell’schoralebook.S120,NationalLibraryofSweden............................................................................................. 232

Figure 38. Mooses Putro’s song Sydämen myrsky in Wanhaa ja uutta Suomalaisen Laulun Harrastajille.[“OldandnewFinnishsingingrepertoire”] I Wihko: 20 seka-köörille sowitettua laulua, Mooses Putronen(ed.),(SaintPetersburg,1879). .............................................. 245

Figure 39. Mooses Putro’s song Nouse, Inkeri in Raittiusyhdistys Inkerin Laulukokoelma [“SongCollectionforthetemperanceassociation Inkeri”],MoosesPutro(ed.),(SaintPetersburg,1899).ThewordInkeri (Ingria)isblackenedoutandreplacedbythewordkansani(“mypeople”). ............................................................... 246

Figure 40. Nun freut euch lieben Christen g’mein fromJohannesKuhlo(ed.),Posaunenbuch,6thedition(Bielefeld,1896). .................... 314

13

Prelude

Jubilees and othermajor commemorations are often cultural events brim-mingwithsignificance.Theyprovideoccasiontoactualizelivingtraitsofthepast, to recognize its lastingpresence in contemporary consciousness, andsuggestsitspotentialtovitalizethefuture.Throughcloserattentiontobothartefactsand ideas, thedynamic interplaybetweenmaterialand immateri-aldimensionsthroughouthistoryopenspathsfordeeperself-awareness.Onlevels ranging from the individual to theglobal, commemorationsprovokereflectiononhowquestionsofidentityevolvewithinmultiplexhistoricalandsocio-culturalframeworks.

The quincentenary of the Lutheran Reformation, as celebrated throughout 2017,broughtmanyoftheseaspectstothefore.Confessionalidentitieshavesince theEnlightenment often been viewedwith scepticism, as sources oflackingtoleranceorconflict.Recenthistoricalresearchishoweverincreas-inglypayingheedtothepositiveandcreativeimpactunleashedbypost-Ref-ormation differences. The jubilee also brought global attention to the lasting legacyofChristianconfessionaldifference,basedonastrongerawarenessofthehistoricalinterdependencyofopposingconfessionalcultures.StudiesofLutheranculturetodaythusrequireustoheedacomplexinteractionbetweentheology,changingsocietalnormsandothertraditions,insomecaseswithinthe Lutheran context itself.

Theyear2017providedan impetus to studyanew themutual influencebetweenLutheranismandmusic throughout the500yearssince theRefor-mation.Toprovide a scholarly arena for suchdiscussions, theDepartmentofMusicologyatUppsalaUniversityorganisedtheLutheran Music Culture conference,14–16September2017.Fromarichbodyofproposals,47con-tributionswereincludedintheprogramme.Togetherwithkeynotelectures,evening concerts and a concludingpanel discussion, presentationsby con-tributingscholarsfromfivecontinentshelpedtostimulateintensivedaysofvibrant discussion.

Thisvolumeofproceedingsisthefirstoftwoanthologiesdocumentingthevarietyofconferencepapers.Asecondanthologywillprovidedeepertheo-reticaldiscussions,aswellasperspectivesonLuther’sownmusicalthoughtand practice. The constellation of articles presented in this first anthologycelebratesarichdiversityofmaterialandapproaches.Thenatureofthethemedemands interdisciplinary breadth, and the contributorswork from awiderangeofdisciplineswithintheologyandthehumanities.Wedonot,however,

14

claimtoprovideeitherafullorevenarepresentativepicturenortoinstilacommonconceptionofwhatLutheranmusiccultureentails.

Thechaptershavebeenarrangedinabroadlychronologicaloutline,rang-ingfromtheReformationtothepresent.Theoutlineofthevolumealsofol-lowsthegeographicalexpansionofLutheranculturefromitsoriginalvantagepointinEuropetowardsacontemporaryglobaldiversity.Whilevernacularlanguagesplayasignificantroleinthistradition,oneoftheaimsofthispar-ticularvolume is topresentotherwise inaccessible sourcesandcontexts inEnglish.

Whilescholarlyworkmightnecessitatemanyhoursofindividualsolitude,thegrowthoflearningisneverthelessanessentiallysocialenterprise.Bothconferencesandbooksarecollectiveeffortsandtheydemandco-operationandfinancialsupport.Torealizetheconferencein2017,weareforemostin-debtedtoagenerousgrantfromTheSwedishFoundationforHumanitiesandSocial Sciences (Riksbankens Jubileumsfond)andtheDepartmentofMusi-cology,UppsalaUniversity.Ascholarlycommittee shared theirexperienceandexpertise,notleastintheselectionofpapers.Fortheiradvice,wewouldliketothankJohnButt(UniversityofGlasgow),HansDavidsson(GöteborgInternationalOrganAcademy),RobinLeaver (WestminsterChoirCollege,Princeton),KarinNelson(NorwegianAcademyofMusic),ThomasSchmidt(University of Huddersfield), Johann Anselm Steiger (University of Ham-burg),BerniceSundkvist(ÅboAkademiUniversity),RuthTatlow(SwedishCollegiumforAdvancedStudy),andPeterWollny(Bach-Archiv,Leipzig).

In theprocessofputting thisvolume together, the textshavebeen sub-jectedtoadouble-blindpeerreviewprocess.Wewouldliketothankallthereviewers–aroundtheworld–whohavebeeninvolvedinthisprocess.WehavebenefittedfromPh.D.JoClementsandherexperienceinlanguageed-iting, andwe are grateful for bothher carefulwork andher patience.ThecommitteefortheActaUniversitatisUpsaliensisseriesandVilhelm Ekmans universitetsfondhavegenerouslyprovidedfundingcoveringcostsofproof-readingandprinting.

Uppsala30September2019

Maria Schildt, Mattias Lundberg, Jonas Lundblad

PART I

Sixteenth-Century Currents

17

1. “Before Our Time”: Latin and Lay Latinity in Early Lutheran Hymnals

Esther Criscuola de Laix

HymnalswerethequintessentialworksofearlyLutheranvernacularculture.Theywerecertainlythemostpopularmusicbooksinsixteenth-centuryGer-many,andamongthemostpopulardevotionalbooks,withsometwothou-sanddifferenthymnalsprintedbetween1520and1600.1Bythemid-sixteenthcentury, a canon of vernacular Lutheran hymnody had emerged, centered on thehymnspennedbyLuther and his immediate circle, and this quickly be-camewellknownevenamongtheilliterateandmarginallyliterate.Almostallsixteenth-centuryLutheranhymnals–asdiverseastheywereinsizeandscope–transmittedthiscorerepertoryinanaccessibleandeasilynavigableform.

TheGerman-textedchoralestransmittedinthesehymnalswerelongoneofthemoststudiedtopicsinthehistoryofearlyLutheranmusic,thoughre-centlytherehasbeenrenewedscholarlyinterestintheroleofLatinchantandsongwithinearlyLutheranism.2ThisLatin repertoire is transmittedchief-ly insources thatseemtobe thepolaroppositesofhymnals– themid- tolatesixteenth-centuryLatinservicebooksandcantionalsofLucasLossius, JohannKeuchenthal, FranzEler, and Matthaeus Ludecus.Yet evenwithinvernacularhymnalsthereexistedahighlyspecificrepertoryofLatinsongsandtexts–whichsuggeststhatLatinwasnotcompletelyunknownevento

1 ChristopherBoydBrown,Singing the Gospel: Lutheran Hymns and the Success of the Reformation,(Cambridge,2005),p.5–8,especiallytable1–1onp.6.

2 See,forexample,RobinA.Leaver,Luther’s Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications, (GrandRapids,MI, 2007), especially chapters 12–16, JasonLukeThompson, “TheRe-tention of the Latin Sequence in the Early Lutheran Church”, in Ad fontes Witebergenses: Select Proceedings of “Lutheranism and the Classics II: Reading the Church Fathers”, Concordia Theological Seminary, September 28–29, 2012,CarlP.E.SpringerandJamesA.Kellerman(eds.),(FortWayne,IN,2014),p.239–255,EstherCriscuoladeLaix,“LiturgyasPedagogyinLutheranServiceBooks,1540–1590:Marginalia,Meter,andMusic”,inAd fontes Witebergenses,p.257–292,andMattiasLundberg,Tonus peregrinus: The History of a Psalm Tone and Its Use in Polyphonic Music,(Farnham,Surrey,2016),chapter9.

ThischapterisanexpansiononresearchpresentedattheLutheranismandtheClassicsIIIconferenceatConcordiaTheologicalSeminary,FortWayne,IN,USA(2October2014).Igratefullyacknowledgethegeneroussupportandassistanceofthefollowingcolleaguesand friends:Matthew Carver, Scott Edwards,Mary E. Frandsen, Frederick K. Gable,JosephHerl,ErikaSupriaHonisch,JanMarecek,andJasonLukeThompson.IalsothankBobGeigerforengravingthemusicexamples.

18

whatRobertScribnerhasfamouslydubbedthe“simplefolk”.3Table1mapsoutthisrepertoryforaselectionofearlyhymnals,printedmostlyinNorthGermany between 1530 and 1565.As this selection shows us,many earlyLutheranhymnalsincludedaspecificrepertoireofLatin-textedpre-Reforma-tion Christmas songs. But other books featured even more Latin: the famous Babstsches Gesangbuch of 1545 included a Latin litany and a lengthy section offuneralsongsdominatedbyLatinplainchants.ThetwoHamburgEnchi-ridion hymnalsof1558and1565–whichareamongthatcity’searliestmusicprints – included not only theChristmas songs but also four or fiveLatinchantsinso-called“corrected”versionsbytheLübeckschoolsuperintendentHermann Bonnus(1504–48),whichalsoappearinsome1540shymnalsfromMagdeburg.Thepresenceofthesetextsinhymnalscan,Ibelieve,helpbegintoilluminatenotonlytheirroleswithincontemporaryvernaculardevotionalpracticebutalsolargerquestionsofwhatIshallcall“layLatinity”–theroleof Latin in the life of the less educated classes.

Withinhymnals,theLatin-textedChristmassongslistedinTable1werealmostnevergroupedalongwithLuther’sownChristmashymns(e.g.,“VomHimmelhoch”and“Christumwirsollenlobenschon”,amongothers)inthetraditionalchurch-yearorderingscheme.4Theyappearedinsteadtowardthemiddleofthebookinaseparatesectionwiththefollowingheading:

NowtherefollowsomespiritualsongsmadebypiousChristianswholivedbeforeourtime.WehaveincludedtheoldsongsfollowinghereasawitnessofsomepiousChristianswholivedbeforeusinthe[timeof the] great darkness of the false doctrine, in order that one might see thattherehavealwaysbeenpeoplewhoknewChristarightandwereupheldinthatrecognitionmostwonderfullybyGod’sgrace.5

ThissectionofthebookalsoincludedseveralGerman-textedpre-Reforma-tion songs, including the beloved Easter hymn “Christ ist erstanden” and its Ascensioncounterpart,“Christ fuhrgenhimmel”;otherstandard itemsin-cludeda“KyriePaschaleDeutsch”(“Kyrie/GottallerweltSchöpffer”),the

3 Robert W. Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation, 2ndedition,(Oxford,1994).

4 One notable exception is theLowGerman hymnalEin Kort Psalmbökeschen Dariñ de gebrücklikesten Gesenge vnde Lider D. Martini Lutheri uñ ander framer Christen thosam-men gefatet synt,(Hamburg,1598),whichgroupsboth“Indulcijubilo”andaLowGermanversionof“Diesestlaeticiae”(“Dedachdeyssofröuwdenryck”)inthemainsectionofAdventandChristmassongs(headed“VandermenschwerdingeJesuChristi”).

5 “NufolgenetlichegeistlicheLieder/vonfromenChristengemacht/sovorvnserzeitgewe-sen sind.DiesealtenLieder/diehernach folgen/habe[n]wirauchmitauffgerafft/ZumzeugnisetlicherfromenChristen/sovorvnsgewestsind/indemgrossenfinsternis/derfalschenlehre.Auffdasmanjosehenmüge/wiedennochallezeitleutegewesensind/dieChristumrechterkandhabe[n]/Dochgarwünderlich indemselbigenerkenntnis/durchGottes gnade/ erhalten.”Geystliche Lieder. Mit einer newen vorrehede D. Mart. Luth., (Leipzig,1545;hereafterBabstsches Gesangbuch), sig.Q3v.Fora facsimileedition, seeDas Babstsche Gesangbuch von 1545: Faksimiledruck,KonradAmeln(ed.),(Kassel,1988).

19

Tabl

e 1.

Lat

in-T

exte

d So

ngs a

nd C

hant

s in

the

Babs

tsch

es G

esan

gbuc

h an

d So

me

Earl

y Lu

ther

an H

ymna

ls fr

om N

orth

Ger

man

y.

(HG

= H

igh

Ger

man

; LG

= L

ow G

erm

an)

Bab

stsc

hes

Ges

angb

uch

(Lei

pzig

, 154

5)

Gey

stly

ke

lede

r (R

os-

tock,1531)

Ench

irid

ion

(Mag

debu

rg,

1536)

Gei

stlic

he L

iede

r (M

agdeburg,1542)

Gey

stlik

e le

der

(Magdeburg,1543)

Ench

irid

ion

(Ham

burg,1558)

Gei

stlik

e Le

der

(Magdeburg1559)

Ench

irid

ion

(Ham

burg,1565)

Lang

uage

HG

LGLG

HG

LGLG

LGLG

“Vorunserer

Zeit”

Chr

ist-

mas

song

s

Die

s est

letic

iae

(no.52)

Res

onet

in la

udi-

bus(no.54)

Nun

c an

gelo

rum

gloria(no.55)

Indulcijubilo

(no.56)

Puer

nat

us in

B

ethl

ehem

(no.57)

Die

s est

leti-

cie(D6v)

Indulciiubi-

lo(D

7v)

Indulciiubi-

lo(xliiiiv)

Die

s est

letic

iae

(37r–v)

Indulcijubilo

(38r–v)

Die

s est

letic

ie

(XXXIIr)

Die

s est

letic

ie

(63v–64v)

Indulciiubilo

(64v–65r)

Puer

nat

us in

B

ethl

ehem

(65r–66r)

Die

s est

letic

iae

Indulciiubilo

Puer

nat

us in

B

ethl

ehem

Die

s est

letic

iae

(49v–50v)

Resonetinlaudi-

bus(50v)

Nun

c an

gelo

rum

gloria(50v–51r)

Puer

nat

us in

B

ethl

ehem

(51v–52r)

“Cor

rect

ed”

chan

ts b

y H

erm

ann

Bon

nus

Puer

nat

us in

Bet

hle-

hem(C

LXIX

r)Christusp

ronobis

passusest

(CLX

Xv)

Qua

ndo

Chr

istu

s as

cend

erat

(CLX

XIv)

Rex

Chr

iste

om

nes

in te

leta

mur

(CLX

XIIr)

DiscubuitJhesus

(CLX

XIIr–v)

Christusp

ro

nobisp

assusest

(112v–113r)

Qua

ndo

Chr

istu

s as

cend

erat

(113r–v)

Rex

Chr

iste

om

nes i

n te

letamur(113v)

DiscubuitJesus

(113v)

Christusp

ronobis

passusest

Puer

nat

us in

B

ethl

ehem

(88r–89r)

Christusp

ro

nobisp

assusest

(89v–90r)

Qua

ndo

Chr

istu

s as

cend

erat

(90r–90v)

Rex

Chr

iste

om

nes i

n te

letamur(90v)

DiscubuitJesus

(90v–91r)

Oth

ers

Latin

a lit

ania

co

rrec

ta

(no.38)

Bur

ial c

hant

s onscrip

-tu

ral t

exts

(nos.81–89)

InexituIsrael

(85v–86r,four

voices;onlyfirst

vers

e un

derla

id in

Latin)

20

Gloriaparaphrase“AllehrundlobsolGottessein”,andaGermanversionoftheofficehymn“OluxbeataTrinitas” (“DerdubistdreyinEinigkeit”).6 Althoughseparatefromthemainchurch-year-basedorderingoftherestofthebook,songswithinthissectionwerethemselvesoftengroupedintheorderofthechurchyear,meaningthattheChristmassongsgenerallycamefirst.Therubric at the beginning of the section attests to the theological correctness of these “old songs”despite their origins in thepre-Reformation “great dark-ness”,andtheywerealmostcertainlyhandpickedbyLuther or members of hisimmediatecircle.Althoughacomprehensiveexaminationofthehistoryandprovenanceofthesesongsisbeyondthescopeofthisinvestigation,thechoicedoesnotseemtohavebeenarbitrary.AllfiveoftheLatinChristmassongslistedinTable1–“Diesestlaeticiae,”“Resonetinlaudibus”,“Nuncangelorumgloria”,“Indulcijubilo”,and“PuernatusinBethlehem”–werewidelytransmittedincentralEuropeansourcesofthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies, notably in several of Bohemian origin.7 But even more striking is thatallofthemexcept“Indulcijubilo”appearinoneofthemostimportantliturgicalandmusicalsourcesoftheHussiteReformation:theJistebniceCan-tionalofaround1420.8

The texts and melodies of the Latin Christmas songs transmitted in these Bohemian sources are strikingly close – often identical – to thoseused insixteenthcenturyLutheranhymnals;examples1and2comparetheJisteb-niceandBabstversionsof“Diesest laeticiae”and“NuncangelorumGlo-ria”, respectively.9Justas theydowithinearlyLutheransacredsong, theseLatinChristmas songs formed a distinct subgroupofHussite sacred song;themid-twentieth-centuryCzechmusic historianZdeněkNejedlý reportedinhiscomprehensiveDějiny husitského zpěvu (History of Hussite Song)thatChristmassongsweretheonlypopularsacredLatinsongshecouldfindinuseduringtheHussiteperiod.10Hefurtheremphasizedtheirpopularity,bothwithLatin-literatestudentsand“amongthepeople”whowere“notafraidto

6 Located in the Babstsches Gesangbuchonsigs.R6v,R7v,andS2r,respectively.7 SeesourcelistingsinZdeněkNejedlý, Dějiny husitského zpěvu, 2ndedition,(Prague,1954–56),Vol.6,p.296–314.

8 On this source and other Bohemian kancionály of thefifteenth century, see Jiří Sehnaland Werner Braun, “Cantional”, Grove Music Online, (2001). https://www.oxford-musiconline.com/grovemusic/view/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.001.0001/omo-9781561592630-e-0000004781,(accessed23September2018).OnthepopularChristmassongs transmitted in this source, see Nejedlý, Dějiny husitského zpěvu,Vol.5,p.501–502.

9 Theexceptionis“Resonetinlaudibus”,theonlypartofwhosetexttoappearintheJisteb-nice Cantional is the refrain “Magnum nomen Domini Emanuel”. Nejedlý, Dějiny husit-ského zpěvu,Vol.5,p.502.TheLutheranandHussitehymnodicrepertoriescontinuedintothesixteenthcentury;seeErikaSupriaHonisch,“MusicInBetween…:SacredSongsinBohemia,1517–1618”,inRenaissance Music in the Slavic World,MarcoGurrieriandVascoZara(eds.),(Turnhout,2019),p.169–204.IthankProf.Honischforsharinghertypescriptwithmebeforepublication.

10 “Latinsképísněobjevujísevhusitskédobějenproobdobívánoční”,Nejedlý,Dějiny husit-ského zpěvu,Vol.5,p.501.IthankJanMarecekandScottEdwardsfortheirhelpintrans-latingtheCzech.

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use them as their carols”.11 Luther himself, of course, had famously claimed in his Glosse auf das vereinte kaiserliche Edikt (1531) thatheandhisownReformation had been foretold by Hus,anditisworthrecallingthathiswell-knownandcolourfulwordsonthematterevenincludeamentionofsinginginconjunctionwiththeirextendedavianmetaphor:

St.JohnHussprophesiedofmewhenhewrotefromhisprisoninBohemia,“Theywillroastagoosenow(for‘Huss’means‘agoose’),butafterahundredyearstheywillhearaswansing,andhimtheywillendure.”Andthatisthewayitwillbe,ifGodwills.12

In this light, the references in Luther’s hymnal rubric to “old songs” and “piousChristianswho livedbeforeus” takeson a fairly specificmeaning:throughtheco-optingofhymnsonceassociatedwiththeHussitesandtheirreformation,theLutheranswanwasgivenachancetoquiteliterallysingonehundred years later.13

11 “Žáciznalisevlatině,potřebovalipísněaponěvadžnašelatinsképísněmělylidovénápěvyadokonceněkteréznichbylyivliduvelmipopulární,neostýchalisejichužítipřisvýchkoledách”,Ibid.

12 “S.JohannesHůshatvonmirgeweissagt,daerausdemgefengnisynnbehmerlandschreib,Siewardenitzteinegansbraten(denHůsheisteinegans)Abervberhundertiaren,werdensieeinenschwanensingenhoren,Densollensieleiden,Dasollsauchbeybleiben,obGottwil.”QuotedinD. Martin Luthers Werke: kritische Gesamtausgabe (Weimarer Ausgabe), (Weimar,1883–2003),Vol.30:3,p.387.EnglishtranslationfromMartinLuther,Luther’s Works (American Edition),Vol.34,p.103.Comparethispassagefroma1412letterofJanHus:“AndthissametruthhassenttoPrague,inplaceofaweakandinfirmgoose,manyfalconsandeagles,whichsurpassallotherbirdsinthesharpnessoftheirvision;these,bythegraceofGod,flyhighandcapturetheotherbirdswiththehelpofJesusChrist,whowillsupportthemandgivestrengthtoallhisfaithful”(EthaeceademveritasprounoAnsereinfirmoetdebilimultosfalconesetaquilas,quaeacieoculorumaliasavessuperant,Pragammisit,haealtegratiadeivolitant,etChristoJesualiasavesrapiunt,quiilloscorroborabit,etomnesfidelessuosconfirmabit).FrantišekPalacký,Documenta Magistri Iohannis Hus, tam, doctrinam, causam in Constantiensi concilio actam et controversias de religione in Bohemia, annis 1403–1418 motas illustrantia; quae partim adhuc inedita, partim mendose vulgata, nunc ex ipsis fontibus hausta,(Prague,1869),p.40(letterno.17).

13 OthersongsintheearlyLutheranhymnaryhadbeenborrowedoradaptedfromtheHussiterepertoireaswell.Perhapsthebestknownoftheseisthecommunionhymn“JesusChristusunserHeiland”,atextualandmelodicparaphraseoftheHussiteeucharistichymn“JesusChristusnostrasalus”,whichinturnderiveditsmelodyfromtheCzechdevotionalsong“Otčeboževšemohúcí”.Nejedlý,Dějiny husitského zpěvu,Vol.3,p.408–11.SeealsothecomparisonofthemelodiesinEstherCriscuoladeLaix,Cultures of Music Print in Ham-burg, ca. 1550–1630,Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofCalifornia,(Berkeley,CA,2009),p.61–62.

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Figure 1. Example 1a.“Diesest laeticiae”,JistebniceCantional(Prague,NárodníknihovnaČeskérepubliky,IIC7),p.99.TranscribedinNejedlý,Dějiny husitského zpěvu, Vol. 6, p. 296.Example 1b. “Dies est laeticiae”, Babstsches Gesangbuch (1545),sig.Q5v.

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Figure 2. Example 2a. “Nunc angelorum gloria”, Jistebnice Cantional (Prague,NárodníknihovnaČeskérepubliky,IIC7),p.509.TranscribedinNejedlý,Dějiny husitského zpěvu,Vol.6,p313.Example 2b. “Nunc angelorum gloria”, Babstsches Gesangbuch(1545),sigs.R1r–R1v.

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OftheLatinChristmassongsappearinginearlyLutheranhymnals,“Diesestlaeticiae”and“Indulcijubilo”seemtohavebeenthemostwidespread,andacloser analysis of them can illuminate several musical and textual characteris-ticsthatmayaccountfortheirpopularity.“Diesestlaeticiae”,whosetextandmelody from the Babstsches Gesangbuchareshowninexample1babove,hasfourversesoftenshortlineseach,anditissetinastraightforwardtrochaicmeter,14with the rhymeschemeab ab ccd. Italso follows the familiarandwidespreadAABform–theBarformtypicalofGermansongsincethedaysoftheMinnesänger,thoughearlyreadersofhymnalsneedednoknowledgeofeitherclassicalorGermanpoetrytonegotiatethissong.Thenear-perfectcorrespondencebetweenmusicalphrasesandpoeticlinesinthissongisem-phasizedinBabst’smusicalandtypographicalsetting.Eachmusicalphraseiscomposedentirelyofsemibrevesandendswithabreve;thetextunderlayisalmostcompletelysyllabic,withtheexceptionsclearlyidentifiablebymeansof ligatures. Following a common space-saving practice in early hymnals,commas (analogous to the solidiusedinGermanhymntexts)areusedtoclar-ifythedivisionofthetextintopoeticlines.Themelodicprofileofthesongisdistinctive and catchy: in each Stollentheopeningrisingtetrachordisperfect-lybalancedbyadescendingfigure,andthesamebalancedstructureisevidentin the Abgesangaswell:itopenswithabuoyantswirlaroundc',fromwhichitdescendsfirsttothetonicoffandthendowntoc(seesystems2–3).Furtherextendingthebalancedstructure,thesong’sconcludingphraseopenswithamelodicfigurealmostidenticaltothatofitsfirstphrase(systems3–4).Atthesametime,thechieflystepwisemotionofthemelodyanditsmoderaterange(B♭-d')makeiteasilynegotiablebysingersofmoderateability;thesongdipsonlybrieflytoitslowestnoteofB♭ (see the end of system 3, at the beginning ofthephrase“indivinitate”).

Thetextandmusicof“Indulcijubilo”,perhapsthemostpopularoftheseLatinChristmassongs,aregiveninexample3(alsotakenfromBabst).Thejauntytune,withitsbrightlytriadicprofileandliltingrhythm,isofcoursestillwellknowntoday(withthetext“GoodChristianmen,rejoice”inAnglo-phonehymnals).Perhapsitsmoststrikingfeature,however,isitsmacaronictext,with its (not always strict) line-by-line alternation betweenLatin andGerman–analternationthatstoodoutvisuallyaswellassonically, in thealternationbetweenromantypeandFraktur.Thesong,oratleastitstext,isattributedtothefourteenth-centuryGermanDominicanmysticHenrySuso (HeinrichSeuse),whoclaimedin1328tohavelearneditfromangels;indeed,thesong’suseof“codeswitching”–toborrowatermfromlinguistics–doesmuch to lend it an ecstatic, mystical character.15 But the song’s bilingual na-turealsowouldhavehadstrongimplicationsforthewayitwouldhavebeen

14 Basedonthetrochaicdimetercatalecticline;seeDavidSebastianRaven,Latin Metre: An Introduction,(London,1965;repr.,London,1998),p.86.

15 See the historical note in The New Oxford Book of Carols,HughKeyteandAndrewParrott(eds.),(Oxford,1998),p.197.

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understood by lay singers of a moderate educational level. As a bilingual song itis,ofcourse,somewhatofanoutlierwithinthe“beforeourtime”sectionofLuther’shymnal.MostsongsinthissectionwereeitherfullyinLatinorfullyinGerman,withsomeoftheGermansongsbeingtranslationsoftheLatinones(e.g.,“DerTag,deristsofreudenreich”for“Diesestlaeticiae”);manyhymnals simplyomitted theLatinversions.TheLatinof “Indulci jubilo”,incontrast,isanindispensablepartofthemusicalandtextualstructureandcannotbeseparatedfromtheGermanbecause itdovetailswith itsyntacti-cally:“unsersHertzenWonne leit in praesepio, und leuchtet als die Sonne matris in gremio” (our heart’s bliss lies in the manger and shines like the sun in his mother’s lap).Atthesametime,thepiecemealnatureoftheLatininthesongmayhavehelpedmakeitunderstandabletoreadersorsingerswithalimitedunderstandingofthelanguage.Inparticular,itisinterestingtonotethat there areonly twoalmost complete sentences among the song’sLatinphrases,bothofwhichareextremelystraightforwardintheirsyntax:“AlphaesetO”attheendofverse1,and“Trahemepostte”attheendofverse2,whichinturnisadirectquotationfromSongofSongs1:3:“Traheme,posttecurremusinodoremunguentorumtuorum”(Drawme;weshallrunafteryouinthescentofyourperfumes).Asacorollary,“es”and“trahe”aretheonlytwoLatinverbsintheentiresong;allotheroccurrencesarenounphrasesorprepositionalphrases.

Pre-ReformationLatinChristmassongslike“Diesestlaeticiae”and“Indulci jubilo” also played a distinctive rolewithin theChristmas liturgy inearly Lutheranism. Lutheran church ordinances of the sixteenth century attest tothewidespreadcustomofinterpolatingliturgicalitemssungbythechoirwithcongregationalsongsonhighfeastdays.16 On Christmas Day, “Dies est laeticiae”wascustomarilysunginalternationwiththeversesoftheGloriaor sequence.17 At Christmas vespers, it was common practice to alternateversesoftheMagnificatwithstanzasofcongregationalhymns,with“Indulcijubilo”beingaparticularlypopularchoice.18FranzEler’s Cantica sacra, par-tim ex sacris literis desumta (1588),aservicebookdesignedforuse in theLatin school andchurchesofHamburg,givesparticularly clear rubrics for

16 Onthispractice,whichpredatedtheReformation,seeJosephHerl,Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism: Choir, Congregation, and Centuries of Conflict,(Oxford,2004),p.58.Thepre-ReformationGerman-textedLeisen–socalledaftertheir“Kyrieleis”refrains–wereoftenusedinthiscapacityaswell(“Gelobetseistdu,JesuChrist”atChirstmas,“Christisterstanden”or“ChristlaginTodesbanden”atEaster,and“NunbittenwirdenHeiligenGeist”atPentecost).IthankProf.HerlforsharingwithmehisextensiveunpublishednotesonearlyLutheranchurchordinances,fromwhichthisinformationistaken.

17 Eithersungorplayedontheorgan(perchurchordinancesfromAnnaberg[1579]andHatz-kerode[1534?];seepreviousnote).

18 Onthispractice,seeWinfriedKirsch,“DieVerbindungvonMagnificatundWeihnacht-sliedernim16.Jahrhundert”,inFestschrift Helmuth Osthoff zum 65. Geburtstage, Lothar Hoffmann-ErbrechtandHelmutHucke(eds.),(Tutzing,1961),p.61–74;andLarryD.Cook,The German Troped Polyphonic Magnificat,Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofIowa,(IowaCity,IA,1976).

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thispractice.AtChristmasmass,therubric“AdEtinterra,additursequenscanticum”,followedbythemusicandtextof“Diesestlaeticiae”,signalsthatthis song is tobe“added” to theGloria–probablymeaning thatversesofthe songare tobe interspersedwithversesof theGloria.19Atvespers, therubricprecedingtheMagnificatantiphon“Verbumcarofactumest”indicates“CuiaddanturcanticaJosephleveretc.&Indulcijubilo”–thatis,thesongs“Joseph,lieberJosephmein”(itselfaGermanversionofanotherpre-Refor-mationLatinChristmas song,“Resonet in laudibus”)and“Indulci jubilo”aretoalternatewithversesoftheMagnificatcanticle.20Ofthesetwosongs,however,Elersuppliesmusiconlyfortheformer–probablytosavespaceinthebook, though thegeneralpopularityof“Indulci jubilo” likely factoredintothedecisionaswell.

It is interestingtonotethemelodicsimilaritiesbetweentheinterpolatedChristmas songs and the liturgical chants towhich they are assigned.TheopeningsoftheKyrieSummumandtheGloriaprescribedbyEler for Christ-masDaymass are shown in examples 4a and 4b; both outline an ascend-ingtetrachordthatthendescendsbacktothefinalnote,followingamelodiccontourverysimilartothatoftheopeningof“Diesestlaeticiae”(seeagainexamples1aand1babove).Thesimilarity isevenmorepronounced in thesongsassignedforalternationwiththeMagnificat.TheMagnificattoneas-signed for Christmas in Eler’s service book is the one he designates tone 11, “Ionici”(i.e.,theIonianmode),whichisatranspositionofthetraditionalfifth

19 FranzEler,Cantica sacra, partim ex sacris literis desumta, partim ab orthodoxis patribus, et piis ecclesiae doctoribus composita,(Hamburg,1588;repr.Hildesheim,2002),LV.

20 Ibid.,LVII.

Figure 3. Example 3.“Indulcijubilo.”Babstsches Gesangbuch(1545),sigs.R1v–R2r.

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Figure 5. Example 5a.Magnificattone11,opening.FranzEler,Cantica sacra(1588),p.CCLVIII.Example 5b.“Verbumcarofactumest”,opening.FranzEler,Cantica sacra(1588),p.LVII.Example 5c.“JosephleuerJosephmein,”opening.FranzEler,Cantica sacra(1588),p.LVII.

Figure 4. Example 4a.“KyrieSummum”,opening.FranzEler,Cantica sacra(1588),p.XIIII.Example 4b.“Gloriainexcelsisdeo”,opening.FranzEler,Cantica sacra (1588),p.LV.

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MagnificattonefromFtoC;asinthetraditionalfifthtone,oneofthistone’smoststrikingfeaturesisitstriadicopeninggesture(example5a).Theproperantiphon“Verbumcarofactumest”sharesthisopening(example5b),againfollowingtypicalpracticeforliturgicalchantsinthefifthtoneanditstrans-positions.Moreover,theopeningphrasesofbothoftheaddedsongs(“JosephleuerJosephmein”inexample5cand“Indulcijubilo”inexample3above)outlinethesametriadinoneformoranother,withslightvariations:“Josephleuer”invertsandredoublesthetriadicgesture,while“Indulcijubilo”orna-mentsitwithapassingtone.Besidesbringinginthecongregationaspartic-ipants, then, theaddedChristmashymnsenhancethemusicalunityofthisportionoftheservice,withthetrademarktone11(ortone5)triadicmotionserving as a catchy melodic “hook”.

InadditiontotheChristmassongs,anotherverydifferentgroupoffourLat-insongtextsappearsinseveralNorthGermanhymnalsinthe1540sthrough60s,thistimeoutsidethe“beforeourtime”sectionofthebookandwithoutnotation.ThesewereplainchanttextsthathadbeentheologicallycorrectedbyHermann Bonnus,anearlynorthernreformerwhoservedassuperintendentof theLatin school inLübeck.Bonnus composed several such texts,mostofwhichwereassociatedwithhighfeastdays,andtheybecameastapleofservice books like Lucas Lossius’swidelyreprintedPsalmodia (Wittenberg, 1553etal.)andMatthaeusLudecus’s Missale and Vesperale (Brandenburg, 1589). Innorthernhymnals, chant texts byBonnuswereusuallyplaced intheirownsection,withtherubric“Therefollowsomespiritualsongscorrect-ed by Master Hermann Bonnus”(“VolgenetlikegeistlikeGesenge/Corri-geretdorchM.H.Bonnum”).21

OneofthemostwidespreadofBonnus’sreworkedchanttextsisthatoftheresponsory“Discubuit Jesus”,whichappears inservicebooksbothaspartof matins on Maundy Thursday and as a chant to be sung by choirs during communion.22Table2comparesBonnus’stexttothepre-Reformationversionofthetextaspreservedinafourteenth-centuryantiphoner,whichincludesasitscentralversiclethedescriptionofthefeastofKingAhasuerusfromEsther1:3;Bonnus’sversioncentersontheaccountoftheLastSupperfromLukechapter22.Luther expressedhis admiration for this responsory inaTableTalkof1538,specificallyreferringtothepre-Reformationversionofthetext:

21 Enchiridion Geistliker Leder vñ Psalmen (Hamburg,1558;hereafterEnchiridion 1558),fol.110v.

22 See, e.g., Lucas Lossius, Psalmodia, Hoc est, Cantica sacra veteris ecclesiae selecta, (Wit-tenberg, 1580), fols. 69r (where the chant is assigned toMaundyThursdaymatins) and322v–324r (where thenotationappearswith theheading“Quodsub sacraCommunionecanitur”).The1561editionofLossius’sPsalmodiadoesnotassigntheresponsorytoMaun-dyThursdaybutdoesrecommenditsuseduringcommunion,withthesameheading(fols.295r–296v).

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it’sbeautifulmusic,andalsoabeautifultext,exceptthattheytwisted[torse-runt]ittowardonlyonespecies,andthetextaboutthefeastofAhasuerusistwisted.ForSt.Thomas[Aquinas]issaidtohavecomposed[these?]respon-sories,andheoften joinedversesof theOldTestament to thoseof theNewTestament.23

Bonnus’s emendation conforms exactly to Luther’scritique.Hereplacestheverseaboutearthlyking’s“twisted”feastwithLuke22:19,describingJesus’sofferingofthecuptohisdisciples,sothatbothspeciesaredescribedwithintheresponsory text;healsoappendsa rhymeddoxology(“Gloriapatripo-tentissimo […]”).Yet even if the textwas nowmore in linewithLuther’s eucharistictheology,itisdifficulttodiscerntherolethisresponsorymayhaveplayedwithinthevernaculardevotionalmilieuofthehymnbook–especially

23 “Itemcanebaturaliudresponsorium:DiscubuitJesusetc.Dixit:Das isteinschonenote,aucheinschonertext.nisiquodadunamspeciemtorserunt,ettextusdeconvivioAsueriestdetortus.NamS.Thomasdiciturresponsoriacomposuisse;quiplerunqueexnovotesta-mentoillacomposuitetversusexveteritestamento.”D. Martin Luthers Werke, Tischreden, Vol.3,p.60(no.3989).IthankMatthewCarverfordirectingmetothisquotation.

Table 2. Comparison of pre-Reformation and “corrected” texts of the responsory “Discubuit Jesus” (altered text in bold).

Fourteenth-century Austrian antiphoner* “Corrected” version by Hermann Bonnus**

Discubuitiesusetdiscipulissuiscumeoetaitdesideriodesiderauihocpaschamanducarevobis-cu[m]antequmpaciar[R]EtacceptopanegraciasagensfregitetdeditillisdicenshocestcorpusmeumVfecitasverusrexgrandec[on]uiuiumantep[rin]cipibusetpuerißsuißvtoste[n]de[re]tdiuitiaßglorieregnisui

DiscubuitJesus,etdiscipulieius,cumeo,etait,Desideriodesideraui,hocpascamanducarevo-biscum,antequampatiar,Etacceptopane,gratiasagensfregitetdeditillis,dicens,hocestcorpusmeum. Et accepto calice, gratias agens, dedit et ait illis, dicens, Hic est sanguis meus,Versus:Edite, et bibite hoc omnes, et facite quoties-cumque feceritis, in mei commemorationem, Gloria patri potentissimo, et filio eius vnigeni-to, et spiritui sanctissimo paracleto, sicut erat in principio.

Jesussatdowntodine,andhisdiscipleswithhim,andhesaid,“IhavegreatlydesiredtoeatthisPassoverwithyoubeforeIsuffer.”[R.]Andhaving taken the bread, giving thanks, he broke it and gave it to them, saying, “This is my body.” V.Ahasuerusmadeagreatfeastforhisprincesandservantsthathemightdisplaythegloriesofhis kingdom.

Jesussatdowntodine,andhisdiscipleswithhim,andhesaid,“IhavegreatlydesiredtoeatthisPassoverwithyoubeforeIsuffer.”[R.]Andhaving taken the bread, giving thanks, he broke it and gave it to them, saying, “This is my body. And having taken the cup, giving thanks, he gave it to them and said, “This is my blood.” V.All of you eat and drink this, and as often as you do so, do so in memory of me. Glory to the most powerful Father, to his only-begotten Son, and to the most Holy Spirit, the Comfort-er, as it was in the beginning.

* Source:Graz,Universitätsbibliothek,29(olim38/8f.),186v.CANTUS: A Database for Lat-in Ecclesiastical Chant,(http://cantus.uwaterloo.ca),nos.600586and600586a.Thisisoneofonlytwoappearancesofthischantinthisdatabase,thesecondbeingathirteenth-centu-ryantiphonernowheldatWrocław,Bibliotekauniwersytecka(shelfmarkF401,248r).Thetext is essentially the same in both sources.

** Source: Enchiridion 1558,113v.TranscribedfromJohannesGeffcken,Die hamburgischen niedersächsicschen Gesangbücher des 16. Jahrhunderts,(Hamburg,1857),p.94.

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whennonotationwasgiven,asisthecaseinallthreeofthehymnbooksintable 1 listed as including this text.24Inparticular,itishardtoimaginethatitslengthy,expansive,highlymelismaticmelody(whoseopeningisgiveninexample6)wouldhavebeenaswidelyknownasthesimpler,moresyllabictunesof“Diesestlaeticiae”and“Indulcijubilo”.Readerscouldconceivablyhavefollowedalongwiththetextasaprivatemeditationwhileitwasbeingsung by the choir.25

Another chant by Bonnus,“RexChristeomnesintelaetamur”,wasare-visedversionoftheMarianantiphon“Reginacaeli”.Ittoohasafairlylengthyandelaboratetune–partlybynecessity,asBonnus’s text is a good deal longer thanthatoftheoriginalantiphon.ItstextisoneofseveralemendedMarianantiphonsandprayersthatwerecomposedinbothGermanandLatinduringthefirstgenerationoftheReformation,byBonnus,UrbanusRhegius, and oth-ers;theHamburgEnchiridionhymnalsof1558and1565alsoincludeanon-ymousrevisedGermanversionsofthe“SalveRegina”, withthetextincipit“GegroetetseystduJesueinkonigderbarmhertichkeit”.26 Mary E. Frandsen haspointedoutthatsuch“de-Marianized”reworkingsofMarianantiphonshadspecificdidacticpotential, serving to impressuponLutheran layfolkaproperunderstandingofChrist’s role as the soleMediator.27 Although this text,like“DiscubuitJesus”,appearswithoutnotationinthehymnalslistedintable1,itstune–adirectadaptationofthetraditional“Reginacaeli”tune–issimpleroverallthanthatoftheresponsory,fallingmorereadilyintodiscretephrasesandreturningfrequentlytoitsfinal(seetheopeningphrasesinex-ample7).Wecannotknowforsuretowhatextentthatfactmayhavemade

24 Geystlike leder vñ Psalmen vppet nye gebetert,(Magdeburg1543),fols.CLXXIIr–v;En-chiridion 1558,113v;andEnchiridion Geistliker Leder vnd Psalmen D. Mar. Luth., (Ham-burg,1565;hereafterEnchiridion1565),fols.90v–91r.

25 Onnon-musicalinclusionsinearlyNorthGermanhymnalsthatmayhavebeenintendedforsilent devotion, see Criscuola de Laix, Cultures of Music Print in Hamburg,p.99–111.

26 On“de-Marianized”Marian antiphons composed in the sixteenth century, seeMaryE.Frandsen, “Salve Regina/Salve Rex Christe:LutheranEngagementwith theMarianAn-tiphonsintheAgeofOrthodoxyandPiety”,Musica Disciplina, 55(2010),p.129–218,p.147–163.

27 Ibid.,p.147and157.

Figure 6. Example 6.“DiscubuitJesus”,opening.JohannesKeuchenthal, Kirchen-gesenge lateinisch und deutsch (1573),fol.21r.TranscribedbyMatthewCarver.

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thetunebetterknowntoreadersofhymnalsthanthatof“DiscubuitJesus”,though here too the didactic potential of the reworked antiphonmay havemadeitagoodcandidateforprivatemeditation,ifnotforsinging.

Whywerepieces likeBonnus’s“corrected”chants includedwithinGer-manhymnals,andwhyespeciallyinNorthGermanhymnbooks?First,therewasalocalconnection,Bonnus being based in the northern Hanseatic city ofLübeck,and therewasaprecedent inbothof theHamburgEnchiridion hymnals for including songs byNorthGerman authors alongside Luther’s hymnodiccanon–someofwhichdonotappearinanyothercontemporaryhymnals.28Second, thiscouldsimplybeyetanother instance inwhichLu-theran devotional sources usedLatin for didactic or educational purposes,inkeepingwithLuther’swell-knownendorsement:“ForinnowisewouldIwanttodiscontinuetheserviceintheLatinlanguage,becausetheyoungaremy chief concern”.29ThatnaturallyexplainsthepresenceofBonnus’s chants inLatinplainchantcollections likeLossius’s Psalmodia and Eler’s Cantica sacra,whichwereintendedforuseinLatinschools.ButevenLatinschoolstudentsbegantheirmusicalstudieswiththeGermanhymns;the1537schoolordinancefromHamburgstipulatesthat

at12:00noon,whiletheothers[i.e.,theupperclasses]aresinging[duringdailychurchservices],theboysoftheearliestclasses,alongwithateacher,willsingthepsalmsandhymnsthatareusedeverydayinthesacredrites.30

28 “AlleininGodtvortrüwen”,bytheformerHamburgmayorAlbertSalsborch(Enchiridion 1558,fol.69v,andEnchiridion 1565,fol.55v),“ErredmyHerthodissertidt”byJoachimWillich,possiblya relativeof theHamburgNikolaikirchedeaconNikolausWillich(En-chiridion 1558,fol.100r,andEnchiridion 1565,fol.80r),and“Nuwilletnichtvortzagen”,byCasparHackrodt,pastorattheHamburgPetrikirche(Enchiridion 1558, fol. 125r, and Enchiridion 1565,fol.100v).ThesesongtextsarereproducedinGeffcken,Die hamburgis-chen niedersächsicschen Gesangbücher des 16. Jahrhunderts, nos.57,88,and104,respec-tively(seealsop.XXXIII).TheSalsborchandWillichsongsareamongtherelativelyfewin both Enchridion hymnals to include notation. For a detailed discussion of the Salsborch song, see Criscuola de Laix, Cultures of Music Print in Hamburg,p.92–99.

29 “DennichynnkeynenwegwildielatinischespracheausdemGottisdienstlassengarwegkomen, dennesistmyrallesumbdiejugentzuthun.”D. Martin Luthers Werke, Vol.19,p.74,translatedinLuther,Works,Vol.53,p.63.OntheeducationalusesofearlyLutheranLatin service books, see Criscuola de Laix, “Liturgy as Pedagogy”.

30 “Ameridie hora duodecima cumalii canent, tumprimariarumclassiumpueri cumunopaedagogopsalmosethymnos,quibusquotidieinsacrisutimur,canent.”RichardHoche,Die Ordnungen der St. Johannis-Schule im 16., 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts, (BeiträgezurGeschichtederSt.Johannis-SchuleinHamburg,3),(Hamburg,1879),p.12.Seealsotheta-

Figure 7. Example 7.“RexChristeomnesintelaetamur,”opening.LucasLossius,Psalmodia(1579),fol.120r.

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The students began learning Latin chant at the beginning of the third class, whichwasalsowhentheybeganleadingthesingingatdailyliturgiesinthecity’schurches.PerhapsthepresenceoftheBonnuschantswithinthehymn-bookhelpedeasethetransitiontoLatinchantwithinthiskindofpedagogicalcontext.Sucharolecertainlywouldhaveagreedwellwiththeirdidacticpur-pose,thoughitmustremainpurespeculationfornow.

Howeverreadersandsingersmayhaveusedthem,theLatin-textedsongsandchantsthatappearinGermanhymnbooksshouldatleastalertustothepossibility of “layLatinity”, reminding us that not all “simple”, “average”laypeopleoftheearlymodernperiodwerecompletelyignorantofLatin.AsRolfEngelsinghasputitinhisstudyofreadershipinearlymodernGermany,“EinBildungsmonopolderOberschichtenbestandnicht”–theupperclasseshadnomonopolyoneducation.31RecentstudiesofreadingpracticesintheGerman-speaking landsduring the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries re-vealthatmembersofthemercantileandartisanalclassesdidownbooksinLatin–fromdictionariestomedicaltreatisestoeditionsofOvid, Cicero, and Boccaccio–andmayhavebeenabletoreadandengagewiththem,ifonlyto a limited extent.32Ifso,itisnotinconceivabletoimaginemembersofthesame classes understanding the grammatical linkage between theGermanandtheLatinin“Indulcijubilo”,orevenfollowingalongwiththetextsof“DiscubuitJesus”or“RexChristeomnesintelaetamur”whilehearingthemsungbythechoirinchurch.Theymayevenhavehadopportunitiestosingthemthemselves,whether inchurchornot.ChristopherBoydBrown men-tionsa1567accountfromJoachimsthalof“membersofthetowncouncilandhonorableburghers” joining in thesingingofLatinchantandpolyphony.33 AlthoughweasyetknowofnosuchaccountsfromNorthGermany,onemayhopethattheywillbeuncoveredbyfurtherresearch.Fornow,atleast, therareappearancesofLatinwithinvernaculardevotionalliterature–hymnals,catechisms,prayerbooks,postils,andsimilarworks–makeforaworthwhilestartingpoint.

blesummarizingtheschool’sdailyscheduleinibid.,p.114.Termslikepsalmi, psalmodia, and Psalmenwereusedregularlyatthisperiodtorefertovernacularhymns;cf.thehymnaltitlesinnotes21and24above,aswellasFranzEler’scompanionpiecetotheCantica sa-cra,theLowGermanhymnalPsalmi D[octoris] Martini Lutheri, (Hamburg,1588,repr.,Hildesheim,2002).

31 Rolf Engelsing, Der Bürger als Leser: Lesergeschichte in Deutschland 1500–1800, (Stutt-gart,1974),p.47.

32 SeetheexamplesinBrown,Singing the Gospel,p.77and121(forJoachimsthal),MiriamUsherChristman,Lay Culture, Learned Culture, 1480–1599,(NewHaven,CT,1982),p.59–75,esp. theexamplesofLatinbookownershiponp.71–72(forStrasbourg),andEn-gelsing, Der Bürger als Leser,p.46–55(forBremen,1628–57,andconsistingmainlyofpost-Reformtion-eraliterature).

33 Brown,Singing the Gospel,p.39and224n.81.

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2.SocialConflictsandtheUseoftheVernacularinSwedishReformationLiturgy

Martin Berntson

TheReformationinSwedenisoftendescribedbymodernscholarsasapro-cessinwhichmanytraditionalfeaturesofthelatemedievalcultureofpietyremained untouched until the early seventeenth century.1 At the same time thepracticaltransformationofthecultureofpietyinSwedenduringthesix-teenthcenturywasperceived,bothbyitsadherentsanditsopponents,ascon-stituting something of a revolution in devotional life. The use of vernacular languagesintheliturgywasforexampleacentralissueformanyEuropeanreformers in the sixteenth century and an increasing use of the vernacular alsobecameimportantforLutherantheologiansinthekingdomofSweden,whotranslatedtheliturgicaltexts,oratleastmajorpartsofthem,intobothSwedishandFinnishand,lateron,alsointotheSamilanguage.2 With regard to the transformation of the liturgy and the introduction of hymn singing, this useofthevernacularwasarecurrentthemeinthecriticismanddefenceoftheReformation.Duringvarioussocialconflicts,bothlocalandnational,thetransformationofthemassintovernacularlanguageswascriticized,ofteninaveryviolentway.Thisgivesrisetothequestionsofhowandwhetherwecanunderstandandreconciletheseoftenfierceandviolentnegotiationswiththeideaofthesmooth,practicalimplementationofthemassinSwedish.Weretheopponentsofthenewmassmerelyobjectingtorumoursofthetransforma-tion,ormightitbepossiblethatthesenegotiationsactuallyreflectliturgicalchange?Ifthelatteristrue,couldthesecriticalstatementsperhapsbeusedinordertobetterunderstandhowthemassinSwedishwasdevelopedduringtheearly Reformation?

1 See for exampleLarsEckerdal, “Kommunionssång i Svenskakyrkan”, inHjärtats tillit – Trosförmedling i luthersk tradition,(Årsbokförsvensktgudstjänstliv,82),Sven-ÅkeSe-lander(ed.),(Skellefteå,2007),p.82–130,p.82,JasonLavery,“AFrontierofReform.Fin-land in the Reformation Era”, in Migration und Kulturtransfer im Osterseeraum während der frühen Neuzeit (Acta BibliothecaeRegiae Stockholmensis, 80),OtfriedCzaika andHeinrichHolze(eds.),(Stockholm,2012),p.60–75,p.60,67,ChristerPahlmblad,Mässa på svenska. Den reformatoriska mässan i Sverige mot den senmedeltida bakgrunden, (Bib-liothecatheologiaepracticae,60),(Lund,1998),passim.

2 SeeTuomasM.S.Lehtonen,“PiousHymnsandDevil’sMusic.MichaelAgricola(ca.1507–1557)andJacobusFinno(ca.1540–1588)onChurchSongandFolkBeliefs”,inRe-forming Texts, Music, and Church Art in the Early Modern North, Tuomas M.S. Lehtonen and Linda Kaljundi(eds.),(Amsterdam,2016),p.179–216,p.201.

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Inthefollowing,Iwillrelatethediscussionsonthevernacularliturgicaltextsfoundinsourcesrelatingtosocialandpoliticalconflicts,especiallytheso-called“upheavals”duringtheperiodbetween1525and1543,toReforma-tionliturgicaltheologyandtothetransformationoftheSwedishliturgy.Theprimarysourcesconsistofvariousdocumentsrelatedtotheseconflicts,forexamplesourcesissuedbytherebels,negotiationprotocols,royallettersandchronicles.3

The Transformation of the Mass in Stockholm duringthelate1520sandearly1530sCelebrationofthemassinSwedishwasmostlikelyintroducedinStockholmduringthelate1520s.AccordingtoJohannesMessenius’Stockholm-chron-icle,thefirstmasscelebrationinSwedishtookplacein1525duringthere-former and city chancellor Olaus Petri’swedding.4 Since this accountwaswrittendownclosetoahundredyearsaftertheevent,itsvalueasasourceisratherlow.However,weknowthatin1528OlausPetri claimed in his book about the sacraments that themass shouldbeperformed in thevernacularandbereadaloud(“Athmessanbörseyaspåhuartlandzenstungomåål,ochalloordhoppenbarliga talas”), just like theydid inGermanyand like theyhaddoneforcenturies in theGreekOrthodoxChurch.AccordingtoOlausPetriitwasnaturaltoproclaimthegospelofGod’sgreatgoodwilltomen,whichshouldbeunderstoodbyeverybody,andsincemasswas“thesumofthegospel”(“ensummaafhelaEuangelio”),itwasunreasonabletoperformitinalanguageunknowntoordinarypeople.WhenitwasperformedinLatin,theatonementofferedbythemasswasnotproclaimedtothepeople,insteaditwasobscured.Therefore, all singingand reading in thechurches shouldbeperformedinalanguagethatpeopleunderstood.Ifnot,itwasbetterthatthemasswasnotcelebratedatall(“Thersåickeskeerwårebetterthetwåreogioordt”).However,healsoacknowledgedthatsuchatransformationwouldappearstrangetomanypeople:“OfthisfollowsthatamongusSwedes,themassshouldbereadandsunginSwedishlanguage.Howeverstrange[“siäl-syndt”]thismightseemtous,itwasnodoubtevenstranger[“siälsynare”],whenitfirststartedtobereadhereinLatin,thanitnowwillbewhenitbeginstobereadinSwedish”.5

3 Foracriticaldiscussionofhowtousethesesources,seeMartinBerntson,“FannsdetettfolkligtreformationsmotståndiSverigeunder1500-talet?”,inDoften av rykande vekar: re-formationen ur folkets perspektiv,FredrikHeidingandMagnusNyman(eds.),(Skellefteå,2016),p.333–367,MartinBerntson,“Reformationensomfolketintevilleha?”,Kyrkohisto-risk årsskrift,117(2017),p.33–43.

4 See Sven Kjöllerström, Missa Lincopensis. En liturgihistorisk studie (Samlingar och stu-diertillSvenskakyrkanshistoria,4),(Lund,1941),p.12f.,Sveriges kyrkohistoria 3 – Re-formationstid,ÅkeAndrén(ed.),(Stockholm,1999),p.33.

5 Olaus Petri, Samlade skrifter af Olavus Petri[I],BengtHesselman(ed.),(Uppsala,1914),p.438f.

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Accordingtothecitycouncilreport,someformofmassinSwedishhadbeencelebratedinStockholmbeforeMay1529whenthetowncouncilvot-edonthe“evangelicalmatter”(“euangeliskesakenne”).Afterdecidingthatthe gospel should be preached in a “clear and pureway” (“reent och clartpredikas”),6therewasavoteonwhetherthemassinSwedishshouldcontinuetobeupheld(“skullebliffuastondandesellerey”),aquestionthathadbeenposedtothecouncilbythekinghimself.ThemajorityofthecouncilvotedthatthemassinSwedishshouldcontinuetobecelebrated,eventhoughtheLatinmasswasalsosupposedtobeused.7Fromthiswemightdrawthecon-clusionthatthemassinSwedishhadbeeninuseforawhile,andhadbeencelebrated alongside the Latin mass.

However,ayearlaterthecouncilwentastepfurther.InAugust1530,justafewmonthsafterthedietofAugsburg,thecouncilprohibitedalluseoftheLatinmassinStockholm:“ItwasdecidedbyallthecouncilthatnomassinLatinwouldbeheldinthecity.Therefore,allclergyandallfriarsandmonks(“munkar”)werecalledtothetownhallandwereforbiddentocelebratemassinanylanguageotherthanSwedish”.8

In1531,theyearaftermassinLatinwasforbiddeninStockholm,OlausPetripublishedhisThen swenska messan epter som hon nw holles i Stocholm medh orsaker hwar före hon så hallen wardher(“TheSwedishmassasitisnowcelebratedinStockholmwithreasonswhyitiscelebratedinthisway”).At the same time, he also publishedOrsack hwar före Messan böör wara på thet tungomål som then menighe man forstondelighit är (“Reasonswhythemass should be performed in the language that the commonman un-derstands”).In thisbook, theauthormentions thatat that timemass in theSwedishlanguagewascelebratedinStockholmand“insomeothercities”.9 Theauthorwas,onceagain,wellawarethatthistransformationwouldappearstrange tomanypeople,not least sincemanyconsideredsuchamass“un-christian”.Asinhisbookaboutthesacraments,thereformeremphasizedtheimportanceofcommonman’s intellectualunderstandingof themass texts,and therefore as far as possible, the liturgical texts should be translated into thevernacular.SincethemasswasnothingmorethanthecelebrationoftheholycommunioninstitutedthroughthewordofGod,itcouldberegardedas

6 Itshouldbeemphasizedthatthisfirstdecisiononpreachingdidnotconcernthelanguage.RatheritwasatheologicalstatementrelatingtothedecisionsatthedietinVästerås1527,where it hadbeendecided that theWordofGodeverywhere in thekingdomshouldbepreachedina“pureway”[“allestadzjrikitrenligapredicatvarde”],Konung Gustaf den förstes registratur, Vol. 4 (1527), (Handlingar rörande Sveriges historia, Första serien),(Stockholm,1868),p.231,aformulathatpossiblymightbeinterpretedasastanceforLu-theran faith.

7 Stockholms stads tänkebok 1524–29 av Olaus Petri Phase (Skrifter utgivna av veten-skaps-societeteniLund,11),(Lund,1929),p.272f.

8 Stockholms stads tänkebok,p.349.9 Olaus Petri, Samlade skrifter af Olavus Petri[II],BengtHesselman(ed.),(Uppsala,1915),p.404.

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sermon in it itself, a sermon inviting man to believe that Christ, through his death and suffering, had satisfiedman’s sin and reconciledhimwithGod,somethingwhichwasrememberedthrougheatinganddrinkingthebodyandblood of Christ. To create faith in this reconciliation it had to be understood and thereforeheardandproclaimed inanunderstandable language.There-fore,ifmasswasallowedtofunctionasitshould,ithadtobecelebratedinthelanguagethatwasunderstoodbythecongregation.10Inthis,asinotherwritingsbyOlausPetri,wefindanintuitivesenseofthefactthatpeopleinSwedentendedtofavouroldtraditions.

These very fragmentary sources concerning the early celebration of mass inSwedish inSwedenhavebeen interpreted in variousways.Theprintedmassof1531hasforexamplebeenregardedasanactofpropaganda.Thecler-gyinStockholm,whoalreadycelebratedmassinSwedishbefore1531,prob-ablyfromhandwrittentexts,mayhavehadmoreelaboratemissalsthantheprintedone,andtheprintedtextcouldberegardedasanattempttoshowtherestofthecountrythatitwasactuallypossibletocelebratemassinSwedish.11

Themass in Swedish thatwas discussed in 1529was not necessarily asolemnmass.Rather, it has been suggested that themass in Swedishwasintroduced in Stockholm as a prima missa, celebrated at a side altar in the townchurchinthemorningbeforethesolemnmass.12 Some scholars iden-tifythisliturgicalactwiththemassthatwasprintedbythereformerOlausPetri in 1531,13whileothersarguethattheprintedmassinSwedishwasratheranattempttodeveloptheprima missa inSwedishintoamissa solemnis in the same language.14Thereisalsoascholarlytraditionthatemphasizestheimportance of understanding the Lutheranmass in Sweden in the contextof latemedieval liturgicalpreconditions,suggestingthat the term“mass inSwedish”atthistimecoulddenoteavarietyoftheformofthemassofwhichsomepreservedmostof the traditionaloutward forms, including theLatinlanguage.Inthisperspective,themass,orrathermasses,inSwedishthatthecitycouncilreportmentionsmayhaverelatedtodifferentphenomenain1529andin1530.Whilstthedecreeof1529mayhavereferredtoaspecificformofmassinSwedish,thedecisionof1530totransformallprevious“Latin”masscelebrationscannotonlyberelatedtothemassof1531.Itcouldratherbeseen

10 Petri,Samladeskrifter[II],p.391–393.11 FolkeBohlin,“Lutherscredo-psalmochDensvenskamässan1531”, inReformationen i

Norden. Kontinuitet och förnyelse, (Skrifter utgitt av Nordiskt institut för kyrkohistorisk forskning,3),Carl-GustafAndrén(ed.),(Lund,1973),p.241–262,p.257.

12 David Lindquist, Första-mässan i Stockholm. En liturgihistorisk studie (Samlingar och studiertillSvenskakyrkanshistoria,12),(Stockholm,1945),p.172–176,YngveBrilioth,Nattvarden i evangeliskt gudstjänstliv, 2ndedition,(Stockholm,1951),p.343f.

13 ÅkeAndrén,Nattvardsberedelsen i reformationstidens svenska kyrkoliv. Skriftermål och fasta,(SamlingarochstudiertillSvenskakyrkanshistoria,27),(Stockholm,1952),p.72,Hjalmar Holmquist, Svenska kyrkans historia III. Reformationstidevarvet I–II, (Stock-holm,1931:I),p.167.

14 Lindquist, Första-mässan,p.182–186.

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asaprohibitionagainstmassesincludingtheRomancanon missae (i.e. the eucharisticPrayer),whichwassubstitutedwithonlytheWordsofInstitutioninthevernacular.Accordingtothisperspective,theterm“massinSwedish”doesnotnecessarily implyacertainmassorder,but rathera translationoftheWordsofInstitution.15Inanycase,themassinSwedishprinted1531wasnotacompletehandbookforasolemnsungmasssincetherearenomusicaldirectionsinthetext.NeitherwastheeditionasfarasweknowaccompaniedbyanyprintedKyrialeorGradual.

Due to the limited source material, the conclusions that can be drawnaboutliturgicaldevelopmentinSwedenatthistimecanonlybemoreorlesstentative.However,eventhoughtheaforementionedcontinuityperspective–whichreadstheLutheranmassinthecontextofmedievalliturgicaltraditions– isbroadly tenable,someaspectsof itcanbediscussed.Oneof theargu-mentsinthisschoolofthoughtisbasedonthereferenceto“monks”(probablydesignatingmendicantfriars)inthedecisionof1530whowerealsoexhortedtocelebratemassinSwedish.16IthasbeenarguedthatitisnotlikelythatthemendicantswouldhavereplacedtheLatinmassanditsproperwithsucha“meagre”(“torftig”)massastheorderof1531,whichwouldindicatethattheycelebratedsomeotherformoflessmeagremassinSwedish.17Still,wecannotbe certain that the mendicant friars really considered the mass of 1531 to be meagre,andiftheydid,itisnotlikelythattheyhadmanyotheroptionstochoose from. At this time the mendicants in Stockholm had lost all forms of formalspiritualauthorityinthecity.TheFranciscanabbeyat(today’s)Rid-darholmenhadbeendissolvedin1527andtheDominicanabbeywasclosedonlyayearlaterasaconsequenceofalongerprocessofdissolution.18In1530themendicantfriarsthatwerepresentinStockholmwereinpracticeactiveasclergyoutsideanyorganized localconventsorcommunities.Tobeableto remain as clergymen in the secular city churches, they most likely had to complywiththedecisionsofthecouncil.19

Anotherargumentfortheideathattheprintedmassof1531didnotcor-respondtotheorderforhighmassinSwedishinStockholmisbasedontheliturgical regulations included in Een lijten Postilla(“AsmallPostil”)1530.Theseregulationswere–accordingtothisinterpretation–insertedinthetext

15 Pahlmblad, Mässa,p.36–42,48f.16 IntheSwedishlanguageatthistime,theterm“monks”designatedboththebrethrenin,forexample,theCistercianandBirgittinemonasterisaswellasmendicantfriarssuchasFran-ciscansandDominicans.InStockholmandinitsproximitythereexistedonlyoneFrancis-canabbey,oneDominicanabbeyand,outsidethecitywalls,aconventfortheFranciscanClarist Order. Therefore the term “monks” in the decision most likely refers to mendicants.

17 Pahlmblad, Mässa,p.37.18 See Martin Berntson, Klostren och reformationen. Upplösningen av kloster och konvent i

Sverige 1523–1596,(Skellefteå,2003),p.96,102.19 SeeMartinBerntson,“StridenomherrAmbjörn.EningångtillliturgiskförändringiSkarastiftunder1540-talet”,inVägen mot bekännelsen. Perspektiv på organisation, bekännelse-bildning och fromhetsliv i Skara stift ca 1540–1595,(Skarastiftshistoriskasällskapsskrift-serie,79),MartinBerntson(ed.),(Skara,2014)p.105.

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tomeet the liturgical requirementsof theparishchurch inStockholm,andruledthatthesermonshouldendwithacommonprayerandconfessionofsinsinthevernacular.ThiswouldindicatethatthehighmassinStockholmhadadifferentliturgicalstructurethantheprintedliturgyof1531,which,accordingtothisinterpretation,ratherdesignatedalowmass.20Thisisapossibleinter-pretation,but it shouldbeemphasized thatEen lijten Postillaof1530doesnot necessarily reflect the contemporary liturgical practices of Stockholm.Rather Een lijten Postillawasexplicitlydirectedtoministerswhowerenotso“skilled”or“sensible”(“forstondighe”)andwho“asyethadlittleknowledgeof theBible” (“ännw föghogrundhaffua j scrifftene”).21 This orientation towardunlearnedandpresumablynon-LutheranclergyisalsoevidentintheliturgicalregulationsmentionedinthePostil,whicharedescribedinthefol-lowingway:“Sincemanyoftheclergyaresoignorantintheirunderstanding(“eenfaldigeitheresforstond”)thattheydonotknowhowtobegintheirser-mon,theymayusethisprescribedway”.22The“simple”and“ignorant”clergythat Olaus Petriisreferringtoaremostlikelyparishclergyinthecountryside.Sincethisparishclergy,becauseoftheirasyet“littleknowledgeoftheBible”stillwantedtoperformthemassinatraditionalway,thiswouldalsohelptoexplainwhytheliturgicalregulationsinEen lijten Postillawererathertra-ditional.23Theywerealsoinlinewiththedecisions,characterizedbyacon-servativeandyetreform-mindedstance,takenatthesynodinÖrebro1529.24

Consequently, it is difficult to know exactly how the mass in Swedishwas celebrated in Stockholm at the end of the 1520s and during the early1530s.However,abodyofsourcematerialthatisseldomusedtounderstandthese liturgical transformations is to be found in the letters from the rebels andnegotiatorsduring theWesternRising in1529and theThirdUprising

20 Pahlmblad, Mässa,p.54f.21 Olaus Petri, Samlade skrifter af Olavus Petri[III],BengtHesselman(ed.),(Uppsala,1916),p.5.

22 ”Epterthetatsombligeclerkeräresåeenfaldigeitheresforstondattheickewetahurutheskola begynna theres predican,Themå bruka thette epterscreffna sätt”, Petri,Samlade skrifter[III],p.9,467–70.

23 On the traditionalism of the liturgical regulations in Een lijten Postilla, see Yngve Brili-oth, “Kyrkomötet i Örebro 1529”, in Tidskrift för kyrkomusik och svenskt gudstjänstliv, 4:4 (1929),p.49–53,seealsoPahlmblad,Mässa,p.54f.

24 “ItemskoleförtäldvardaiallapredikanFadhervår,CredoochAveMariaförungtochen-faldigtfolkskulochtiyoGudzbodhordenaresoellertvåimånadhen,ochskolethehafvaensåkallanibegynnelsenpåpredikanenochensbeslutning”,Svenska riksdagsakter jämte andra handlingar som höra till statsförfattningens historia,Vol.1:1,p.110f.ThechurchesinStockholmwerealso formallyobliged to follow thedecisionsof theÖrebromeeting.However,asinthecountryside,itisnotclearwhetherthedecisionsreallywereaccepted.Forexample,OlausPetri,whowasinaleadingpositioninthesechurchreforms,calmedtheGermanburghersinStockholmwhothoughtthatthedecisionswereabackwardstepfortheReformation,bystatingthatthedecisionstakeninÖrebrowereaimedatperformingagentleReformationamongthepeopleinthecountry,“You have to go slowly with the people here in the country” (“man moste fara sachta medh theta folket her j landet”),Stockholms stads tänkebok 1524–1529, Ludvig Larsson (ed.),(Skrifter utgivna av Vetenskaps-societet-en i Lund, 11),(Lund, 1929),p. 188–189.

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inDalarnain1531.OneoftheearliestreferencestothemassinSwedishisactually found in a letter from inhabitants of Western Småland to inhabitants ofVästergötlanddated8April1529.ThisletterwaswrittenduringtheearlydaysoftheWesternRisingof1529,traditionallyknownas“TheUpheavaloftheNobilityinVästergötland”,andwasissuedinordertocreatearebelalli-ancebetweentheinhabitantsofthetwoprovinces.Intheletter,thereceiverswereexhortedtoriseagainstthetyrantkingGustavVasawhowasaccusedofvariousintrusionsinthebusinessofthechurch,forexampletranslatingthemassintoSwedish(“fförwandlathmessonapaaswenska”).25ThisupheavalwassuppressedatthebeginningofMay1529andsomemonthslater,atthedietinSträngnäs,thekingansweredthecriticismsraisedagainsthimbytherebels.Concerning theaccusationof translating themass into theSwedishlanguage(“therhansnförkastasatthanhaffuerlatidförwandlamessonepååsuensthmåll”)herepliedthatheneithersoughttoprescribenortoforbidmassinSwedish.However,hehadletpeopledecideaboutthis,andthesepeoplehadfoundedtheirworkintheBible.AndwithatwisttypicalofGustavVasa, heclaimedthathe,asaking,didnothavetheauthoritytoexercisepoweroverthewordofGod.Furthermore,accordingtotheking,thisuseofthevernac-ularwasnotuniquetoSweden.ThemasshadbeentranslatedinGermany,Livonia, Denmark, Holstein and in various other countries. Furthermore, the kingconcludedthattheuseofthemassinSwedishdidnotimplythattheLat-inmasswasabolished.Rather,itwasstillcelebrated.26

The king’s role in the process of reforming the liturgywas ambiguous.Eventhoughtheking’spoliticalsupporttoOlausPetri and other Stockholm reformerswasaprerequisiteforthesereforms,atthispointoftime,theking’sinterestintheReformationwasprimarilyorientedtowarditseconomicandpoliticalgains,notthereformofritualsper se.Someyearslater,hewouldex-plicitlytrytoslowtheliturgicaldevelopmentconsideringthatpeoplebecameupsetoverthesekindsofchanges.27

Basedontheking’sresponseatthedietinSträngnäs,wemightconcludethattheaccusationsoftheSmålandrebelswerenotemptywords.Thekingdidnotdespisetheaccusationsandclaimtheywereuntrue(whichheusuallydid not hesitate to do), rather he defended the changes, and neither did heclaimthatonlyaminorpartoftheliturgywastranslated.Furthermore,itisobvious that the main reason behind the king’s exhortation to the city council tovotefororagainstthemassinSwedishinMay1529isdirectlyrelatedtothefactthatpointingtocelebrationofmassesinthevernacularwasusedto

25 Konung Gustaf den förstes registratur, Vol. 6 (1529), (Handlingar rörande Sveriges hi-storia,Förstaserien),(Stockholm,1875),p.358f.,seealsoMartinBerntson,Mässan och armborstet. Uppror och reformation i Sverige 1525–1544,(Skellefteå,2010),p.234f.

26 Konung Gustaf den förstes registratur,Vol.6(1529),p.148f.,seealsoBerntson,Mässan, p.235.

27 See the discussion in Martin Berntson, Kättarland. En bok om reformationen i Sverige, (Skellefteå,2017),p.297.

40

slander thekingduring theWesternRising. Itcannotberuledout that thekinghimselfwasratherscepticaloftheserelativelyradicaltransformationsofthemass.InconsequenceofthedecisionstakeninStockholm,twomonthslateratthedietinSträngnäs,thekingcouldemphasizethatLatinmasswasstill being celebrated in the city.

Concerningtheprocessofimplementingthevernacularmass,theyear1531isdecisiveinmanyways.NotonlywasaformofmassorderinSwedishprint-edandpromotedthisyear,itwasalsocriticized.DuringthisyearthebishopsMagnus SommarofSträngnäsandPederMånssonofVästeråswroteasecretprotest against theestablishmentofevangelical teaching in thecountry. Inthisprotest,oneofthehereticmisusesthattheyidentifiedashavingenteredthecountrywasthecelebrationofthemassinthevernacular(“messehand-ninghpåthetSwensketungemål”,“missiscelebrandisinlinguavulgari”).28 DuringtheThirdUprisinginDalarna(aprovincebelongingtothedioceseofVästerås),alsoknownas“TheBellRebellion”,theDalecarliansclaimedthattheyneitherwantedtosupportnortolistentothemassesinSwedish.29Inhisreply,writteninMarch1531,thekingGustavVasa once again claimed that it wasnotheasakingwhohadcommandedanyonetocelebratemassinSwed-ish.HehadonlyapprovedthisrequestfromthecouncilandcommonmaninStockholm.30Furthermore,thecouncilinStockholm,whereOlausPetriwaschancellor,alsogavearesponsetotheDalecarlians,andinformedthemthatneithertheynoranyoneelsewouldsufferfromhearingthemassinSwedish.If theDalecarlianswanted, they could still use their ownmasses.Howev-er, the Stockholmers claimed that man gained greater “godliness” (“gude-lighett”)fromhearingsomethinginhisownlanguagethaninaforeignone.Accordingtothisdocument,itwasnarrow-mindedtoshowsuchcontemptforthevernacular.Onceagain,SwedishrebelswereremindedthatinGermany,LivoniaandDenmarkpeoplecelebratedmassintheirvernacular.31

Therepliesgivenbyboththekingandthecouncilshowsthateachparishhadtheoptiontochoosewhichliturgyitwanted.InStockholm,themasswascelebratedinthevernacularjustbecausethepeopleofthecitywantedit.TheinhabitantsinDalarnacouldalsochosewhichmasstheywantedtocelebrate.Thekingandthecouncilalsodefendedamassthatwasclearlycelebratedinthevernacular.This interpretation, that the“mass inSwedish”at this timecoulddenoteamassinwhichalargeportionofthewordswerereadorsunginthevernacular,doesnotruleoutthepossibilitythatreferencesto“massin

28 TheLatinversionisprintedinHermanLundström,Undersökningar och aktstycken. Bi-drag till svenska kyrkans historia,(Uppsala,1897),p.62f.,theSwedishversionisprintedin Konung Gustaf den förstes registratur,Vol.7(1530–31),(HandlingarrörandeSverigeshistoria,Förstaserien),(Stockholm,1877),p.545.

29 Herethesolesourceofthecriticismisfoundintheking’sreply,whereherecapitulatedthecomplaintsdirectedagainsthim,Konung Gustaf den förstes registratur,Vol.7(1530–31),p.294.

30 Konung Gustaf den förstes registratur,Vol.7(1530–31),p.294.31 Ibid.,p.529.

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Swedish”alsocouldsignifyasolemnmassinLatin,inwhichonlythewordsofinstitutionweretranslated.However,inthediscussionsnomassesofthatkindwereeverexplicitlymentioned.IfmassesdominatedbytheLatinlan-guagewerestillbeingcelebratedinStockholmatthistime,thisfactoughttohavebeenmentionedintherepliestoDalarna,justasthekinghaddonetwoyearsearlier(beforetheLatinmasswasforbidden)inhisreplytotherebelsinSmåland.Suchadefencewouldhavebeeninlinewiththeusualroyalstra-tegicrhetoricofthistime,whichemphasizedthatoldertraditionswerestillupheldwhilstinpracticeencouragingreforms.32

TheDisseminationoftheMassinSwedishduringthe1530sandEarly1540sAshasbeendiscussedearlier,wehaveonlyfragmentaryknowledgeconcern-ingthekindofmassinSwedishthatwascelebratedinStockholmandotherplacesduringtheearly1530s.WhenitcomestothemasswrittenbyOlausPetri,itisusuallyheldthatatleasttheinspirationcamefromAndreasDöber’sNürembergerMassof1525,whichwasanadaptionandtranslationofMartinLuther’s Formula missaeof1523.Inthemassorderof1531,theprintedpartsatleastactuallytookplaceinSwedish.Forexample,someoftheminister’sprayersandthewordsofinstitution,whichearlieronweretobereadsilently,werereadaloudinSwedish.Furthermore,theKyrie,GloriawithLaudamus,Sanctus,AgnusDei,Gradual and Introitwere inSwedish.Apart from thetransformationofthelanguage,therewereotherinnovationsinthenewmass.The canonmissæ wasabolishedand theSanctuswasplaced after andnotbeforetheWordsofinstitution.Bothbreadandwineweretobeadministeredtothepeople.33

The instructions and the liturgical text in the third edition of this Mass in Swedish(1537)arebasicallythesameasinthe1531edition.However,inthe1537editionisincludedanappendixthatgavesomealternativestothemaintext.IfmasswassungandifanyoneatagivenmomentwantedtosingtheIntroitandGradualinLatin,thiswasallowed,butonlyifthetextscamefromthe Bible.34Furthermore,inpractice,someministersaddednotesabouttradi-tional rituals in the mass by hand.35 Some of the old musical traditions of the dioceseswerere-usedandfusedwithvernaculartexts.Consequently,peoplecouldrecognizeolderritesandmelodiesdespitetheinnovativetexts.36 The 1541editionofthemassinSwedishmadeevenmoreconcessionstotheuseof

32 Berntson, Mässan,p.323–30.33 Petri, Samlade skrifter[II],p.405–426,Sveriges kyrkohistoria 3 – Reformationstid,p.78.34 Petri, Samlade skrifter[II],p.443.35 ÅkeAndrén,“Denliturgiskautvecklingen iSverigeunderreformationstiden”, inRefor-

mationens konsolidering i de nordiska länderna 1540–1610, (Skrifter, utgitt av Nordiskt institutförkyrkohistoriskforskning,6),IngmarBrohed(ed.),(Oslo,1990),p.332.

36 SeeforexampleFolkeBohlin,Upptakter i den svenska vokalmusikens historia,(Göteborg,2014),p.109f.

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Latin.Asinthe1537edition,itwaspossibletouseaLatinIntroitandGradual(eventhoughthemainalternativeswerestillinSwedish),anditalsobecamepossiblefortheministertoreadtheConfiteoronhisowninLatin,butonlyas an alternative to the vernacular act of confession. Furthermore, the Credo couldalsobereadinLatin.EventhoughthereweremoreLatinalternativesin1541,theliturgyasawhole,atleastasitwasprinted,wasprimarilysupposedto be in the vernacular.37

This addition of optional texts inLatin in the 1537 and successive edi-tionshasbeen interpretedasawayofmaking theprintedmasscongruentwiththeactualpracticeofcelebrationofthemassinSwedishinStockholm,which–accordingtothisinterpretation–couldbecelebratedinseveralways.Thereby“Mass inSwedish”wasa term thatcould implyvarious formsofmass celebration, including, for example,masseswhere only thewords ofinstitutionweretranslated. 38

Due to the scarce sourcematerial,ourknowledgeofhow themasswasactuallycelebratedisfragmentary,butIwouldarguethatitisreasonabletoregardthecontinuityprovidedbytheLatinalternativesasapossiblewaytocreate a celebration reminiscent of traditional solemn mass.39 Furthermore, thisLatinizationprocesscouldberelatedinparttothedecisionsattheSynodofUppsala in1536where ithadbeendecided that theclergyof thewholekingdomshouldattempttocelebratemassinSwedishinthecathedralsandintheparishchurches“whereitcouldpossiblybedone”.40 These decisions are inmanywaysobscure.TheyhavebeenunderstoodasademandtocelebrateOlaus Petri’sprintedmassalloverthekingdom,41butithasalsobeenempha-sized,andIfullyagreewiththisinterpretation,thatthisdecreedidnotimplya“finalvictory”forLutheranmasscelebrationinthevernacular.42Butifweidentitythe“massinSwedish”withthemassordersinthevernacularwhichweresimilarto,oratleastrelatedtotheprintedorderof1531,thedecreeof1536impliesthatthisformofmassadvancedfromsporadiclocalcelebrationtoanationalconcern.Aswehaveseen,andaswillbeshownlater,thereex-istedanegativeattitudetowardthemassinSwedish,asitwasimplementedlocallyoutsideStockholm.Inordertosimplifyitsimplementationinthepar-ishessomeofthetextswerepermittedtohaveLatinalternatives.43

37 Messan på Swensko,(Uppsala,1541).38 Pahlmblad, Mässa,p.47,86,91,128–33.39 Berntson,“Striden”p.91–121,p.108.40 SvenKjöllerström, “De kyrkliga förhandlingarna i Uppsala 1536”, in Svensk Teologisk

Kvartalskrift1936,p.228–245,p.50f.41 See Holmquist, Svenska,p.246–247.42 Pahlmblad, Mässa,p.46.43 TheLatinizationofthemassishighlyevidentinDe officiis,writtenbyArchbishopLau-

rentius Petri,probablyinthe1560s,inwhichthecathedrals,notleastfordidacticreasons–forthesakeofthepupils’Latinteaching–wererecommendedtouseLatinalternatives.Ärkebiskop Laurentius Petri d.ä.:s gudstjänstordning[Deofficiis](LiturgiaSuecana,Ser.A:2)(Stockholm,1927),p.24,28,38.Severalofthetextsthatwereallowedtobesungin

43

Duringthe1530swefindsporadicrecordsoftheintroductionofthemassinSwedishinthecountryside.InNovember1535,aroyalletterclaimsthatbishopHenrikJönssonhadintroducedthemassinSwedishinRytterneparishchurchinVästmanland,whichhadnotbeenappreciatedbysomeparishionerswhocalledit“heresy”.44InAsbyparishinÖstergötland,thevicarNilswasalmostkilledbytheparishionersinsidethechurchwhenhetriedtointroducethenewmass.45Duringthefollowingyear,therewasanattempttointroducethemass in Swedish to Skellefteå parish church, and according to a localchroniclewritteninthe1540s,“itwasnotmuchwelcome”.46 Most likely this unwelcomingattitudetowardthemassinthevernacular–alongwithviolentreactionsagainstotherformsofinfringementsintraditionalpractice–meantthattheclergydidnotattempttofurthertransformmasscelebrationinSkel-lefteåformanyyears.ThemassinSwedishwasprobablyintroducedtoSkel-lefteåinamoresuccessfulwaybythevicarAndreasOlavi–andnotbythevicarandlaterbishopEricusSvenonisHjortasisclaimedinolderresearch–in1544whenheabolishedall“papistceremonies”(“papistiscaceremonier”),whichatleastseemedtoinvolveintroducingcelebrationsub utraque. Accord-ing to Olavihimself,atthistimetheolderceremonieswereabolished“with-outanyracketandannoyance”(“utanaltbullerochförargelse”).47

Latin in De officiis,forexampletheIntroit,GradualandtheCreed,werealsopermittedtobesunginLatininthe1541editionofthemassinSwedish.Asinthiseditionmostoftheliturgywasalsosupposedtobesunginthevernacular.However,whilstitwaspresupposedthatthePrefacewassunginSwedishitwasalsopermittedtosingitinLatin.Accordingto De officiis,thetwovernacularprefacesfromtheprintededitionsofthemassinSwedishwere inuse,“neverthelessat times theLatinprefacescouldalsobesung”:“Præfationestantumduælinguævulgarisiamnobisinvsusunt,quarumalteralongior,breuioraltera.Possenttameninterdu[m]etlatinaePræfationesca[n]tari…NaminterPræfationeslatinas,suntpleræ[que]perq[uam]piæac christianæ”,De officiis, p.40.Theneed to emphasizethatthealternativeLatinprefaceswere“piousandChristian”impliesthatthereaderswerefamiliarwiththeSwedishprefacesbutwerescepticaloforunfamiliarwiththeold,pre-sumably catholic, ones. All in all, the order in De officiiswasmoreconservativethanthemassinSwedish.However,thepermissiontouseLatinalternativesin De officiiswasnotaconcessiontothetraditionalcongregationsinthecountryside,butexplicitlyrelatedtotheireducationalfunctioninthecitycathedrals.ThereexistsaparallelintheDanishbishopPed-er Palladius’bookofvisitation,fromca1540,inwhichitisruledthatthe“sognedegn”(aformofverger)shouldnotsinginLatinintheparishchurchexceptduringEaster,PentecostandChristmasatwhichtimesheshoulduseLatintoshowhiseducationandtherebyat-tract children to go to school. Peder Palladius, Visitatsbog,LisJacobsen(ed.),(København,1925),p.69f.

44 Sveriges kyrkohistoria 3 – Reformationstid,p.82–83.45 Holmquist, Svenska,p.257.46 Accordingtothesamechronicle,thereform-mindedchaplainAndreasOlavi (actually the authorof the chronicle)had to standclose tohalf anhour in thepulpit beforehe couldpreachsincetheparishionersthoughthewasmadintryingtochangethetraditionallitur-gicalVesperintoapreachingceremony,seeHandlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia, Vol.17,(Stockholm,1832),p.56–60.

47 Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia, Vol. 17, p.57, concerning the confusionbetweenAndreasOlavi and Ericus Svenonis Hjort, seeMartinBerntson, “Skara stift –vägenmotkonfessionalisering”, inVägen mot bekännelsen. Perspektiv på organisation,

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Ashasbeensuggested,thereformersthemselveswerewellawarethatpeo-plewouldnotappreciate thenewmass,and themanyviolentprotestsmayhaveconfirmedthis.Thealternatives thatweremadeavailable in the thirdand later editions of Mass in Swedish should be understood in the context of these reports about popular protest against the use of vernacular in themass,whichinpracticemadetheintroductionofthemassinSwedishdiffi-cultinmanyparishes.TheLatinalternativescouldthereforeberegardedasaway–successfulornot–topacifybothcongregationsandclergy.However,thiscontinuitywithlatemedievalliturgywasjustanalternativetothetextin the vernacular.48Theseoptionscouldberegardedasacknowledgementoftraditionalparishpiety,andshouldberelatedtothedecreesoftheSynodofUppsalaof1536.ThemassinSwedishwastobecelebratedincathedralsandinsomeparisheswhere– inmy interpretation– lackofpopular resistanceagainstsuchcelebrationsmeantthat“itwaspossible”.

During1540ageneralvisitationwasperformedinsomediocesesanditislikely that this visitation involved the introduction of some form of mass in Swedish.Duringwinterandspring1540themost“Catholic”dioceses,Skara,LinköpingandVäxjö,werevisitedby thenewsuperintendent,GeorgNor-man,togetherwiththeabovementionedLutheranbishopofVästeråsHenrikJönsson.Duringthevisitsnumerousmonstrances,chalicesandpatenswereconfiscated.GeorgNorman’s visitation order Articuli Ordinantiae included amassliturgywhichhadmanytraditionalfeatures(forexampletheringingof an altar bell), but likeOlausPetri’smass, thewords of institutionwerereadinSwedish.ThismassinLatinwasprobablysupposedtobecelebratedbybishopsoncertainimportantfeastdays.However,wedonotreallyknowwhatkindofmasswasimposedduringthevisitation.TheonlyrecordoftheimpositionofamassinSwedishatthistimeisintheDiarium Vadstenense, whereitsaysthatthemassinSwedishwasintroducedintheabbeychurchinVadstenabybishopHenrikJönsson inMay1541.Thenunsparticipatedthrough singing the Salve sancta parens.Thiscelebrationdid takeplaceatone of the many side altars in the abbey church, and for many years Latin mass and mass in the vernacular seem to have been celebrated side by side inVadstena.Consequently,whatwasintroducedinVadstenawasmostlikelynot the mass from Articuli Ordinantiae, but a liturgy that mostly consisted oftextsinthevernacular,andthiswasprobablyalsothecaseincelebrationsin other churches during the visitation.49Ifafullmassinthevernacularwas

bekännelsebildning och fromhetsliv i Skara stift ca 1540–1595,(Skarastiftshistoriskasäll-skapsskriftserie,79),MartinBerntson(ed.),(Skara,2014),p.19–42,p.28–29.

48 Petri, Samlade skrifter[II],p.443,Berntson,Striden,p.110.49 Vadstenadiariet. Latinsk text med översättning och kommentar,ClaesGejrot(ed.),(Stock-holm,1996),p.457–459.PahlmbladhasarguedthatmostlikelyitwastheorderinArticuli ordinantiae thatwascelebrated inVadstena in1541.Eventhoughthis isapossibility, itshouldbenoticed that thisorderwasonlysupposed tobecelebratedduringmajor feastdays.Accordingtothechroniclethecelebrationtookplaceatasidealtaranditwascele-bratedbyBishopHenrikJönsson,whoaswehaveseen,hadbeenfamiliarformanyyears

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introduced during the visitation of 1541, this gives a natural setting for the agitationagainstthemassinSwedishduringtheso-calledDackerebellionof1542–1543.

During the Dacke rebellion, the rebels demanded that the mass in Latin shouldbereintroduced.InthechronicleofRasmusLudvigsson,writtenap-proximatelythirtyyearsaftertherebellion,wearetoldthatinJuly1542thepeasantsclose toVäxjöclaimedthat theywouldnotnegotiateuntil theoldtradition of themasswas reintroduced.50 At the negotiations in Bergkvara in July1542,NilsDacke claimed thatmass shouldbepracticed accordingtotheoldorder,otherwisetherewouldbenoconciliation.51 This account in thechronicle issupportedbycontemporarysources.According toanopenroyallettertothepeople,issuedin1543,therebelsdislikedmasscelebrationsin Swedish (“swenskeMässer”).52 Furthermore, a royal letter of July 1543mentionsrumoursthataroyalbailiffhadgivenpermissionforsomeclergyinSmåland to celebrate mass in Latin.53

AccordingtothechronicleofErnstJöranssonTegel(printed1622),alistofcomplaintsfromthecommonmanwaspresentedtotheroyalnegotiatorsdur-ingautumn1542.Inoneofthecomplaintsitwasclaimedthattheoldchurchtraditions,includingthemass,shouldberestored:“ThatthemassinSwed-ish and other services in the church may be celebrated as in ancient times sincesoonthemassmightbewhistledbyachildbehindadungwagon”(“Attmedh thenSwenskeMässa och andreKyrckiones brukningermåtte hollesefftersomgammeltochfoorthadewaret.TyettBarnkundesnartwidheenDyngewagnhwisleeenMässafram”).54 We have an even older version of this statementinthechronicleofPerBrahetheelder.Thewordsherearealsore-latedtonegotiationsduringtheautumnof1542,duringwhichitwasclaimedthat thenewlymarriedclergyweregreedyandmanyof thevicarsweresopoorly instructed that theymight aswell stand behind a dungwagon andwhistlethemass:(“[…]ochatmångapresterworeickebatterlärde,ähnthekundeståwidehndygnewagnochhuislaenmessafram”).55Inbothversions,thephraseappearsinrelationtoarequesttothekingtoreintroducetheLatinmass,anditisalsoindicatedthatthenewmasswastoo“secular”(resembling

withcelebrationsofmassinSwedishinthedioceseofVästerås,seeSveriges kyrkohistoria 3 – Reformationstid,p.101.SeealsoStephanBorgehammar,“[Reviewof]Vadstenadiariet.Latinsk textmedöversättningochkommentarer”, inKyrkohistorisk årsskrift,98 (1998),p.196.

50 Anteckningar från det sextonde seklet,JohannAxelAlmquist(ed.),(Historiskahandlingar,20),(Stockholm,1905),p.65.

51 Ibid.,p.66.52 Konung Gustaf den förstes registratur,Vol.15(1543),(HandlingarrörandeSverigeshistoi-ria,Förstaserien),(Stockholm,1893),p.136.

53 Ibid.,p.419.54 ErikJöranssonTegel,Then stoormechtige, höghborne furstes […]her Gustafs […] historia, Vol.I–II,(Stockholm,1622:II),p.159.

55 Per Brahe, Fortsättning af Peder Svarts krönika,(Lund,1897),p.44.

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adungwagon)andalltooeasytoperform.Consequently,throughtheintro-ductionofthemassinvernacular,itbecamesosimpletocelebratethemassthateverybody,notonlytheclergywhohadknowledgeofLatin,coulddoit.56

Thesestatementscanberelatedtotheattemptstoestablishtheevangelicalcultinthesoutherndiocesesduringtheearly1540s.AftertheDackeRebel-lion,thekingactuallyintensifiedevangelicalteachinginthesedioceses.ThecomplaintsthathadbeenarticulatedbytherebelswereansweredinafirmandofficialwaybythekingatthedietofVästeråsin1544.Atthisdiet,thekingopenlyclaimedthatordinarypeoplehadbeendeceivedbytheclergyforcen-turies;deceivedintobelievingforexamplethattherewouldbemore“power”inLatinmassesthanintheholygospel,faithinChrist,massinSwedishandin love of one’s neighbour and secular authority.Therefore learned peoplehadgatheredwiththekinganddiscussedthosethingsthatpeopletendedtocomplainabout,forexample,thatmasswasnotcelebratedinLatinandthatmonstranceswerenotplacedonthealtar,andsoon.Accordingtotheking,theyhadconcludedthatsincethesemisusescontradictedthewordofGodandwoulddamagepeople’ssouls,theyshouldbeabandoned.57

EventhoughwedonotknowmuchaboutwhatkindofliturgicaltextswereimplementedinsouthernSwedeninthe1530sandearly1540s,throughthecomplaintsfromtherebelsandthroughtheking’sreplyatthedietofVästeråsin1544,itisreasonabletobelievethatlargepartsoftheliturgicaltextswerereadorsung in thevernacular.However, thisdoesnotdeny thepossibilitythatLatintextswerestillusedasalternativesorascomplementstothetextsinSwedish.Furthermore,itdoesnotruleoutthepossibilitythatamoretradi-tional, and less vernacular, mass could also have been celebrated in a solemn way,forexampleincathedralsandinmanyparishchurches.However,duringthe1530sandearly1540sinthekingdomofSwedenitwasprobablyalsoen-tirelypossibletocelebratevariousformsofmassesinthevernacularinvolv-ingmorethanjustthewordsofinstitutionbeingtranslated,afactthatmakestheviolentreactionstowardsthesecelebrationsunderstandable.

Thecomplaintsagainstthetransformationofthechurchritualsareoftenrather concise, and presupposes that the reader or listener understands theproblems. It is therefore a complicatedmatter to gain a full picture of thementalitythatliesbehindthedefenceoftheLatinmassaswellasothertra-ditionalceremonies.However,fromthesefragmentarystatementswemightnoticesomelinesofthoughtthatmighthaveinfluencedtheagitation.ItshouldhoweverbeemphasizedthattheLatinmassisseldomdefendedinitself,butrather togetherwithother institutionsandceremonies thatwere threatened

56 SeethediscussioninMartinBerntson,“Reformationsmotståndochenkyrkosyniföränd-ring”, in Auktoritet i förvandling. Omförhandling av fromhet, lojalitet och makt i refor-mationstidens Sverige, (Opuscula Historica Upsaliensia 49), (Uppsala, 2012), p.33–69,p.60–62.

57 Svenska riksdagsakter jämte andra handlingar som höra till statsförfattningens historia 1:1,(Stockholm,1887),p.342,349f.

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bytheReformation,suchasmonasteries,holyunction,holywater,thecultofsaints, and so on.

First,especiallyatthetimeoftheDackeRebellion,thedung-wagonmet-aphorindicatesthatthevernacularwasregardedastooprimitive.Whilstthepriest’sprofessionalismwastraditionallybasedonhisknowledgeofthefor-eignandpresumablymagiclanguageofLatinthroughwhichhecouldinfusepower into candles, salt,water and also turnwine intoblood, through theReformationeverybodycould–intheory–performtheseactswhichthereforeseemedtolosetheirstatus.WefindparallelstothisopinionintheLutheranarchbishopLaurentiusPetri’sapologyforthetransformationofthemassfrom1542.HereferstoanargumentagainstthemassinSwedish,thattheevan-gelicalbelieverssanghymnswhentheysatdrunkatthetavern,andthroughthat kind of behaviour the word of Godwas disgraced and despised.58 InMalmøbogen, the Danish Reformation theologian Peder Laurentsen claimed thatamanorawomanwhoissittingonadungwagon(“møgwogen”)singingthe“TencommandmendsofGod”oranotherhymnfromtheBible,praisingGod,heorsheshouldbeheldinhigheresteemthanmonksorcanonswhoarestandingalldaysingingandreadingwithoutunderstandingtheactualwordsthey are uttering.59Here,justlikeduringtherebellion,thedungwagonisusedasantipoletothesacredchurchroom.

Second,themassinSwedishwasassociatedwith“poisonous”orhereticalteachings.ItwasanoutwardsignofaninwardspiritualcorruptioninthestatethatwouldeventuallyturnallSwedesintopaganswhowouldhavenoaccessto salvation.For example, during theWesternRisingof 1529, themass inSwedishwasdesignatedalongwithotherhereticaluses,suchasabolishmentof theothersacramentsand themockingofsaints,asdamnablepaganism.Theconclusionwasthat“wewillsoonbecomepagansandcondemnedunlesswe take this opportunity” (”Therwijmaagom snarliiga bliiffwa hedningamedtocffördömdefforwtanthetitimabliffuertiilwaratakiit”).60

ConclusionDespitethetentativenatureoftheconclusionsthatcanbedrawnaboutlitur-gicaldevelopmentsduringtheearlyReformationinSweden,Ihavefavouredthemoretraditionalwayofregardingthemassinthevernacularbeingsuc-cessivelyLatinizedinordertobeaccommodatedbythetraditionallymindedpeopleofSweden.ThecomplaintsthatwerearticulatedduringboththeWest-ernrisingandduringtheThirdUprisinginDalarna,aswellastheresponsesto these complaints, suggest, alongwith various other forms of discontentduringthe1530s,thatthemassinSwedishwasperceivedasdominatedbythe

58 Laurentius Petri, Dialogvs om then förwandling som medh messone skedde […],(Witten-berg,1587),fol.68r.

59 Peder Laurentsen, Malmøbogen, fol. 22v.60 Konung Gustaf den förstes registratur,Vol.6(1529),p.359,Berntson,“Thedisruption”,p.60f.

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useofthevernacularandthatthistransformationwasregardedasanunchris-tianandstrangedevelopment.Thisdiscontent,alongwiththeneedtoimple-mentthemassinSwedishalloverthekingdom,madeitimportanttomakeitpossibletoLatinizethemass,asawaytopacifythepeople.Consequently,SwedishliturgicallifeattheendofGustavVasa’sregimeinthelate1550s,hasarather“motely”appearance.61

Itshouldhoweverbeemphasizedthatthesourcesarerelativelyfragmen-tarywhenitcomestoexplainingtherealproblemwiththeecclesiasticalin-novations.ItisnotobviouswhetherthetraditionalopponentsofthemassinSwedishwantedthewholeliturgyinLatinoriftheywerehappywithsinglepartsbeingtranslated.However,consideringtheproblemsthatwereassoci-atedwiththefactthat“everybody”–evenaboybehindadungwagon–wasnowconsideredable tocelebratemass,andwithregard to theopinion thatmangainedgreater“godliness”throughhearingtheirownlanguage,itshouldbeassumedthatpeoplereactedagainstaliturgy–orrather,variousliturgies–wheremostpartsweretranslatedintothevernacular,notonlythewordsofinstitution.However,iftheseopponentsdefendedafullyLatinmass,couldtheycomplywiththevariousconcessionsregardingLatinthatweseeduringthelatterhalfofthe1530s?Theintentionoftheseconcessions,accordingtomyinterpretation,wastocreateacompromiseandtoreintroducesometra-ditionalfeaturesofthemasswhilstatthesametimepreservingabiblicallyanchoredevangelicalmassinthevernacular.Intheshortrun,theseoptionalconcessionsmaynothavebeenfullysuccessful.However,althoughitisdif-ficulttoknowhowthemasswascelebratedinSwedishparishesinthe1530sand1540s,itislikelythatittookvariousformsconcerningmusicandtextsbetweenthedioceses.Thisintendedculticpluralismmightactually–inthelongrun–haveproventobeasuccessfulstrategy.AftertheDackerebellion,wedonotfindmuchresistancetothenewmasswiththeserevisions.Instead,peopleseemtohavebecomemoreorlessfamiliarwiththeprayersandhymnsinthemoreorlessvernacularmasses.In1580,closetofortyyearsafterthepublicationofthe1541editionofthemassinSwedish,kingJohanIII had to issueopenletterstothepeopletodismisstherecurrentrumoursthathisnewliturgywouldresultinthereintroductionoftheoldmassinLatin.62 Hereby, inresponsetotheserumours,peopleanxiouslydefendedanecclesiasticaltra-dition that, forty years earlier, their ancestors had risked their lives trying to suppress.

61 See Brilioth, Nattvarden,p.356.SeealsoBerntson,Striden,p.113–144,andMartinBernt-son,“PopularBeliefandtheDisruptionofReligiousPracticesinReformationSweden”,inRe-forming Texts, Music, and Church Art in the Early Modern North, Tuomas M.S. Lehto-nenandLindaKaljundi(eds.),(Amsterdam,2016),p.43–68,p.52–53.

62 Berntson, Kättarland,p.205–207.

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3.DraftingaNewLutheranLiturgyinPost-ReformationIceland

Árni Heimir Ingólfsson

TheReformation,beguninIcelandin1541andviolentlyculminatingin1550with thebeheadingof JónArason, thecountry’s remainingRomanCatho-licbishop,broughtaboutadecisivechangeinliturgyandmusic.Yetittookanotherhalfcenturytoachieveoveralluniformityinliturgicalpractice;thefirstlocalhymnalwasprintedonlyin1589,followedbyamissalin1594.Thequestionofhowmusicwasemployed in the liturgyduring the interveningfourdecadeshaslargelygoneunanswered,notleastbecausesourcematerialis scarce. In thischapter, Iwilldiscuss thesurviving Icelandicmanuscriptsourcesfromthesecondhalfofthesixteenthcentury.ThebulkofthechapterisdevotedtotwopreviouslyoverlookedfragmentscontainingplainchantinIcelandictranslation;Iwouldsuggestthatthesewerewrittenca.1544–1562andgivenewinsightintothestateofliturgicalmusicinIcelandinthemid-sixteenthcentury.Iwillalsodiscuss,inlessdetail,anearlycompletegradual- antiphonerwritteninpartbytheIcelandicbishopofthesoutherndioceseinca.1575,andanearlycompleteschool/cathedralantiphonerfromthecoun-try’snortherndiocese,writtenatroughlythesametime.ThesemanuscriptsandfragmentsareuniquewitnessestoliturgicalmusicinIcelandduringthisperiod, andvirtuallynoneof theirmaterialwasultimately takenup in theprintedbookspublishedtowardstheendofthesixteenthcentury.

LiturgicalDifferenceinIceland,fromca.1550Intermsofecclesiasticalorganization,Icelandwasfromthetwelfthcenturydividedintotwobishoprics,withcathedralsatSkálholtinthesouthwestandHólarinthenorth.ThedioceseofSkálholtwasbyfarthelargerofthetwo,asitencompassedthreeoftheisland’sfour“quarters”( fjórðungar)–south,east,andwest–whilethatofHólarencompassedonlythenorth.Eachcathedralwas connectedwith a school inwhich around20–25youngmenwere en-rolled,andSkálholtandHólarweretheonlysmallhamletsinwhatwasuntil

Thischapter iswrittenaspartof the researchproject“Liturgy inFlux:TheTraditionsandContextofPlainchant in Iceland,1500–1700,”supportedby the IcelandicResearchFundfrom2017–2019.IwouldliketothankSvanhildurÓskarsdóttir(TheÁrniMagnús-sonInstituteofIcelandicStudies),ThomasF.Kelly(HarvardUniversity),KatelinParsons(TheUniversityof Iceland), and twoanonymous readers for their commentson earlierversions of this text.

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theeighteenthcenturyacountrymadeupalmostexclusivelyofsmallfarmsalongthecoastline.Thecountry’stotalpopulationisestimatedtohavebeenroughly40,000,andtheinhabitantsofSkálholtandHólarusuallynumberedaround100ineachplace.1In1537,theDanishkingChristianIIIissuedhischurch ordinance for Iceland (inLatin); thiswas ratified peacefully in theSkálholtdiocesein1541buttheCatholicbishopatHólarheldoutuntil1550,as stated above.

Duringthesecondhalfofthesixteenthcentury,Hólarwasservedbytwoconsecutivebishops,whilethreeconsecutivebishopsheldofficeinSkálholt(seeTable3).ThesecondLutheranbishopofSkálholt,Marteinn Einarsson, resignedfromofficein1557afteradisputeovertheking’sinfluence,return-ingtohisoldparish.Asdiscussedfurtherbelow,hissuccessorwasthesome-whatbackward-lookingGísliJónsson,whointurnwassucceededbythefaryounger OddurEinarsson.AtHólar,thetoweringfigureofthisperiodwastheerudite humanist GuðbrandurÞorláksson,whosatinofficefor56years,thelongestofanyIcelandicbishop.

Table 3. Bishops in Iceland, ca. 1550–1600.BishopsofSkálholt: MarteinnEinarsson,1549–1557(b.ca.1505?,d.1576) GísliJónsson,1558–1587(b.ca.1515) OddurEinarsson,1589–1630(b.ca.1559) BishopsofHólar: ÓlafurHjaltason,1552–1569(b.ca.1491) GuðbrandurÞorláksson,1571–1627(b.1541)

TherewasonlyoneprintingpressinIcelandandthiswaslocatedatHólar,whichgavegreaterweighttotheconsiderablysmallerdiocese.Severalimpor-tantbookswerepublishedinthefirstdecadesaftertheReformation,includ-ingBishopGuðbrandurÞorláksson’smonumentalbible translationin1584,but liturgical books containingmusicwerenot among them.Ahandful ofhymnbooks or pamphletswere printedwithoutmusic (in 1555, 1558, and1562),but these sometimescontaineddifferent translationsofGermanandDanishhymnsandwerethusunlikelytoachieveliturgicalunity;ifanything,they undermined it.2

Surviving sources from the last decades of the sixteenth century suggest a liturgical/musicaldisputebetweenthetwobishops,atSkálholtandHólar,thathindered uniformity throughout the island. This seems to have been a gener-

1 GuðrúnÁsaGrímsdóttir, “Biskupsstóll í Skálholti”, inSaga biskupsstólanna á Íslandi, GunnarKristjánsson(ed.),(Akureyri,2006),p.136.

2 Althoughnearly100yearsold,themagisterialvolumebyPállEggertÓlason,Upptök sálma og sálmalaga í lútherskum sið á Íslandi(Reykjavík,1924)isstillunsurpassedforitsover-viewofearlymusicpublishinginIcelandaswellastheprecisecontentsofthe1594Grad-uale.AmorerecentsurveyofbookspublishedatHólarandSkálholtisEinarG.Pétursson,“Bókaútgáfaábiskupsstólunum”,inSaga biskupsstólanna á Íslandi,p.569–605.

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ationaldisputeaswellasageographicalone.ThebishopofSkálholt,GísliJónsson(ca.1515–1587)hadtrainedandservedasaCatholicpriestearlierinhiscareer;helivedalmostexactlyhalfofhislifeinaCatholicIcelandandhalf in a Lutheran one.3ThebishopatHólar,thedevoutLutheranGuðbrandurÞorláksson,wasroughly25yearsyoungerandwastrainedentirelywithinthenewtradition.Itseemsthatthetwowereunabletoagreeonthedetailsoftheliturgy.In1585,whenasubstantialprintedmusicbookhadstillnotbeenpub-lishedinthecountryover40yearsaftertheReformationfirstbegan,theDan-ish king FrederickIIhimselfwrotetotheIcelandicbishopsdemandingswiftaction, noting that the delay in distributing the new liturgy had adverselyaffectedreligiouspractice.Intheletter,whichwaseventuallyprintedamongthe front matter of the 1594 Graduale,thekingcomplainsof“unseemliness”(uschickeleghed) in the churches, since hymns are being sung “in variousmannersand translations into Icelandic, so thatwhensomeoneattendsan-otherchurch[thanheisusedto],heisunabletosingalongwiththeothers”.4

BishopGísliJónssonofSkálholtpassedawayin1587andanewbishopwasconsecratedinhissteadin1589.Thatsameyear,thefirsthymnalwithmusicwaspublishedinIceland.Oneislefttowonderifthetimingwascoin-cidental,orifthebishopatHólar,whohadfullcontrolovertheprintingpress,hadwaitedforhisoldercolleaguetopassawaybeforedisseminatinganewliturgy.Thenewbishop,OddurEinarsson(b.1559),wasnearlyhalfacenturyyoungerthanhispredecessor,andhadbeenespeciallyrecommendedforthepostbyhiscolleagueatHólar.Shortlybeforetheelection,theHólarbishopwrotealettertoallpriestsintheSkálholtdiocese,notingthatfullunityhadbeenachievedbetweennorthandsouth“except for thatdivisionwhich re-mainsinthesingingofourhymns,whichonewishesmightberesolvedinoneChristianunity,asinallotherthings,forthisalonenowhinderstheworshipofGodinourcountry”.5

Itappearsthatthesetwobishopssaweyetoeyeonmattersrelatingtotheliturgy.ThepublicationoftheGradualein1594wasamajorachievement;for

3 GuðrúnNordal, “Ámörkum tveggja tíma:Kaþólskt kvæðahandritmed hendi siðbótar-manns,GíslabiskupsJónssonar”,Gripla,16,(2005),p.209–28.BishopGísliJónssonwasinterested inmusic and a competentmusic scribe; apart from the liturgicalmanuscriptdescribedbelow,anothersongbooksurvivesinhishandcontaining21songs(AM6224towritteninca.1549,inTheÁrniMagnússonInstituteinIcelandicStudies,Reykjavík),manyofwhichareearlyversionsoftuneslaterpublishedinthewell-knownPiae Cantiones;seeMarius Kristensen, En klosterbog fra middelalderens slutning (AM 76, 8o), (Copenhagen,1933),p.xviii–xxviiandp.205–237.

4 Graduale1594,alsoprintedinFinnurJónsson,Historia Ecclesiastica Islandiæ,Vol.3(Co-penhagen,1775),p.26:“[...]attsigmøgenVschickeleghedthildragevdiKirkerne/therpaavortLandtIsland/medPsalmersomsiungis/huilkeehrepaaattskilligeMaadervdsettochVerteretpaa Islandtzmaall/SaaattnaarNogenkommer jenAndenKircke/kandhandinted siunge med thennem.”

5 PállEggertÓlason,Upptök sálma og sálmalaga í lútherskum sið á Íslandi,p.27–28.Theletter is printed in full in JónHalldórsson,Biskupasögur Jóns prófasts Halldórssonar í Hítardal I. Skálholtsbiskupar 1540–1801, Jón Þorkelsson, Sögurit II (ed.), (Reykjavík,1903–1910),p.161–7.

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thefirsttime,aunifiedLutheranliturgywasissued,withthetwobishopricsinagreementonthefundamentalaspectsoftheorganizationofthemass.Thevolumewouldeventuallybereprinted18times,thelasteditionappearingin1779,anditsinfluenceintermsofmusicandliturgystretchedovermorethantwocenturies.

Thetitlepageofthe1594editionmakescleartheemphasiswhichthetwobishops now placed on liturgical unity: “GRADUALE. A common missal, compiledandwrittensothatamoreagreeableconsensusshallbereachedandmaintained here in our country in the singing and ceremonies of the church, accordingtotheordinance,byMr.GuðbrandurÞorláksson.”Thevolumecanbeseenasakindofahandshakebetweenthenorthernandsouthernconstitu-encies.ItwascertainlynocoincidencethatGuðbrandurÞorláksson,whocon-trolled the printing press, should invite his young colleague at Skálholt towritethepreface.HereBishopOddurEinarssonwrites:

NowthatafterthelongdiscordthathasbeenhereinourparishesinIcelandregardingthehymns,asweallknow,nowwithGod’shelpandgracewehavecomesofarthatthehonorableman,Mr.GuðbrandurÞorláksson,hasbeenabletocompletethisGradualewhichwehavewaitedfor,sothatitisnowprintedasallgoodmencansee[…]thereforeitisimportantthatwenowfinallyagreeandacceptrightfullythisGod’sgrace,thathehasallowedustoseethedaywhereintheterriblediscordthathasbeeninthechurchescanbelaidtorest,andthatwemayall(ifweshouldwantto)withonemindpraiseandglorifyourheavenlyGodandFatherwithonevoiceandconcordantsongsofpraiseforallhismercyand good gifts.6

Thebishopadmitsthatchurchsingingandliturgyhasbeeninastateofcon-fusionandemphasizestheneedforunity,stressingthathehimselfdoesnotwishtostandinthewayof“religiousconcord”.Thus,hehasdecreedthatthenewGradualebeenforced“fromnowonintheentireSkálholtdioceseaswellasthedioceseofHólar”.

While the 1594 Gradualewasindeedamajorsteptowardsliturgicalunity,itdidnotfullyeradicateregionaldifferences.In1685,BishopÞórðurÞorláks-sonofSkálholtacquiredtheprintingpressfromthenortherndioceseatgreatcost.ThiswasasubstantialcoupforSkálholt,andthebishop’sownershipofthepresswasjustifiedbytheclaimtoitasafamilyinheritance,sincebothhisfatherandhisrecentlydeceasedbrotherhadbeenbishopsofHólar,wherethepresshadessentiallybeentheirprivateproperty.BishopÞórðurwaswellversedinmusic;heownedandplayedtheclavichordandregal,supervisedthetranslationandpublicationofthepopularhymnsofThomasKingoinIcelan-

6 Thetitlepageofthe1594Gradualealsocontainstwoquotesfrom1Corinthians,furtheremphasizingtheneedfororderandunity:“Letallthingsbedonedecentlyandinorder,”(14:40)and“Butifanymanseemtobecontentious,wehavenosuchcustom,neitherthechurchesofGod”(11:16).Themessagefromthebishopstothepopulationseemsclear:ac-ceptthenewvolume,anddonotthreatenthelong-desiredharmonythatourchurchleadershavefinallyachieved.

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dictranslation,andwrotewhatwasthefirstpublishedmusictheorymanualinIcelandic,printedasanappendixtothe1691Graduale.7

Inthe1691edition,thefirstprintingoftheGraduale under the Skálholt bishop’s supervision, he included a version of the plainchantCredo Iwiththeheading:“ThissymbolumNicænum,ormassCredoafteranoldversion,weincludehere,mostlybecauseitiswellknownandpracticedwidelyinthesoutherndiocese,onfeastdays.” 8Whileitappearshereinprintforthefirsttime, thisversionof theCredo is found inamanuscriptwrittenbyBishopGísliJónssonmorethanacenturyearlier(NKS1384to,seebelow),whereitappearsinthebishop’sowntranslationintoIcelandic.9 Thus, the younger Skálholtbishop,havingfinallyobtainedcontroloftheprintingpress,puthisownmarkonthecontentsoftheGraduale by including a chant that had been initiatedbyhispredecessoratSkálholtandhadbeen transmitted inmanu-scripts andorally aswell formore than100years.PerhapsBishopÞórðurÞorlákssonsawinthissomejusticefortheolderbishop’sneglectedliturgicalideals.Thisraisesthequestionoftheextenttowhichthe1594Graduale really did achieve liturgical unity throughout the island, if a key item such as the Credowascommonlysungformorethan100yearsinthesouthernparishinaversionwhichtheHólarbishophadnotdeemedworthyofinclusioninthe1594 Graduale.10

Liturgies for Cathedral and School in the Late Sixteenth CenturyHistoriansofliturgyhavepreviouslysuggestedthatthediscordalludedtobythebishopsandkingFrederickIIinvolvedonlythevariousconflictinghymntranslationspublishedinthe1560sand1570s.11However,othersourcessug-gestthattheconflictmayhavebeenafundamentallylargerone,concerningthe overall contents and structure of the liturgy itself.

Muchof themusic and liturgy of the Icelandic church from1550–1589appearstobelost.AlthoughmanymusicmanuscriptsfromIcelandofallpe-

7 Frumkvöðull vísinda og mennta: Þórður Þorláksson biskup í Skálholti,JónPálsson(ed.),(Reykjavík,1998).

8 Graduale(Skálholt,1691),p.303–304.9 NKS1384to,89v–91r.NKS1384to,DetKongeligeBibliotek,Copenhagen.10 The music to the Credo in NKS 138 4to seems to be derived from the Danish Graduale of NielsJesperssøn(1573).Asimilarbutnotfullyidenticalversion(inmensuralrhythm)hadappearedintheIcelandicGradualefromthefourtheditionin1649,publishedbyÞórðurÞorláksson’sfather,theBishopofHólar.Here,itbearsadifferentheadingwhich,giventhatthis ismoreorlesstheversionsungintheSkálholtparish,suggestsacertainarrogancetowardsthesouth:“Asmaybesungonfeastsinútkirkjur”(i.e.farmchurcheswithoutre-sidingpriests,hencethelowestclassofchurch).The1691Graduale also suggests that the transmissionofanotherhymnwaslimitedtothesoutherndiocese.Frið veittu voru landi appearshereintheGradualeforthefirsttime,withthefollowingremark:“OnSundaysafterexitum,whenpeoplefallontheirknees,thisversemaybesung,asiswidelycommoninthedioceseofSkálholt”(p.189).

11 JónÞórarinsson,Íslensk tónlistarsaga 1000–1800,(Kópavogur,2012),p.211.

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riodshaveperished, the losses for thisperiodare likely tohavebeenevenmoredrastic,sincethepublicationoftheliturgyin1594madeearlierredac-tionsobsolete.ThemostcompletepicturewehaveofanyliturgicalpracticeinIcelandduringthisinterimperiodisgivenbytwomoreorlesscompletemanuscripts,oneofwhichisdemonstrablyfromSkálholtwhiletheotherwasusedatthecathedralatHólar.TheformerispartlyinthehandofGísliJóns-son,thebishopofSkálholt,andwascertainlywrittenunderhissupervision;itisagradualbutalsocontainssomechantsfortheoffice(TheRoyalLibrary,Copenhagen,NKS1384to),andprobablytransmitsthebishop’sliturgyforthe Skálholt church and Latin school. The latter is a similar volume in the NationalArchivesinReykjavík,storedundertheshelfmark“AntiphonariumHolense”.12Thisisafarmoreinformallycopiedbook,possiblywrittenbyastudent,containingofficechants.ItisbelievedtohavebeenwrittenatHólarat roughly the same timeas theSkálholtvolume,noearlier than1570andpossiblyaround1580–90.Itisimportanttonotethatsincethesemanuscriptsof chant in Latin seem to have been intended for the cathedrals and their schools,theydonotgiveanindicationofliturgicalsinginginparishchurchesthroughout the island.

BishopGísliJónsson’sgradual(NKS1384to)wasmostlikelywrittenca.1575.13Thisisasignificantmanuscriptof128leaves;whilenotexactlylavish,itwasobviouslycopiedwithcare,anditcontainsdecoratedinitialsinvari-ouscolours.ItscontentssuggestthatBishopGísliJónssonwishedtoretainasubstantialLatinmassandofficeliturgyatSkálholtcathedral.Yettheliturgyisnotfullycomplete;materialfor14feastdaysismissing,eventhoughall Marian feasts are included. The texts are mostly in Latin, including introits (48), alleluias (44) and sequences (11), but also antiphons (147), responso-ries(24)andhymns(30);whereasonly30Lutheranhymnsareincluded(inIcelandic).MuchofthematerialformassisderivedfromNielsJesperssøn’sGradualeof1573,whichthusprovidesaterminus post quem,whileanotherimportantsourceisBishopGísliJónsson’sownvolumeofhymntranslationspublishedin1558.

12 AntiphonariumHolenseinNational Archives of Iceland, Reykjavík.13 Somescholarshavesuggestedalaterdateforthemanuscript(ca.1585–87),andthatitwascompiledasadirectresponsetotheKing’sletter,butthisseemsunlikely.Importantstudiesof thismanuscript areArne J.Solhaug, “EtLuthersktgradualehåndskriftNykgl. saml.1384to,NidarostradisjonenpåIslandidet16.århundrede”,Studia Musicologica Norvegi-ca,3,(1977),p.95–156,Solhaug,Et luthersk graduale-håndskrift fra 1500-tallet: spor av Nidarostradisjon i Island,(Oslo,2003),andArngrímurJónsson,Fyrstu handbækur presta á Íslandi eftir siðbót,(Reykjavík,1992),bothofwhomargueforadateofca.1585.Adis-sentingvoiceisJónÞórarinsson,inÍslensk tónlistarsaga 1000–1800,p.211,butheunder-valuestheinfluenceofJesperssøn’sGraduale and suggests an even earlier date than 1573. Iproposeamiddleground,thatthemanuscriptwaswrittenshortlyafterthepublicationofthe Danish Graduale,andintendedonlyforuseatSkálholt.NKS1384to,alongwithanintroductionbyArneJ.Solhaug,isaccessibleonlineathttp://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/manus/17/(retrieved8November2018).

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NKS 138 also contains a substantial amount of Latin material that is not found in the Danish Graduale,forexamplesequencesthatwerenotpartofthereformedDanishorIcelandicliturgy.SevensequencesinNKS138arenotmentionedintheIcelandicchurchordinance,whichservedasthefoundationofthecountry’sLutheranpracticeandwhichallowedforonlythreesequencesto be used: Grates nunc omnes, Victime paschali laudes, and Veni sancte spiritus.14 Of the seven other sequences found in NKS 138, only three are found in NielsJesperssøn’sGraduale, but all but one are in Lucas Lossius’s Psalmodia (Wittenberg,1553).15Thisvolumewascommonlyused inLatinschools inGermany, andGísli Jónsson,who is known to have spent timethereinhisyoungeryears,maywellhaveownedacopy.Byfocusinglarge-lyonLatin-textedmaterial,evenif thiswaslargelycopiedfromthe recentvolumesof JesperssønandLossius, the agingBishopGísli Jónsson tookadecidedlyconservativeapproach.Insomeinstances,suchastheinclusionofasurprisinglylargenumberofsequences,healsowentagainstthestatutesofthe church ordinance. The contents of GísliJónsson’smanuscript–muchpre-ReformationLatin liturgicalmaterial in aLutheran redaction, interspersedwith Lutheran hymns in Icelandic – suggest its intended function. Such avolume could never have been intended as a liturgy for the entire country, butseemsspecificallyaimedatthecathedralandschoolwhereitwaswritten.

AnotherindicationthatthismanuscriptwasintendedforuseattheSkál-holtcathedralandschoolisitselaboratematerial,inLatin,forvespers,lauds,andmatins.Here,threeantiphonsaretobesungatmatinsandvesperstogeth-erwiththeircorrespondingpsalms,whereasthechurchordinanceprescribes“threeorfewer”psalmstoasingleantiphon,andtheAntiphonariumHolenseonlyhasasingleantiphonwithonepsalm(seebelow).16 On the three major feasts(Christmas,Easter,Trinity),NKS138hasfiveantiphons,eachwithitsownpsalm.Here,GísliJónssonprescribesadegreeofliturgicalelaboration

14 Theordinance isprinted, inLatin and Icelandic, inDiplomatarium Islandicum,Vol.10(Reykjavík,1911–1921),p.117–328,seealsoSiðaskiptin á Íslandi 1541–1542 og fyrstu ár siðbótar,TorfiK.StefánssonHjaltalín(ed.),(Reykjavík,2017).ThebalancebetweenRo-manCatholicandLutheranelementsintheIcelandicliturgywasnoteasilyachieved.Thesecond edition of the Graduale(1607)containsfarmoreLatinchantthanthefirst(thechantis derived largely from the Danish GradualeofNielsJesperssøn),presumablytoappeaseschoolauthoritieswhowishedtoretainaLatinliturgyattheLatinschools.

15 These are Festa Christi omnes christianitas celebret(17v),Mittit ad virginem(27r),Mane prima sabbati(32v),Laudes Christo redempti(43v),Summi triumphum regis(48v),Sancti spiritus assit nobis gratia (55v),Benedicta semper sancta sit trinitas (62v).Between thetwo sources of theDanishGraduale and theGermanPsalmodia, BishopGísli Jónssonwouldhavefoundallthesequencesinhismanuscript.OnPsalmodiaanditsinfluence,seeJoachimKremer, “Change andContinuity in theReformation Period:ChurchMusic inNorthGermanTowns”,inMusic and Musicians in Renaissance Cities and Towns, Fiona Kisby(ed.),(Cambridge,2001),p.118–130,p.126,seealsoAndreasOdenthal,“‘...matuti-nae,horae,vesperae,completoriummaneant...’:ZurUmgestaltungderOffiziumsliturgieindenKirchendesfrühenLuthertumsanhandausgewählterliturgischerQuellen”,Jahrbuch für Liturgik und Hymnologie,46(2007),p.89–122.

16 Diplomatarium Islandicum,Vol.10,p.128.

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going beyond that of both the Icelandic church ordinance and comparableGermansourcessuchasLossius’s Psalmodia,wherefiveantiphonsarepre-scribed for the Christmas vigil (these are not the same ones as found in NKS 138).

Anothermanuscript, roughly coeval but farmore casuallywritten, sur-vivesfromthecathedralofHólarandhassinceitsdonationtotheNationalArchivesofIcelandin1921carriedtheshelfmarkAntiphonarium Holense.17 Thiswascopiedca.1580andcontains72pages,withpagesmissingbothatfrontandback.Thefinalpageofthemanuscriptasitisnowboundisinadif-ferent hand and seems to be from a different volume containing identical ma-terial.ItwasatleastinthepossessionofHólarCathedralin1647,accordingtoaninscriptiononwhatisnowp.1:“HunclibrumcantionumHolensetemplumsummosibijurevendicat[vindicat]þann13dagAprilis[thethirteenthdayofApril]Anno1647.”Itwaslikelyusedforschoolsingingthereinthelatesixteenthandearlyseventeenthcenturies,anditcontainsmaterialforvespers,matins, and lauds on Sundays.

WhilethereissignificantoverlapinthepiecesfoundinbothNKS138andAntiphonarium Holense, there is still far less than might be imagined. Also, fewoftheconcordantchantssharethesameliturgicalplacement,andeachcontains minor variants in the musical setting. Thus, the cathedral liturgies seemtohavedifferedinoverallambition,aswellasinliturgicalandmusicaldetail.TheliturgyprescribedinAntiphonariumHolenseissimplerthanNKS138;onlyoneantiphon+psalmissungatthebeginningofeachoffice,whiletheHólar liturgyretainedthevespersresponsorynotfoundin theSkálholtmanuscript.

TwoFragmentsintheNationalLibraryofSweden,StockholmThetwomanuscriptsdescribedabovehavesurvivedlargelyintact,andtheycontainwhatseemstohavebeenanofficialliturgyforeachofthecathedralsinthelastquarterofthesixteenthcentury.Twomanuscriptfragments,bothin theNationalLibraryofSweden(one recentlydiscovered, theother longoverlooked),shedlightonanevenearlierliturgicalpractice,mostlikelydat-ingfromca.1550.TheydifferfromBishopGísliJónsson’sapproachinNKS138inthattheycontainonlyplainchant(therearenoLutheranhymns),andthe chant texts are presented in otherwise unknown Icelandic translations.Whether this redaction of the oldermaterial ever had the approval of thebishops (oneor both) is unknown, as is the extent of its circulation in thedecadesduringwhichthenewliturgywastosomedegreeinflux.

17 The only extensive study of thismanuscript is Jón Þórarinsson, “Latnesk tíðasöngsbókúrlúterskumsið”,Ritmennt,6(2001),p.67–82.Themanuscriptitselfisaccessibleonlineathttps://www.ismus.is/i/book/id-1000012,(accessed8November2018).Itshouldalsobenoted that the Icelandic printed books referred to here can be accessed via thewebsitewww.baekur.is.

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Ofthetwofragments,theearlieroneislikelytobeStockhperg8vono.10,Ib(hereafter:no.10),aparchmentbifolium(ca.16.5×14cm)probablywrit-tenca.1550–60.18ThebifoliumwasformerlyusedasawrapperforanothermanuscriptinthesamecollectionwhichcontainsIcelandicpoetryandwaswrittenca.1660(Stockhpapp8vono.1).Thelatterwaspartofacollectionofover50manuscriptsbroughttoSwedenbytheIcelandicscholarGuðmun-durÓlafsson,whoworkedattheSwedishCollegiumAntiqvitatuminthelateseventeenth century.19ItisunclearwhetherthewrapperalreadybelongedtotheyoungermanuscriptwhenÓlafssonacquiredit,orifhewasresponsibleforusingno.10insuchaway.Theoutermarginshavebeencutdownandtheuppermoststaffispartlymissing;originally,fols.1rand2r/vcontainedeightstaves,whilefol.1vhadsix.

Thesecondmanuscript,S.252a,isafragmentconsistingoftwoseparatepaperleaves,probablywritteninthesecondhalfofthesixteenthcentury.20 Theleaveshavebeenfoldedinthemargins,whichsuggeststhattheywereusedasbindingmaterial;thereisalsotearingonthebottomoffol.2v.Un-fortunately, the library catalogue contains no information on the fragment’s provenance.21Itseemslikelythattheleaveswereremovedafterthebookintowhichtheywereboundarrivedatthelibrary,butIhavebeenunabletocon-firmthis.

18 Stockhperg8vonr. 10, I b inNationalLibraryofSweden,Stockholm.VilhelmGödel,Katalog öfver Kongl. Bibliotekets fornisländska och fornnorska handskrifter, (Stockholm, 1897–1900),p.115and356.FragmentsoftwopiecesfromthismanuscriptareprintedinBjarni Þorsteinsson, Íslenzk þjóðlög, (Copenhagen, 1906–1909), p. 180–183, but hewasunawarethattheyderivedfromspecificplainchantmodels.Twoscholarsofliturgymen-tionno.10brieflybutdonotdiscuss itscontents inanydetail:ArngrímurJónssonsaysthatitcontains“unorganizedmaterialforthemassandoffice”(Fyrstu handbækur presta á Íslandi eftir siðbót,p.462),whileMagnúsMárLárussonremarksthatitis“aninterestingfragment”but“badlydamaged”(“Þróuníslenzkrarkirkjutónlistar”,inFróðleiksþættir og sögubrot,(Hafnarfjörður,1967),p.89).

19 PállEggertÓlason,Íslenskar æviskrár,Vol.2,(Reykjavík,1949),p.173,HenrikSchück,Kgl. vitterhets historie och antikvitets akademien, dess förhistoria och historia,Vol. 2,(Stockholm,1933),p.92–94.

20 S.252a,NationalLibraryofSweden,Stockholm.21 TheonlypreviousmentionofthissourceappearsinatypewrittencatalogueofIcelandicmanuscripts inSwedish librariesmadeby JónSamsonarson, “Drögaðhandritaskráumíslenzkhandritoghandrit semvarða íslenzkefni í söfnumíStokkhólmiogUppsölum”(unpublishedtypescript,1969),p.59.IntheNationalLibraryofSweden,thefragmentisplacedinafoldermarked“Isländskkyrkomusik”and1880;possiblytheleavesenteredthecollectionthatyear,althoughGödel’scatalogue(published1897–1900)containsnomen-tionofthem.TheauthorisgratefultoEinarG.Pétursson(TheÁrniMagnússonInstituteforIcelandicStudies,Reykjavík)forbringingthisfragmenttohisattention,andtoPatrikGranholmatNationalLibraryofSweden,Stockholmforhisassistance inattempting totraceitsprovenance.

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Thecontentsofno.10areasfollows(thetextsareinIcelandiconly,butIgivetheLatinincipitswhereknown):

1r: illegible(conclusion) Ó sæla og blessaða(Obeatabenedictagloriosa) María mey og móðir mann ei snerti(Nesciensmatervirgo) Að óbrugðnum, óskertum[...](Inviolata) 1v: Að óbrugðnum, óskertum, cont. Þar mun upprenna kvistur(Egredieturvirga,withoutnotation) Heyr herra guð(Hear,LordGod;collect,withoutnotation) Orðið varð hold(Verbumcarofactumest,withoutnotation) 2r: [Barniðerossborið](Puernatusestnobis,beginningillegible) Alleluia. Helgur dagur birtist oss(Diessanctificatus) Kærleiki guðs er úthelltur(Caritasdeidiffusaest) 2v: Kærleiki guðs er úthelltur, cont. Alleluia. Christur er uppvakinn(Christusresurgensest) Hjálpræði[...](illegible)

SomeofthepiecesfoundhereappearinotherIcelandicmanuscriptsourcesofbothanearlierandlaterdate.TheTrinityantiphonO beata benedicta glo-riosa,whichbeginsonthethirdstaffoffol.1r,isalsofoundinafifteenth-century Icelandic fragmentnowat theNationalMuseum,Reykjavík (Þjms833).22 It also appears, interestingly enough, in Guðbrandur Þorláksson’s1607version (and later versions)of theGraduale, even though the Danish GradualecontainsdifferentmusicandtextforTrinitySunday.Thefollowingchant, Nesciens mater virgo,hasonlyoneIcelandicconcordance, theman-uscriptRask98(Melodia),whichiswrittenca.1670;thereitappearsintheoriginal Latin.23Rask98 seems tobe connectedwithSkálholt, and it alsocontainschantsfromNKS1384tonotfoundelsewhere.Thismaysuggestthatthe origins of the Stockholm fragments lie in the southern diocese, although thiscannotbeproven.

Both theStockholmfragmentscontainan Icelandicversionof thewell-knownMariansequenceInviolata, integra et casta es Maria. This chant dates backtoatleasttheeleventhcenturyandwashighlypopularinthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies;itwasmostfamouslyemployedbyJosquindesPrezinhisfive-partmotet.24ThesequencewasknownintheRomanCatholicliturgyinDenmark,whereitfirstappearsinasourcefrom1397;anditisalsoknown

22 Þjms833inNationalMuseumofIceland,Reykjavík.23 Rask 98 (Melodia), Den Arnamagnæanske Samling, Institut for Nordiske Studier ogSprogvidenskab,KøbenhavnsUniversitet,Copenhagen.

24 AusefulcommentaryonInviolataanditshistorycanbefoundinMotets on Non-Biblical Texts 4 [De beata Maria virgine 2],WillemElders(ed.),(NewJosquinEdition,24),(Utre-cht,2007),p.63–64.

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Figure 8. Að óbrugðnum, óskertum[...](Inviolata)andcollectfromStockhperg8vono.10,Ib(fol.1v),NationalLibraryofSweden.

fromatleasttwoNorwegianfragmentsfromtheNidaróstradition.25Ithas,however,notbeenfoundinanyotherIcelandicsources,makingitsappear-anceinthetwofragmentssomewhatunexpected.

TheIcelandictextofInviolata found here is not a literal translation. The originalLatin,whichdescribestheperpetualvirginityoftheinviolateMary,

25 Petrus D. Steidl, Vor Frues Sange fra Danmarks Middelalder,(København,1918),p.147–148.

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washardlyidealinaLutherancontext.Aswascommoninsuchcases–mostfamously in chants like Salve Regina that remained in the Lutheran litur-gy–theIcelandictranslatortookseveralliberties,inthiscaseemphasizingChrist’sbirthratherthanMary’simmaculatestate.IntheIcelandicversion,theopeningline(whichrequiresmanymoresyllablesthantheLatin)reads:“Throughheruntarnished,inviolateandpurevirginity,Marygave birth to her son”;thelinesuscipe pia laudum preconia becomes “May heaccepttheprayersofallthefaithful”,andmostimportantly,thefinalperoration(O be-nigna! O regina! O Maria! quae sola inviolata permansisti)becomes“Ogoodone,Omildone,OdearestJesus,whoforusdeignedtobeborn”.26

26 Other“Lutheran”versionsofthetextsurviveinGermanmid-sixteenthcenturysources,butthesedifferfromtheIcelandic;seeJaneD.Hatter,“ConvertingtheSoundscapesofWom-en’sRituals,1470–1560:Purification,Candles,andtheInviolata as Music for Churching”, in Conversions: Gender and Religious Change in Early Modern Europe,SimonDitchfieldandHelenSmith(eds.),(Manchester,2017),p.169–194.Theversionsofthechantinthetwo

Figure 9. Að óbrugðnum, óskertum og skærum meydóm(Inviolata,integraetcastaes,Maria)fromS.252a,NationalLibraryofSweden.Thefinalline(partlymiss-inginthismanuscriptduetopapertear)istakenfromStockhperg8vono.10,Ib,NationalLibraryofSweden.

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Althoughthescribeinitiallywroteemptystavesfortheentiretyoffol.1v,thelowerhalfofthepagecontainsnotmusicbutacollect.ThisisanIcelandictranslation of a collect found in Hans Tausen’s Danish hymnal of 1544/1553 aswellasPederPalladius’s1556Alterbog,whereitbelongstotheFeastoftheAnnunciation.TheoriginalDanishtextisasfollows:

OHerre/wibede/ingyddinnaadeivorehierter/atwisombekendeChristidinSønsvndfangelsevedEngelensbebudelse/maavedhanspineockaarsskommetilopstandelsisherlighed/VeddensammevorHerreJhesum/etc.27

Theappearanceof this collect inno. 10maybeuseful indating the frag-ment.ThetwoIcelandicbishoprics,seeminglyunwillingtoreachanyliturgi-calconsensusca.1550–90,eachemployeditsowntranslationoftheDanishoriginal.An Icelandic translation of theDanish textwas published by theSkálholtbishopMarteinnEinarssonin1555,whilethebishopatHólar,ÓlafurHjaltason,issuedhisowntranslationin1562;yetneitherisidenticaltothatfoundinno.10.28ThissuggeststhattheIcelandicversionfoundinno.10maybeanolderversion,producedsometimebetween1544and1555–althoughitcouldhavebeenproducedintheHólardioceseaslateas1562,sinceMarteinnEinarsson’searliertranslationwasnotadoptedinthenorthernquarter.

Thecontentsofmostof thesecond leafofno.10belong to feastsotherthan Christmas. Caritas deigenerallybelongstoWhitsunday,whileChristus resurgens estwas,accordingtoOrdo Nidrosiensis, sung on the fourth day of EasteraswellasthefourthSundayafterEaster.29 With the contents of a single leafvaryingsogreatlyintermsofliturgicalplacement,itseemsunlikelythatno.10wasafullliturgicalmanuscriptarrangedintemporalorder.Still,itsin-clusion of a collect suggests some kind of liturgical function. The translation of Christus resurgens est(Rom6:9)isidenticaltotheIcelandicNewTesta-ment translation of OddurGottskálksson,publishedin1540,andthislikelyprovidesaterminus post quemfortheIcelandicversionofthischant,andforthe contents of the Stockholm fragments in their entirety.

fragmentsarevirtuallyidentical,althoughno.10isnotatedinCmajorwhereasS.252aisinFmajor;no.10alsocontainstwosmalladditionsoftext(“Amen”and“Alleluia”).

27 Peder Palladius, Den ældste danske alterbog 1556,LisJacobsen(ed.),(Copenhagen,1918),p.86;EnNyPsalmebog1553,(Copenhagen,1983),fol.137r.

28 Marteinn Einarsson, Ein Kristilig handbog,(Copenhagen,1555),85v,Guðspjallabók1562,SigurðurNordal(ed.),(Copenhagen,1933),Gv.The1562(i.e.thenorthern)versionofthecollectwasreprintedinthe1594Graduale.

29 Ordo Nidrosiensis Ecclesiae,p.240,247–248.

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Unlikeno.10,thefragmentS.252aisbilingual,containingchantsbothinLatinandIcelandic.Itscontentsareasfollows:

1r: Sjáið þeir dagar munu koma(Eccediesvenient) 1v: Sjáið þeir dagar[...](cont.) Ecce dies venient(conclusionmissing) 2r: Hodie Christus natus est(inIcelandic,conclusiononly,emptystaves) Nesciens mater virgo(emptystaves) María mey og móðir mann ei snerti(Nesciensmater) 2v: María mey og móðir[...](cont.) Að óbrugðnum, óskertum[...](Inviolata)30

The twosurviving leavesofS.252acontainfourchantsrelated toAdvent,Christmas, andMarian feasts; twoare copiedboth inLatin and in Icelan-dic translation: Ecce dies venient and Nesciens mater virgo.Inaddition,theconclusion of Hodie Christus natus estsurvivesinIcelandictranslation,butwithoutnotation.NoneofthesechantsisfoundintheprintedIcelandicmis-sal/hymnals, not surprisingly, since these are chants for the office andnotthe mass.31Thepurposeofsuchabilingualchantbookisnotfullyclear,butperhaps itwasmeant to ensure that these items couldbe sungboth at thecathedrals(whereLatinschoolstudentsandstaffwerechargedwithsingingthemassinLatin)aswellasinsmallerchurcheswhereIcelandicwouldhavebeen used.

The contents of the Stockholm fragments raise many questions regarding theuseofplainchantwithintheIcelandicLutheranliturgy.SomeofthechantsseemindirectviolationoftheIcelandicchurchordinance;asnotedabove,theordinance allowed for only three sequences, and therefore Inviolatawouldseemtohavenoplaceinthenewliturgy.32 Also, vernacular translations of

30 Beneaththelaststaffon2viswrittenthetext(withoutmusic)toVerbum caro factum est: “Ordidvilldiverdaholld.All[elui]a./OgþadbygdemedossAll[elui]a.”ThispieceisnotfoundinNKS1384toortheDanishprintedpublicationsbyThomissønandJesperssøn,butit is listed in Ordo Nidrosiensis, see Ordo Nidrosiensis Ecclesiae,p.159.

31 Ecce dies venientisfound(incomplete)onthelastleafofAntiphonaleHolense(p.145);thisleafiswritteninanotherhandthantherestofthemanuscriptandmayhavebelongedtoan-other book of the same kind. This suggests that Ecce dies venientwaspartoftheliturgyforfirstvespersontheFirstSundayofAdventatHólarCathedral.SinceAntiphonaleHolenseismissingmusicfrom2AdventuntilEpiphany,itisimpossibletosaywhethertheotherChristmaschantsmentionedabovewerealsopartoftheliturgythere,butthisseemslikely.

32 EventheearlierRomanCatholicliturgyinIcelandseemssometimestohavegoneagainsttheNidarósordinance,soperhapsIcelandicclergymenwereaccustomedtoacertainde-greeoflatitude.AsGiselaAttingerhasshown,11sequencesareplaceddifferentlywithinthe liturgy than inotherNordic (pre-Reformation) sources, seeAttinger, “Sequences inTwoIcelandicMassBooksfromtheLaterMiddleAges”,inThe Sequences of Nidaros: A Nordic Repertory and Its European Context,LoriKruckenbergandAndreasHaug(eds.),(Trondheim,2006),p.135–182,p.170.Althoughoftenclassifiedasasequence,Inviolata wasoriginallyaResponsoryprosaandwasemployedinvariouswaysintheMiddleAges.Itmightthereforeconceivablyhavebeenusedintheofficeinsteadofatmass;seeThomasForrestKelly,“NewMusicfromOld:TheStructuringofResponsoryProsas”,Journal of the American Musicological Society,30(1977),p.388.

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Figure 10. Sjáið þeir dagar munu koma(Eccediesvenient)fromStockholmS.252a(fol.1r),NationalLibraryofSweden.

LatinintroitsandalleluiasdonotappearineithertheDanishGraduale of 1573 ortheIcelandicprintedgraduals.WhentheseliturgicalitemsweretobesunginDanishorIcelandic,thiswasdonenottotranslationsofplainchantLatin,buttoLutherantuneswhosetextshadbeentranslatedfromGerman. Luther himselfdidnotapproveofplainchant in thevernacular language,claimingthat the “true German way” demanded new melodies formed around theGermanlanguage.TheIcelandictranslationsarecertainlynotuniquewithintheNordic realm, but rather suggest a trend common inNordic/peripheralcountries. As JormaHannikainenandErkkiTuppurainenhaveobserved,the

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GregoriantraditioncontinuedintheSwedishkingdomlongaftertheRefor-mation,andvernacularplainchant isknowninSwedishsourcesstarting inthe1540s.33

TheliturgicalcontextoftheIcelandicfragmentsisnotalwaysclear.Thefragmentscontainmaterialforatleasttwomajorfeasts(ChristmasandtheAnnunciation),butalsoEaster,Whitsun,andTrinity.Perhapsthevolumesintheircompleteformcontainedaselectionofchantsandprayersforvariousfeasts, as supplementarymaterial to the liturgy. Furthermore, some of theitemsmayhavebeenintendedhereforfeastsotherthanthosewithwhichtheyarecommonlyassociated;forexample, therevised,Lutheran translationofInviolatamakesitmoreappropriateforChristmastidethantheoriginalLatin,whichwasoftenemployedattheFeastofthePurification.Furthermore,theconflationofmassandofficechantsseemsdifficulttoexplain:thefragmentscontainasequence, twointroits,andanalleluiafor themass,butalsofourantiphonsandaresponsoryfortheoffice.PresumablyofficechantswouldnothavebeensungoutsidethetwoLatinschools,where,aswehaveseeninNKS138andAntiphonariumHolense,suchmaterialwaspartoftherepertoryatleast until the end of the sixteenth century.

WhileaprecisedatingoftheStockholmfragmentsmayproveimpossible,itseemslikelythatthematerialcameintobeingbetween1544and1562,asnotedabove.Itseemsunlikelythatthecollectinno.10wouldhavebeencop-iedinitspresentformafter1562,whenbothIcelandicbishopshadpublishedtheir translations of the same text. The material seems certainly not to be youngerthanca.1570,sinceneithertheinfluenceoftheDanishPsalmebog (1569)norGraduale(1573)canbedetected.Also,thetranslationsofEcce dies venient and Egredietur virga(bothtotextsfromJeremiah)arenotconcordantwiththoseoftheIcelandicbible,publishedin1584.

Theauthor/translatorofthematerialislikewiseunknown.Sincethetrans-lationof the collect inno.10differs from thosebyMarteinn Einarsson at Skálholt and ÓlafurHjaltasonatHólar,thesetwobishopsseemunlikelyin-stigators—unless one of themmade two different translations, which stillcannotbeentirelyruledout.TheauthormusthavehadadeepgraspoftheLatin liturgy, andmay even have begun his career as aCatholic priest inthepre-Reformationera(asdidtheSkálholtbishopsMarteinn Einarsson and Gísli Jónsson,aswellas theHólarbishopÓlafurHjaltason).34 This liturgy

33 “VernacularGregorianChantandLutheranHymn-singinginReformation-eraFinland”,inRe-forming Texts, Music, and Church Art in the Early Modern North, Tuomas M.S. Lehto-nenandLindaKaljundi(eds.),(Amsterdam,2016),p.159.

34 It is not inconceivable that thematerial in the fragments is in someway related to the“hymnalofBishopÓlafurHjaltason”,whichisreferredtoinsixteenth-centurydocumentsbuthasnotsurvived.ArngrímurJónssonsuggeststhatthismaynothavebeenatraditionalLutheranhymnalatall,butrathera“missalandgraduale,insomewaybasedonavailableRomanCatholicmissals,translatedintoIcelandic”(Fyrstu handbækur presta á Íslandi eftir siðbót,p.163;seealsoJónÞórarinsson,Íslensk tónlistarsaga,p.208–210).SeveralsourcesfromtheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturyrefertosuchavolumeandalsothatBishop

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mayalsohaveoriginatedwithapriestworkingoutsidethecathedrals,wheth-eratabishop’srequestorinviolationoftheirprecepts.Forexample,thepriestSigurður Jónsson (whose fatherwas JónArason, the lastCatholic bishop),announcedinaletterdated24March1554thathewould,asofEasterSundaythatyear,“administerthatholysacrament,whichwecalltheserviceofthemass, in the mother tongue”.35Nothingmoreisknownofthetranslationstowhichherefers.IfthereisaconnectionbetweenJónssonandthetranslationsunderdiscussionhere,theStockholmfragmentsmustbecopiesofalostorig-inal,sinceneitherofthefragmentsisinSigurðurJónsson’shand.36

ThetwoStockholmfragmentscontainIcelandictranslationsofmassandofficechants;sincetheyhavethreepiecesincommon,thissuggestsatleastacertainuniformityofpracticewithintheareaoforigin(bothappeartohavecomefromthesamediocese,althoughwhetherSkálholtorHólarcannotbeestablished).Theydemonstratethatcertainclergymen–apparentlyofanold-ergeneration–wishedtocontinuetheuseofplainchantdespitethechangesbrought aboutby theReformation. It comesasno surprise that thedevoutLutheranbishopatHólar,GuðbrandurÞorláksson, shouldhaveobjected tosuchpracticeandessentiallyeliminatedit.37 The Graduale,printedunderhissupervision in 1594, established the details of a new liturgy for the entirecountry, and thus the translations found in the Stockholm fragmentswereforgottenforoverfourcenturies.Theyareareminderthatprintedvolumesrarelytellthewholestory,andprovideinsightintodecadesofliturgicalprac-ticeaboutwhichnexttonothingwaspreviouslyknown.

ÓlafurHjaltason“broughtordertothesingingofthemass”;seePállEggertÓlason,Menn og menntir siðskiptaaldarinnar á Íslandi,Vol.2,(Reykjavík,1922),p.614–615.

35 JS3754to,178–180,quotedinPállEggertÓlason,Menn og menntir siðskiptaaldarinnar á Íslandi,p.493–495.SigurðurJónssonwasamongIceland’sleadingclergymenandwastwiceelectedbishopatHólar,althoughtheDanishkingrefusedbothtimestoaccepthiselection.

36 OnSigurðurJónsson’shandwriting,seeJónHelgason,“Nokkuríslenzkhandritfrá16.öld”,Skírnir,106(1932),p.157.Severaldocumentsarebelievedtosurviveinhishand:AMDipl.Isl.Fasc.LIII2(1553),LIII1ogLVI4(bothfrom1566)andLVI32(1570),allinTheÁrniMagnússonInstituteinIcelandicStudies,Reykjavík.

37 Thequestionremains,andcannotbedefinitivelyanswered,whetherlostmaterialfromthefragmentary Stockholm volumes survives through transmission in other, later, sources. WhileIcelandictranslationsofplainchantoutsidetheprintedGraduale are rare, one ex-ampleisthesequenceStans a longe,foundinamanuscriptsongbookwrittenca.1670–80(Stóð álengdar staðlaus að gá,inAM1028vo,inTheÁrniMagnússonInstituteinIcelan-dicStudies,Reykjavík).ThismaterialwouldfitwellintheStockholmfragments,butcouldalso be of a later date. See Erik Eggen, The Sequences of the Archbishopric of Nidarós,Vol.1,p.lv,lxii,125;onthemanuscriptseeÁrniHeimirIngólfsson,“AM1028vo:Kvæða-ogtvísöngsbókfráVestfjörðum”,inGóssið hans Árna, minningar heimsins í íslenskum hand-ritum,JóhannaKatrínFriðriksdóttir(ed.),(Reykjavík,2014),p.36–49.

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4. Latin Liturgical Chant in Finnish andSwedisharound1600

Erkki Tuppurainen

InFinnishlibrariesandarchivestherearemorethan30sourcesofhandwrittentraditionalliturgicalchantsoftheWesternChurch,withmelodies,translatedintoSwedishand/orFinnishinthe1500–1600s.Inseveralsources,thechantshavebothLatin,SwedishandFinnishversions.Onemanuscript includesamelodyofatropeBenedicamus parvulo natowithtextsinallthreelanguages,thatisthesubjectofthischapter.Inadditiontothis,Iwillpresenttwoaddi-tionalchantswithSwedishtextprobablynotknownbefore,aMarianantiphonHæc est dies quam fecit Dominus, hodie,andaresponsoryDiscubuit Jesus. Thefourthexamplediscussedhere,anantiphonO sacrum convivium,withLatinandFinnishtext,hasprobablynotbeenfoundinotherNordicmanu- scriptsources.Thechantspresentedcanberegardedastypicalexamplesofearlyattemptstotransformthemelodytofollowthetextinanotherlanguage.Bestresultshavebeenachievedwhenthemelodyistreatedfreely,notsimplybytheadditionofrepetitive tones.Theexamples in thischapterhavebeenwritteninawaythatpresentsthedifferencesinhandlingthemelodicdetails.

Atthebeginningofthesixteenthcentury,liturgicalbooksprintedinGer-manywere inuse in thedioceseofTurku.TheMissale Aboense (1488)aswellastheManuale Aboense(1522)wereprintedespeciallyforFinland,theEasternpartoftheSwedishkingdom.1TheliturgyoftheTurkudiocesewasstrongly influencedby theDominicans.2 Inaddition to these, inFinnish li-brariesandarchivestherecanbefoundmorethan30manuscriptswithmelo-dieswrittenbyhandinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies.Thesesourcesinclude traditional liturgical chants of the Western Church, translated into Swedishand/orFinnish.Besides themanuscripts,handwrittenadditions toprintedbooksarealsofound.MostsourcesfoundinFinlandincludechantswith textsboth inLatin,Swedish,andFinnish.Often, theyexist inmanu-scriptsthatoriginateindifferentperiodsbuthavebeenbroughttogetherasaresult of the changes brought about by the Reformation. Olav D. Schalin has

1 Tuomas Heikkilä, “Painoa sanalle”,Kirjallinen kulttuuri keskiajan Suomessa, HeikkiläTuomasetal.(eds.),(Helsinki,2010),p.350–353.

2 Olav D. Schalin, Kulthistoriska studier till belysande av reformationens genomförande i FinlandI,(Helsinki,1946),p.133,JesseKeskiaho,“Liturginenjärjestäytyminen”,inKir-jallinen kulttuuri keskiajan Suomessa,HeikkiläTuomasetal. (eds.), (Helsinki,2010),p.92–104.

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analysedthetranslatedtextsofalmostallofthechants,andPenttiLempiäinen hascontinued theworkofSchalin.3Since then Ihave founda few furthermanuscriptsandresearchedthemelodies.Ihavepublishedaneditionthemostremarkable liturgicalmanuscript inFinland, theCodex Westh (1546?), andtogetherwithJormaHannikainen, the rest of the chants found in Finland.4 JormaHannikainenhaspublishedaneditionoftheuniquecollectionofIn-troitantiphonsinFinnishfortheentireecclesiasticalyear,writtenbyMichaelBartholdiGunnærusin1605.5SeveralmanuscriptscanalreadybeaccessedontheInternet.6

TheGregorian settingswereoriginally conceived tofit closelywith theLatin texts. Martin LutherdidnotapproveoftheuseoftheGermanlanguageinGregorianchant.Inhisopinion, thecombiningof theGermanlanguageandGregorianchantwasnotatallsensible,andthe“trueGermanway”de-mandedmelodiesformedaroundtheGermanlanguage.Luther seems to have opposedthestrictmethodofThomasMüntzerwhoaddedGermantextsthatsimply followed formerLatinmelodies.7 SeveralSwedish researchershavewrittenaboutchantswithtranslatedliturgicaltextsintheSwedishkingdomduringtheReformationperiodandaslateastheearly1600s.8 They have of-tenignoredtheFinnishsources.BesidestheOrdinaryoftheMass,thisworkhasbeenconcernedwithseveralotherchants,especiallythosetobeusedintheliturgyoftheHours.IntheReformationera,thetraditionofprayingtheHoursbegantovanish.IntheSwedishkingdom,eveningprayeronSaturdaysandSundays,andmorningprayeronSundayskepttheirposition,mainlyintheschooltowns.9

Text and MelodyIhavechosenfourchantsas typicalexamplesofattempts to transformthemelody to better follow the text in another language. At its simplest thishasbeenachievedbyrepeatingthesametone.Thismethodoccursespecial-ly frequently in theFinnish-languagechantswith itsoften longwordsand

3 Schalin, Kulthistoriska studierI,PenttiLempiäinen,Liturgista kehitystä Suomessa uskon-puhdistuksen ja puhdasoppisuuden aikana valaisevia lähteitä,(Helsinki,1967).

4 Codex Westh. Westhin koodeksin kirkkolaulut, ErkkiTuppurainen (ed.), (Kuopio, 2012),Suomenkielisiä kirkkolauluja 1500–1600-luvuilta,ErkkiTuppurainenandJormaHannika-inen(eds.),(Kuopio,2010).

5 JormaHannikainen,Michael Bartholdi Gunnærus: Officia Missæ (1605),(Helsinki,2009).6 See Codices Fennici,adigitalcollectionofmedievalandsixteenth-centurymanuscriptswrittenorusedinFinland,bytheFinnishLiteratureSociety(2016–),www.codicesfennici.fi/?language=en.

7 KlausDanzeglocke,“DeutscheGregorianikinderEvangelischenTradition”,I.A.H. Bulle-tin,23(1995),p.61–88.

8 See e.g. Sigurd Kroon, Ordinarium missae. Studier kring melodierna till Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus och Agnus Dei t.o.m.1697 års koralpsalmbok,(Lund,1953).

9 RagnarHolte, “LaurentiusPetri ochgudstjänstsången”, inLaurentius Petri och svenskt gudstjänstliv,(Årsbokförsvensktgudstjänstliv,79),(Skellefteå,2004),p.83–87.

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expressions. Better results have been achievedwhen themelody has beentreatedmorefreely.AgoodexampleisthecollectionofIntroitusantiphonsin Finnish, Officia Missae,written in 1605 by theHelsinki school teacherMichaelBartholdiGunnærus.Unfortunately,thecorrespondingSwedish-lan-guagecollectionpreparedbyGunnærus has been lost.10

Inthischapter,Iwillexaminethefollowingfourchants:

• HæcestdiesquamfecitDominus,hodie• DiscubuitIesus• Benedicamusparvulonato• O sacrum convivium

OutsideFinland, thefirst chantmentionedaboveappearsnot tohavebeenfound with a Swedish text. The third chant, found in a manuscript fromHämeenkyrö (Tavastkyro) church archive, is a unique example in havingtexts inall three languagesunderonemelody. Inaddition, IwillpresentafurtherchantwithLatinandFinnishtextsonly.Forthischant,noSwedishtranslationfromthe1500sor1600shasbeenfound.Thesefourchantsillus-tratehowGregorianmelodieshavebeenreworkedwhenthetextshavebeentranslated into vernacular languages.

Inalmostallsourcesthereareobviouserrorsbothinthetextandinthenotation,especiallyintheuseofclefs.Inthefollowingexamples,Ihavetriedtocorrecttheerrors,bycomparingthechantwiththoseinnumerousFinnishsourcesthatIhavepreviouslyexaminedaswellaswithwell-knowninterna-tional sources.11

HæcestDiesQuamFecitDominus,HodieAccordingtoIlkkaTaitto,theantiphonofAnnunciationHæc est dies quam fecit Dominus, hodiedoesnotbelongtotheearlyGregoriancorerepertoire.12 Itwas probably only used in Sweden by theBridgettine order. In Finnishsources,theAntiphonprecedestheMagnificat. Taitto has analysed nine uni-formvariantsinFinnishsourcesfromtheyears1460to1600.Sevenofthesevariants derive from the post-Reformation period. In four of the sources,there is also a section in 2–4voices,Hodie Deus homo factus, perhaps to

10 JormaHannikainen,Suomeksi suomalaisten tähden. Kansankielisen tekstin ja sävelmän suhde Michael Bartholdi Gunnæruksen suomenkielisessä Officia Missae -introituskokoel-massa (1605),(Kuopio,2006),p.71.

11 ErkkiTuppurainen,“IisalmennuottikäsikirjoitusSuomen1600-luvunjumalanpalvelusmu-siikinesimerkkinä”,Teologinen Aikakauskirja, 1997:1,p.26–38,Tuppurainen,“Finnische‘Affenmusik’.LiturgischeHandschriftenausdem16.und17.Jahrhundert”,Jahrbuch für Liturgik und Hymnologie 1996/1997, (1997), p. 222–230, Tuppurainen andHannikainen(eds.),Suomenkielisiä kirkkolauluja 1500–1600-luvuilta.

12 IlkkaTaitto,Documenta gregoriana. Latinalaisen kirkkolaulun lähteitä Suomessa, (Por-voo, 1992), p. 435–441, 499–500, Ilkka Taitto,Fragmenta membranea IV. Inventory of Sources of Medieval Latin Chant in Finland,(Padasjoki,2002),p.19–35.

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Figure 11. Hæc est dies quam fecit Dominus, hodie.Latin:AntiphonariumTam-melense,260r–v.Swedish:ManuscriptfromIisalmi(Idensalmi),74–76.Finnish:ManuscriptfromIisalmi(Idensalmi),76–77.

Figure 12. Hæc est dies quam fecit Dominus, hodie.FragmentfromtheSwedishversioninIisalmi.

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beperformedasanorganum.ThispracticeisalsoknowninGermanyafterthe Reformation, in the Psalmodia of Lucas Lossius, among others.13IntheSwedishArticuli Ordinantiæ(1540)theAntiphonismentionedasaGradual.14

An early Finnish translation, Tämä on päiuä ionga teki Jumala, is found in Antiphonarium Tammelense.15 The manuscript originates from the pre-Reformationperiod,butaccordingtoSchalintheFinnishtextswereaddedinthemid-16thcentury.16Unfortunately,onepartofthetextismissing,andthewayinwhichthetextwasadjustedtothemelodyisunclear.Twolatersourc-esderivedfromtheeasternVyborgdiocesecontainFinnishtranslations:themanuscriptofThomasThomæfromBorgå(withtheopeningwordsTämä on se päiwä)andthatfromIisalmi.17 The latter may originate from the Hauho parishandalsocontainsaSwedishversion,probablytheonlyonefoundinFinlandandSweden.18

IntheversionofHæc est diesfromIisalmi(Figure11)thedoublebarlinesprobablyindicatethepracticeofalternatingchoirgroups.Typicaldifferencesbetweentheversionsindifferentlanguagesalreadyappearatthebeginning.Both“Thenneär then”and“Tämäonse”contain twosyllablesmore thantheLatinwords“Hæcest”,whichhasmadeitnecessarytorepeatthetonee andthentoseparatethefirsttonefromthefollowingligature.Ontheotherhand,atthebeginningofthesecondphrase,therepeatedtone a is missing on theLatinword“Hodie”.FortheSwedishword“Herren”threeligaturesarerequiredinsteadoffourfortheLatin“afflictionem”andfivefortheFinnish“hänencansanspäll”.

Amajorchangeoccursinthesecondphrasebecauseofthedifferentmodesofexpressionandthewordorderofthethreelanguages.Thistimethecontentof the text is much shorter in Finnish, and therefore a longer section of the finalpartofthemelodyhasbeenomitted.

Itseemsthatintheadaptationofthemelody,ithasoftenbeenattemptedtoobservethegrammaticalemphasesofthenewlanguage.Forexample,theword“sendt”inthesecondlinehasbeenplacedtocorrespondtotheemphasisonthefourthsyllableoftheword“redemptionem”.However,attemptshaveonlybeenmadetomodifythemelodysothatthemeaningfulwordsofthetexthavecorrespondingemphasis incaseswhere themeaningfulwordappearsinadifferentplacetothatintheLatintext.Areversephenomenonisfound

13 Lucas Lossius, Psalmodia, hoc est, Cantica sacra veteris ecclesiæ selecta. [...] per Lucam Lossium Luneburgensem,(Wittenberg,1553),p.CCVI–CCVII,LucasLossius,Psalmodia, hoc est, Cantica sacra veteris ecclesiæ selecta.[…]aucta per Lvcam Lossivm Lvnebvrgen-sem,(Wittenberg,1561),(Facsimileedition:Stuttgart,1996),p.193r–194v.

14 Schalin, Kulthistoriska studier I, p.42.15 Antiphonarium Tammelense,ÅboAkademiLibrary,manuscriptdepartment,f.260r–v.16 Schalin, Kulthistoriska studier,I,p.14–15.17 Ibid,p.41–42,105.18 ManuscriptfromIisalmi,Iisalmichurcharchive,Swedish:74–76,Finnish:76–77.SeealsoTuppurainen,“Iisalmen”.

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inthesecondline,whereboththeFinnishword“ja”andthecorrespondingSwedish“och”areemphasizedunnecessarilystronglythroughaligature.

AnalternativeendingwithAllelujahasbeenwritten insomeLatinver-sionsforthosesituationswhenAnnunciationfallsafterEaster.IntheFinnishIisalmiversion,aftertheantiphon,onlyMagnificat-differentiaisfoundwithadditions seculorum q[uar]ti(indicatingthattheMagnificatshouldbesunginModus4=hypophrygianmode)andthebeginningoftheMagnificat:“MunsielunsurestiylistäpiHerraa[…]”.TheseadditionsaremissingintheSwedishIisalmiversion.

AfreeandrhymedhymntextbasedontheantiphonisincludedinHem-ming of Masku’s hymnal Yxi Wähä Suomenkielinen Wirsikiria (1605),19 and again in the hymnal Uusi Suomalainen Wirsikirja (1701),20 in thegroupofChristmashymns.AsectionofthetexthasoptionsforbothChristmasandforAnnunciation.ThemelodywiththistranslationisfoundonlyinHenricusMalm’s school songbook from the second half of the eighteenth century.21

DiscubuitIesusThe responsory (Responsorium Prolixum) Discubuit Jesus, based on the WordsofInstitution,ispresentinseveralmedievalFinnishsources.ItisalsoknowninSwedenfromatleast1472.22 A slightly altered Latin text is included innumerousGermansourcesfromthe1530s.ThankstoHermannBonnus, it wasincludedinLowGermanhymnalsfrom1543.Aftertheseventeenthcen-tury, Discubuit JesuswasmainlyinuseintheCisterciantradition.ItwasusedintheMassinsteadoforinadditiontotheSanctus,especiallyonMaundyThursdayandthefeastofCorpusChristi,apparentlyduringtheprocession.23 ThehypophrygianmelodyresemblesaSanctusmelodyusedintheSwedishkingdomattheendoftheMiddleAges.ThesimilarSanctus-tropeTibi laus wasalsosungspeciallyatCorpusChristi.24

Discubuit Jesus is also included in Hans Tausen’s Danish hymnal of 1553,25 and,withmelody, in thePsalmodia of Lucas Lossius.26However, theme-lodicdetails inFinnishmanuscriptsoftendiffer fromLossius’s editions. A

19 [YXi Wähä Suomenkielinen Wirsikiria],HemminkiMaskulainen(ed.),[Stockholm,1605],YXi Wähä Suomenkielinen Wirsikiria,(Rostock,1607).

20 Uusi Suomenkielinen Wirsikirja,(Turku,1701).21 The Finnish National Library, CöV32.SeealsoOlavD.Schalin,Kulthistoriska studier till

belysande av reformationens genomförande i FinlandII,(Helsinki,1947),p.140.22 Ann-MarieNilsson,“‘Discubuit’:aService,aProcession,orBoth?SomeNotesontheDis-cubuitJesusinNorthEuropeanTraditions”,inLaborare fratres in unum. Festschrift Laszlo Dobszay zum 60. Geburtstag, (Hildesheim,1995),p.241–248.

23 FriederSchulz,“‘DiscubuitJesus’.VerbreitungundHerkunfteinesevangelischenAbend-mahlgesanges”, Jahrbuch für Liturgik und Hymnologie,25(1981),p.27–48.

24 Sigurd Kroon, Tibi laus. Studier kring den svenska psalmen nr 199,(Lund,1954),passim.25 NatanaelFransén,Koralbok till Then Swenska Ubsala Psalmboken 1645. Sveriges äldsta

bevarade koralbok. Enligt MönsteråshandskriftenI,(Stockholm,1940),p.174–175,182.26 Lossius, Psalmodia1553,p.CCLXXXIX–CCXCI,1561,p.295v–296v.

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somewhatdifferentversionoftheresponsoryisalsoincludedinthecollectionAntiphonæ et responsoria in vespertinis canenda (1568),printedinLübeckfor Riga,27 and in its later edition from 1615.28 In the latter collection, theresponsoryhastheheadingPueri canunt in Diebus Iouis (the boys sing on Thursdays/MaundyThursdays).Itisgivenasaeucharisticchantintheprint-edSwedishchurchhandbookof1548.29Theopeningphrasesofthetextarethe only Latin in the collection Een liten Songbook,publishedinSwedeninthe1540sandagainin1553.30 The chant is also included in the Liber cantus, publishedwithprintedmusicinUppsalain1620.31InFinland,Discubuit Je-sus is mentioned in Michael Agricola’s Messu(1549)asaCommunionsongalongside twohymnsbyLuther inSwedishandDivinum mysterium.32 The responsoryisstillmentionedintheChurchHandbookofJohannesGezelius theElder(1669).33ItisincludedwithLatintextandwithmelodyinnumer-ousFinnishmanuscriptsfromtheMiddleAgesuntiltheearlydecadesoftheeighteenth century.

TheLatintextoftheresponsoryintheSwedishsourcesisveryclosetothatof Lossius’s editions:

DiscubuitIesus,&discipulieiuscumeo,&ait: desideriodesiderauihocPaschamanducareuobiscumantequàmpatiar. Etacceptopanegratiasagensfregit,&deditillis,dicens: Hocestcorpusmeum. Etacceptocalicegratiasagens,deditillis,&ait: Hic est sanguis meus. Edite&bibiteexhocomnes, &facitequotiescunquefeceritisinmeicommemorationem. Dicens,hocestcorpusmeum,&sanguismeus. Gloriapatripotentissimo&Filioeiusunigenito, &Spirituisanctissimoparacleto, sicuteratinprincipio.Dicens.

However,therepeatedsection“Dicens[...]”intheSwedishsourcesislongerand contains the text beginning with “Et accepto”. In addition, the word“biberitis”occursinsteadof“feceritis”,andtheorderofwordsischangedin“dedit et ait illis”.

TheonlyFinnish-languageversionof the responsoryhasbeen found inthe Codex Westh,datedtothe1540s.Thepagesincludingthisresponsoryare

27 Antiphonæ et responsoria in vespertinis canenda,(Lübeck,1568),p.57r–58v.28 Antiphonæ et responsoria in vespertinis canenda,(Riga,1615).29 Nilsson,“‘Discubuit’”,p.242.30 Een liten Songbook til at bruka j Kyrkionne. AnnoMDLIII, (Facsimile edition, Lund,1977),p.53–55.

31 Liber cantus,(Uppsala,1620),(Facsimileedition:Liber cantus Upsaliensis,Lund,1943),p.59–61.

32 Messu eli Herran Echtolinen,MichaelAgricola(ed.),(Stockholm,1549),p.Dij.33 Käsikiria Jumalan palweluxesta, ja christilisistä kircon menoista,(Turku,1669),p.52.

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Figure 14. Discubuit Iesus. Fragment from the Skara version.

Figure 13. Discubuit Iesus. Latin: Sångbok II in the Finnish Church, Stockholm, 220r.Swedish:AhandwrittenappendixtoPiæ Cantiones(1582)inStifts- och landsbiblioteket[Diocesanlibrary](Sweden).Finnish:CodexWesth,131v–132v.

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ratherdifficulttoreadandmayhavebeenwrittenlaterthanthemainbodyof themanuscript.ThetextdiffersfromotherNordicsources.TheFinnishtranslationof thesection“Etacceptocalice[...]”correspondsinpart to theextended text, found for example in the four-part version in the edition ofBalthasarResinarius(1543):34

Similiteretacceptocalicedixit:HicestcalixnovumTestamentuminmeosanguinequiprovobiseffunditurinremissionempeccatorum.

ThemelodyinthisextendedsectionispracticallythesameasinthefollowingtwosectionsoftheLatintext.35AfurtheradditionattheendoftheresponsorycontainsonepartoftheusualGloria Patri.CorrespondingLatinwordshavebeenwrittenbelowtheaddedFinnishsections.

I encountered the Swedish translation of the responsory in 2006 whendealingwithacopyofPiæ Cantiones(1582),preservedinStifts- och lands-biblioteket[Diocesanlibrary]inSkara(Sweden).36Ahandwrittentextbeforethebook’smusicalsectionreads:“SumEgohuiusLiberGeorgijsMartini na-tus575[?]RymetylääcisannoDomini1611”.TheownerofthebookprobablycamefromRymättylä(Rimito)inFinland.37 Above the melodies of some of thecantios,hereandthere,arewordstranslatedintoFinnish,whichIhadlittleusefor.Ontheotherhand,Iwasinterestedinahandwrittenaddition,whichincluded,inadditiontoafewotherchants,Discubuit Jesuswithmusic–butonlywithSwedishtext.Thisversionisnear-identicaltothat(fromabout1575)foundinStigtomtachurch,Sweden.38

TheSwedishtextinthemanuscriptiscloselylinkedtotheLatinone.How-ever,theword“så”hasbeenaddedintwoplaces,andinthesentence“andthenhetookbread,gavethanks,brokeitandgaveittohisdisciples”theword“lärjungar”occursinsteadof“illis”,whichintheFinnishtexthasanexactequivalent,“heille”.Thecorrespondingword“opetuslastens” is for itspartfoundintheFinnishtextconcerningthedistributionofwine.Thetranslation“hansenföddason”of“Filioeiusunigenito”continueswith“JesuChristo”.Theword“pascha”hasbeentranslatedinto“nattvard”(Eucharist)insteadof“pääsiäislammas”(Easterlamb)intheFinnishversion.Theword“ähra”(glo-ry)maybeaspellingmistake,insteadof“ätha”(eat)(Figure13and14).ThemelodyintheSwedishresponsoryisalmostidenticaltotheLatinversionsinEen liten Songbook and Liber cantus.

34 Schulz,“‘DiscubuitJesus’”,p.29.35 ThesamemelodyisfoundinagroupofearlierDiscubuit-versionsinatextdescribingthefeastofAhasuerus(Esther1)(Schulz,“‘DiscubuitJesus’”,p.37).SeealsoNilsson,“‘Dis-cubuit’”,p.241,246–247.

36 Piae Cantiones ecclesiasticae et scholasticae veterum episcoporum,(Greifswald,1582).37 AGeorgiusMartini(Lepus)ismentionedasvicarofTammelaparishfrom1581toatleast1602, possibly until his death in 1615 (Eeva Ojanen, Tammelan seurakunnan historia, (Forssa,1990),p.53.However,hemusthavebeenbornbefore1575.

38 Author’semailcorrespondencewithMattiasLundberg,Uppsala,21January2018.

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Benedicamus Parvulo NatoBenedicamus parvulo natofromHämeenkyröisararecase.Herethetextsforbothstanzasandallthreelanguageshavebeenplacedinanexceptionalway.Here,eachword’sfirstsyllableliesonthesameverticallineasthetonesyllable it is to be sung on.However, the vertical lines distinguishing thewordsfromeachotherhavebeenwrittenonlybyfollowingthefirstphraseoftheFinnishtext.Thetext’semphasesarequitenaturalinallthreelanguages.OnlyinthesecondstanzaoftheFinnishtextaretheredifficulties.

Thefollowingtranscriptionhasbeenwrittenonfourlinesinsteadoffiveinbothsources.ThesecondstanzafollowstheRigaversion.

Benedicamustropes,extendedversionsoftheversicleBenedicamus Domi-no/Deo dicamus gratias,attheendoftheMass,werepopularatecclesiasticalfeastsinEuropeduringtheMiddleAges.39IntheBridgettineOfficeCantus

39 AnneWaltersRobertson,“BenedicamusDomino:TheUnwrittentradition”,Journal of the American Musicological Society,Vol.41:1(1988),p.1–62.

Figure 15. Benedicamus parvulo nato,ManuscriptfromHämeenkyrö,25r.(Note:Obviousnotationerrors:seventonesatthebeginningofthesecondrow,andtwotonesattheendofthethirdrow.)

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Figure 16. Benedicamus parvulo nato.SwedishandFinnish:ManuscriptfromHämeenkyrö(Tavastkyro),25r.Latin:Antiphonæ et responsoria in vespertinis canenda(1568),53r.

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sororum,aspecialBenedicamustropewassungeverymorning.40InFinland,thetropeswereclearlyverypopularduringthelaterdecadesofthesixteenthcentury and even in the second half of the seventeenth.

ThisChristmastropeisprobablybasedonthemelodyofSvmmvm in the Benedicamvs in diversis festis in Lucas Lossius’s Psalmodia.41 The above ver-sionappearsinAntiphonæ et responsoria in vespertinis canenda,printedin1568 inLübeck foruse inRiga,and in theBenedicamus Diversa inFranz Eler’s Cantica sacra.42 In theRigaversion, as inFinnish sources, thefirststanzabeginswiththewordsBenedicamus parvulo nato. InEler’s version, thefirstphrasebeginswiththewordsBenedicamus æterno regi, and in some otherplacesthewordsalsodiffer.InsomeotherGermansources,thewordshavechangedplaceinasimilarway,oronlythesecondstanzaisincluded,possiblyindicatingthatthepriesthadtosingthefirst.

TheFinnishmanuscript Liber Ecclesiæ Tammelensis (15r) includes anoth-er Finnish translation Kijttäkäm piendä poica ioca seimes maca. The text hasbeenwritteninquiteanunclearway.Asthetitleforthesecondstanza,itsfirstwordsareset.43TheprobablylaterFinnishversionKijtäkäm lasta nyt syndynytfollowstheprintedtextinthehymnalofJonasRaumannus (Suomen kielinen Wirsi Kirja [...],1646,p.204).44 The text, translated more freely than theSwedishandomittingthefinaldoxology,isfoundinpreviousmanuscriptsfromLoppi,Maaria (St.Marie), andHämeenkyrö (Tavastkyro), and in theschool songbooks of Malm and Thomas Sackelius from the second half of the seventeenthcentury,butitwasnotincludedintherenewedhymnalin1701.Themelodiesinthemanuscriptshaveonlyinsignificantdifferences.IntheHämeenkyröversion,thetextbelowthemelodyissetinanunusualway,inthreelanguages:Latin,FinnishandSwedish.TheSwedishtextTackom and lofwom thet nÿfödda barnethassofarnotbeenfoundelsewhere.

TheversionintheHämeenkyrömanuscriptisverysimilartothatintheAntiphonæof1568.Inallthreelanguageversions,thetexthasbeenplacedinthesamewayasinAntiphonæ,sothatwordsbeginstrictlybelowthecorre-spondingtoneeachtime.VerticallinesdividingthewordshavebeendrawnaccordingtothefirstphraseintheFinnishtext.Inthesecondstanza,someligaturesbelongingtotheLatintexthavebeendivided.Attheendofthefirstlineandatthebeginningofthesecondthereisanobviouscopyingerror:the

40 IlkkaTaitto,Documenta gregoriana. Latinalaisen kirkkolaulun lähteitä Suomessa, (Por-voo,1992),p.488.

41 Lossius, Psalmodia1553,CCLIIII,1561,262r.42 Cantica sacra […] Accommodata et edita ab Francisco Elero Vlysseo, Hambvrgi. Excude-

bat Jacobus Wolff. Anno M.D.XIIC,p.CCLXI.43 Olav D. SchalinhasidentifiedneitherthemelodynorthetitleDeo dicamus to the second stanzaandseesthestanzaasanindependentchant.Schalin, Kulthistoriska studierI,p.45,97.

44 Suomen kielinen Wirsi kirja enimmiten M. Jacobilda Suomalaiselta, ja Mascun herr Hem-mingiltä suomexi tehty,JonasRaumannus(ed.),(Turku:Waldilda,1646).

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melodyliesathirdtoolow.InmytranscriptionthemelodyhasbeenchangedtofollowtheotherFinnishmanuscripts.

O Sacrum ConviviumThefamousMagnificatantiphonO sacrum convivium is included in the sec-ondvesper at the celebrationofChrist’s body andblood (In Festo Corpo-ris Christi).DespiteitsCatholicemphasis,theantiphonisstillreferredtoin

Figure 17. O sacrum convivium. Latin:ManuscriptfromMarttila(StMårtens),167v–168r.Finnish:AhandwrittenappendixtoMichaelAgricola’spassiontextSe meiden Herran Jesusen Christusen Pina (1549, 2ndedition1616),intheFinnishNationalLibrary(Helsinki),Rv13/1.

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the directive De officiis fromtheeraofarchbishopLaurentiusPetri (around 1565),tobesungintheMass.45

ThehypophrygianmelodybearsmanysimilaritiestothatoftheSanctusforPentecostandthetwochantsHæc est dies and Discubuit Jesus, all men-tionedpreviously.O sacrum conviviumoccursinseveralmanuscriptsfoundinFinland.ThetitleoftheMarttila(StMårtens)manuscript,Sub Communione Cantus, refers to the Eucharist. So far no other vernacular translations of the antiphonhavebeenfoundinNordicmanuscriptsources.

Earlierresearchershavenotnotedahandwrittenappendixtoacopyofthe1616 edition ofMichaelAgricola’sHarmony passion (1549) in theFinnishNational Library.46 BetweenthatantiphontextandthatinAgricola’s Prayer book Rucouskiria(1544),thereisonlyaslightdifferenceintheorthography.47 ThetranslationfollowstheLatintextexactly.NoearlyversionoftheSwedishtranslationhasbeenfoundatpresent.

ConclusionMartin Luther’smethodoffollowingthecharacteristicsoftheGermanlan-guageishighlyrespectedevennowadaysinGermany.Theterm“DeutscheGregorianik”referstoawayofusingGregoriantunesinamoreliberalway.ThesameideaisalsogenerallyacceptedinliturgicalsingingintheNordicLutheranchurches.ThechantspresentedhereareearlyandrathersuccessfulexamplesofattemptstosingGregorianchantinthetwovernacularlanguagesoftheSwedishkingdom.

45 Christer Pahlmblad, Mässa på svenska. Den reformatoriska mässan i Sverige mot den sen-medeltida bakgrunden,(Lund,1998),p.219,LarsEckerdal,“KommunionsångiSvenskakyrkan”, in Hjärtats tillit – Trosförmedling i luthersk tradition,(Årsbokförsvensktguds-tjänstliv,82),Sven-ÅkeSelander(ed.),(Skellefteå,2007),p.84.

46 Se Herran Jesusen Christusen Pina,MichaelAgricola(ed.),(Stockholm,1549).47 Rucouskiria, MichaelAgricola(ed.),(Stockholm,1544),p.CCXLIII.

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5. Music, Politics, and the Reformed LivonianServiceBooksof1530and1537

Anne Heminger

The role of music in the spread of religious reform in German-speakinglands has been a topic of considerable scholarly focus in recent decades.Musicologicalresearchhasstressedinparticulartheimportanceofprintcul-ture in the early years of the Reformation, and scholars have demonstrated howprintedbooks,leaflets,andothermaterialswerecrucialforthespreadandadoptionofreform.1ScholarshipfocusingontheedgesoftheLutheranworld,however–especiallyonthenorthernmostcitiesof theHanseaticLeague–hasremainedquitelimited.ThisstudytakesasitsfocustwoGerman-textedservicebooksprintedforuseintheBalticstateofLivoniain1530and1537,examining the substantial musical changes that occurred to the initial volume whenitwasrevisedin1537foruseinallthreemajorLivoniancities(Riga,Reval,andDorpat).2The1530editionstrikesaconciliatorytone,offeringitsuserssubstantialfreedomwhilesimultaneouslyattemptingtobringpracticesinRigainlinewiththosebeyondthebordersofLivonia.Itslackofanyser-vicemusic–saveacollectionofnew,liturgicallyorganizedLutheranhymns–meantthatcongregationsremainedreliantonolderCatholicmusicbooksbutmightchoosewhichtunestouseastheywished.Itscreators’choicetoap-pendaconsiderablequantityofLowGermanhymnstotheendofthevolume,meanwhile,demonstratestheirstrongcommitmenttovernacularmusicasaneffectivemeansfordeliveringtheprinciplesofLutherantheologytoLivoniancongregations.

1 See,forexample,RobinA.Leaver,The Whole Church Sings: Congregational Singing in Luther’s Wittenberg,(GrandRapids,MI,2017),ChristopherBoydBrown,Singing the Gos-pel: Lutheran Hymns and the Success of the Reformation, (Cambridge,MA,2005), andDanielTrocmé-Latter,The Singing of the Strasbourg Protestants, 1523–1541, (Farnham, Surrey,2015).

2 LittlescholarshipexistsonmusicandreligiousreforminLivonia,despitethesurvivalofeditionsoftheserviceorderandhymnalspublishedforusetherein1530,1537,1548/9,1559,1567,and1592.KonradAmeln,MarkusJennyandWaltherLipphardt(eds.),Das deutsche Kirchenlied: kritische Gesamtausgabe der Melodien,SeriesBVol.8ofRépertoire inter-national des sources musicales,(Kassel,1975)givecitationsforalloftheaforementionedexceptthe1548/9edition(acopyofwhichishousedattheHerzogAugustBibliothekinWolfenbüttel), plus an editionof 1574 that is no longer extant.Copies of the remainingLivonianserviceordermaybefoundattheUppsalaUniversityLibrary(1530,1592),theStaatsbibliothekBerlin(1537,1559,and1592;citationsinDKLareincorrect),andinRiga(1567).

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Althoughthemodificationsmadetotheoriginalvolumein1537werecer-tainlydependentontheologicalconsiderations,thepoliticalconflictsinLivo-niabetweenvariousfactionsinlocal,regional,andecclesiasticalgovernmentalsoshapedthecompilers’decisiontoputforwardanexpanded,streamlinedvolume.Amajorchangeinthe1537editionwastheincorporationofspecif-ic German- and Latin-texted liturgical chant. This suggests that Livonianreformerssawthepotentialvalueinachant-basedliturgy,whichmightbothappease conservatives andcontinue to linkLivonianpractices to reformedcommunitiesthroughouttheGerman-speakingworld.TheexpansionoftheLowGermanhymnalin1537,meanwhile,showsthecompilers’strongcom-mitmenttousinghymnodytoteachthenewdoctrine.Indeed,byincludingmusic for both a church’s choir and its congregants in the 1537 edition, Li-vonian reformers intentionally created avolume that coulddo theworkofstreamliningandspreadingreformedtheologyandanewliturgyatatimeofpoliticaluncertainty.

At the beginning of the sixteenth century, the Livonian Confederation oc-cupiedthecoastoftheBalticSeabetweentheGrandDuchyofLithuaniatothesouthandRussia to theeast,coveringmostofwhat isnowLatviaandEstonia.3UnliketherestofWesternEurope,wherelargeareasoflandwereincreasinglyruledbymonarchies,Livoniawasdividedintoseveralbishopricssurroundingtownsorcities,withtheremainderofthelandheldbyknightsoftheLivonianOrder(seeFigure18).Theupper-andmiddle-classcitizensofRiga,Reval,andDorpatweremostlymerchantsandartisans,loyaltotheinterestsoftheirowncities.4Moreover,thesecitieswereinfluentialmembersoftheHanseaticLeague,whosetradedealingsallowedcontactwithGermanmerchants from cities around the Baltic.5Thepoliticaltensionthesearrange-ments inspired,with theMaster of theLivonianOrder, theArchbishop ofRigaandhisbishops,andthecitycouncilsconstantlyatoddsovercontroloflandrevenuesandlegaljurisdiction,wasoneoftheprimaryfactorsleadingtotherapid,widespreadadoptionofreligiousreforminLivoniancities.Al-though recentlyhistorians suchas JoachimKuhlesandChristophSchmidt havedemonstratedclose linksbetweenLutheranreformandpolitics inLi-vonia,theyhavelefttheintersectionoftheseissueswithmusicandliturgylargelyunexplored.6

Publicdiscussionof religiousreformtrulybegan inRiga in1522,whenon12JunethereformerAndreasKnopkendisputedwithagroupofCatholic

3 For a brief history of medieval Livonia, see Andrejs Plakans, A Concise History of the Bal-tic States,(Cambridge,2011),chapter2:“TheNewOrder,1200–1500”.

4 IlgvarsMisans,“DieStädtealspolitischerFaktorinLivlandzurHansezeit”,inStädtisches Leben im Baltikum zur Zeit der Hanse,NorbertAngermann(ed.),(Lüneburg,2003),p.31.

5 Erik Tiberg, Moscow, Livonia and the Hanseatic League 1487–1550,(Stockholm,1995),p.12–16.

6 Joachim Kuhles, Die Reformation in Livland – religiöse, politische und ökonomische Wirkungen, (Hamburg,2007),ChristophSchmidt,Auf Felsen gesät: Die Reformation in Polen und Livland,(Göttingen,2000).

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Figure 18. MapoftheLivonianConfederationbefore1558.

monksattheparishchurchofSt.Peter’sandquicklywonthesupportofthosegathered.7 At the concurrently held Livonian diet in Wolmar, the knights of theLivonianOrderanddelegatesfromcitycouncilsreiteratedlong-held,par-

7 LeonidArbusow,Die Einführung der Reformation in Liv- Est- und Kurland; im Auftrage der Gesellschaft für Geschichte und Altertumskunde zu Riga,(Leipzig,1921),p.195,OttoPohrt, Reformationsgeschichte Livlands: ein Überblick, (Leipzig,1928),p.26.

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alleldesiresforindependencefromthejurisdictionoftheCatholicChurch,towhom theywere required topay considerable tithes.8 Shortly after this, JohannLohmüller,thecityclerkofRiga,wrotealettertoMartinLuther on behalfofthecitizens.Luther’sreply,althoughitdidnotarriveuntilthefol-lowingyear,providedencouragementforthepeopleofLivoniawhiledeliv-eringawarningthateventhestaunchestreformerscouldbeturnedfromthetruepath.9Emboldenedby thecommongroundsharedwith theknightsofthe Order and Luther’sreply,citizensinRigarequestedreformedministersforthetwocitychurches,StPeter’sandSt.Jakob’s,andLutheranreformersbeganpreachinginReval(late1523)andDorpat(early1524).10AselsewhereintheBaltic,muchofthisinitialsupportwasopenlyhostiletotheestablishedchurch;1524and1525sawarashoficonoclasminallthreecities.11

Yetevenwhileenthusiasmforreligiousreformreliedon thedestructionofchurchproperty,newformsofexpressionplayedaclearconstructiverolein the initialpublic acceptanceof reform.Vernacularhymns, for example,helpedtopopularizeLutheranteachinginLivonia’scitiesduringthe1520s.

AtleasttwoofLuther’shymnswereknowninLowGermantranslationsinLivoniaasearlyas1525:inJuneofthatyear,thereformerMelchiorHofmann incorporatedphrasesfrom“JesusChristus,unserHeiland”inaletterhesentfromDorpattoWittenberg;inthesameyear,twocraftsmenwrotethefirstfour linesof“AchGott imHimmel” in theBruderbuchof theGreatGuildin Reval.12ItispossiblethatLuther’shymnsweretranslatedbyLivonianre-formers,butmore likely thataLowGermanhymnalof1525,published inRostock,wasknowninLivonia.13Indeed,fortwocraftsmentorecordthefirstfourlinesof“AchGottimHimmel”suggeststhattheyhadaccesstoawrittenversionofthehymnintheirowndialect,andfurtherindicatesthatthishymnhadspiritualmeaningforthemandtheirfellowguildsmen.

In addition,BurchardWaldis, a formerFranciscanmonk and citizen ofRiga, incorporated fourofLuther’shymns intohis1527play“DeParabellvamvorlornSzohn”.14 Waldis’splay,whichpokedfunattheearlierCatholictraditionofCarnivalplays,wasapopulardemonstrationofLutheranteaching

8 Arbusow,Die Einführung der Reformation,p.229–230.9 Schmidt, Auf felsen gesät,p.169–170.10 Arbusow,Die Einführung der Reformation,p.290,316.11 AnuMänd,Urban Carnival: Festive Culture in the Hanseatic Cities of the Eastern Baltic,

1350–1550,(Turnhout,2005),p.270.12 Arbusow,Die Einführung der Reformation,p.629.13 ArbusowreferstothreecopiesoftheRostockhymnal,thoseof1525,1526,and1531.Twocopiesoftheformerexist,nowheldattheUniversitätsbibliothekRostockandtheNationalLibraryofSweden;theRostockfacsimileisavailableathttp://purl.uni-rostock.de/rosdok/ppn823791610.Both“JesusChristus,unserHeiland”(fols.EiiivtoEiiii)and“AchGottimHimmel”(fols.FiiiivtoG)canbefoundinthishymnal.

14 A modern edition is available: Der verlorene Sohn, ein Fastnachtspiel von Burkhard Waldis (1527),withaprefacebyGustavMilchsack,(Halle,1881).LowGermantranslationsofLu-ther’s“EssprichtderUnweisenMundwohl”,“AustieferNotschreiichzuDir”,“NunbittenwirdenheiligenGeist”,and“JesusChristus,unserHeiland”areappendedtotheplay.Dietz

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emphasizingtheprincipleofsola fide: that salvation is achieved only by faith, notthroughgoodworks.Firstperformedon17FebruaryinthemarketplaceofRiga,theplaywasstillpopularin1541,whenitwasproducedinReval.15

Intheprintededitionof1528,afurthersixhymnswereappendedtotheplay,includingthreebyAndreasKnopken and one by Waldis himself.16 That Waldis’splayincorporatedseveralofLuther’shymnsandtheprintedversionincludedsixmorehymnssuggeststhatRigans(andperhapsotherLivonians)hadsomefamiliaritywiththismusic.ThisearlyuseofvernacularsongthusdemonstratesastrongpopularinterestinGermanhymnody–onethatwouldcontinuewiththeprintingofthefirstservicebookforRigain1530.

Whenthe1530orderofworshipwaspublished,itsprimaryfunctionwastostandardizeReformationteaching.Livonianreformershadbegunexperi-mentingwithnewserviceordersinthe1520s,andsomeoftheseearlyuseswerequiteradical,callingforLatintoberemovedcompletelyfromthemass.17

ByMarchof1526,Livonianreformerswerealreadydiscussinganewcon-solidated service order – a topic that became of central importance at theLivoniandietheld inPernau inDecemberof1527.At thediet, twopriestsfromDorpatrequestedthatRigaandRevaleachsendapriest totheircity,sothattheymightusethesameorderofworship.Likelyhopingtopreventfurther disarray, the mayor of Reval suggested instead that the evangelical preachersfromthethreecitiescametogethertocreateanewserviceorder.18 That these Livonian leaders sought to consolidate reform at such an early stagespeaksnotonlytotheirdesiretosupportLuther’s teaching but also to theirunderstandingofthepotentialpoliticalusefulnessofauniformliturgy,whichmightbolstersupportinLivoniancitiesforabreakwiththeCatholicChurch.JohannesBlankenfeld,thearchbishopofRiga,hadrecentlydied,histenuremarkedbyhisconflictwithMasterWaltervonPlettenbergover thecontrolofRiga;Blankenfeld’s successor,however,wasnot appointeduntil1528.19WhileanewbookofworshipforurbanparisheswouldfosterLutherantheology,itcouldalsoservetomoveLivoniancitiesfurtherawayfromthe

printedallfourLowGermanversionsintheRostockhymnalin1525,againsuggestingthisvolume as a source for Livonian reformers.

15 Mänd,Urban Carnival,p.107–108.16 Arbusow,Die Einführung der Reformation,p.629–630,654.Knopken’shymnsincluded“HelpGodtwogeitdatiummertho”,“AchGodtminenigertrostvndheil”,and“Vanallenminschenaffgewandt”,allthreeofwhichwerealsoprintedinthe1530servicebook.

17 Emil Sehling (ed.),Livland. – Estland. – Kurland. – Mecklenburg. – Freie Reichsstadt Lübeck mit Landgebiet und Gemeinschaftsamt Bergedorf. – Das Herzogthum Lauenburg mit dem Lande Hadeln. – Hamburg mit Landgebiet, (Die Evangelischen Kirchenordnungen desXVI.Jahrhunderts,5),(Leipzig,1913),p.39.BothSylvesterTegetmeyer’s 1524 order forRigaandJohannesLange’sserviceforRevalweretobeperformedentirelyinGerman.

18 Ibid.,p.4.19 ForanoverviewofBlankenfeld’sroleduringtheReformationandhistenureasarchbishop,

see Wilhelm Schnöring, Johannes Blankenfeld. Ein Lebensbild aus dem Anfängen der Reformation,(Halle,1905),p.58–90.

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graspoftheCatholicChurch,thuslimitingdiocesancontrolofchurchlandsand goods.

Yet the radicalismofsomeearly reformers, specificallySylvesterTeget-meyer in Riga and Melchior HofmanninDorpat,concernedsomecitycoun-cilmembers,wholikelysurmisedthatthesereformers’openhostilitytothechurchmightprovokethenominallyCatholicMasterof theOrdertobreakhisalliancewithRiga.20Thus,whenthetimecametopublishaRiganservicebook,onlytwomenwereinvolved:AndreasKnopkenandJohannesBries-mann,areformerwhoarrivedinRigainOctoberof1527,andwhoseprevi-ousexperiencecompilingasimilarservicebookforKönigsbergmadehimaworthycollaborator.21

The1530Kurtz Ordnung des Kirchendienst,printedinRostockbyLud-wichDietz, isanunusualpublicationthatcombinesanorderofworshipinHighGerman,modelled on earlier books of this kind forWittenberg andKönigsberg,withacollectionofpsalmsandsongsinLowGerman(seeFigure19).22Thereareclearsignsthatthe1530bookwascraftedtoprovideitsusersadegreeoffreedomwhilealsobringingtheRiganliturgyincloseralignmentwiththosefoundinothercentresofLutheranreform.23Inthemass,forex-ample,BriesmannoffersachoiceofLatinorGermanfortheintroit,Gloria,Sanctus,andAgnusDei,callingalllanguages“God’sgifts”(Gottis gaben),whileatthesametimeemphasizingthatthevernacularwasmoreeffectivethanLatinforteachingGod’sword.24 This choice to sing the ordinary of the massinLatinorGerman,aprinciplealsoarticulatedinthe1526Artikel der ceremonien und anderer kirchen ordnungforKönigsberg,wasprobablyde-signedtoappealtobothradicalreformersandmoreconservativelaypeople;thepopulationinRigacertainlyheldmembersofbothfactions.Thisattitude

20 FormoreontheradicalphaseoftheReformationinLivonia,seeKuhles,Die Reformation in Livland,p.137–193.

21 The decision to have BriesmannandKnopkencompiletheserviceorderwasalsomadeatthe 1527 diet of Pernau. See Sehling, Livland. – Estland. – Kurland.,p.4.

22 BothSehlingandJohannesGeffcken,whoundertookthefirstcomprehensivestudyofsix-teenth-centuryLivonianservicebooks,notethesimilaritiesbetweenthe1530Kurtz Ord-nung des Kirchendienst and the Königsberg Artikel der ceremonien und anderer kirchen ordnung(1526).SeeSehling,Livland. – Estland. – Kurland.,p.9andGeffcken,Kirchen-dienstordnung und Gesangbuch der Stadt Riga nach den ältesten Ausgaben von 1530 flgg.: kritisch bearbeitet und mit einer geschichtlichen Einleitung herausgegeben, (Hannover, 1862),p.XI–XII.

23 Briesmann himself expresses the necessity of a formal and consistent service order forLivoniathatmirroredtheserviceordersusedinothercitiesinhisintroductiontothe1530book(seeRi1530fol.Biv).

24 Kurtz Ord-|nung des Kirchen-|diensts/ Sampt eyner | Vorrede von Ceremonien/ | An den Erbarn Rath der lobli-|chenn Stadt Riga ynn | Liefflandt. | Mit etlichen Psamlen/ | vnd Gotlichen lobgesengen/ | die yn Christlicher versamlung | zu Riga ghesungen | werden. | M. D. XXX. Gedrucket yn der lauelyken Stadt | Rostock/ by Ludowich Dietz/ am.19. | Julij/ ym iare na Christi vnses er|losers geborth/ 1530.ConsultedcopyinUppsala,UppsalaUni-versity Library.DKL 1530/05 hereafter Ri1530, fols. Ciiii toDi v.Notably, Briesmann specifiesthattheintroitissungbytheyoung,whowillhavelearnedtosingthisrepertoireintheirschools(“sosienuynderschulenwirdzugenommenhaben”).

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Figure 19. Titlepage,1530Kurtz Ordnung des Kirchendienst for Riga.

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towardsLatinalsoreflectsMartinLuther’sownbeliefthatLatinchanthadaplaceinreformedliturgies.Indeed,asRobinA.Leaver has stressed, numer-ous references in Luther’swritingsindicatethathefoundthetraditionalchantofthechurchspirituallybeneficial.25 Briesmannthusallowedforameasureof freedomthatmightsatisfyboth reformersandconservatives,whilealsoarticulatingapositionabout language sharedbymanymoderate reformersincluding Luther himself.

Some of BriesmannandKnopken’smusicalchoicespointtoamoretradi-tionalapproachtothemass,whileotherssuggestanopennesstoservicesper-formedentirelyinthevernacular.Indeed,Briesmann retained some elements of theCatholicbreviaryandmissal, suchashis instruction to thepriest tosingthedoxology“withtheoldcustomarynotes”(mit der alten gewonlichen noten).26

Byallowingexistingservicemusictobeused,Briesmann’sorderofwor-shipcouldappealtoawideraudience,providingcontinuitytoreassurecon-gregationsthathischangestotheliturgywerenottooradical.Atthesametime, the book offered congregations the freedom to sing all the chant of the massinGerman,thussimultaneouslyappeasingmoreradicalreformers.Thevolume’sinclusionofnumerousvernacularsongs,meanwhile,suggeststhatbothKnopken and Briesmann felt hymn singing might teach Livonian con-gregations Lutheran theology more effectively than other methods.

Indeed,thelargestsectionofthe1530Kurtz Ordnungisthecompilationofpsalmsandhymnsthatoccupiesthelastportionofthebook.Itsimportanceis highlighted on the volume’s title page (see Figure 19),which advertises“severalpsalms”(etlichen Psalmen)and“divinecanticles”(Götlichen lobge-sengen)sungbytheChristiancongregationinRiga.ItisapopularbeliefthatLuther’sreformsspreadinnosmallmeasurethroughthecongregationaluseofhishymns,thoughasJosephHerlhasnotedtheactualsingingofhymnsand use of hymnals in churches of Luther’s timevariedwidely indifferentcities.27The1530Kurtz Ordnung,however,seemstoindicatethatbothcon-gregationalandchoralhymnsingingwereexpectedduringworship.Muchofthemusicincludedintheappendedhymnaliseitherrequiredorsuggestedforuseintheliturgyandispresentedintheorderinwhichitwasmeanttobeperformed in services, indicating that thebook’sprimaryaudiencewasthe choir.28 Some longer sets of instructionswithin this section,moreover,

25 Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music,p.210–211.26 In themedieval liturgy, theRigandoxologyhad a troped form.SeeArbusow,Die Ein-

führung der Reformation,p.569,Ri1530fol.Dii.27 JosephHerl,Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism: Choir, Congregation, and Three Cen-

turies of Conflict, (Oxford,2004).HerlarguesthatcongregationsintheearlyyearsoftheReformationsangseldomorpoorly,andthatonlycertaincitiesusedhymnalsduringchurchservices.

28 For example, thefirst song is aGerman translationof theSundayantiphonVeni sancte spiritus,andtheGermanlitany,whichwastobesungantiphonallybythechoir,spansfourpages(Ri1530fols.EiandHiv to Hiiiv).

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are given in theLowGerman vernacular, the dialectmuchmore likely tobe familiar to the volunteer choir.29 Yet there are other indications that the book may have been intended for lay use, such as Briesmann’sincorporationofthreecongregationalhymnsintheorderofworship:“WirglaubenallaneinemGott,”“JesusChristus,unserHeiland,”and“Gottseigelobet,”allofwhichwereprobablyknowntoLivoniansbefore1530.30 The choice of these specifichymns,andtheirplacementaftertheGospelandduringandfollow-ingcommunion,respectively,wascertainlyintentional:Briesmann ensured thatLivoniancongregantswouldsingtogetherthecreed,themostimportantdoctrinalstatementofthereformedfaith,andalsoemphasizedlayparticipa-tion in the Eucharist, another of the most fundamental Lutheran reforms to Catholicworship.31 BriesmannborrowedthisplacementfromMartinLuther, whoincludedthesehymnsatthesamepointsinhis1526orderofserviceforWittenberg;BriesmannthusprovidedafurtherlinktopracticesbeyondRigathroughthespecificuseofthesecongregational,vernacularhymns.32

ThepresenceofasubstantialnumberofLowGermanhymnswithnoli-turgicalfunctionattheendofthevolume,includingfourpsalmsbyAndreasKnopken and several songs by Luther himself, also suggests that the1530Kurtz Ordnungwasusedtoteachhymnstothelaity.33Itisthislargebodyofhymnsthatsetsthe1530Kurtz Ordnungapartfrommostreformedservicebooksofthisperiod,whichwerenottypicallyprintedwithhymnalsattached.

Acomparisonofthefinalgroupoffourteenhymnstoa1527hymnalpub-lishedforuseinKönigsbergdemonstratesthatKnopken most likely translat-edtwelveofthesehymns–elevenofwhichcontainblankstavesfornotatingtheirmelodies–fromtheHighGermanversionsintheKönigsbergvolume.34

29 Theseinstructionstellthereaderwherespecificmusicoccursduringtheliturgy;seeforex-amplefol.Eiiii v,whichdetailswhenthepsalmsthatfollowshouldbesungduringthemass.Theserviceorderthuspresupposestheuseofexternal,existingmusicbooks,butoffersauser-friendlymanualonhowtoincorporatenewGermantextsintoreformedworship.

30 Ri1530fols.DiandDii v.Assumingthe1525RostockhymnalwasknowninLivonia,whichseemsincreasinglylikelybasedonevidencegivenabove,thesehymnswouldalreadyhavebeen familiar to congregants in Riga.

31 As Robin A. Leaver has noted, Luther’schangesto“JesusChristus,unserHeiland,”whichwasbasedonaLatinoriginal,express“adifferentandbroadertheologicalunderstandingof theLord’sSupper as the surety ofGod’s grace in forgiveness.”SeeLeaver,Luther’s Liturgical Music,p.156–157.

32 For a copy of Luther’s text, see D. Martin Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesammtausgabe, (Weimar,1897),p.72–113.

33 Geffcken traces theprovenanceofLuther’sandotherauthors’hymns in the1530Kurtz Ordnung,aswellasclarifingsomemisattributionsinsubsequentvolumes;seeGeffcken,Kirchendienstordnung und Gesangbuch der Stadt Riga,p.XIII–XXVII.

34 LeonidArbusowsuggeststhatthestaveswereleftblankbecausethepracticeofprintingnoteswasstilldeveloping,buthisassessmentisprobablyincorrect;someofthehymnsinthe1527Königsberghymnalwereprinted in thesamemanner,and thispractice isalsofound in earlySwedishmusic prints, as Mattias Lundberg noted in “Musical Peculiari-tiesoftheReformationinStockholminthe1520sand’30s”,papergivenattheLutheran Music Culture ConferenceinUppsala,Swedenon14September2017.SeeArbusow,Die Einführung der Reformation,p.716.Amodernfacsimileofthe1527Königsberghymnalis

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Although scholars typically assume that theorderofworship andhym-nalwerecompiledindependently–theformerbyBriesmann and the latter byKnopken–thisstrongconnectiontothe1527Königsberghymnal,whichBriesmannmusthavebroughtwithhimfromKönigsberginthesameyear,suggeststhatthetwoauthorsworkedtogethercloselyontheentirevolume.Thiscollectionofhymnsthusspeakstobothreformers’beliefintheefficacyofvernacularhymnodyforspreadingreformedtheologytoLivonia’scitizens.

Thecontentsofthe1530Kurtz Ordnung demonstrate that Briesmann and Knopkenhopedtocreateabookthatwouldbeacceptedthroughoutthere-gion.Indeed,Briesmann’sintroductionexpressesthedesireforhisneworderofworshiptobeused“incitiesandtownsinLivoniathathaveadoptedtheholyword ofGod’smercies”.35Approval of the new volume inReval andDorpatmusthavebeenpiecemeal, for itwasa topicofconversationat thenext Livonian Diet in Wolmar in 1533. Here, leaders of all three cities voted toimplementthe1530servicebook,statingthat“thechurchordinances,withsongs,ceremonies,andotherelements,shallbekeptuniformlyandpeaceful-lyinallthreecities,sothatitisnotkeptinnumerouswaysaccordingtothediscretion of any individual”.36ThattheLivonianleadersacknowledgedsonginparticularalongsideotherpartsofworshiphighlightstheirrecognitionoftheimportanceofmusicinthe1530Kurtz Ordnung.Theword“gesengen”inLutheranbooksofthisperiodtypicallyreferstoGerman-textedsong,ratherthanLatin chant; this reference in theDiet proceedings thus signifies thatLivonianleadersmighthavefoundthenew,Germansongsthatmadeupthelatter portion of the 1530Kurtz Ordnung particularly useful for spreadingreformed theology.

Yet,onlyfouryearslatertheinhabitantsofthesecitieswouldbeadoptinga revised (and substantially lengthened) service book, and I argue that itscreationwasinstigatedatleastinpartbythepoliticaldesireforliturgicalandtheologicalunityexpressed in the1533Dietproceedings.Theadditions tothis1537printingweresomeofthemostsubstantiveofthechangesmadetothe Livonian service book over the course of the sixteenth century, serving to reinforcethevalueofthepublicationforuseduringbothworshipandcom-munalorprivatedevotion.Briesmann’sforewordisnowprecededbyanotetothereaderinLowGerman,whichexplainshoweachsectionofthebook

available:JosephMüller-Blattau(ed.),Zwei Königsberger Gesangbücher von 1527, (Kassel, 1933).

35 “inStedtenvnndFleckendiedasheyligewortdergnadenGottis/ynnLiefflandtangenom-menhaben”.Ri1530,fol.Aii.Withinthetextoftheserviceorderitself,however,specificreferencestopracticesatRiga’schurchesindicatethatRigawasthebook’sprimaryaudi-ence.

36 “De kerkenordnung shal in allen dren steden myth gesengen, ceremonien und andern glick-formig [gleichformig] und eindrechtig [einträchtig] geholden [gehalten]werden, damedenichteinsyderngudtbedunken[Gutdünken]indemundmancherleywiesegeholdenwerde.”LeonidArbusow,(ed.),1494–1535,Vol.3ofAkten und Recesse der livländischen Ständeta-ge: mit Unterstützung der baltischen Ritterschaften und Städte,(Riga,1910),p.833.

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ismeanttobeused;thisintroductionisfollowedbyacollectandaprayer.37 Since it iswritten ina straightforward,clear tone in thedialect spokenbythecongregation,wemaysurmise that itwasdirected toward laypeopleofLivoniancongregations,ratherthantoapriestorcantor,suggestingamoreconcertedeffortonthepartofLivonianreformerstogetthisvolumeintothehands of their congregants.

The most obvious change in the 1537 Kurtz Ordnung is the addition of a largebodyofmonophonicchant,primarilyinGerman,whichisorganizedac-

37 Kurtz ordnung | des Kirchendienstes sambt | zweyen Vorreden/ de erste an dem | Leser/ die ander von Ceremonien/ | An den Erbarn Radt der lob-|lichen Stadt Ryga jn | Lyfflandt. | Mit den Psalmen | vñ Gotlichen lobgesengen/ die jn Christ-|licher versamlung zu Ryga ghesungen | werden/ auffs newe corrigert vnnd | mit vleyß gemert. | Psalm. xcj. | Dat ys eyn trostlich dinck dem Heren | dancken/ Vnd loff syngen dynem namen | du alderhogeste. | Jacobi v. | Hefft yemant vngemack/ de bede ys | yemant gudes modes/ de synge Psalmē. | M. D. XXXvij. Jnn der Lauelyken | Stadt Rostock/ by Lu|dowich Dyetz gedrücket vnd vu-len-|det jm jar na der gebort Christi vnses | Heren/ dusent vyffundert souen vñ | dortich/ am xxiij. dage Aprilis.CopyconsultedinBerlin,StaatsbibliothekzuBerlin–PreußischerKulturbesitzDr16118.DKL1537/04,hereafterRi1537,fols.IIandIII.Theprayer(Gebedt zu Godt)waswrittenbyBurchardWaldis,whomayhaveplayedsomeroleinthe1537edi-tion’s creation.

Figure 20. OpeningoftheintroitforChristmas,1537Kurtz Ordnung.

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cording to liturgical feast. Briesmann’sshortorderofworshipisunchanged,butwherepreviously the servicebookofferedonesetofmasschant texts,the 1537 Kurtz Ordnungincludesnotatedchant,printedusingwoodcuts,forChristmas,Easter,Ascension,Pentecost,andTrinitySunday,aswellasotherservicemusic.ThissectionbeginswithanintroitforChristmas; thechant,adaptedfromtheCatholicgradual,isprintedinbothLatinandGerman(seeFigure20).AsTable4demonstrates,withtheexceptionofthebilingualin-troits (anda singlepsalm) these chants areoffered exclusively inGerman.GivenBriesmann’snotethattheyoungweretosingtheintroit,thisretentionofdual-languageintroitsinthe1537editionwasmostlikelymeanttobolstertheteachingofLatininLivonianschools,especiallyinthenewLatinschoolfoundedtoreplacetheDomschule in Riga in 1528.38 Previously, for the choir tosingtheGermantextsinthe1530Kurtz Ordnung,theywouldhavehadtoeithermemorizethetuneorwords,orwritethetranslatedGermanintotheiroldbooks;thisnewarrangementthusfacilitatedaneasierperformanceofthemass.Yettheseadditionsalsoplacedsubstantialrestrictionsonhowthetextsofthemassweresung.Whilethe1530editionallowedindividualchurchestochoosewhichmelodiestheyusedeachSundayorfeastday,thesechoiceswere largelymadefor themin the1537edition.Moreover,althoughBries-mann’sorderofworshipstillallowsfortheuseofeitherLatinorGermanformostofthemassordinary,inorderforchoirstousetheLatintextstheywouldhave hadtousetheoldservicebooks,copiesofwhichpresumablyhadbe-comemoredifficulttoacquireasreformbecamemorewidespreadthroughoutHanseaticcities.Thus,thisservicebookprivilegedtheuseofGermantextsessentially through omission of the Latin.

Thischoiceisnot,Isuggest,somuchaboutareformedversusconserva-tiveliturgy–thatLivonianscontinuedtorelyonCatholicchantbutfavouredGermantextsplacesthemsomewhereinthecentreoftheradical/conservativedivide.ItmaybetemptingtoseethisforegroundingofGermanasevidenceofthepopularityofmoreradicaltheologicalviewsinLivonia,butthecompilers’choice to direct the new introduction towards the laity suggests thismovetowardthevernacularhadmoretodowithtextcomprehensibility,ratherthana specific theological agenda. In addition, this choice speaks to the desireexpressed at the 1533Livonian diet to implement aunified liturgy for the German-speakingpopulation.Here,liturgicalcompromisewasalsopolitical-lyexpedient;bystreamliningthereformedliturgyandimplementingitonagranderscale,Livonianofficialsbothconsolidatedreligiousreformandalsostrengthened internal political unity. Althoughmany urban Livonians hadembracedreformbythemid-1530s,theLivonianOrder(andthusitsknights)remained nominally Catholic. Yet the Order’s desire for freedom from the ju-risdictionofLivonianbishopsmadethenewlyProtestantcity-dwellersuseful

38 See Bernhard Hollander, Geschichte der Domschule, des späteren Stadtgymnasiums zu Riga,ClaraRedlich,(ed.),(Hannover-Döhren,1980),formoreontheDomschuleanditssuccessor.

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allies,andaunifiedreformmovementwasofconsiderablymorevaluethanahandfulofreformersimplementingtheirownliturgicalreformsinindividualchurches.

AsMarianneGillionhasdemonstrated,compilersofthe1537Kurtz Ord-nung did not simply apply newGerman texts to existingLatinmusic; theprocessofteninvolvedadaptingandeditingexistingmelodies,whichinsomecasesweredrawnfromcontemporaryreform-orientedcollectionsofLatin-orGerman-textedchant.39 Nevertheless, the chants in the 1537 Kurtz Ord-nungdisplaystrongstylisticsimilaritieswiththeCatholicliturgicaltradition,anditwastheselinks,Iargue,whichallowedsuchmusictosacralizechurchbuildingsonlyrecentlyreformed,imbuingCatholicsoundwithnewLutheranmeaning.Forreformers,theactofco-optingtheaudiblemarkersoftradition-alpietyandreimaginingthemasfoundationalelementsofvernacularwor-

39 MarianneGillion,“‘Geistlichsanckbuechleinmanmichnent/ZuRigajnLyfflandtwohlkent’:Music,Materiality,andIdentityinEarlyPrintedKirchendienstordnungenforRiga(1530–1559)”,papergivenattheLutheran Music Culture ConferenceinUppsala,Swedenon14September2017.

Table 4. Chant in the 1530 and 1537 service books for Riga. The 1530 Kurtz Ord-nung gives a single Introit text meant to be used especially (sonderlick) on Easter, Pentecost, and Christmas; Briesmann clarifies that on high feasts the chant melody for Easter should be used.

1530 (text only) 1537 (all notated)

Christmas Introit(G) Introit(L/G)Kyrie/Gloria(G)LutheranHymn(G;voidnotation)Hallelujah+Psalm(L/G)

Easter Introit(G) Introit(L/G)Kyrie/Gloria(G)Hallelujah(G;versestextonly)

Ascension Introit(L/G)Hallelujah(G;onlyfirstlineofversegiven)

Pentecost Introit(G) Introit(L/G)Hallelujah(G;onlyfirstlineofversegiven)Hymn(G;forPalmSunday[andPentecost?])Hymn(G;forEasterthroughPentecost)

Holy Trinity Introit(L/G)

Other Sundays Introit(G) Introit(L/G)

“Ordinary” Chants (not asso-ciatedwithanyparticularfeast;meant to be used forallmasses)

Kyrie/Gloria(G)Hallelujah(G)Responses(G)Sanctus(G) AgnusDei(G) Benediction(G)

Responses(G)Sanctus[x2](G)Vaterunser(G)AgnusDei[x2](G)Responses(G)Benediction(G)

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shipcouldhelpthemlegitimizeandsolidifyarelativelyradical theologicalagenda.Forthosewhowereapatheticorevenhostiletoreform,meanwhile,retainingaudiblelinkstoCatholicworshipsuchasliturgicalchantmayhaveallowedthemtostrengthentheirtiestotheoldreligion–orattheveryleast,feelmoreateasewiththerecenttheologicalchanges.

At the same time that the 1537 Kurtz Ordnungemphasizedaunified,sungliturgy, it also offered its users a substantially larger body of vernacular hymns andpsalms,furtherindicatingthatwidespreadcongregationaluse–whichinturnmightaidintheadoptionofauniformtheologicalandpoliticalstanceacrossLivoniancongregations–wasintendedforthevolume.Elevenofthesesongsareaccompaniedbymensurallynotatedmusic,andthesemelodies,fiveofwhichwerewrittenbyAndreasKnopken,aretheonlyhymntunespub-lishedinanyofthesixteenth-centuryeditionsoftheLivonianservicebook.40 ThiscollectionofhymnswasuniquetotheLivonianservicebook,meaningthatitprovidedamusicalrepertorythatasawholewasonlyavailabletoLivo-niancongregations.ThenewintroductiontothereaderhighlightstheadditionofnewhymnsbyKnopken,suggestingthathishymnsinparticularenjoyedwidespreadpopularityinLivonia.41

Thepoemthatappearsontheversoofthetitlepageofthe1537Kurtz Ord-nung–themostfrequentlyquotedmaterialfromanyextantsixteenth-centuryreformedLivonianservicebook–alsoconfirmsthatthevolumewasintendedforcongregationaluse (seeFigure20).42Thispoemrefers to theworkasawholeasasongbook,suggesting that itsuseasamusical tool for the laitywasoftheutmostimportance.Furthermore,theversespecificallypointsoutsinging“inunity”asoneofthebook’sfunctions.Thatthepoemhighlightstheinclusionofnewpsalmsandsongs“withnotes”demonstratesthatitscre-ators intended it to be used to teach and strengthen Reformation theology, andfurthersuggeststhattheadditionoftunesinparticularwasvaluable.Thementionof“thedearreaderhimself”forwhose“benefit”thisbookhasbeenprintedalsoreinforcesthenotionthatindividualcongregantsweremeanttouse the 1537 Kurtz Ordnung.Finally,thepoemalsostressesthebook’simpor-tance“especiallytothedearyouth,”provingthatitsuseasaneducationaltoolwasanotherofitsmostcentralfunctions.

LivoniawasinmanywaysalikelyplaceforaninterestinLuther’s teaching toform,duetothecomplexrelationshipsbetweentheMasteroftheOrder,hisknights,theArchbishopofRiga,theLivonianbishops,andtheHanseaticmerchantswho comprised themajority of Livonia’s urban population.YetstudiesofthisphenomenontendtotreattheLivonianservicebooksasmerely

40 Knopken’ssongsunfortunatelysufferfromtext-underlayissuesandminorprintingprob-lems,whichisprobablywhytheywerereprintedwithouttheirmelodiesinsubsequentedi-tions.

41 Ri1537fol.IIv.42 JosephHerl,forexample,viewsthispoemasevidencethatpeopleinLivoniadid,infact,

sing hymns. See Herl, Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism,p.103–104.

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contemporaryliturgicalpublications,ignoringtheextenttowhichtheircon-tentsweremotivatedbypoliticalconcernsandtheeffectsthesebookswereintendedtohaveontheirusers.Althoughtheimpetusforthecreationofboththe1530and1537Kurtz Ordnungenwascertainlytheological–atleastinthemindsofitscompilersandmostadamantsupporters–itreceivedwidespreaduseinpartbecauseitwaspoliticallyexpedientfortheMasteroftheLivonianOrder,hisknights,andtheGermantownspeople,allofwhomsharedacom-mongoalofresistingthesecularauthorityoftheCatholicChurch.Thepubli-cationin1548/9ofanewandmoreexpansiveedition,furthermore,indicatesthattheprocessoftheologicalunificationinLivoniaremainedongoingintothe middle of the sixteenth century.

We should not overlook the attentionLivonian reformers paid tomusicwhencompilingthesebooks.Indeed,theearlyappearanceofhymnsintheyears following thearrivalofLutheran teachingsuggests thatLivonianre-formersunderstood thepowerof songas a tool for spreadingnewbeliefs,and although the evidence is scant, it also indicates that Livonians themselves appreciatedthemessagethesehymnsdelivered.Thecontentsofthe1530and1537servicebooks,moreover,demonstratethatmusicplayedapivotalroleintheearlyadoptionofLutheranworshipinLivoniancities,withhymnsthatprovidedameansofspreadingLutherantheologyquicklyandeffectively,andliturgicalchant in the lattervolumethatofferedauniformmethodforper-formingthenewliturgy.WithoutthecrucialpoliticalsupportthatthebooksreceivedattheLivonianDiet,however,theirlifemayhavebeenshortlived.Instead,neweditionsoftheKurtz Ordnung–withrevisedmusicalcontents– continued to be published throughout the sixteenth century, even as theLivonianConfederationitselfwastornapartwiththeonsetofwarin1558.

Table 5. Opening poem and translation of the 1537 Kurtz Ordnung.Geistlichsanckbuchleinmanmichnent,ZuRigajnLyfflandtwolkent,Da selb byn ich Christlicher gemein, ZudienstwansysyngenjneynnVndsunderlichderliebenJugent,Dye sich vleyst Christlicher tugent,VillneyerPsalmenvndgeseng,Auch mit den Noten ich hie breng,MitworttenvndorsachenWorym man mich thet ney machen,Der balben geliebter leser sich,Vmeynkleyngeltkauffstumich,Vndichdyrgrosnutzenkan,Wieduwierstlesendewolvorstan.

IamcalledspiritualsongbookwellknowninRigainLivonia,whereIaminservicetotheChristiancongregationwhentheysinginunity,andespeciallytothedearyouth,astheypracticeChristianvirtue;Ibringheremanynewpsalmsandsongswiththenotesaswell,withwordsandreasonsthroughwhichIammadeanew,forthebenefitofthedearreaderhimself,youcanpurchasemewithalittlemoney,andIcanbeofgreatusetoyou,whichyouwillunderstandwhenyouread.

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6.LiturgicalReformsduringtheLutheranPeriodoftheUnityoftheBrethren

Eliška Bat’ová

The works of Jan Blahoslav (1523–1571), Czech humanist writer, philolo-gist, translator, theorist, editorofhymnbooksandabishopof theUnityoftheBrethren,haveformedtheparadigmofBrethrenhymnographyformorethan400years.Ongoinghymnological researchfaces thechallengeof tak-inganewlookattheliturgyandhymnographyoftheUnityoftheBrethrenwithawarenessthatthenarrativepresentedbyBlahoslavishighlyapologeticandselectiveinnature.Theproblemoftheself-representationofBohemianBrethrenthroughtheirownsourceswasdiscussedbyZdeněkV.David.1 The rediscoveryof sources related toJanAugusta (1500–1572)cannowadd tothepictureof thehymnographyof theBrethren.Hisliturgicalandhymno-logical vision has been lost for many years, even though it contains a very significant reformof the liturgical year.The newly discovered sources arecurrentlythesubjectofscientificdebate.2However,manyquestionsstillre-mainunanswered.Oneof these is thequestionof thedegree towhich thisreformwasinfluencedbytheearlyliturgicalwritingsofMartinLuther. This chaptercontributestothedeterminationoftheextentofLutheraninfluenceinthe Bohemian Reformation.

TheUnityoftheBrethrenbeganasareformmovementwithinUtraquism,influenced by themost radical followers of JanHus. In the first period ofits existence (i.e. in the last thirdof thefifteenth century), theUnity livedfollowingtheexampleoftheDesertFathersanditsworshipwasbasedonlyonbiblicalmodels.ThisdifferedfromtheofficiallineoftheUtraquistswholargely retained the liturgy they inherited from sub una Catholics, although in manycasestheytranslateditintoCzech.Underthethirty-yearleadershipofLuke of Prague(1460–1528),aformalizedCzechliturgybegantotakeshapeintheUnity.Lukere-introducedtheuseoftheliturgicalyearalongwiththetraditional lectionary,andhecompiledadetailed liturgicalorder,“ReportsontheServicesofthePriestlyOfficeintheUnityofBrethren”(Zprávy při

1 ZdeněkV.David,Finding the Middle Way. The Utraquists Liberal Challenge to Rome and Luther,(Washington,DC,2003),p.10.

2 See Tabita Landová, Liturgie Jednoty bratrské (1457–1620)[TheLiturgyoftheUnityoftheBrethren],(ČervenýKostelec,2014).

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službách úřadu kněžského).3Afterhisdeath,thenewgenerationoftheBreth-ren(activein1530–1560)hadintensivecontactwithLutherandapproachedLuke’sworkscritically.Newordersofserviceswereapprovedin1531,androomopenedupforreformingtheliturgicalyear.4 These liturgical books have notsurvived,with theexceptionofasingleorder forcommunion.5 We do, however, havemany references to a new schemeof readings and songs tocover the entire liturgical year.

ThemostprominentrepresentativeofthesereformswasJanAugusta. The sonofaPraguehatter,helackedauniversityeducation.HejoinedtheUnityoftheBrethrenin1524,in1531hewasordainedtothepriesthood,andayearlaterhewaselectedtotheinnercouncil(i.e.thesupremebody)oftheUnity.6 HeservedinLitomyšluntil1548.Fromthe1530shewasverybusilyengagedinliteraryactivity,whetherwritingtreatisesonsoteriology7 or on questions ofpracticaltheology.8HecommunicatedwithLutherinpersonandinwrit-ing,9andhelateraffirmedthatconnectionbytranslatingLuther’sworks(Von den Schlüsseln, Wider Hans Worst andothers).10 With the treatise “On the Ob-

3 Zprávy při službách úřadu kněžského v Jednotě bratrské [ReportsontheServicesofthePriestlyOfficeintheUnityofBrethren],(MladáBoleslav,1527);seeKnihopis Database, http://aleph.nkp.cz/F/?func=file&file_name=find-b&local_base=KPS,(accessed5January2017),no.K05059.

4 Antonín Gindely, Dekrety Jednoty bratrské I [Decrees of the Unity of the Brethren],(Prague,1865),p.141.

5 Cf.JiříJust,“BratrskéagendykVečeřiPáně”[LiturgicalOrdersoftheLord’sSupperintheUnityoftheBrethren],inCoena Dominica Bohemica. Acta Reformationem Bohemicam Illustrantia 6,OtaHalama(ed.),(Prague,2006),p.43,Landová,Liturgie Jednoty bratrské, p.50,RudolfŘíčan,Dějiny Jednoty bratrské[TheHistoryoftheUnityoftheBrethren],(Prague,1957),p.133–134.

6 BrethrensourcesdifferastotheyearwhenAugustabecameabishop.TheNekrologium of theBrethrengives1537,whileHistoria Fratrum Bohemicorum(alongwithmostmodernliterature)datesitbackto1532.SeePrague,NationalLibraryoftheCzechRepublic,ms.XVIIE69,f.174r,Prague,NationalLibraryoftheCzechRepublic,ms.XVIIF51a,f.424r. ForabiographyofAugusta,cf.primarilyJosef Smolík, Bratr Jan Augusta [BrotherJanAugusta],(Prague,1984);thissourcealsocontainsreferencestootherliterature.

7 Jan Augusta,Rozmlouvanie jednoho muže učeného [The Dialogue of a Learned Man], (MladáBoleslav,1532),seeKnihopis Database,no.K00852.JanAugusta,Kniežka tato bez titule[ABookwithoutaTitle],(Litomyšl,1534),seeKnihopis Database,no.K00846.

8 Prague,StrahovLibrary,ms.DGIV,Prague,NationalMuseumLibrary,ms.IH37.9 Cf. Smolík, Bratr Jan Augusta,p.40–59.Thetwomenapparentlysharedpersonalsym-pathies, as is shown by, among other things,Blahoslav’s recollection of their rhetorical abilities:“WhenIheardAugustasometime26yearsagoandLuther not long before that, itseemedtomethatIhadneverheardtwosuchzealouspreachersandinthismattersosimilar to each other.” See Brno, Moravian Library, ms. 114, f. 279v–280r. Gramatika česká Jana Blahoslava [Czech Grammar of Jan Blahoslav], Mirek Čejka, Dušan Šlosar and Jana Nechutová (eds.), (Brno, 1991),p. 295.

10 TheonlytranslationindisputablybyAugusta is Zrcadlo kněžské Doktora Martina Luthera [ThePriest’sMirrorbyDoctorMartinLuther],(Litomyšl,1542),seeKnihopis Database, no.K05128.OthertranslationshavebeenhypotheticallyattributedtoAugusta. These in-clude Knieha Eklezyastykus podlé starobylých řecských exemplářuo od Doktora Martina Luthera zpravená [TheBookofEcclesiasticusaccordingtoAncientGreekSourcesMadebyDoctorMartinLuther], (Litomyšl,1539),seeKnihopis Database,no.K02188,which,

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ligationsofChristiansunderChrist’sLaw”(O závazcích křesťanských Záko-na Kristova,1540,nowlost),helaunchedalongseriesofpolemicsagainstthe“mainstream”Utraquistclergy,whichappeared throughout thefirsthalfofthe1540s.11 As a result of the activities of the nobility of the Brethren during theSchmalkaldicWar,hewasaccusedofconspiringagainsttheking,andfor16years(1548–1564)hewasimprisonedatKřivoklátCastle.Therehesecret-lymanagedtowritedownhisextensiveconceptionforliturgicalreform.ThefoundationalelementwastheexaltingofthearticlesoftheApostles’Creedasthemodelforthetrueobservanceofthetemporalcycleoftheliturgicalyear.Inreferencetotheearlychurch,theliturgicalyearwasorganizedaroundthefundamentalChristianbeliefs in their early, “uncorrupted” form.Thenewconceptofbiblicallessonswasintendedtohelpthepreacherspresentanau-thenticChristiantestimonyaboutthesavingtruthinitsfullness,andtorenewthe church.12

Luke’sLegacy:theApostles’CreedastheCausefor the Secession of the BrethrenAt theverysynodof theBrethrenwhereJanAugustawasordained to thepriesthood,therewasanimportantdecreeon“timesestablishedbymen”(o časích ustanovených lidmi).13Thedocument’sprimarygoalwastoallowfree-dom of conscience in the question of observing church feast days. A decree fromtheBrethrendeclaredthatthetraditionallyobservedcalendar,inwhichfeastdaysweredividedinto“consecrated”days,whichrequiredpublicobser-vance, and “unconsecrated,”14wasnotbinding.Theconcreteformulationofthisdocument,however,goesevenfurther:

Firstly,during theeventsof thehumanconstructed liturgicalyear– suchasfeasts,celebrations,holidays,advents,Septuagisma,fasts,Emberdays,rogation

accordingtotheforeword,wastranslatedinLitomyšlandwasfirstpublishedtherein1537.Thesecondeditionhasbeenpreserved,boundtogetherwiththeaforementionedZrcadlo kněžské Doktora Martina Luthera(seeBrno,MoravianLibrary,shelfmarkST1-0050.646,supplementaryvols.1and4),seeRobertDittmann,“TextologieperikopAugustovaSum-movníku[TextologyofthePericopesoftheAugusta’sSummarium]”,inJan Augusta. Nové texty – nové perspektivy, (Studie a texty Evangelické teologické fakulty28),(Prague,2017),p.73.AlsotraditionallyassociatedwithJanAugusta is the translation O pravém užívaní klíčuov pravých [AbouttheTrueUseoftheRealKeys],(Litomyšlafter1539);seeKnihopis Database,no.K05114,cf.Martin Luther O klíčich Kristových [Martin Luther: About the KeysofChrist],OtaHalama(ed.),(Prague,2005).

11 O závazcích křesťanských Zákona Kristova [About the Obligations of Christians under the LawofChrist],(Litomyšl,1540),seeKnihopis Database,no.K00857.

12 Landová,“PreachingaccordingtotheApostles’Creed”.13 Gindely,Dekrety,p.142.14 FordifferentiationbetweenthefeastdayscelebratedinthesixteenthcenturyintheCzechLandsandinformationconcerningtheirferiation,cf.JiříŽůrek,“TheUtraquistSancto-ralinSixteenth-CenturyCzech-LanguageGraduals”,in The Bohemian Reformation and Religious Practice, Vol. 10, Zdeněk V. David and David Holeton (eds.), (Prague,2015),p.279–307.

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days,octavesandsoforth–[thesynodasked]whatareourpeoplesupposedtobedoing,andwhatarewemeanttobeteachingthem?Itwasdecidedthatallofthesedaysshouldbeconsideredequalwithotherdays,andthat,forGod,noonedayisholierthananother.Inorderthatpeople’sconsciencesshouldnotbebound by the times set forth above, but rather that they be liberated from this bondage, the commemoration of the acts of Christ according to the articles of faith should instead be observed all year, and through that commemoration, theirredemptionandsalvationshouldbemadeknowntothepeople.15

Renouncing the obligation to observe the traditional liturgical year, even in thecasesof“feasts,celebrations[…],advents”andotherpillarsofthechurchyear,gaveroomtoexploreideasaboutthereformofthetemporalcycle.Thisreformwould furthercodify the liberation from the“bondage”ofcustomsthat detracted from the fundamentalmessageof theGospel, and thus alsoensuretheexclusiveplaceoftheUnityoftheBrethreninthehistoryoftheReformation.Theunderstandingof theApostles’Creedasareasonfor theneedfortheUnityoftheBrethrentosplitawayfromUtraquismwasnotnewtothegenerationofJanAugusta,butinsteadwasbasedtoasignificantextenton a treatise by Luke of Praguetitled“BookontheFoundationoftheGeneralChristian Faith” (Kniežka tato jest o gruntu viery obecné křesťanské,1525),theentirefirstsectionofwhichisdevotedtothe“abominations”oftheRomanand Bohemian church against the individual articles of the creed.16

Unfortunately,wedonotknowexactlywhenthegroupofpriestssurround-ingJanAugustastartedtryingtoimplementanorderof lessonsdependentconsistentlyon the sequenceof theApostles’Creed.Anexplicit statementpermittingthereformofthe“orderofannualinstruction”firstappearsintheassembly’s decree of 1545, but there are a number of indications that certain changeshadalreadybeentakingplace.17WehavereportsonthebeginningsofthereformofthechurchyearfromBishopJanBlahoslav,writingsome-what later;Blahoslavdatedtheefforts tochangethe“orders”to theperiodshortly after the death of Luke of Prague(i.e.after1528).Thattheneworderof lessonswasinusenolater thanthebeginningof the1540scanbeseenfrom Augusta’s statement in 1543 that the Brethren “in the congregations are preaching”thearticlesoftheApostles’Creed(“withoutmixingorchangingthem”)andfurthermore,thattheycomposesongsbasedonthesearticles.18

Theconcretefeaturesofthenewcalendarlongremainedamatterofschol-arly speculation, because itwas assumed that all of the relevant historicalsources had been lost. Only after versions of Augusta’smostimportanttextsfromprison, specificallyhisversionsof the registerofpericopes“Register

15 Gindely,Dekrety,p.142.16 LukášPražský,Kniežka tato jest o gruntu viery[BookontheFoundationoftheGeneralChristianFaith],(Litomyšl,1525),f.XI2r;seeKnihopis Database,no.K05022.

17 Gindely,Dekrety,p.163.18 JanAugusta,Pře Jana Augusty a kněžstva kališného [TheDispute of JanAugusta andUtraquistPriests],(s.l.,1543),f.J2r;seeKnihopis Database,no.K00850.

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orReportonWhatistoBeReadandWhen” (Registrum aneb Zpráva, co se kdy a o čem čísti má, 1557–1559)19andofthethree-volumepostil“BooksoftheServicesofGod’sWord”(Knihy služby Slova Božího,1570),20weredis-covered in twopreviouslyneglectedprintsdid itbecomepossible tobeginstudying the Brethren’s reform of the church year.21Theseprintsarealsoim-portantbecausetheyallowcomparisonwithmanuscriptswrittenbyAugusta duringhisimprisonmentatKřivoklát,especiallywiththe“RegisterofSongs” (Registrum piesní,1558),nowkeptattheAustrianNationalLibrary.22

ThebasicguideforthereformofthechurchyearwasthesubordinationofallcomponentsoftheBrethren’sserviceoftheword(readings,preaching,songs,andprayers)tothesequenceoftheindividualarticlesoftheApostles’Creed.ThisinvolvednotonlytheexactsequenceoftheApostles’Creed,butAugusta’sintentionwasmorespecificallytofollowLuke’sinterpretationoftheApostle’sCreeddiscussedinthetreatise“BookontheFoundationoftheGeneralChristianFaith”.23 Since in the received calendar, the theme of the firstSundayofAdventcorrespondstothesecondandthirdarticlesaboutJe-susbeingconceivedbytheHolySpirit,theprecedingOrdinarytimehadtobeshortened,sothatthebeginningofthenewchurchyearcouldfallsixSundaysearlier.

Inthisadjustedarrangement,theperiodprecedingAdventinterpretedthefirstarticle,onbelief inGodtheFather.TheChristmasseason,subsequentOrdinarytime,Septuagesima,andthefirsthalfofLentwerelinkedtogeth-erintoasuccessiveexpositionofthelifeofChrist,fallingunderthefourtharticle(“bornoftheVirginMary”).Inaccordancewithtradition,thesecondhalfofLent,HolyWeek,and theentireEaster seasonweredevoted to the

19 Registrum aneb Zpráva, co se kdy a o čem čísti má[RegisterorReportonWhatistoBeReadandWhen],(s.l.1558/59);seeKnihopis Database,no.K14768.

20 První díl knih služby Slova Božího [BooksoftheServicesofGod’sWord],(Prague,1570),see Knihopis Database,no.K04055.

21 Tabita Landová,“LekcionářJanaAugustyajehorolevbratrskémsporuoperikopy”[TheLectionaryofJanAugustaanditsRoleintheBrethrenDisputeaboutthePericopes],Listy filologické,135(2012),p.333–365,Eliška Baťová,Písně bratra Jana Augusty. Druhá tvář bratrské hymnorafie[TheSongsofBrotherJanAugusta:AnotherSidetotheUnityoftheBrethrenHymnography],(Prague,2018),EliškaBaťová,“AugustovoRegistrumanebZprá-va,cosekdyaočemčísti máajehokontext:novépohledy”[Augusta’sRegisterorReportonWhatistoBeReadandWhenandItsContext:NewPerspectives],inO Felix Bohemia! Studie k dějinám české reformace,PetrHlaváček(ed.),(Prague,2013),p.195–213,EliškaBaťová,“APrintedEditionofBlahoslav’sGospelsintheContextoftheLiturgyandSacralRhetoric of theUnity of theBrethren”,Communio Viatorum: a theological journal, 59 (2017),p.265–292,Landová,Liturgie Jednoty bratrské,p.124–146.Forthelatestinforma-tion,cf.theentirecontentsofthecompendium“JanAugusta.Novétexty–novéperspek-tivy”[JanAugusta.NewTexts–NewPerspectives],(Studie a texty Evangelické teologické fakulty28),(Prague,2017).

22 Vienna,ÖsterreichischeNationalbibliothek,Cod.7452.23 AlthoughtheinspirationofLukeofPragueisfundamental,theprocessofinterpretationsetoutinhistreatiseisnotfollowedentirelypreciselybyAugusta, and there are certain deviations.Amoredetailedanalysisoftherelationshipbetweenthesetextsmustbelefttomorespecializedresearch.

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eventsofthePassion,Jesus’ResurrectionandAscension,andthedescentoftheHolySpirit(Pentecost),representingthefifththroughtheeightharticlesof theApostles’Creed.TheFeastof theHolyTrinity,however,wasnewlyconnectedwiththenintharticle,onbeliefintheHolyCatholicChurch.OnthebasisofLuke’sinterpretationofthetentharticle,theweeksthatfollowedwerereserved for teachings on the sacraments through the tenth article on the for-givenessofsins.Thelastfiveweeksweredevotedtotheeleventhandtwelftharticles–ontheresurrectionofthebodyandeternallife,withtheadditionofapresentationontheLastJudgment.Therewasalsoroomhereforthetopicofthechurchbeingmisled,itstemptationbytheAntichrist,anditssubsequentrestoration(seeTable6).

Matins as a Liturgical Model in Reference to the Early ChurchInnovationsnotonlyincludedtheactualsequenceofthechurchyearandtheselectionoflessonsarisingfromit,butalsothequantityofnewbiblicalper-icopes,especiallyfromtheOldTestament.Inthisrespect,however,onesignif-icantaspectofthewholereformhassofarescapedtheattentionofresearch-ers.ThisaspectbeginstoassumeclearercontourswhencomparingAugusta’s“Booksof theServicesofGod’sWord”with the“RegisterofSongs”.ThisRegister–likealloftheBrethren’snewerprintedsongindices–recordsthestructureofeachworshipserviceinthechurchyeartogetherwiththeincipitsoftherecommendedsongs.Herewecanseethatthepericopescontainedinthe“BooksoftheServicesofGod’sWord”areintendedforreadingatSundaymorningworship(Matins,commonlycalled“morning”)orat theso-called“firstassembly”thatoftenreplaceditintheUnity’sworship.Theonlytwoformulas found in “Register of Songs” that actually contain the rubric “for themorning”areforChristmasDayandEasterSunday,but inspiteof theabsence of this rubric, the structure of the liturgy on other Sundays is either entirelyidentical(“OntheDayoftheLord’sCircumcision”)orismerelymoreorlessabbreviated.Inatotalofeighteencases,theinvitatoryisretainedatthebeginningoftheworshipservice.Itisalwayssungtooneofthreeselectedchant melodies (Christus natus est nobis at Christmas, Alleluia, alleluia at Easter, and Alleluia, Spiritus domini replevit atPentecost).

Table6.The relationship of the structure of the Apostle’s Creed to the reconceived Brethren church year.ArticleI Pre-AdventseasonArticleII–III AdventArticleIV Christmasseason,Ordinarytime,Septuagesima,thefirsthalfofLentArticleV–VIII The second half of Lent, Holy Week, Easter seasonArticleIX–X Feast of the Holy Trinity, Ordinary timeArticleXI–XII Ordinary time

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Anevenmore striking tie to the secularRoman rite is thepreservationofthreeNocturnes,whicheachcomprise three lessonsandconcludewith thesingingofahymnorsonginsteadofaresponsory.EachNocturnocontainsoneOld-Testamentpericope(“wordsof theprophet”orpsalm),oneEpistlepericope,andoneGospelpericope.Onlyeightof themore important feastdayshaveaformulawiththreeNocturnes,whiletheremainingSundayshavetwoNocturnes,buttheirinternalstructureandthecompositionoftheperi-copes remain the same. The absolute agreement between the “Register ofSongs”andthe“Booksof theServicesofGod’sWord”withrespect tothenumber ofNocturnes is indicative of howcarefully thewhole systemwasplanned.Suchaliturgicallyrichworshipservice(ascanbeseenintheexam-pleofMatinsforChristmasDay–seeTable7)thatwouldworkwithelementsoftheRomanriteoftheofficewouldhavebeenforeigntotheheirsofradicalHussitism at the time.

ToanswerthequestionofwhatmighthaveledtothisadoptionoftheMat-insstructure,itshouldfirstbenotedthat,inhissearchforthetrueecclesias-tical orders, AugustadidnotlimithimselftotheheritageoftheUtraquistand

Table 7. Augusta’s proposed liturgy for Matins on Christmas Day; see “Books of the Services of God’s Word”, (Prague, 1570), f. Cc2r–Dd4r; Vienna, Österreichis-che Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 7452, f. 12r.

Liturgical parts (pre-existing melodies) Pericopes and paraphrases in Czech

Invitatorium(Christus natus est nobis) Ej, Pán anjelský(Look,theangelicLord)

Tropusadresponsorium(Missus ab arce) Nastal nám den přeutěšený (The day of great consolationiscome)

[Nocturno 1:] Lectio 1 Isaiah 11:1–10

Lectio 2 Romans 1:1–7

Lectio 3 Matthew 1:1–25

TropusadlectionemIz/ Hymnus (Laudem Deo dicam)

Prokřikněmž k chvále(Letusshoutinpraise)

[Nocturno 2:] Lectio 4 Micah 4:13–14; 5:1-14

Lectio 5 Luke 2:1–20

Lectio6 Titus 2:11–14

Cantio (Cum sanctis omnibus) Radost nevýmluvná(Inexpressiblejoy)

[Nocturno 3:] Lectio 7 Isaiah 8:22–23; 9:1–6

Lectio 8 Hebrews1:1–2:1

Lectio 9 John 1:1–14

Hymnus (A solis ortus cardine) Pamatujmež my vesele(Letusrecalljoyfully)

[Homilia] [Sermon]

Oratio Prayer

Cantio Radostně Bohu zpievejme (Let us sing joyfully toGod)

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Brethren traditions, but also searched the remnants of early Christianity in the Romanchurch.Inhisrecollectionsoftheperiodofhisconversion,hesays:

MyspiritwasinspiredbytheLordGodtowatchfulnessandconstantreflectiononhowthingswereintheearlychurchoftheapostles,andhowthingsshouldnowbecorrected.[…]AndtheneverythingpointedmeinthedirectionoftheRoman church, because in it I found thehidden remnants and fragments ofwhathadbeenintheapostolicchurchatthebeginning.24

Inrelationtotheliturgy(andtoMatinsinparticular),Luthercameupwithasimilarideaofdrawingfromtheearlychurch.ThetraditionalriteofMatinsadoptedaseriesoflongreadingsfromtheOldTestamentfromearlyChristianvigils, and thus representedapurelybiblicalmodelofworship. Inhis text“ConcerningtheOrderofPublicWorship” (Von Ordenung Gottis Dienst yn der Gemeyne,1523),LutherspeaksofthecelebrationofMatinsasfollows:

ThiswasthecustomamongChristiansatthetimeoftheapostlesandshouldalsobethecustomnow.Weshouldassembledailyatfourorfiveinthemorningandhave[God’sWord]read,eitherbypupilsorpriests,orwhoeveritmaybe,inthesamemannerasthelessonisstillreadatMatins.[…]ThelessonshouldbetakenfromtheOldTestament;oneofthebooksshouldbeselectedandoneortwochapters,orhalfachapter,beread,untilthebookisfinished.Afterthatanother book should be selected, and so on, until the entire Bible has been read through.[…]Nowwhenthelessonandits interpretationhavelastedhalfanhourorso, thecongregationshallunite ingiving thanks toGod, inpraisinghim,andinprayingforthefruitsoftheWord,etc.Forthis,thePsalmsshouldbeusedandsomegoodresponsoriesandantiphons.25

ItmayhavebeenLuther’sconceptionofMatinsasanopportunityforthecon-tinual reading of the Old Testament (lectio continua)thatAugusta connected withthelegacyoftheapostolictraditionintheformofcelebratingthechurchyearonthebasisofthearticlesoftheApostles’Creed.Theemphasisonread-

24 Budapest,OrszágosSzéchényiKönyvtár,ms.Quart.Slav.41,f.141r.ThismanuscriptwasdiscoveredbyOtaHalama(privatecommunication).

25 “AlsoistsaberzugangenunterdenChristenzurzeytderApostelundsolltauchnochsozugehen,dasmanteglichdesmorgenseynestundefrueumbvierodderfunffezusamenkemeunddaselbs lesen liesse,esseyenschulerodderpriester,odderweressey,gleychwiemaniztnochdieLectionynndermettenließet.[…]DißeLectionsollaberseynausdemaltenTestament,nemlichdasmaneynbuchfursichnemeundeynCapitelodderzweyoddereynhalbesleße,bisesaussey,darnacheynandersfurnemen,undsofortan,bisdieganzeBibliaausgelesenwerde.[…]WennnudieLectionundauslegungeynhalbstundodderlengergewerethatt,sollmandrauffyngemeyngotdancken,lobenundbittenumbfruchtdeswortsetc.DazusollmanbrauchenderpsalmenundettlicherguttenResponsoria,Antiphon.”SeeMartinLuther,Von Ordenung Gottis Dienst in der Gemeyne, (Wittenberg, 1523),f.A2v–A3r;seeD. Martin Luthers Werke. Kritische Gesammtausgabe 12, (Weimar, 1891),p.35–36.TranslationbyPaulZellerStrodach; seeMartinLuther,Luther’s Works (American Edition),Vol.53,p.12.

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ingpericopes“fromallof theHolyScripturesof thewholeBible”appearsnearlywordforwordinbothAugusta’swritingsfromprison.26

Whileinthevastmajorityofcasesthepericopescontainedin“BooksoftheServicesofGod’sWord”concernonlylessonswithinthecontextofthefirstassemblyof theday, inhis“TheArtofWork inServiceof theLord” (Umění práce díla Páně služebného,1560)Augustaspeaksabouttheselectionofreadingsforthefollowingmainworshipservice.Healwaysgivesprioritytothepastoralneedsoftheassembledcommunity(“Andhowispreachingtoachieveanythingifonedoesnotknowaboutthepeople?”),27 and only there-afterisonetochooseoneofthepassagesreadinthemorning:

Onceyouknowwhat is needed, immediately lookatwhat is tobe read forthattimefromtheScriptures,whetherfromtheProphets,theGospels,ortheEpistles,orfindforyourselfsomethingfittingtoread.Andlookforwhatcanbetakenfromit,sothatbyspeakingaboutit,thelisteners’needsforsalvationmight be met.28

Conclusion:FearofBreakingwithVisualTraditionTherearenumerousreportssuggestingthatduringtheharshrepressionsaftertheSchmalkaldicWar, theneworderofbiblical readingswasnotcompre-hensibletotheweakenedUnityoftheBrethren,anditresultedprimarilyinchaos.29Contemporarycriticscorrectlyperceived thata significant shift inliturgicalthinkinghadtakenplace:inpreparingtheRoh Cantional of 1541,30 theBrethrenwerewilling topreserve– and even capitalizeon– apparentcontinuitywith theUtraquist tradition,whereas under the influenceof therigorouscommitmenttotheApostles’Creed,theysubsequentlyandunmis-takablybrokethatcontinuity.Thiscanbeseenevenonthefirstpageofthenewliturgicalbooks(seeFigure21).

Incontrast,UtraquistsandCzechLutheranssoughttomaintainvisualcon-tinuitywiththetraditionalformofservices,viewingthisaslegitimizingtheirreforms.31Therefore,itisnotdifficulttounderstandthat,giventheescalation

26 JanAugusta,Umění práce díla Páně služebného [The Art of Work in Service of the Lord], (Prostějov, 1560), f. J6v, see Knihopis Database, no. K00855, (Umění práce díla Páně služebného[JanAugusta:TheArtofWorkinServiceoftheLord],FrantišekBednář(ed.),(Prague,1941),p.93),První díl Knih služby Slova Božího,(Prague,1570),f.A2v.

27 Augusta, Umění práce díla Páně služebného, f. L5v (Umění práce díla Páně služebného, Bednář(ed.),p.103).

28 Augusta, Umění práce díla Páně služebného, f. L2v–L3r (Umění práce díla Páně služeb-ného,Bednář(ed.),p.101).

29 Prague,NationalLibraryoftheCzechRepublic,ms.XVIIE69,f.1r–47r and Prague, Na-tionalArchives,Herrnhutdeposit,ArchivderBrüdergemeine,ms. AB II, R 1, no. 1, Vol. IX, f.64r–101r.

30 Piesně chval božských [TheSongsofPraiseofGod],(Prague,1541),seeKnihopis Data-base,no.K12856.

31 DavidHoleton,“TheEvolutionofUtraquistEucharisticLiturgy:atextualstudy”,in The Bohemian Reformation and Religious Practice, (Papers from the XVIIIth World Congress of

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Figure 21. Breakingthecontinuity:“BooksoftheServicesofGod’sWord”(Prague1570),f.A2r.Thetextofthewholebookbeginswiththerubric“ThefirstSundaybefore Advent”.

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ofthesituationafterthedefeatofPrinceJohannFriedrich, Elector of Saxo-ny,on24April1547, thisdemonstrativebreachofcontinuitycausedgraveconcernsamongst theUnity.This fear remains foreverassociatedwith thedisputeoverthereformofthechurchyear.

Given these impressions,andwithawarenessof the latersystematicde-structionofspecimensofAugusta’s“BooksoftheServicesofGod’sWord”,the tendency is to conclude that this attempt at reforming the church yearwasgenerallyunsuccessful,butthatisnotentirelytrue.Matinswithtwoorthree Nocturnes, as suggested by Augusta,doesnotappeartohavecaughton,butalaterpostilfrom1575consistentlyascribesoneOld-Testamentpericope(often carried over from Augusta’sconception)tothemorningorgenerallytothefirstworshipservice.32ThetopicsforindividualSundaysbasedontheApostles’Creedarealsopreserved,evenincludingtheassociationofthesixweeksbeforeAdventwithadisquisitiononGodtheFather–butinaccord-ancewithtradition,thoseSundaysareplacedattheendofthechurchyear.Nineinvitatories(althoughheavilyrevisedbeforepublication)werenewlyin-cluded in the Szamotuły Cantionalfrom1561andwerepassedonfromthere.33 Itisclear,then,thattheeditorsofthecantionalassumedalarger-scale,moretraditionalformforthecelebrationofMatins,atleastonthemoreimportantfeastdaysofthetemporalcalendar.

ThelegacyofJanAugustaandhisgenerationwasnotlostbutwashiddeninanonymousandalteredforminlaterliturgicalandhymnographicworks.Thiswascausedby,amongotherthings,repeatededitorialinterventionsinthe content and structure of the cantionals, rendering the Brethren’s hymno-graphicmaterial anonymous and blurring the specific features of its olderphases.This fact is especiallymanifested in the caseof theBrethren’s re-formoftheliturgicalyear,whichwasrealisedanddefendedinBohemiaoveraperiodoftwentyyears(i.e.about1540–1560).Nonetheless,itwasalmostcompletelyforgottenbecauseofboththelossesofsourcesandthetargetedliquidationofrejectedtextsbycensorship.Basedonthedialogueofrecentlyfoundandnewlyinterpretedsources,severalpreviouslyunknown,innovativefeaturesofthisreformhavenowbeenidentified.However,researchintoAu-gusta’slegacyandBrethrensourceshasnotyetbeencompletedandpromisesto be very fruitful.

the Czechoslovak Society of Arts and Sciences),Zdeněk V. David and David Holeton (eds.), (Prague, 1998), p.110.

32 Výklad Řečí božích [TheSongsofPraiseofGod],(Ivančice,1575);seeKnihopis Database, no. K15953.

33 Piesně chval božských[TheSongsofPraiseofGod],(Szamotuły,1561);seeKnihopis Da-tabase,no.K12860.

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7. Learning to be Lutheran by Singing: The Pedagogy of a Communion Hymn oftheSwedishReformation

Teresia Derlén

TheSwedisharchbishopHaquinSpegel(1645–1714)oncesaidthatthechil-drenofGodlearnedtheWordofGodthroughsongs,aquotethatindicatestheimportanceofbothreligioussongsandpedagogyintheSwedishReformationandpost-Reformation.1 AtthetimeoftheReformation,andwellintothesev-enteenthcentury,Swedenwaslargelyilliterateandrural.Withoutanintellec-tualmiddle-class,ideasofreligiousreformgainednoproperfootholdamongthegeneralpopulation,whichmeantthattheReformationwasinstigatedfromabove,bytheCrownandsomechurchleaders.2 Consequently, the discussion concerningtheSwedishReformationhasoftenfocusedonwhetherthesix-teenthcenturywasatimeofgreatreligiouschangeornot.Somepointtothegentlechangesintheliturgyandintheecclesialspace,arguingthatthesix-teenthcenturyonlygraduallytransformedthereligiouspracticesofmedievaltimes,othersemphasizetheperceptionofchangethatledtorecurringrevoltsamongthepopulation.3 Bethatasitmay,withtheUppsalaResolutionof1593SwedenofficiallydeclareditselfaLutherancountry,andthesixteenthcen-turysawtheproductionofsongs,liturgyanddevotionalsinthevernacular.4 TheReformationwasatimeoftransformation,howevergradual,andwithit

1 Hilding Pleijel, Bror Olsson and Sigfrid Svensson, Våra äldsta folkböcker,(Lund,1967),p.117.

2 Sveriges kyrkohistoria 3 – Reformationstid,ÅkeAndrén(ed.),(Stockholm,1999),p.31–41.3 Formore on the continuitywithmedieval tradition, seeChrister Pahlmblad,Mässa på

svenska: den reformatoriska mässan i Sverige mot den senmedeltida bakgrunden, Ph.D. diss.,LundUniversity,(1998),andAnnaNilsén,“ReformandPragmatism:onChurchArtandArchitectureduringtheSwedishReformationEra”,inRe-forming Texts, Music, and Church Art in the Early Modern North,TuomasM.S.LehtonenandLindaKaljundi(eds.),(Amsterdam,2016),p.253–286.ForadiscussiononthechangesthatcamewiththeRefor-mation,seeMartinBerntson,“PopularBeliefandtheDisruptionofReligiousPracticesinReformationSweden”,inRe-forming Texts, Music, and Church Art in the Early Modern North,TuomasM.S.LehtonenandLindaKaljundi(eds.),(Amsterdam,2016),p.43–68.

4 A recently discovered and unique example of a liturgicalmanuscript in bothLatin andSwedishisfoundinStigtomtaParishOffice,ParishofStigtomta-Vrena,DioceseofSträng-näs,(bookrecordno1081inthebookinventoryoftheDioceseofSträngnäs,2017).Foradiscussiononliturgicalmusicinthevernacular,seeJormaHannikainenandErkkiTup-purainen,“VernacularGregorianChantandLutheranHymn-singing inReformation-eraFinland”, in Re-forming Texts, Music, and Church Art in the Early Modern North, Tuomas M.S.LehtonenandLindaKaljundi(eds.),(Amsterdam,2016),p.157–177.

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newreligiouspracticeswereadoptedbythepopulation.Butthetasktakenonbythereformers,tochangethereligionofamostlyilliteratepopulation,musthaveneededbothpersistenceandingenuity.Thischapterwillexaminesomeoftheseinstructionalmodes,orpedagogicaltools,thatwereusedtoreformlayreligiosity,fromamedievaltraditiontothefaithoftheSwedishLutheranChurch.Attheforefrontofthesetoolswouldhavebeensongs,throughwhichthechildrenofGodlearnttheWordofGod,notbyreading,butbylistening,memorising and participating.Whatwas the place of church songs in theSwedishReformation?

“JesusChristusärwårhelsa”:LostinTranslationLuther’sclassiccommunionhymn,“JesusChristusunserHeiland”,wasloose-lybasedontheLatin“JesusChristus,nostrasalus”.5 This hymn is strongly connectedwiththeProtestantLutheranmovement,andwithitssacramentalteachingitisagoodexampleofboththeologyandinstruction.6 InSwedenitappearedintranslationas“JesusChristusärworhelsa”.7 These three versions ofthehymnhavelittleincommonbeyondthefirstfewlines,however.8 Infact,theSwedishtranslationcomparedtoLuther’s original, diverges greatly after the second verse.9Whatfollowshereisadiscussionthatexploresthedifferentmodesoflanguage,whichmayallowustotalkoftwoseparateagendasfortheGermanandtheSwedishreformers,inparticularconcerningeucharisticinstruction.

Luther’sGerman version of the hymn is consistentlymore explicit andemotive. Where LutherdescribesJesusastheone“whoturnedGod’swrathawayfromus”,andhelpedusfromthepainofHell(Ger:Höllen Pein),theSwedishtranslationseeminglyputslessemphasisonhellishdrama,andJesus

5 IamreferringheretotheCommunionhymn“JesusChristusunserHeilanddervonunsdenGotteszornwandt”,nottobeconfusedwithLuther’sEasterhymn“JesusChristusunserHeilandderdenTodüberwand”.For thelinksbetweenLuther’shymnandthemedievalversions, see “Lass uns leuchten des Lebens Wort”: Die Lieder Martin Luthers. Im Auftrag der Franckeschen Stiftungen anlässlich des Reformationsjubiläums 2017,Hans-OttoKorth(ed.),(Halle,2017).

6 IngebrandSven,Swenske songer 1536 – Vår första bevarade evangeliska psalmbok,(Upp-sala,1998),p.103.

7 The version of the hymn used here is from, Swenska psalmboken af 1536 å nyo utgifwen, (Stockholm,1862).

8 The attribution of this hymn has been the cause of much debate. Lars Högmarck’s reference booktoSwedishhymnsfrom1736mentionsLaurentiusPetri. See Lars Högmarck, Psal-mopoeographia. En vtförlig beskrifning öfwer them, som hafwa 1. samansatt, 2. öfwersatt och 3. förbettrat psalmarna, vti then, på kongl. maj:ts allernådigsta befallning, åhr 1695. öfwersedda swenska psalm- boken, med monga både nyttiga och nödiga anmerkningar försedd;[…]sammanletad och vtarbetad af Lars Högmarck,(Stockholm,1736),p.10.Hisisprobablyatraditionalview.SvenIngebrand’sresearchinsteadpointstoOlausPetri as the author,seeIngebrand,Swenske songer,p.103–106.

9 Thehymnsalsodifferinlength,withLuther’ssong“JesusChristusunserHeiland”con-taining10verses,andtheSwedish12verses.

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istheone“whowantedtosaveusall”.10Hedidsobyhelpingusavoidthemis-eryofdeath(Swe:dödzens nödh).Theconclusionsofthiscomparisonmustofcoursebetemperedbythedifficultythatliesintranslation;thereareonlyafewSwedishwordsthatcomparewellwiththethreesyllablesofHöllen Pein. Thediscrepanciesbetweenthetwolanguageversionscontinueinthesamevein,however,withtheGermantextstressingemotion,whereastheSwedishhymn focuses on instruction.

Table 8. Stanza 1 in German and Swedish.

GermanJesusChristus,unserHeiland,dervonunsdenGotteszornwandt,durch das bitter Leiden sein half er uns aus der Höllen Pein.

SwedishJesusChristusärworhelsa,somossallawillefrelsa,medhsijnpinoochbittradödh,frelstehanossaffdödzensnödh.

Versetwoisagoodexampleofthisdifference.TheGermanversionmakesitclearthatJesusgivesushisbodytoeat(Ger:sein Leib zu essen).IntheSwed-ishhymn,ontheotherhand,itisasifthewritercannothelpbutclarifythatJesusinstitutedthesacramentforChristianstopartakein,nottoadore,say-ingthatJesusgaveusfoodtoeat(Swe:gaff han oss en spijs at äta).ThereareseveralSwedishone-syllablewordsthatcouldhavebeenusedthatwereclosertotheGermanLeib,suchasthosefor“body”,“life”,and“flesh”(Swe:kropp, liv, kött).Realpresenceisnotcontested,however,sincetheSwedishversehasa reference to Christ’s body under the bread (under bröd lekamen sin).

Table 9. Stanza 2 in German and Swedish.

GermanDasswirnimmerdesvergessen,gaberunssein’Leibzuessen,verborgen im Brot so klein, undzutrinkenseinBlutimWein.

SwedishAtwijhonomeyförgäta,gaffhanossenspijsatäta,under bröd lekamen sin,gaffossdrickasinblodhjwijn.

ThelanguageintheSwedishhymnisdirectedtoacollective,withapedagog-icalmotivetoinstructandinform,muchlikeasermon.Sofar,thehymnwrit-er has translated Luther’s hymn, but for the remainder of the verses Luther’s textseemstoservemoreasaninspiration,thanastrictguide.Thiscavalierusage of Luther’s material might be seen as a dismissal of Luther’s didactic andemotivelanguage,orthatapedagogicalplanadaptedtoSwedishcircum-stanceswasactivelycarvedoutandputintouse.

Inversethreewealreadyseehowthetwolanguageversionsdivergeontodifferentpaths.Luthertriestostirtheuser’sconscience,towakeandwarn,muchliketheGoodFridayrooster.TheGermanversereadsintranslation:

10 Cf.v.1,inGerman,“DerwonunsdenGotteszornwandt”withv.1,inSwedish,“Somossallavillefrälsa”.

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Whomeverwantstogotothe[altar]table,shouldtakecareandseriouslycon-sider their affairs. If anyonewho is unworthy approaches, theywill receivedeath instead of life.11

Inthepreviousverse,wehavebeenstirredandurgedtoregardthemysteri-ous,heavenlylifegiventousinsuchasmallpieceofbread.Thebreadoffersdivinelifethatshouldleadtoearnestself-examination.Thisiscrucial,lestweeat death instead of life.

Bycomparison,theSwedishversiondelaysthewarningthatLuther offers inverse three.Acomparable textcomes inverseseven.Rather thangoingdirectlyfromareflectionontheRealPresencetocontemplatingpersonalsins,as Lutherdid,theSwedishhymnwritergivesfurtherinstructiononwhytheRealPresenceislinkedtopersonalsins.Itreadsintranslation:

Withthisfoodhewouldcomfortus,[toknow]thatourdebtispaid.Tofirmlybelieve,andtothisHolySuppergo.12

Here Lutherwritesinthethirdperson,butitisstillapersonaladdresstome,the user. Lutherwillcontinuetofurtherpersonalisehismessage,byswitchingtoadirectaddressinthecomingverses:youshouldpraise(Du sollst… prei-sen);yourmistakes(deine Missetat);13 you should believe and not doubt (Du sollst glauben und nicht wanken).14 Luther’s verse four contains language to makeme,thesinger,personallyinvested,torousemyconscience.ItwasformymistakesthatGodofferedthedeathofhisson([…]in den Tod sein’ Sohn geben hat.).

(Stanza4,German:)DusollstGottdenVaterpreisen,dasserdichsowohlwolltspeisenundfürdeineMissetatindenTodsein‘Sohngebenhat.[PraiseGodtheFather,Who has given us such good foodAndwhoforyourmistakesGavehisSonintodeath.]

TheSwedishhymn,ontheotherhand,addressesacollectivewithinstructivelanguage.Itgoesfromusinganinclusivepronoun–we–toanimpersonalthirdpersonsingular–one.Versefourbelowsoundsmuchlikeateacherhop-ingtomakethestudentslisten.Itisonlyifonefirmlybelieves–thatChristis

11 WersichwillzudemTischmachen,/derhabwohlachtaufseinSachen./Werunwürdighinzugeht,/fürdasLebendenTodempfeht.

12 Medhthenspijswilhanosströsta,/Atwijäreåterlöste,/Therskolewijfasttrouppå,/Ocså til thenne natuard gå.

13 Bothexamplesarefromtheforthverse.14 See verse 5.

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inthebread,Christwhodiedforus–thatanygoodcomesfromparticipatingin the sacrament.

(Stanza4,Swedish:)Scalhärnågotgottaffwarda,scal man stå j tronne harda:athanärjthettabrödh,som for oss haffuer lidit dödh.[For this to lead to blessing,one must be of strong faith.Believethathe[Jesus]isinthisbread,whoforushavesuffereddeath.]

Theversestrytocatchourattentionindifferentways,hencethevariationofpronouns.Lutherwantstostirheartandmind.AtthesightofthemysteryintheEucharist,weareboundtoconsiderwhoweareashumanbeings;howI,thissinfulperson,maystandinthepresenceofmyGod.TheSwedishtrans-lationinsteadusesstatementsandfacts:thisistheeternaltruthweasGod’scongregationshouldlistentoandbelieve.Christdiedforus,andGodwantstocomfortuswithhisfood.Hewantsustobesavedwiththismeal.Andthis,we,hisChurch,shouldfirmlybelieve,inordertofindanyblessingatthealtar.

The hymns differ in eucharistic instruction,which comes across both inthemes and language. Lutherusedphrasesmeanttorevivetheheartofthein-dividual, theSpirit thatlieswithinthehumansoul.TheSwedishversion,ontheotherhand,usedlanguagethatwouldappealtothemind,sothattheSpiritwouldincreaseitsunderstandingandthusopenitshearttotherightfaith.ItisnotfornothingthattheSwedishhymnislongerthanLuther’soriginal,twelveversesinsteadoften,becausemoreinstructionwasadded.WhereLuther just stirstheChristian’sconscience,lesttheyreceivedtheEucharistunworthily,theSwedishversionexpandstheteachingoverfiveverses.Onlyaftercrucialsacra-mentalinstructionon:theneedforstrongfaithinGod’ssavinggraceinverse3,

3)Withthisfoodhewouldcomfortus,[toknow]thatourdebtispaid.Tofirmlybelieve,andtothisHolySuppergo;

therealpresenceinverse4,

4) For this to lead to blessing, onemust be of strong faith.Believe that he[Jesus]isinthisbread,whoforushavesuffereddeath;

thatonlytheWordwillvouchsafeproperritesandceremoniesinverse5,

5)Andfor[theChurch]nottofallintomisuse,buttoproperlyadministertheritesofChrist’stable,thenGod’sholywordmustbepreached;15

15 ”Wilmaneyjmisbrukfalla,menthetrettasettethalla,närmantågårtilChristiBord,skalforkunnasgudzhelgaord.”

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andtheChristianrighttopartakeofthechaliceinverse6,

6)AndthisiswhatChristwanted,thatweshouldnotseparatethesetwo,noallshoulddrinkhisblood,whoeatsthisblessedSupper;16

onlythendoestheSwedishhymnpickupLuther’swarningbellonpersonalpreparationandworthinessbeforethealtar,

7)Oneshouldexamineoneself,andconsiderone’saffairs,theonewhocomeshereunworthily,willinsteadoflifegaindeath.17

Incomparison,letusremindourselvesofthesimplicityofLuther’sverse3,

3)“WersichwillzudemTischmachen,derhabwohlachtaufseinSachen.Werunwürdighinzugeht,fürdasLebendenTodempfeht.”

3)Whomeverwantstogotothe[altar]table,shouldtakecareandseriouslyconsidertheiraffairs.Ifanyonewhoisunworthyapproaches,theywillreceivedeath instead of life.

ItistruethatLuther also mentions the need for faith, as in verse 5,

5)“Dusollstglaubenundnichtwanken,dass’seinSpeiseseidenKranken.”

But,apartfromthisremindertobelievethattheEucharistisfoodfortheun-well[bysins](anideathatalsoappearsintheSwedishversion),Luther stays awayfromdoctrinalinstruction.Hegivesnoexplanationofrealpresence,nordoeshelinktrustinthesacramentandtheritualtotheWordandtheGospel,norfeeltheneedtospelloutthateveryoneshouldhaveaccesstobothbreadandwine. It isas ifhe trusts thatpersonalengagement in Jesus’s sacrificeandinthesacramentwillkeeppeopleinthetruefaith.ItwouldbeafutileendeavourtospeculateonLuther’s reasoning behind the construction of this hymn,andwhyheincludescertaintopicsandomitsothers;anytheorywouldbe conjecture.18 Onewouldalsoneed tocomparehis songwith thevariousmedievalLatinversionsthatwereprevalentbothinGermanyandSweden,toseeifhewaspossiblyinspiredbythem.Regardlessofhisreasons,Luther is consistentlypersonalinhiswriting,usingrelatable,humanexperiences.Thisspeaksofacontextwherereadingandspiritualreflectioncouldbeexpected,becauseheappealstotheindividual,andtopersonalspirituality.

16 ”SåärthetochChristiwilie,atwijthettaeyåtskilie,utandrickeallehansblod,somätethennenatwardgodh.”

17 “Manskalochsichsielffbetracta,ochuppåsinsakeracta,thenowerdelighärtilgår,forliffuethanhärdödenfår.”

18 Of course, Lutherhadalreadydealtwiththetopicinbothmoreacademicandmoreacces-siblewritings.HistreatiseOn the Babylonian Captivityisjustoneexampleofhisexamina-tion of the Sacrament of the Altar, see e.g. Martin Luther, Martin Luther’s basic theological writings, 3rdedition,(Minneapolis,MN,2012).

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Pedagogical MarkersThedifferencesinpedagogyfoundinthiscommunionhymnechothoseBer-niceSundkvistfinds ina studyofLuther’sChristmassong“VomHimmelhoch”,anditsSwedishtranslation,“AfHimmelshögd”.Shetalksofthere-curring“pedagogicalmarkers”inthefirstSwedishtranslation.IntheoriginalGerman,LutherwantsthesingertoexperiencetheunfoldingoftheeventsatBethlehem.Itisnotjustahistoricalnarrative,itishappeninginthe“hereandnow”.Lutherattemptstomakethebiblicalstoryintoapersonalexperience,inthepresent,aconcreteeventthatwilltransformourheartsandourfaith.19

TheSwedishversionoftheChristmashymninsteadfocusesontheeternaland universal.As Sundkvist remarks, it is not enough to just see a sweetchild in a manger, the message has to be doctrinally correct. The translator, Olaus Martini, thus uses Luther’sdescriptionofJesus,thesweetbaby,butheexpandsanddefinesthethemeinhisSwedishtranslation.Jesusisnotjustababyinthemanger,sweetandlovelytobehold;heistruehumanandGodincarnate.20 NoonewouldbeabletosingthisSwedishChristmashymnandmiss the theological implicationof the incarnation: that theChrist-child isalsothesaviourofallhumankind.ThisisanexampleofwhatSundkvistcallsapedagogicalmarker.

Both thesehymnsalsoshowLuther’sappreciation forparadoxes. In theChristmashymnhewritesof“heaven inamanger,”andwefinda similartropein“JesusChristusunserHeiland”.InthesecondverseLuther talks of theEucharistasChrist’sbody,manifestinthegiftsofbreadandwine,andhedrawsattentiontotheparadoxoftheexperience,“sein’Leibzuessen…imBrotsoklein”.His[Christ’sdivine]bodyinalittlepieceofbreadiscompa-rabletotheChristmasparadoxofheavenfoundinamanger.IntheSwedishversionof“VomHimmelhoch”, theparadox remains in the lyrics, thoughwithadoctrinaledit.21

ThesamecannotbesaidoftheSwedishversionof“JesusChristusunserHeiland”;heretheparadoxhasbeenremoved,quitepossiblytomaintaintherhyme, but it alsomakes the doctrinal point clear and concise. The hymnwriterinvitesthecongregationtopartakeofbothbreadandwine,whichiscelebratedonChrist’scommandandinaccordancewithLutheraneucharisticideals.ThisisaneditthatbearsresemblancetothepedagogicalmarkerthatSundkvistwritesabout.ComparedtoLuther’sparadox,theverseisquitepro-saic,“Hegaveustoeat,hisbodyinbread,andtodrinkhisbloodinwine”.

19 BerniceSundkvist,“VomHimmelhoch–frånberättandetillbelärandeberättelse”,inMar-tin Luthers psalmer i de nordiska folkens liv,Sven-ÅkeSelanderandKarl-JohanHansson(eds.),(Lund,2008),p.205–235,p.213–214.

20 Sundkvist,“VomHimmelhoch”,p.215.21 Ibid.,p.215.

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Thetwoversionsofverse2are:

German:Dasswirnimmerdesvergessen,gaberunssein’Leibzuessen,verborgen im Brot so klein, undzutrinkenseinBlutimWein.

Swedish:Atwijhonomeyförgäta,gaffhanossenspijsatäta,under bröd lekamen sin,gaffossdrickasinblodhjwijn.

Sundkvist’sanalysisechoesAllanArvastson’sdefinitionofwhathereferstoas the“post-Reformation”hymn, fromaperiodroughlybetween1560and1630.Thepost-Reformationhymnshadtwodominantcharacteristicsaccord-ing to Arvastson: doctrinal correctness and humanism. The former he further explainsasbiblicalfaithfulness,andthelatteranadherencetoclassicalpo-etical style.22

Both these characteristics are mentioned by Sundkvist, even though she termsthem“Lutheranorthodox”,ratherthan“post-Reformation”.ShedatestheSwedishChristmashymn to thebeginningof the seventeenth century,andnamesarchbishopOlausMartini(1557–1609)asthemostprobabletrans-lator. Olaus MartiniisalsoarepresentativeofearlyLutheranOrthodoxyinSweden.ThecharacteristicsSundkvistpointsoutasOrthodoxinthishymnarethepenchantforuniversaltruths,doctrinaltropesandrhetoricaldecorum.Therhetoricwasformalisticandmeanttoconveyacertaindegreeofgravi-ty.23TheserhetoricalrulesweresomethingArvastsonalsorecognisedinthepost-Reformationhymn,withitsclassicalideal,butevenmoresointhehighOrthodoxy of later seventeenth century hymns.24

Thequestiontheniswhetherthecommunionhymn,“JesusChristusärwårhelsa”,followsthesamerhetoricalrulesofpost-ReformationLutheranOrtho-doxy,orifthedesirefordoctrinalcorrectnessandpedagogywasalsoofgreatimportance in the earlyProtestantmovement.The fact that the hymnwasanearlierSwedishadaptationthantheChristmashymn,indicatethelatter.25 Certainly,thehighOrthodoxmovementstresseddoctrinaltropesandrhetoriceven further,but itcouldstillbeclaimed thatearlySwedish reformersputmoreemphasisonteachingandcorrectdoctrinethanemotion-basedspirit-uality.ThecomparisonofLuther’sandtheSwedishCommunionhymnisone

22 Allan Arvastson, Den svenska psalmen,(Lund,1963),p.62–63.23 ArchbishopOlausMartini(inoffice1601–1609)opposedboththeperceivedCatholicten-denciesofkingJohanIIIandtheCalvinisticpromptingsofkingCharlesIX. Sundkvist, “VomHimmelhoch”,p.214–217.

24 Arvastson, Den svenska psalmen,p.63,84–85.25 Ingebrand,Swenske songer,p.105f.

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suchexample.“JesusChristusärwårhelsa”containsbothuniversaltruths,doctrineandpedagogicalmarkers.Itisnotpost-Reformation,norOrthodox,butpartoftheearlyProtestantmovement.ThishymnwouldhaveinfluencedOlaus Martini inhis translationof theChristmashymn,not theotherwayaround.

Theexactoriginof theSwedishadaptationhasbeendisputed,however.Onetheory,proposedbySverkerEk,claimsthatthehymncametoSwedenvia Denmark and a Danish translation.26SvenIngebrand, on the other hand, disagrees.HefindsEk’s theory improbable since theDanish versionmorecloselyfollowsLuther’shymnthantheSwedishversion.Ingebrand even dates theSwedishversionearlierthantheDanishhymn,somethingwhichhasbeendisputed.27 Medieval Latin versions of the hymns may also have acted as in-spirationfortheSwedishhymn,butthistooisunclear.ThemostconclusivedatingevidencewehaveistheSwedishMassof1531,whichreferencesthesong.28AnotherdisputedquestionisthatofwhomadetheSwedishadapta-tion.Ingebrand makes a case for the reformer Olaus Petri,aprolificwriteranddebaterin1520sSweden.BasedonsimilaritiesinlanguagebetweenOlausPetri’spublicationsandthosein“JesusChristusärwårhelsa”,Ingebrand rea-sonsthatOlausPetriwasthemostprobablehymnwriter.29Thisisallspec-ulation, however, and there is no decisive evidence to support this theory.Earlysongcollectionsdidnotmentionsongwriters,anditisverytemptingtoattributecertaintextstoknowncharactersinahistoricalevent. Regardless ofthewriter,IwouldproposethatitisinthiscircleofearlySwedishreform-ersthatwefindtheearliesttendencytoenhancethecatecheticalaspectsofProtestant material by stressing doctrinal correctness over emotional and in-dividualspirituality.

Literacy and OralityFortheSwedishcontext,thispedagogicaltendencymaywellbeduetoilliter-acy.EvenifwecannottalkofaliterateGermansociety,theredidexistanin-formedaudienceandmarketforpublishedworks.Ofcourse,theReformationwasnotjustamovementamongtheurbanised,literateclasses,ahistorictruthwhichRobertScribner and C. Scott Dixon have discussed. We need to talk ofProtestantmovementsbothurbanandrural,aswellasboth literaryandorallytransmitted;severalsocietallayersthatsometimesworkedintandem,

26 Sverker EkmakescomparisonstoaDanishversionthatwasprintedintheMalmöhymnalin1529.Ekpointstosomesimilarlinesattheverybeginningandendofthetwohymns,whichhearguesshowthattheSwedishauthorwasinspiredbytheDanishtranslation.SeeSverkerEk,“Våraförstapsalmböcker”,Samlaren,39(1918),p.1–24,p.18f.

27 Ingebrand,Swenske songer,p.103–106.28 Lars Eckerdal, “Kommunionssång i Svenska kyrkan”, in Hjärtats tillit - Trosförmedling i

luthersk tradition,(Årsbokförsvensktgudstjänstliv,82),Sven-ÅkeSelander(ed.),(Skellef-teå,2007),p.82–130,p.83,85.

29 Ingebrand,Swenske songer,p.103–106.

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sometimes not.30ThedescriptionsofliteracyintheGermanstatesalsovary,dependingonwhat is argued for. JonHaarberg, for example,writes aboutthepersistenceoforalculture,andhighlights the lackof readingskills. Inanoralculture,hymnsareimportant;Haarbergevencallsthem“earwaystoheaven”forthelaity.HeclaimstoothatthepublicationofLuther’s catechism in1529encouragedoralinstruction,insteadofputtingastoptoit.Accordingto Haarberg, the catechismwas taught in similarways all over ProtestantEurope:“StandardelementsincludedcatecheticalsermonsonSundays,mid-weeklessonsforyoungpeople,andprescribeddevotionsledbythemanofthe house.”31 He also quotes Luthertostresstheimportanceofsingingasapedagogicaltoolfortheuneducated:“Intheautumnof1523,Luther revealed hisplantowrite‘vernacularpsalmsforthepeople,i.e.spiritualsongs,sothattheWordsofGodevenbymeansofsongmayliveamongthepeople.’”32

ButotherdescriptionsshowanothersideoflayreligiosityintheGermanEmpire.Withseveralcitystates,aneducatedmiddleclass,andmanyprintingpresses,theReformationhadachancetogrowfromagrass-rootslevel.Prot-estantpublications,pamphlets, andsongsheetswerepickedupandspreadamongthepopulation,bothinliterarycirclesandorallytransmitted,whichallowedforanopennesstochange.33 TheLutherancongregationinJoachims-thal, a mining town, is an example of this. Christopher Boyd Brown has studied thecommunityand foundprivate librariesand inventories thatputprayerbooks,postilsandhymnalsat theheartofburgher familydevotion.And Lutherwaspopular;almostafifthofthebooksintheinventorywerebyLuther.InthecaseofJoachimsthal,readingandsinging,literacyandoralityseemedtogohandinhand,ashomeinstructionsurgeparents(bothfathersandmothers)notonlytosingwiththeirfamilies,buttoexplainthetheologyofthehymns,stanzabystanza.34.Thisshowsamiddle-classcontextwhere

30 Robert W. Scribner and C. Scott Dixon, The German Reformation, 2nd edition, (Basing-stoke,2003),p.22–23,26–27,30–31.

31 JonHaarberg, “Earways toHeaven:Singing theCatechism inDenmark-Norway,1569–1756”,inReligious Reading in the Lutheran North: Studies in Early Modern Scandinavian Book Culture,CharlotteAppelandMortenFink-Jensen(eds.),(Newcastle,2011),p.48–69,p.49.

32 Haarberg,“EarwaystoHeaven”p.53.33 OwenChadwick,The Reformation,(Harmondsworth,1990),p.29–31.TheissueofConfes-sionalism,onwhethertheReformationwassuccessfulornot,orwhetheritwasofthepeo-pleorpushedbythoseinpower,hasbeendiscussedvigorouslyoverthepastfewdecades.MostparticipantsinthedebateseemtoagreethatseverallayershavetobeenconsideredtounderstandtheReformation:political,religious,socialandfiscal.SeeHeinzSchilling,Religion, political culture and the emergence of early modern society: essays in German and Dutch history,(Leiden,1992),p.216–222,HeinzSchilling,“ConfessionalEurope”,inHandbook of European history: 1400–1600: late Middle Ages, Renaissance, and Reforma-tion,ThomasA.Brady,HeikoA.ObermanandJamesD.Tracy(eds.),(Leiden,1994–95),p.641–681,p.664f.C.ScottDixon,Contesting the Reformation,(Malden,MA,2012),p.168–171.Seealso,Scribner,The German Reformation,p.22–23.

34 ChristopherBoydBrown,Singing the Gospel – Lutheran Hymns and the Success of the Reformation,(Cambridge,MA,2005),p.105,108,120.

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booksseemedcommonplaceandtakenforgranted.EventhoughthepastorJoahnnMathesiusdidnotrecommendtheBibletohisflock,duetoitscost-liness,hedid suggest they invest inanextensive listof theologicalworks:postils,biblicalcommentaries,andvariousbooksbyLutherandPhilipMel-anchthon.35 Bookswerealsousedasawaytosafe-guardtheLutherancommu-nityinamulti-denominationalculture.Childrenweretaughttoreadandwereequippedwithbooks,sotheywouldnotlosetheirLutheranfaithevenwhentheylefthomeforworkandstudy.36 Inthiscontext–whetherdeliberatelyornot–itwaspossibleforLuthertowritetotheindividual.Itmadesensetotrytoengagetheindividualinthebiblicalstory.Itmadesensetowriteaboutemotionsandpersonalexperiences.Itmadesense,becauseitwasonaperson-allevelthatthesewordswerelikelytoberead.Fromthere,thesongshadthepowertotransformacommunity.

Sixteenth-centurySweden,bycontrast,wasaverydifferentsocietywithanevensmallerliterateproportionofthepopulationthanGermany,andbare-lyanyprintingpresses.37 Exceptforinsularcentresofreligiousreform,suchasStockholm,Protestantpamphletsandwritingswouldhavehadlittlereach,anditisdoubtfulwhetherthetextsoftheSwedishReformationwouldhavebenefitedfromanindividualapproach.TheSwedishReformationwaslargelyamovementfromabove,andinthe1520s,ProtestantideashadonlygainedliminalsupportinStockholmandafewothercoastaltowns.38 To reform the people, the reformersneededapedagogicalplan.Howelsewould the reli-gioustransformationofalargebutsparselypopulatedcountrytakeplace?Letalonethatwithapopulationthatwasaversetochange.39

TheWittenbergReformationmayhavebeen themost influential for theearlySwedishreformers,but justaswith thehymn,Jesus Christus är wår helsa,thepackagingandpresentationtookaSwedishtwist.40 The church in Swedenshowsevidenceofthispedagogicaltraitinmanyareas,suchastheneedfora“gentleReformation”,lestthepeoplewouldbeturnedawayfrom

35 Brown,Singing the Gospel,p.120.36 Ibid.,p.109f.37 GustavVasaclosedtheprintingpressinLinköping(deemedasCatholic)in1526.AtthesametimehemovedtheremainingpressfromUppsala,whereithadbeenunderthecontrolofthecathedralchapter,toStockholm,thusgainingfullcontrolovertheprintingindustryinSweden, seeErkki IlmariKouri, “TheEarlyReformation inSwedenandFinlandca.1520–1560”,inThe Scandinavian Reformation: from Evangelical Movement to Institution-alisation of Reform,OlePeterGrell(ed.),(Cambridge,1995),p.42–69,p.50,andSveriges kyrkohistoria 3 – Reformationstid,p.37f.

38 KourimakesthecasethattheReformationwasintricatelyinterwovenwithGustavVasa’s powerstruggleagainstDenmark,butalsothecreationofanationstate,seeKouri,“TheearlyReformationinSwedenandFinland”,p.43–46.

39 ForanaccountofcriticalreactionsandrebellionsagainstthemassinSwedish,seeBernt-son,“PopularBeliefandtheDisruptionofReligiousPractices”,p.50–52.

40 ManySwedishandFinnishstudentsstudiedatWittenberg,includingtheSwedishreform-ers Olaus Petri and Laurentius Petri, and the Finnish reformer Mikael Agricola, see Kouri, “TheEarlyReformationinSwedenandFinland”,p.65,68,andSveriges kyrkohistoria 3 – Reformationstid,p.28,72.

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the true faith.41 Swedenexperiencedbutafewandisolatediconoclasms.42 The onlyletter-baseddecorationthatexistsinpresent-daySwedenistobefoundin former Danish provinces and was acquired during Danish rule. A let-ter-basedreredosisstillinsituontheislandofGotland.43 Where neighbouring countriesinthesouthusedcatechismaltarpieces(“Antibild”or“Nichtbild”),44 AnnaNilsénwritesaboutthelong-lastingplaceofmedievalandtraditionaliconographyinSwedishchurches.Imageswereretained,andthebiblicalsto-rywasretoldinpicturesbothonwallsandinteriorfeatures.45. For reformers whowereunabletorelyonthewrittentext,boththesemediums,songsandimages,wouldhavebeenmosteffectiveasaneducationaltool.Hymnswereeasilymemorised,andimagesdisplayedforpublicperusal.

Theactualhymnaltoo,turnedintoapedagogicalresource.TheLutheranhymnals(herebothGermanandSwedish)tendedtofollowastructurethatLuthercompiled,whichwaslargelycatecheticalwiththemesonLaw,Gospel,Prayers and Sacrament.46 Comparedtoarichlyliteratecountry,likeEnglandortheGermancitystates,wheretherewereseveralpublishersandanarrayof devotionals and song books, however,theSwedishcontextmayhavegiventhehymnalscopeforagreaterimpactonthepopulace,sincetherewaslittlecompetition fromotherpublications.47 TheSwedishmarketwassmall,and

41 EventheUppsalaResolution,writtensome60yearsafterthehymn,emphasizedtheneedfora“gentleReformation”.Itdetailstheliturgicalceremoniesthatcouldbekeptuntilthepopulationhadbeensufficientlytaughtaboutproperreligion,andtheceremoniescountedas adiafora–thosethatcouldbeabolishedwithoutcausinga“racket”(Swe:“buller”).SeeLarsEckerdalandPerErikPersson(eds.),Confessio fidei: Uppsala mötes beslut 1593 om Svenska kyrkans bekännelse,(Stockholm,1993),p.13.

42 ForoneaccountoficonoclasminStockholminthe1520s,seeSveriges kyrkohistoria 3 – Reformationstid,p.36f.

43 See Sveriges kyrkohistoria 4 – Enhetskyrkans tid,IngunMontgomery(ed.),(Stockholm,2002),p.155.Theonlyexceptioninsixteenth-centurymainlandSwedenisBettnaChurch,whichwasdecoratedwithcartouchesinthe1590s,ontheinitiativeofitsrector,AbrahamPetri Angermannus.BettnawasthenwithintheduchyofdukeCharles(laterkingCharlesIX),regardedbymostasaCalvinist,andofareligiouspersuasionthatwasprobablysharedby Angermannus. See Mereth Lindgren, “Reformationen och bilden”, in Sveriges kyrkohis-toria 3 – Reformationstid,ÅkeAndrén(ed.),(Stockholm,1999),p.304–320,p.310f.

44 BirgitteBøggild Johannsen andHugo Johannsen, “Re-forming theConfessional Space:EarlyLutheranChurchesinDenmark,c.1536–1660”,inLutheran Churches in Early Mod-ern Europe,AndrewSpicer(ed.),(Farnham,Surrey,2012),p.241–276,p.253.

45 SeeAnnaNilsén,“ReformandPragmatism”,p.277–284.46 For more on Luther and the catechetical hymnal, see Robin A. Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical

Music: Principles and Implications, (GrandRapids,MI, 2007)p. 107–115, inparticularp.109f.AndrewPettegreecontinues thediscussiononcatecheticalhymnals in theGer-manandScandinavianlands,seeAndrewPettegree,Reformation and the Culture of Per-suasion, (Cambridge,2005),p.46–47.For theSwedishcontext, seeSven-ÅkeSelander,”Lutherspsalmersomkatekespsalmerisvensktradition”,inMartin Luthers psalmer i de nordiska folkens liv, SelanderandHansson(eds.),(Lund,2008),p.274–279.

47 For more on literacy and religious belonging in England, see Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars; Traditional Religion in England c. 1400–c. 1580, 2ndedition,(NewHaven,CT,2005),p.68–87,andAlecRyrie,Being Protestant in Reformation Britain,(Oxford,2013),p.259–270.

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limitedbyilliteracyandapooreconomy.FormostofthesixteenthcenturytherewasalsoonlyonepublisherinSweden.48 Inthisdiscussionthewide-spreadpamphletindustryalsoneedstobeconsidered,becausethesecheapandportableprintsdidtravelbothfarandfastontheEuropeancontinent.An-drewPettegreehasshownhoweffectivelyLuther’sideasspreadintheGer-manlandsandbeyond,largelyduetopamphlets.49Therearetwoproblemswithpamphlets,however,whichmakesitdifficulttobaseargumentsonthem.Thefirstproblemisthelackofphysicalevidence.Thesimpleformat(afoldedpieceofpaper)makesthemephemeralandfewremain.Thesecondproblemisthatitisdifficulttotellwhatinfluencetheyhad.Inanilliteratesocietyitmaywellhavebeencommonforthosewithreadingskillstoreadaloudtoalargergathering,thusspreadingnewsandideasfrombothbooksandcheaperprints.But even as Pettegreewritesaboutthesetheories,healsocautionshisreaderabout the lack of evidence of this custom.50Thereisreallynowaytotelldefin-itivelyhowwellknowntheseProtestantpamphletsandbookswereamongthelargerSwedishpopulationandoutsideofthetradingcentreslikeStockholm.

Thepost-Reformationerasawthepublicationofseveraldiocesanhymnals,andthesekeptthecatecheticalstructureofthoseofthepreviouscentury.51 The luckyfewwhogottheirhandsonahymnalintheseventeenthcenturyfoundin this one book everything aLutheranwould need for private andpublicworship:hymns,thecatechism,thelectionary,andaprayerbook.Inthisway,the catechism and hymns may have been used in tandem to teach both actual readingandgiveabasicknowledgeofthecorrectfaith.Andherethechurchhadanothermeansofinstructingthepopulationintheproperfaith.

OntheBenefitsofSongsandSingingWhatevidencemighttherebeofanactualpedagogicalagendaamongSwed-ish reformers? As has been noted, Jesus Christus är wår helsausesthepluralfirst-personpronoun“we”,whereLuthermoreoftenuses thesingularpro-noun“I”.Arvastsonhighlightsthisdifference,remarkingonhowfrequentlySwedishhymnsaddressacollective,whereasLuther seeks out the individual.52 Almost as an aside, Arvastson continues by describing the instructional tone inmanyofthehymnsoftheReformation,andtosuchadegreethathefinds

48 Onprintingpressesinthesixteenthcentury,seeSveriges kyrkohistoria 3 – Reformations-tid,p.37f.Inthefollowingcentury,ValborgLindgärdeestimatesthenumberofpublishersaspossiblyoneatthebeginningand17atthecloseofthecentury,see,ValborgLindgärde,“Fromhetslitteraturenunder1600-talet”,inSveriges kyrkohistoria 4 – Enhetskyrkans tid, IngunMontgomery(ed.),(Stockholm,2002),p.270–279,p.270.

49 Pettegree, Reformation,p.159–177.50 Ibid.,p.117f.51 Wahlström Bengt, Studier över tillkomsten av 1695 års psalmbok,(Uppsala,1951),p.14–15.52 Arvastson, Den svenska psalmen,p.51f.,AllanArvastson,Svensk psalm genom tiderna, (Lund,1975),p.35.

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the lyrics rather cumbersome.53 ItispossiblethatthesepedagogicalstanzasaremereevidenceoftheSwedishhymnwriters’personalstyle,morethanthere-sultofaconsideredagenda.OtherSwedishLutherantextsindicate,however,thatinstructionwasindeedapriorityforthereformers.

The song book, Swenske songerisacollectionofhymnsfrom1536,whichincludes Jesus Christus är wår helsa.54 Aswiththehymntheauthoroftheintroduction to Swenske songer is not identified.The introduction offers aProtestantargumentforthegreatbenefitssongsandsinginghaveforthecon-gregation.SongsareprayerstoGod,butfirstandforemosttheyareremindersofGod’sgoodgifts(Swe:oppåmines huad gud henne til godo giort haffuer).55

Ingebrandclaimsthatthisphraseshouldbeseeninthelightofhowcriticalthe reforming brothers Olaus Petri and Laurentius PetriwereofusingsongsasanoffertoGod.ThiscriticismcomesinthesamebreathasthecensureofthesacrificeofMass.56 Thus,itisnotthepeoplewhobringofferingstoGodwiththeirsinging,butGodwhoremindsandrousesthepeopletobeholdhisbenevolencethroughsongs.However,songsarealsomeanttocreate“fruit”.Andfruit,theintroductionclarifies,canonlycomeaboutbysolidinstructioninanunderstandabletongue.Ifthesingerknowswhattheyaresinging,thentheyareabletolearnaboutGod’sremarkableworksandgreatdeeds(Swe:opwäct warda til at betracta gudz dråpeliga wreck, och oppåminas hans sto-ra welgerningar).57 With thesewords, the Swedish reformers seem to haveknownexactlywhattheywantedwiththesesongs:toinstructandreform.

Thekeyargumentshereconcernthebenefitsthatshouldcomefromchurchsongs,the“fruit”,andforthistobepossiblethesongsneedtobeinthever-nacular.TheSwedishreformerOlausPetri argues similarly that Mass should becelebratedinSwedish,becauseotherwisetherewillbenofruit.58 Again, MassandsingingareagiftofsalvationfromGod,notasacrificebythepeo-ple,butthegiftcanonlybereceivedifitisunderstoodandexplained.

53 Asexamplesofbothpronounuseandinstructionallanguage,Arvastson uses Olaus Petri’s translationofLuther’s”Nunfreuteuch”,andOlausPetri’s“Gudavsinebarmhärtighet”,”OJesuKrist,sommandomtog”,and”OkärebroderKriste”.See,Arvastson,Den svenska psalmen,p.52.

54 Ingebrand,Swenska psalmboken af 1536 å nyo utgifwen,(Stockholm,1862).55 Swenska psalmboken,p.3.56 Ingebrand,Swenske songer,p.12–13.57 Swenska psalmboken,p.4.58 Ingebrand,Swenske songer,p.15.

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SummaryThehymnsproducedduringtheSwedishReformationseemtoindicatethatthetransformationofreligionwastheresultofapedagogicalplan.TheCom-munionhymn,“JesusChristusärwårhelsa”,readsasiftheSwedishreformerswereofferingasermon,asermonthatcouldbememorisedandsungbytheentireSwedishpopulation.Here thepeople learntaboutcorrecteucharisticpracticeandmeaning,aswellastheoriginandbenefitofthesacrament.ThistendencytopedagogyseemstobeaconnectinglinkamongallthehymnsoftheReformation,withlanguagethatfocusedonthecollective,morethantheindividual,oneternaltruths,morethanthepersonalrelationshipwithJesus,andon instruction,more than theemotionalexperienceofabiblicalevent.Thesepedagogicalmarkerswereessentialinordertoreachouttoanilliteratepopulace,andstillbeable to transformthe religioushabits inavast, ruralcountry.Withsongs,reformersreachedareaswherethewrittenwordwouldhavemadelittleimpact.Andso,gentlybutsteadily,thepedagogyofthere-formerspavedthewayfortheReformationandenabledthetransformationofthereligionofSweden.

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8. A Vast and Unfamiliar Field: Swedish Hymnals and Hymn-Printing in the Sixteenth Century

Otfried Czaika

WhatdoweknowaboutSwedishHymnsandHymnalsfrom the Sixteenth Century?TheSwedishroyallibrarianandbookhistorianIsakCollijnpublishedaSwed-ishnationalbibliographyinthe1920sand1930s.ThisbibliographyrecordedworksfromthebeginningofSwedishbookprintingupuntiltheyear1600.1 InthesubsequentyearsCollijnpublishedanotherbibliographycoveringtheseventeenthcentury.Thiswork,however,possessedneitherthesamedepthofdescriptionnorthesamethoroughnessashispreviousbibliographicwork.2 Nevertheless,whilethereisaneedforscholarstoundertakeathoroughre-vision of Collijn’swork,hisbibliographystillremainsthestandardworkforinformationonthehistoryofearlybookprintingintheSwedishkingdom.

Collijn’sbibliographiesarenotonlythemostsignificantresourcesforbookexpertsandhistorians,theyarealsoimportantaidsforhymnologists.Untilroughlythemiddleofthepastcentury,Swedishbookhistoriansandhymnolo-gistsworkedcloselytogether.Inthepasthalfcenturyhymnologistshavecon-tinuedtheirworkwiththeannalsofSwedishhymnody,arepository–Imightadd–thathasbeensteadilygrowingsincethesixteenthcentury.Thisworkhas,withoutquestion,producedagreatmanyresultsrelatingtotheheritageofSwedishhymnalprinting.ItshouldalsobenotedthatsuchinterestinthehistoryofSwedishhymnodywaslongpromotedandsponsoredbythestateduetothefactthattheEvangelicalLutheranChurchinSwedenwasastate

1 IsakCollijn,Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.1–3(1530–1582),(Uppsala,1927–1938).2 IsakCollijn,Sveriges bibliografi 1600-talet: bidrag till en bibliografisk förteckning,(Upp-sala,1942–1946).Occasionalpublicationssuchaspoems,personalwritingorfuneralser-mons may only be considered cum grano salis tohavebeencompletelyattesteduptotheyear1600.Intheseventeenthcenturybibliographysuchoccasionalpublicationsareonlysporadicallyrecorded.

ThisarticlewastranslatedfromGermantoEnglishbyBrandtKlawitter,Oslo

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church until the end of the millennium.3Anexampleofsuchpubliclyfundedworkcanbeobservedinthe1970sand1980s.Throughoutthisperiod,astatecommissiondealtwiththerevisionoftheSwedishhymnal.Thereportspub-lishedaspartofthisrevisionwerenotonlyextensivelyresearched,butalsoremainthoroughlyrelevantforthestudyofthehistoryofSwedishhymnody.4

Collijn’sbibliographylistsinformationonatotaloftwentyhymnalsprint-edinthesixteenthcentury.Includedinthisnumber,however,aretwosep-arateeditionsofthe1536hymnal(Swenske songer).Additionally,wemightnotethatabouthalf(9)ofthehymnalsmentionedbyCollijnwereknowntohimonlysecondarilyorasincompletefragmentsoforiginaleditions.5

Whilebibliographiessometimesgivetheimpressionofrepresentinganes-tablishedandfixedcanon,thisisnotalwaysthecase.Inthe1960s,aprevious-lyunknownSwedishhymnalfrom1562wasdiscoveredinIceland.6Inmorerecentyears,Iwaspersonallyabletolocatetwocopiesofthehymnalfrom1582.ThesewerediscoveredintheRoggeLibraryinSträngnäsandtheAl-bertinaLibraryinLeipzig.7 With reference to the 1582 hymnal, the fragment ofthehymnalknowntoCollijnconsistedonlyofthetitlepageandpartsofthecalendar.Thus,previouslywelackedanyknowledgeregardingtheactualcontentofthiswork.8Thisismerelytopointoutthatthestateofresearchcananddoeschangeandevenexpand.Wenowknowofsome21printedSwedishhymnalsfromthesixteenthcentury.Thirteenofthesearealmostcompletelypreservedwhiletheremainingeightareknownonlyfragmentarilyorviasec-ondary attestation.

Whenspeakingabouthymnprints,however,wearenotspeakingmerelyabout hymnals. It is, of course, clear that this category does include hym-

3 Martin Berntson, Bertil Nilsson and Cecilia Wejryd, Kyrka i Sverige: introduktion till svensk kyrkohistoria,(Skellefteå,2012),p.237.

4 Psalmer och visor. Tillägg till Den svenska psalmboken. Förslag avgivet av 1696 års psalmkommitté, Vol. 1:1–3, (SOU 1975:2–4), (Stockholm, 1975),Den svenska psalmbo-ken. Betänkande av 1696 års psalmkommitté. Band 1: Psalmboksrevisionen. Inledande redovisning. Provsamling för advent, jul och dagens tider, (SOU 1981:49), (Stockholm, 1981),Den svenska psalmboken. Betänkande av 1696 års psalmkommitté. Band 2: Förslag angående bearbetning mm av psalmerna i 1937 års psalmbok/1939 års koralbok, (SOU1981:50),(Stockholm,1981),Den svenska psalmboken. Volym 2. Historik, principer, moti-veringar. Slutbetänkande av 1696 års psalmkommitté,(SOU1985:17),(Stockholm,1985),Den svenska psalmboken. Volym 3: Text- och musikkommentarer. Slutbetänkande av 1696 års psalmkommitté, (SOU1985:18), (Stockholm,1985),Den svenska psalmboken. Volym 4: Ackompanjemang. Slutbetänkande av 1696 års psalmkommitté,(SOU1985:19),(Stock-holm,1985).

5 ArthurMalmgrenandJohnKroon,Fyra svenska reformationsskrifter tryckta i Stockholm år 1562,Vol.1–3,(Malmö,1965–1966).

6 OtfriedCzaika,Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582. Utgåva med inledande kommentarer, (HelsinkiandSkara,2016),p.22–24,providesanoverviewofthesixteenth-centurySwed-ishandFinnishhymnalscurrentlyknowntoscholars.

7 Czaika,Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582,OtfriedCzaika,“EpisodeII–ThenSwenskaPsalmeboken1582:Detandraexemplaret”,Hymnologi, Nordisk tidskrift,45(1–2/2017), p. 43–52.

8 Collijn, Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.2, p.514.

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nals.Forexample,thisiswhatwearedealingwithwhenreferringtoSwenske songerfrom1536,its(possible)predecessororanyotherworksbearingthetitle Then Swenska Psalmeboken(“TheSwedishHymnal”). Yet, there also ex-istalargenumberofsmallerprintscontainingoneormorehymnsorspiritualsongs.ThesehymnpublicationsincludesuchworksasNågra Wijsor om An-tikristum (“SongspertainingtotheAntichrist”,publishedin1530and1536),9 Någhra andeliga wijsor (“CollectedSpiritualSongs”,publishedin1572),10 or Een Wijsa om thenna Werldennes fåfengeligheet (“ASongabouttheVanityofthisWorld”,publishedin1583).11

ThebibliographicrecordsforprintedSwedishhymnalsandhymncollec-tionshave,withoutquestion,laidthegroundwork–inadditiontotheorigi-nalsourcesthemselves–forsubsequenthymnologicalresearch.Withrespecttothesources,thetextofthefirstfullypreservedhymnal,Swenske songer (1536), contained some forty hymns. By the end of the sixteenth century the Swedishhymnalhadgrown to roughly120hymns. In1695 thefirst “offi-cial”hymnalwasproduced.Notably, thishymnalborenotonly theking’simprimatur, italsocontainedatotalof413hymns.12 Hymnologists such as EmilLiedgrenor– inmore recentdecades–Per-OlofNisserhaveworkedfromtheseandothersimilarsourcesintheirworkontheinitialpublicationofSwedishhymns.13 Such sources have also been valuable in their discussion of topicssuchasoriginalmusicalmeter,melodyandothersuchmatters.14 Nev-ertheless,theresearchintothehistoryofthesehymnals,particularlyCollijn’s bibliographicwork, continues to serve as abeneficial auxiliary toongoinghymnologicalresearch.Additionally,itprovidesvaluableinsightforotherhis-toricaldisciplinessuchaslinguisticsandliterature.

Collijn’sbibliographicworkdepictsnotonlythe“canon”ofbookhistory(to use Aleida Assmann’sterminology),butalsothatofhymnology.15 Yet, in

9 Aneditionofthe1536printingiscurrentlybeingedited:OtfriedCzaika,Några wijsor om Antikristum [1536] samt handskrivna tillägg. Utgåva med inledande kommentarer, (Hels-inkiandSkara,2019).

10 Collijn, Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.2, p.406.11 Collijn, Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.3, p.7.12 Then swenska psalmboken. Med the stycker som ther til höra, och på föliande blad vptek-

nade finnas, uppå Kongl. Majtz. nådigste befalning […] åhr M DC XCIII. Med flit öfwer-sedd, förbättrad, och förmehrad: och vngdomen til fromma, vti thenne beqwäme storlek åhr 1695. Af trycket vtgången,(Stockholm:vtithetafK.M.privilgeradeBurcharditryck-ieri,afJ.J.Genath,f.1695).

13 Emil Liedgren, Svensk psalm och andlig visa: Olaus Petri-föreläsningar i Uppsala mars 1924,(Stockholm,1926).PerOlofNisser,Ett samband att beakta: psalm, psalmbok, sam-hälle, (Skellefteå,2005).

14 ItisperhapsofinterestthathymnalsprintedinSwedenatthistimewereprintedastextandwithoutmusicalnotation.

15 Aleida Assmann, “Canon and Archive”, in Cultural Memory Studies: An International and Interdisciplinary Handbook,AstridErll,AnsgarNunningandSaraB.Young(eds.),(Ber-lin,2008),p.97–107.SeealsoJanandAleidaAssmann’sstudies,amongothers:JanAs-smann, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis: Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen, (München, 1997), Der Ursprung der Geschichte: Archaische Kulturen,

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addition to the “canon” there is also the “archive” (once again referring to As-smann),the“archive”beingtherepositoryfromwhichpreviouslyunknownmaterial can be brought to the surface of historical memory. The existence of suchaconceptual(andactual!)“archive”hasalreadybeenalludedto,boththroughreferencetothe1562hymnalfoundinIcelandaswellasthemorerecentlydiscoveredcopiesof the1582hymnalmentionedabove.The rela-tionshipbetweencanonandarchive,however,isfarmoreintricatethansuchfindsofotherwiseunknownhymnalsduringthepastfiftyyearsmightappearto suggest.

WhatisnotknownaboutSwedishHymnsandHymnalsfrom the Sixteenth Century?Overthepastfewyears,researchinthefieldofbookhistoryhasincreasinglyturnedtothequestionof“lostbooks”.Thisdescription,asthenamesuggests,referstothosebooksandeditionsthatarenotevenfragmentarilyknownorgiven secondary attestation.16Thatistosay,theyaretrulylost–eventosoci-ety’scollectivememory.Usingsomewhatcomplicatedstatisticalcalculationsthatfactorforformat,size,text-type,language,extentoftransmission,andothersuchvariables,itisestimatedthatlessthan50%ofallpublicationsfromtheearlymodernperiodarestillextantinatleastasinglecopy.17

Incidentally, thediscussionabout lostbookscorrespondsagreeablywithAleida Assmann’s theory about canon and archive. Assmann not only takes forgrantedthatthereareknownandpreservedobjectsandtextsthatgroundthecanonical-historicalnarrative,butalsothatthereisanarchivefromwhichartefactscanpotentiallycometothesurfaceofcollectivememory.These“ar-chived”artefactsthusretainthepotentialtomodifythecanonicalboundariesofhistoryandthereforealsothehistoricalnarrative.Inadditiontocanonandarchive,however,athirdsub-processexists:forgetting.Thiscanbeactive,as

das Alte Ägypten und das Frühe Griechenland,JanAssmannandKlausE.Müller (eds.),(München,2005),AleidaAssmann,Geschichte im Gedächtnis: Von der individuellen Er-fahrung zur öffentlichen Inszenierung,(München,2007).

16 OnthistopicseevariousessaysinLost Books: Reconstructing the Print World of Pre-In-dustrial Europe,FlaviaBruniandAndrewPettegree(eds.), (Leiden,2016).

17 SeeespeciallyGoranProot,“SurvivalFactorsofSeventeenth-CenturyHand-PressBooksPublished in theSouthernNetherlands:The ImportanceofSheetCounts,SammelbändeandtheRoleofInstitutionalCollections”,inLost books: Reconstructing the Print World of Pre-Industrial Europe, FlaviaBruni andAndrew Pettegree (eds.), (Leiden, 2016), p.160–201,FalkEisermann,“TheGutenbergGalaxy’sDarkMatter:Lost Incunabula,andWaystoRetrieveThem”,inIbid.,p.31–54,WolfgangUndorf,“LostBooks,LostLibraries,LostEverything?AScandinavianEarlyModernPerspective”,inIbid.,p.101–121,JonathanGreenandFrankMcIntyre,“LostIncunableEditions:ClosinginonanEstimate”,inIbid.,p.55–74,AndrewPettegree,“TheLegionoftheLost.RecoveringtheLostBooksofEarlyModernEurope”, in Ibid., p. 1–27.See also, amongothers:GoranProot andLeoEgge,“EstimatingEditionsontheBasisofSurvivals:PrintedProgrammesofJesuitPlaysintheProvinciaFlandro-Belgicabefore1773,withaNoteontheBookHistoricalLaw”,inThe Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America,102(2008),p.149–174.

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isthecasewithdestructionviadamnatio memoriae,orpassive,aswhenthe“ravagesoftime”andnaturalprocessestaketheirtoll.Bothlostandforgottenbooksthereforebelongtothis thirdcategory.Thisgroup,nolongerknown(and thus incapableofbeingactively forgotten), canonlybe the subjectofspeculation.Bibliographies,ontheotherhand,constitutethecanonicalbasisofthemasternarrative.Theyalsocarrywiththemasortofimperative:thatwhich is accounted for canandought tobe remembered.This ispreciselywhathasbeenimplementedinthecaseofCollijn’sbibliography,albeitinthecontextofthe“Swedish”nationalcollectivememory.

Whenitcomestobookhistory,the“archive”iscomprisedoftwocompo-nents.Thefirst includesthoseworkswhichhavebeenhandeddowntoourtimebuthaveyettomaketheirwayintothecanonicalnarrative(oftenduetotheirvaluationas“non-canonical”).The“archive,”however,alsoincludesthosebookswhichhavenotyetbeenfound.Thus,theSwedishhymnaledi-tions mentioned above belonged to the “archive” until their relatively recent discovery.

Inbookhistory,therefore,thewell-knownbooks(i.e.thoselistedincat-alogues,bibliographiesorwhichareotherwisepresentwithinthehistoricaldiscourse)correspondtothecanon.Thosebookswhichexistde facto yet re-mainunusedorunknowncomprisethearchive.Theneglectedandlostbooksfall into the category of “the forgotten”.

TheArchive:FromIcelandtoSaxonyCollijn’sbibliography,likeeverybibliography,isan“asis”descriptionoftheactualsituationatthetimeofwriting.Hewasmostcertainlywellawareofthefactthatpreviouslyunknownprintscouldcometolightatanytime.Itispreciselyonaccountofthisphenomenonthatthefirsteditionofthecollectedvolumesofhisbibliography(listingallworksuptotheyear1600)concludeswithanappendix.Thisappendixidentifiedallnewly-discoveredpublicationswhichwerenotyetknownatthetimetheinitialvolumesofthebibliographywereprinted.Withrespect toourdiscussion, it is in thisappendix that theexistence of an edition of Några Wijsor om Antikristum(“Songspertainingto theAntichrist” [1536]) is found.This printwas first discovered in Fin-landwhenthecorrespondingpartofthebibliographyhadalreadyappearedinprint.18

Since the initial publication ofCollijn’s bibliography some eighty yearsago,therehasbeenalonglistofrediscoveredsixteenth-centurypublications.Mostnotableamongsttheserediscoveriesareperhapsthevariousoccasionalpublicationswhich have come to light.19 In addition to thesewe also have

18 Collijn, Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.1, p.369–370.19 GustafBernström,forexample,discoveredseveraloccasionalpublicationsfromthelatesixteenthcentury,which,upuntilhisdiscovery,hadremainedunknown.GustafBernström,“Nyfunnadanskaochsvenska1500-talstryck”,Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteks-väsen,40(1953),p.51–63.Bernström’sdiscoverypertainstothefollowingworks:Lauren-

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theaforementionedhymnalfrom1562.Significantly,wemightaddthishym-nalwasfoundalongwithseveralotherwiseunknownbooks:acatechism,aprayerbookandanevangeliary. Thesewereallrediscoveredinthe1960sattheNationalandUniversityLibraryofIcelandinReykjavikandhadallbeenoriginallyprintedinthesameyearbyAmundLaurentzoninStockholm.20

Inaddition tosuchdiscoveries, inmorerecentyearswehavewitnessed–in relatively quick succession – the rediscovery of several early-modernhymnalsaswellasvariousoccasionalpublicationsfoundtocontainhymns.In2010Idiscoveredtheonly(nearly)completecopyoftheSwedishHymnalof 1582 found to date, in the Wrangelschen Collection at the Roggebibliothek inSträngnäs(thiscollectionhadonlybeenbequeathedtothelibraryafewyearsearlier).TheFinnishhymnologist,Suvi-PäiviKoski, also recently found a previously unknown Finnish-language edition ofMartin Luther’s SmallCatechismaswellasaFinnishhymnal(Yxi Vähä Suomekielinen wirsikiria)intheStateandUniversityLibraryofDresden.21BothofthesewereprintedinRostockin1607.ThehymnalrepresentsaneditedversionofJaakkoFinno’s earlierwork,likelytohavebeenpublishedin1583.22Theeditionof1607isat-tributedtoSimonJohannisCarelius(†1610),who,afterhisstudiesinRostock(July1605to1607),wasRectoroftheschoolinFinnishViborg.23 Carelius is notknowntoappearelsewhereasawriter.

OnlyafewmonthsafterIoriginallypublishedaneditionoftheSwedishHymnalof1582(basedonthecopyfoundattheRoggeLibrary),IidentifiedasecondintactcopyofthisworkinthecollectionsoftheAlbertinainLeipzig.InMay 2017,my analysis of thiswork brought further unknownSwedishprintsfromthe1580stolight.Namely,theLeipzigcopyofthe1582hymnal

tiusPraetorius,AmbernusJacobi,PetrusNicolaiandPeterRuta,Carmina Gratulatoria, in honorem Ornatissimi & doctissimi Iuvenis Dn. Laurentii Paulini Gothi [...], (Helmstedt: JakobLucius,1592)[=VD16ZV23353],RudolphGoclenius,HermannKirchner,NicolausChesnecopherusetal.,Carmina Gratulatoria, in novas honorum dignitates, Dn. Johannis Schroderi Nicopiensis Suecu, cm ei in illustrissima [...] Academia Marpurgenis summus in Philosophia gradus [...],(Marburg:PaulEgenolff,1599)[=VD16ZV23354].Severalyearsago, theFinnishbookhistorianTerhiKiiskinendiscovered ahand-written transcriptionofanotherwiseunknownworkofErikFalk(1510–1569):Een Tröstbook för Haffuandhe Quinnor (Trostbuch für schwangere Frauen). Fem källor från den svenska reformations-tiden i Finland/Viisi Ruotsin reformaatioajan lähdettä Suomessa, TerhiKiiskinen (ed.),(Helsinki,2010).

20 Malmgren and Kroon, Fyra svenska reformationsskrifter.21 On this see the online article Ennennäkemätön kirjalöytö Saksasta – 1600-luvun suomen-

kielinen katekismus ja virsikirja. http://yle.fi/uutiset/ennennakematon_kirjaloyto_saksas-ta__1600-luvun_suomenkielinen_katekismus_ja_virsikirja/8510483, (accessed 28 Febru-ary2018).

22 Jaakko Finno and Simon Johannis Carelius, Yxi Vähä Suomenkielinen wirsikiria, Suo-mencocouxis Jumalata kijttä Suomenkielellä, tehty M. Jacobilda Suomalaiselda, ja muild Suomen papeilda. Cunnjalisten herrain Turun Pispan M. Erichin, ja Capitularesten tiedhost ja suosjost, H. Hemmingin Maschun kirckoherran vaevall ja culutuxell, ensins Präntätty Stocholmisa,(Rostock:Myllärin,1607[=VD1714:663252M]).

23 Christian Callmer, Svenska studenter i Rostock 1419–1828. Redigerad av Maj Callmer. Förord av Sten Calsson,(Personhistorisktidskrift,841988:1–2),p.34.

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wasboundtogetherwithafurtherfivehymnprints.Thesefivehadpreviouslyneverbeenrecordedbyanybibliographicalresource.Theprintsdiscoveredareasfollows:

1)Peder Dåleman, Een skiön Wijse om Gudz Son (“A Beautiful Song about God’sSon”),Stockholm:AndreasGutterwitz,1584,4sheets,octavo.Collijn’s bibliography attests to a 1583 print of this song byAndreas Gutterwitz inStockholm.24

2)Een wijsae, om thenne Werldennes fåfengeligheet(“ASongabouttheVanityofthisWorld”),Stockholm:AndreasGutterwitz,1584,4sheets,octavo.ThereislikewiseanoldereditionofthissongprintedbyAndreasGutterwitzinStock-holm,1583,whichismentionedinCollijn’sbibliography.25

3)Troon(TheCreedinSwedishandLatin),Stockholm:AndreasGutterwitz,1584,8 sheets,octavo,withunprinted staves.There is alsoanolder editionofthisworkrecordedinCollijn’sbibliography,thatprintedbyTorbjörnTide-mansson in Stockholm in 1578.26

4)Een Andeligh Wijse / på nyt öffuerseet och förmeret (“A Spiritual Song,NewlyReworkedandExpanded”),s.l.,s.t.,s.a.[Stockholm:AndreasGutter-witz,ca.1584],4sheets,octavo.Thepresentprintcontainsthreesacredsongs.Noothereditionofthisprinthasbeenidentified.

5)Een skön Andeligh Wijse at tröste sigh medh på sitt yterste (“A Beautiful SpiritualSongwithwhich toComfortOneselfat theEndofLife”),s.l.,s.t.,s.a.[Stockholm:AndreasGutterwitz,ca.1584],4sheets,octavo.Thisprint,ofwhichnoothereditionsareknown,likewisecontainsthreehymns.

Oftheprintsmentionedabove,Een Andeligh Wijse and Een skön Andeligh Wijseprovethemselvestobeespeciallyimportant.NotonlydotheyexpandourknowledgeofSwedishbookhistory,theyalsoaddtowhatweknowaboutSwedishhymnodyinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies.Althoughthesetwoworksgivenoindicationastothedateoftheirpublication,wemaysetthe terminus ante quem fromapproximately1582to1584duetothefactthattheybelongtoananthologycontaininganadditionalfourworkswhichwereprintedinStockholmduringthistime.Wemayfurthermoreaccept1585asthelikelyyearoftheanthology’scompilation.Thebindingofthisanthologyisatypicalrenaissancebindinginbrownleatherandwasmostlikelyproducedaroundtheyear1600.

Thetwoprintscontaina totaloffivedifferenthymns,ofwhichoneap-pearsinbothworks(Een skön Wijse / om Christi Födsel - Fröder idher alle / J thenna Christenheet(“ABeautifulSongaboutChrist’sBirth-RejoiceAllYeinChristendom”).

24 Collijn, Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.3, p.9.25 Ibid.,Vol.3,p.7.26 Collijn, Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.2, p.484–486.

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Another of these songs is known only fromEen Andeligh Wijse and is otherwiseunattested(inEen Andeligh Wijse,AIIIv-AIVv:Een Wijse om Menniskionnes fåwisko och galenskap [...] (“ASongaboutHumanIgnoranceandMadness”).

A further hymn, Hierta hwi gremme tu tigh (“MyHeart,HowYouAreTroubled”,AIIv-AIVrinEen skön Andeligh Wijse)wasfirstprintedin1572inthe Några Andliga WijsorsongcollectionandoffersanadaptationofWarum betrübst du dich, mein Herz, a song attributed to Hans Sachs.27

Twoof thehymnsfromtheseprintsappearaspartofSwedishhymnalsduringthesecondhalfofthe1580s.När min tijd och stund kommen At iagh skal hädan fare (“WhenMyTimeandHourComesthatIShallDepart”),theSwedishversionofNikolausHermann’sWenn mein Stündlein vorhanden ist, firstappearedintheSwedishHymnalof1586.Een skön Wijse / om Christ’s Födsel - Frögder idher alle / J thenna Christenheet (“A Beautiful Song about Christ’sBirth -RejoiceAllYe inChristendom”, inEen Andeligh Wijse, A IIv-AIIIrandinEen skön Andeligh Wijse,AIVr-AIVv)isfirstfoundintheSwedishHymnalof1589.

Jag wil idher quäde aff hiertens grund(“ILongtoSingfromtheDepthsofMy Heart”, in Een Andeligh Wijse, AIr–AIIv)has,accordingtoEmilLied-gren,beenpartoftheSwedishchurch’shymnodicheritagesincethe1680s.28

WiththisfinalhymnwecansafelyassumethattheversionoftheSwedishhymnwhichappeared in theLeipziganthology represents thehymn’sfirstprint–approximatelyacenturybeforethesonghadotherwisebeenrecorded.Yet,thesamemayalsobesaidforthethreehymnswhichhadbeenpreviouslyfirstobservedinthe1586and1589hymnals:thecopiesfoundintheLeipziganthologyalsoquitepossiblypresentuswith thesehymns’first prints.Asshownabove,thisisthecasegiventhelikelihood–thoughnotcertainty–thattheprintingofEen Andeligh Wijse and Een skön Andeligh Wijsetookplaceinthefirsthalfofthe1580s.Moreover,thesetwopreviouslyunknownprintsprovideuswithotherwiseunattestedhymnpublications.

Wemight further note that the three previously knownworks also im-menselyenrichourknowledgeofbothSwedishprinthistoryandthehistoryofSwedishhymnody.Althoughtheseworkswerealreadyknown,ithadneverbeendocumentedthatthesehymnswerereprintedinlatereditions.Thus,thepictureofSwedishhymnprintingchangesnotablyaround1580.Ofparticu-larimportanceistheimplicationthattherewas,infact,ademandfortheseworksinthebookmarketandthattheyprovidedprofitablebusinessfortheStockholmprinters.

27 BernhardSuphan,Hans Sachs, Humanitätszeit und Gegenwart,(Weimar,1895),p.34.Thishymn is not recorded in Das handschriftliche Generalregister des Hans Sachs. Reprintaus-gabe nach dem Autograph von 1560 des Stadtarchivs Zwickau von Hans Sachs mit einer Einführung von Reinhard Hahn,(KölnandWien,1986).

28 Liedgren, Svensk psalm och andlig visa,p.239.

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Furthermore,theSwedishprintsdiscoveredinLeipzigoffertheSwedishnationalbibliographyofthesixteenthcenturyanadditionalfivetitlesandthusincreaseitstotalsizebyabout1%.29

Notleast,theLeipzigdiscoveriesemphasizeonceagainthatthearchiveisindeedvestedwiththepowerbothtomodifyandexpandthecanonicalde-scriptionofbothbookhistoryandhymnody.Thus,throughsuchdiscoveriesthe question of lost books is made anything but irrelevant.

ConcludingComments–Concerning“theForgotten”Withtheexceptionofthe1582SwedishHymnal(whichisalsoknownfroma fragment at theNational Library of Sweden in Stockholm and a nearlycompletecopyattheRoggeLibraryinSträngnäs),allotherprintsintheLeip-ziganthologyhavebeentransmitteduniquely(i.e.ashapax).Thisfactconse-quentlyalsounderscoresthesignificancegenerallyaccordedtoanthologiesinthetransmissionofearlymodernprints.30

Thissituation,however,alsoablyillustratesthepoordegreeoftransmis-sionforhymnalsandotheroccasionalpublicationscontaininghymns.Inthisrespect,itisonceagaininstructivetopayattentiontotheSwedishnationalbibliography.As has previously been observed,many hymnals are knownonly inafragmentarystatewhileothersexistsolelyasuniquecopies. It isonlyrarelythathymnalsarepreservedinmultiplecopies.31

Thismostunfortunatetransmissionsituationcanbeexplainedquitewellby the fact thathymnals andotherhymnprints represent a typeof every-dayliterature.Theseworkswouldhavebeenmostcommonlyreadbymanygenerations, used even to the point of their own disintegration. Althoughextensiverevisionswouldhavelargelyrenderedolderhymnalsunusableforworshipservices(especiallydueto theadditionofmanynewhymns), theycouldstillbeusedforprivatedevotionsandspiritualedification.Yet,asidefrom the exhaustive usage many of these hymnals received, another factor furtheraddedtothegeneraldisappearanceofhymnals:manyhymnalsfol-lowedtheirownerstothegraveandthusneverfoundtheirwayintoprivateorpubliclibraries.Theuseofhymnbooksasfuneraryobjectsinconfessional

29 Collijnprovidesevidenceforsome640“Swedish”printsforthesixteenthcentury;amongthese, however,must be factored in a large number of printswhich had to dowith therevelationsofStBridget ofSweden.Theseoriginated fromcentralEurope andwere invarious languages (e.g.Low-German,High-GermanandLatin).Of these, theLow-andHigh-GermanprintswerealmostcertainlynotintendedfortheSwedishmarket.Thereasonthat Collijnincludedtheseprintswasthathehadthegoalofincludingall“Swedish”-au-thoredworks,evenwhentheauthorwasmerelyborninSweden.TheworkswhichwerediscoveredinLeipzigcompriseapproximately1%oftheSwedishnationalbibliographyintermsoftitles.Nevertheless,consideringthattheseprintsarecomprisedofmerepages,theproportionoftheseworksintermsofprintedsheetsismuchlowerthanexpected.Collijn,Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.1, p.ix–xxxiv.

30 Proot,“SurvivalfactorsofSeventeenth-CenturyHand-PressBooks”,p.160–201.31 Czaika,Then Swenska Psalmeboken 1582, p.22–24.

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LutheranculturewassomethingofawidespreadphenomenonandhasbeendocumentedinCentralEurope,theEuropeanNortheast,theBalticlandsandupintoScandinavia.32

ThepoordegreeoftransmissionofSwedishhymnalsandsixteenth-centu-ryhymnprintingcallsattentiononceagaintothequestionoflostbooks.Onthebasisofthehighnumberofworkswhichareonlyavailableasfragmentsor hapax, it can be assumed that a high percentage of hymnals andhymnprintscanberegardedaslost.Wemayassume,infact,thattherateoftrans-missionforthesetypesoftextsintheSwedishkingdomiswellbelow50%.

Thispropositionisonlyfurthersupportedbythefindingsofrecentdec-ades.Whenhymnalsorhymnprints are found, theyappearmostoften asfragmentsoruniquecopiesandonlyseldomasduplicates.TheLeipzigan-thology,aswellastheworksdiscoveredinIceland,DresdenandSträngnäs,allgivepromiseoftreasurestocome.Wecanassumefutureresearcherswillfindstillmoreotherwiseunknownhymnalsandhymnprints.At thesametime,however,everydiscoveryofeachoftheseuniqueprintsunderscorestherealityofthelowdegreeofpreservationforthesetypesoftexts.Itfurther-more highlights the distinct likelihood that numerous editions have not even survivedtothepresentinasingleextantcopy.

TheLeipziganthologythuspresentsa deixisshowingushowlittlewereal-lyknowaboutSwedishprintinghistory,nottomentionthehistoryofSwedishhymnodyintheearlymodernperiod.Theworkswhichhavebeenpreservedhave often survived only through fortunate coincidences in libraries. To some extent, this has been through collections found far outside the former borders oftheSwedishkingdom,whetherthatbeinReykjavik,DresdenorLeipzig.

What this ultimately means is that our information about the history of Swedish hymnody and hymn printing is sorely lacking.As historians,wearethereforeleftwithtwounsatisfactoryoptions.Ontheonehand,wemightpointoutourhighlyfragmentaryknowledgeofthehistoryofSwedishhym-nodyandproceedinapurelydescriptivefashion.Thatistosay,onepossibil-ityissimplytoleavegapingholesinthehistoricalaccountinthehopethathappenstancefindingswill somedaybegin tofill inourscantyknowledge.Yet, such descriptive accountsmust bemadewith the full realization thatwehave innowayapproachedanapproximationof theactual situationof

32 Seealso,amongothers:TroelsFrederikTroels-Lund,Dagligt liv i Norden på 1500-talet. 14, Livsavslutning,(Stockholm,1942),p.272,Hans Bernhard Meyer, Das Danziger Volksleben, (Würzburg,1956),p.155.GünterWiegelmann,Theoretische Konzepte der europäischen Ethnologie: Diskussionen um Regeln und Modelle,(Münster,1991),p. 161, Volkstümliche Überlieferungen in Württemberg, Karl Bonenberger (ed.), (Stuttgart, 1980),p. 185, Hans Medick, Weben und Überleben in Laichingen 1650–1900: Lokalgeschichte als Allgemeine Geschichte,(Göttingen,1997),p. 451, Alltagskultur: sakral – profan. Ausgewählte Aufsät-ze, Christel Köhle-Hezinger (ed.),(Münster/NewYorketal.,2011),p. 246, OsmoTiililä,Rukoilevaisten kirjoja,(Helsinki,1961),andMarjuKõivupuu,Eestlase eluring, (Tallinn, 2015),p.191.

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sixteenth-centurySwedishhymnody.Instead,wehavemerelyofferedade-scriptionofthecurrentunfortunatesituation.

On the other hand, the historian might also cast aside their commitments tohistory“wieeseigentlichgewesen ist”– tosaynothingofallacademicand humanistic requirements to get back to the sources (ad fontes!) – andthusattempttospeculativelyapproachsuchrealmsofearlymodernhistory.Ofcourse,suchahistoricalapproximationisentirelyunsatisfactory.Never-theless,itispresumablytheonlywaytoattempttoarriveataminimumofcertain,cautiousconclusionsaboutthehistoryofSwedishprintingandhymnwritinginthesixteenthcentury.

Thereare,moreover,twovariablesthathaveamassiveimpactonanypo-tentialhistoricalpicture.First,wedonotknowtheactualpercentageoflostbooks.Second,neitherdoweknowthevolumeinwhichSwedishhymnalswereprinted.Regardingthisfirstmatterandinviewofthemostrecentschol-arship,Ibelievethatitisrealistictosetthebarforlosthymnalsandhymnprintsatabout50%.Incidentally,thismightwellbetoolowduetothepoorrate of transmission for hymnals, their everyday use, and the custom of using such objects as burial goods.

Inconnectionwiththelattervariable(i.e.thequestionofprintvolumeforSwedishhymnals),thebookhistorianErikErikssonpositedseveraldecadesagothatanearlymodernprintofaSwedishhymnalwouldhaveconsistedofperhapssometwothousandcopies. 33Suchanestimateseemslikelyinviewofmorerecentscholarshipgiventhatcirculationlevelsoflessthanonethou-sandcopieswouldhardlyhavebeeneconomicallyviable.Anexceptiontothisgeneralrulewouldbeanysortofdeluxeedition.Theseoccasionallyappearedbutincomparativelyfewercopies.Moreover,itcanbededucedfromSwedishcustomsrecordsofthe1540s–giventhattheyofferanindicationastotheamountofpaperimportedfortheprintingofhymnalsandprayerbooks–thatthe1543hymnal,nowextantinamerefragmentarycopy,wasprobablyorig-inallyprintedinaneditionof1500ormorecopies.34

Thesesamevariablescannowbeusedtohelpcalculatethenumber–atleastwithinanapproximaterange–ofSwedishhymnalsprintedduringthesixteenthcentury.Ifweassumethatweknowofalleditionsofthe21hym-nalsandthatthesizeoftheeditionswasnotlargerthanonethousandcopies,35 wewouldendupwithabout21,000copiesprintedinSwedish(notcountingJaakkoFinno’sFinnishhymnalfrom1583).If,however,the21editionsrep-resentonly50%oftheactualprintededitionsandtheaveragecirculationwas

33 ErikEriksson,“Kringnågranyfunnasvenska1600-talstryck”,Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteksväsen,59(1972),p.130–140,ErikEriksson,“Någranyfunnaäldresvenskatrycksombl.a. justerardensvenskapsalmbokshistorien”,Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteksväsen,62–63(1975–1976),p.81–91.

34 Stockholms tullböcker 18/8 1543 and Stockholms tullböcker 26/10 1543, 51309/292:1,SwedishNationalArchives.

35 Collijn, Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.3, p.5–6.

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some two thousandcopies, theupper limitofour rangeendsupataround84,000totalcopies.Ofcourse,suchafiguremightstillbetoolowifwecon-siderthepossibilitythatsignificantlymorethan50%ofthehymnaleditionshavenotbeenhandeddownforposterityand/orthattheprintvolumewaswellovertwothousandcopiesperprintrun.

Significantly,eventhefigureof21,000copies(almostcertainlyaconsid-erableunderestimate)bearswitness to thefact that thesepublicationswereabsolutebestsellersduringthesixteenthcentury.Thisisespeciallyobviousif we consider the following: the Swedish kingdom had a maximum six-teenth-centurypopulationofonemillioninhabitants–about750,000inhabit-antslivedintheSwedishmotherlandwhiletheremaining250,000livedintheFinnishregionofthekingdom.CitieswithinthekingdomwerecomparativelysmallbyEuropeanstandards.Stockholmhadroughlyfive thousand inhab-itantsspreadoverseveralhundredhouseholds.Whencomparedwithconti-nentalEurope(e.g.withItaly,FranceortheHolyRomanEmpire),thelevelofurbanizationoftheSwedishkingdomwasverylow.36Moreover,notonlywasthetotalpopulationlivingincitiescomparativelysmall,butthenobilityalsocomprisedonlyasmallpercentageofthepopulation.Thus,evenifsomeoftheprintedhymnals–whether20,000orcloserto85,000–werealreadywornoutorrenderedotherwiseunusableduringthistime,thetotalnumberexceedswhatwasneededinthevariousparishes.

ThenumberofhymnalsprintedinSwedenduringthistimewouldalmostcertainly have far exceeded the needs not only of the ecclesiastical and secular elite,butalsotherequirementsoftheurbanpopulation.SuchanobservationindicatesthattheseSwedishhymnalsalsofoundamarketinmoreruralareas,amongst thepeasantpopulationofSweden.This realizationgives rise toawholenewsetofquestions,which,unfortunately,canonlybementionedhere.Forexample,whatwereliteracylevelslikefortheSwedishpopulationinthesixteenthcentury?Weretheyreallysolow–perhapsamere1–3%–asisof-tenacceptedbyresearch?IsittruethattheReformationwas,infact,theslow,sluggish,protractedprocessthatresearchhasarguedinrecentdecades?DonotthetensofthousandsofSwedishhymnalsincirculation(nottomentionhymnscontainedinvariousoccasionalpublications!)sendacompletelydif-ferentmessageregardingtheactualconditionswithintheSwedishkingdom?

TherecanbenoquestionthattheSwedishhymnalsandhymnprintswereamong the absolute bestsellers of the sixteenth century. Furthermore, use of hymnalsandhymnprintswasnot limited tomerequietmeditationby theindividualwithinthehome.Rather,itshouldbekeptinmindthathymnalsandhymnswouldhaveinvolvedalargergroupoflisteners(evenco-singers),

36 OtfriedCzaika,“MetropolenalsVermittler,FördererundAkteurevonReformationundKonfessionalisierunginSkandinavienundinsbesondereimschwedischenReich”, inRe-formatio Baltica. Kulturwirkungen der Reformation in den Metropolen des Ostseeraums, HeinrichAssel,JohannAnselmSteiger,AxelE.Walter(eds.),(BerlinandBoston,2018),p.721–734.

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considering that one of their primary purposeswas (semi-)public singing.Last but not least, it should not be forgotten that singing has mnemotechnical advantages.Namely,themelodymakesiteasiertorememberthewords.ThisonceagainraisesthequestionastowhetherSwedenwasnotinfactconqueredrelatively quickly by Lutheran hymnody during the sixteenth century. Fur-thermore,itstronglyimpliesthatthevariousstrataofsocietywereallperme-ated by the vera doctrina lutherana.

WemightalsomentionherethatthethreeeditionsprintedinLübeckdur-ingthe1580sand1590sgivefurthercredencetotheargumentthattheSwed-ishhymnalwasablockbusterinthesixteenthcentury.37Germanbookprint-ersobviouslyrecognizedthattheSwedishhymnalwasahighlysought-afterworkandthattheStockholmprinterswereunabletoproducesufficientcop-ies.WhileitmightperhapsbeanachronistictoportraytheLübeckreprintsof these hymnals as “pirated copies”, the existence of these new editionsnonethelessdemonstrates that themarketwasonly insufficientlysaturated.The Lübeck printers saw earning opportunities here and therefore printedtheseneweditions.This also suggests thatwearenot speakingof smallereditionsofamere fewhundredcopies.Weare, rather,most likelydealingwithhigh-volumeprintingofseveralthousandcopies,editionslargeenoughtoensuresufficientprofitforthoseinvolved.

ItisanearcertaintythatwewillneverbeconfidentregardingtheactualnumberofeditionstheSwedishhymnalunderwentinthesixteenthcentury.Wewill also likely never come any closer to ascertaining the actual printvolume of these hymnals than might be selectively reconstructed or estimated usingmoreorlessqualifiedarithmeticoperations.Nevertheless,thefindsofthepast years– especiallywhencombinedwith recent research about lostbooks–impressivelydemonstratethat thisfieldis indeedapromisingareaofresearch.Thisisperhapssomewhatsurprisinginlightofthemeagreex-pectationsfirstincitedbythecanonicalornormativemasterlistfoundintheSwedishnationalbibliography.InadditiontothebooksthathavebeenfoundsincethepublicationofCollijn’sbibliography,therearealmostcertainlymorebooksawaitingdiscoveryinthearchive.Yettherearealsoothereditionsthatareforeverlost,evendowntothelastcopy.Forthesetherewillneverbean-othereditioninwhichtheywillbebroughtintothelightofsociety’scollectiveconsciousness.

Thereissomethingmore,however,thattheLeipziganthologysoimpres-sivelyshowsus.TheworkspublishedinThen Swenska Psalmeboken are the resultofaprocess.Theever-increasingaccumulationofSwedishhymnsinthesixteenthcentury,inadditiontoassumingandtransformingcentralEuropeanhymnsintoSwedishrenditions,alsoaccommodatedlesswidespreadSwedish

37 Collijn, Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.3, p.37–38(1586)[=VD16S10329],Collijn,Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.3,p.91–93(1589),andCollijn,Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.3, p.187(1594).

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printsfromprecedingyears.38Thisisshown,forexample,bytherepeated-lyprintedNågra Wijsor om Antikristum. Firstappearingin1530,oneofitshymns, “ORomgår thet nu såmed tich” (“ORome, Is ItNowLikeThiswithYou?”),dideventuallymake itsway into theSwedishhymnal.39 This phenomenon,inadditiontothetwohymnsnotedintheLeipziganthology,isfurtherconfirmedbyotherhymnprintspublishedinthe1570s.Consideringthat thesewere, inall likelihood,printed in thefirsthalfof the1580s, thecompilersoflaterhymnaleditionscouldgobacktotheseworksandpullouttextsforsubsequenteditions.Thisobservationthuspresentsuswithonefinalthought about the book market during the sixteenth century. Namely, the sales successoflesswidespreadhymnprintsmightwellhavebeenthereasonforacceptingnewlycomposedornewlyeditedhymnsinsubsequenteditionsof Then Swenska Psalmeboken. The Swedish hymnalswere not fixed collec-tions,perse.Asitturnsout,theyoftenassumedolderhymnprintsaspartofanongoingprocessofcanonformation.

38 ThecopyofNågra Wijsor om Antikristum heldbytheNationalLibraryofSwedeninStock-holmcontainshand-writtennoteswhichincluded,amongotherthings,thepriorandcon-temporaryversionsofthesehymns,whichweretobefoundinprintedhymnals.Formoreonthissee:OtfriedCzaika,Några wijsor om Antikristum [1536] samt handskrivna tillägg. Utgåva med inledande kommentarer,(HelsinkiandSkara,2019).

39 O Rom går thet nu så med tich wasfirstprintedinNåghra nyttiga Andeliga wijsor, (Stock-holm:Tidemansson,1576).Theonlyremainingcopyofthisprintisboundtogetherwiththe1576SwedishHymnal,whichisalsopreservedasahapax(Then swenska psalmeboken 1576,Stockholm:Tidemansson,1576).Collijn,Sveriges bibliografi intill år 1600,Vol.2,p.449–454,IsakCollijn,“NyfunnatryckavTorbjörnTidemansson”,Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteksväsen,17(1930),p.1–13,p.5.Thishymnwasincludedinthehymnalof1695andwasalsoprintedinFinnishintheFinnishHymnalfrom1701.Formoreonthissee:FredricCleve,“Förändringarna i tolkningenav reformationenavspeglade ienfinländskpsalm”,inKristerStåhlberg(ed.),Norden och Europa: Språk, kultur och identitet. Forsk-ningsprogrammet Norden och Europa,(Copenhagen,1999),p.59–74,p.61.

PART II

Music in Consolidated Lutheranism

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9. Pure Lutheranism? On Catholic Devotional Texts in Dietrich Buxtehude’s Lutheran Figural Music

Olga Gero

IntheLutheranfiguralmusicoftheseventeenthcentury,wecanobserveaninteresting and ambiguousphenomenon: the increasingusageofLatin, of-tenCatholic,devotionaltextsimbuedwithmysticismintheProtestantarea.Thisissueraisesaconsiderablenumberofdifferentquestions,whichcouldbesolvedwithasystematicapproach.Atthispointofresearch,itisnotpossibletopresentconclusionsandtoprovideacompleteoverview,butitispossibletoshowparticularcasesandtoposesomequestions.Thefirstquestionis:whenexactlydidLutheran composersbegin to show their interest in suchLatintexts–ofwhichsignificantfeaturesarethefocusonthefigureofJesus,stress-inghisloveandloveofhim,seekingamysticalunionwithChrist–aswellason the themes disseminated in the seventeenth century, including vanitas and penitence,andhowlongdidtheusageofthesetextslast?1TheanswertothisquestioncanonlybeprovidedafteracomprehensiveanalysisandsearchforpossibleconcordancesofLatindevotionaltextsinthemusicalrepertoireoftheseventeenthtotheearlyeighteenthcenturybothinItalyandtotheNorthoftheAlps.Thestartingpointoftheuseofhighlyemotionaldevotionaltexts,rootedintheCatholicmysticaltradition,mightbesetattheturnoftheseven-teenth century and is related to the development and dissemination of the“secondaprattica”.MaryE.Frandsenpointedoutthat

alreadypopularinCatholicItalysoonafter1600,textsexpressiveofChristo-centricdevotionbegintoappearinmusicalcompositionsinLutheranareasinthemid-1620s […].As the centuryprogressed, thepopularity of devotionaltextsamongLutheransgrewexponentially,particularlyafterca.16402

1 Mary E. Frandsen, Crossing confessional boundaries: the patronage of Italian sacred mu-sic in seventeenth-century Dresden,(Oxford,2006),p.115.SeealsootherarticlesbyMaryE. Frandsen:“TheAnthologiesofAmbrosiusProfe(1589–1661)andLutheranSpirituality”,in A Festschrift for Prof. Kerala J. Snyder,JohanNorrback,JoelSpeerstraandRalphP.Locke(eds.),(Gothenburg,2018),publishedonline:https://www.goart.gu.se/publications/festschrift_kjs,and“MusicandLutherandevotionintheSchützera”,Schütz-Jahrbuch, 33 (2011),p.41–73.

2 Frandsen, Crossing,p.117.

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Inthe1640sandearly1650s“ItalianCatholiccomposershadbeguntomovetowardmoreaffective,freelycomposedtextsofacompositenature”.3 These textscombinedpoetryandprose,whichwasoftenbasedonscripturalpassagesortheirparaphrases.Mysticallycoloured,butnotcompoundtextsalreadyap-pearedinnumerousCatholicaswellasLutherandevotionalbooksinLatininthesecondhalfofthesixteenthcentury.Intheearlyeighteenthcenturythisheightenedemotionalreligiousliterature–asatextsourceformusicalcom-positions–wasreplacedbyGermanlibrettosandsankintooblivion.

ThewidedisseminationofCatholicliteratureintheLutheranterritories,aswellasreprintingofCatholictextsinLutheranbooks,testifiestothesmoothbordersbetweenCatholicandLutheranmysticaldevotionaltextsaslongastheydidnottouchondoctrinaldifferences.Bookfaircataloguesgiveadefi-nitionofCatholicprintedbooksandshedsomelightontheproblemoftheirdifferentiation.Thetheologicalbookspresentedinthecataloguesaredividedinto Protestant, Catholic and Calvinist books. The headings of the Catholic booksectionsvariedconsiderably,assomeexamplesshow:

• LIBRITHEOLOGORUMRELIGIONESPONTIFICIE(1594,autumnmarket)

• LibritheologiciCatholicorum,quiRomanæEcclesiæsubijciuntur(1595,autumnmarket)

• LibritheologorumPontificiorum(1598,Eastermarket)• CAPVTII.QuocontinenturAuctoresTheologiciRomanæEcclesiæ

(1600,Eastermarket)• LIBRIPONTIFICIORVM(1604,Eastermarket)• LIBRICATHOLICI(1617,Eastermarket)

Theearliestsurvivingcatalogues–threevolumesfrom1594(fortheautumnmarket)and1595–containedplaceofissueofthebookslistedasmarginalnotes.Thecataloguesfrom1596to1607(autumnmarket)gaveonlytheexactdateofissueinthemargin.ManyCatholicbookswereprintedinAntwerp,inItaly(Rome,VeniceandVerona)andsomeoftheminGermany–inCologneand,intheseventeenthcentury,inDillingen.Exceptforbreviaries,Missaleromanum,andneweditionsoftheHolyBible,thebooksrecordedinthebookfaircataloguescontainwritingsoftheChurchFathers,Catholicsaints–forinstancethetitleofthecompleteeditionofStBernardofClairvaux’swritings,publishedbyJanvanKeerbergheninAntwerp,appearedinthebook-faircata-logueof1609(Easter)–aswellascommentariesonthedifferentbooksoftheBibleandthewritingsofJesuitsandexplanationoftheirteaching.Amongthebookslistedinthebook-faircatalogueforautumn1593isanillustratedbook“Evangelicae historiae imagines: ex ordine euangeliorum, quae toto anno in missaesacrificiorecitantur, inordinemtemporisvitaeChristidigestae”by

3 Frandsen, Crossing,p.102.

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GerónimoNadal,inwhichagreatnumberofthecontemporaryengravingsbyMaartendeVos,Hieronymus,JanandAntonyII.Wierix are included.

TheworksoftheChurchFatherswerenotspecifictotheCatholiclitera-ture,however. In thewell-knownanthologyPrecandi formulae piae et se-lectae, ex veterum Ecclesiae sanctorum doctorum scriptis (Frankfurt an der Oder[FrancofortiadViadrum]andSzczecin[Stettin],1553)andPrecationes ex veteribus orthodoxis doctoribus(FrancofortiadOderam,1559)theLuther-an theologian Andreas MusculuscollectedpassagesfromPseudo-Augustine, HugodeStVictor, St Bernard of Clairvaux, St Anselm of Canterbury, etc.4 TheBernardineworks, textswhichwereattributedorascribed tohimandthetextsinspiredbyhim,werearichsourcefordevotionaltextsinthesev-enteenthcentury,whichcanbetracedbacktomedievalCatholicmysticismrepresentedthroughthreethemes:thehymnJesu dulcis memoria,5 the Song of Songs, and the theme of vanitas.6 The hymn Rhythmica oratio, used by GermancomposersDietrichBuxtehude,SamuelFriedrichCapricornus and JohannAlbrechtKress, and often translated during the seventeenth century, shouldbeconsideredastheotherinfinitesupplyofdevotionalChristocentrictexts.

TheDübencollection,alargecollectionwhichincludesmusicalcomposi-tionsonLatindevotionaltexts,aswellasacatalogueofallpiecesperformedbyJohannPhilippKriegeratWeißenfelscourtbetween1684and1725,docu-mentagreatinterestinandcontinuousperformancepracticeofsuchcompo-sitions.7InadditiontoBuxtehude,theDübenCollectioncontainspiecesby,for instance,AugustinPfleger,JohannBalthasarErben, Tobias Zeutschner, JohannValentinMeder,nottomentionChristianGeist,KasparFörster and SamuelFriedrichCapricornus.Thecompositionsondevotional texts intheDübencollectionarepresentedmostlybothinpartsandinorgantabulature.TheideasuggestsitselfthatGustavDübenperformedallthesepiecesinSwe-den.SomeexamplesfromthecatalogueofJohannPhilippKriegerreflectthesameperformancepractice:

4 Frandsen, Crossing,p.119.5 SeeWerner Braun, “‘Jesu, dulcismemoria’ in Tonsatzreihen zwischen 1600 und 1650:

evangelische Autoren”, Jahrbuch für Liturgik und Hymnologie, 44(2005),p.163–173and“‘Jesu,dulcismemoria’inTonsatzreihenzwischen1600und1650:katholischeAutoren”,in Mittelalter und Mittelalterrezeption: Festschrift für Wolf Frobenius, Herbert Schneider (ed.),(Hildesheim,2005),p.173–190.

6 Frandsen, Crossing,p.116,GeoffreyWebber,North German Church Music in the Age of Buxtehude,(Oxford,1996),p.86–87,92–101.

7 Das Weissenfelser Aufführungsverzeichnis Johann Philipp Kriegers und seines Sohnes Johann Gotthilf Krieger (1684–1732),Klaus-JürgenGundlach(ed.),(Sinzig,2001),p.252–319.

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Table10.Selected compositions on devotional texts in the catalogue of work performed by Krieger.

Composer Title Date of performance(as given in the catalogue)

Comments

VincenzoAlbrici “Amo te, laudo te” Jac.15JohannBeer “AmorJesudulcissime” Matth. 92Samuel Friedrich Capricornus

“Adtesuspiro” Paul. Bek. 93“Jesudulcismemoria” Petr. u. Paul. 88 / 11. n.

Trin.92/Rein.Mar.00(“auffzweymahl”)/Pfi.-Vesp.15(“auff2mahl”)

From the hymn “Jesudulcisme-moria”

“Jesunostraredemptio” Himmelf. 87“Jesurexadmirabilis” Himmelf. 95“Jesuspespoenitenti-bus”

3. n. Trin. 92

KasparFörster “Adarmafideles” Oculi 92 / Michael.: 95 / 00/Oculi0I/Michael.:08/09

“Ahpeccatoresgraves” 2. Weihn. 87“DulcisamorJesu” 22.n.Trin.90“OboneJesu” 19.n.Trin.88/16.n.

Trin.07“OdulcisJesu” 18. n. Trin. 85 / 19. n.

Trin.93(a2voc.)/18.n.Trin.96

“Peccavisupernumer-um”

3.n.Trin.90

MarcoGiuseppePeranda “Languet cor meum” 19.n.Trin.90“Si Dominus mecum” Michael. 91“OJesumidulcissime” 8. n. Trin. 94 From the hymn

“Jesudulcisme-moria”

“SivivomiJesu” 3.nTrin.:88/0I/Matth.07/17.n.Trin.07

Imitationofthishymn

TherearenoentriesreferringtothecompositionsofDietrichBuxtehude in Krieger’scatalogue.NeverthelesswecanobservethatpiecesonsimilarLatindevotionaltextswereregularlyperformedatthecourtinMiddleGermany.Apartfromthesettingsofmysticaltexts,plentyofcommonliturgicaltexts,aswellasthePsalmsandScripturefragmentsarerepresented.ThismixtureofstrongLutheran,commonliturgical,andmysticalLatintextscorrespondswiththetextsourcesthatBuxtehudeandsomeofhisLutherancontemporarieschosefortheirsacredvocalworks.

UsingtheexampleofDietrichBuxtehudewecandistinguishtwowaysoffindingtextsources:havingaccesstodevotionalliterature,andusingexistingmusicalpiecesonsuchtexts.OntheonehandBuxtehudecomposedonthemodelofthesolomotetsbyBonifazioGraziani, as Peter Wollny has demon-strated. On the other hand he took some of his text sources from Catholic devotional books, as I have ascertained duringmy research on his sacredvocal music.

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Thefirstfeaturewasaverycommonphenomenonatthattime.ThereisaperhapsrhetoricalquestionastowhetherthecomposerstotheNorthoftheAlps tookoverItalian tasteandimitatedmusicwhichincludedappropriatedevotional texts inanewstyle,orwhether theyadoptedmystical textsandset themtosuitablemusicliketheItaliancomposersdid.PeterWollny has dedicatedachapterinhis2016booktothepracticeofimitatio auctorum. He examined some cases of this technique, for instance Congregantes Philistei by Mario Savioni andKasparFörster, Quanta fecisti Domine byGiovanniMarciani andKaspar Förster, andSurgite cum gaudio byGasparoCasati, JohannPhilippKriegerandGeorgSchmezer.Kriegerimitatednotonlypiec-esbyGasparoCasati,butalsobyBonifazioGraziani.AsWollnypointedout,thereare15itemsonthesametextsbyGrazianiandKrieger.8

Dietrich Buxtehude’stwoconcertosO dulcis Jesu(BuxWV83)andCanite Jesu nostro arebasedonamodelbyGrazianifromhisopus10,Libro quarto de motetti a voce sola.

8 Peter Wollny, Studien zum Stilwandel in der protestantischen Figuralmusik des mittleren 17. Jahrhunderts,(Beeskow,2016),p.388f.

Table 11. Comparison of text settings by Graziani and Krieger.

Title Grazianisource

Scoring by Graziani

Scoring by Krieger

Ad dulces amores op.7(1656) CC “2 voc.”Alleluja. De funere ad vitam op.10(1665) C “3 voc. 2 viol.”Ascendo ad Patrem op.14(1666) CCB “à 9”Attendite verbum Domini op.19(1672) C CCB,2Vl.,Bc.Canite,filiaeSion op.10(1665) C “5 voc., 5 instr., 2

Tromb.”Crudelis infernus op.10(1665) C CAB,2Vl.,Bc.Exulta, jubila, accurre op.6(1655) C SB,2Vl.,Bc.Gaudiapastoresoptate op.3(1652) C “à10:5voc.,5instr.”Iucundaminichorilaetantes op.19(1672) C “à13:5voc.,6instr.,2

Tromb.”Magnificateomnes op.16(1669) C “2 voc. 2 viol.”OdulcisJesu op.10(1665) C “à 5: 3 voc. 2 viol.”Perasperosmundi op.10(1665) C “3 voc. 2 viol.”Quis me territat op.19(1672) C CAB,2Vl.,Bc.Surge, dilecte mi op.10(1665) C “B, 2 viol.”, “3 voc. 2

viol.”(2settings?)ViriGalilaei op.14(1666) CC “2Sopr.”

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Graziani, Bonifazio, Del quarto libro de motetti a voce sola opera decima (Roma 1665) RISM G3674

Surge dilecte mi Ad laudes ad carmina Per asperos mundi O dulcis Jesu o amor cordis O dulcis Jesu (BuxWV83) Ubi est dilectus meus Canite filiae Sion Canite Jesu nostro (BuxWV11)Crudelis infernus Velut palma velut rosa Salve caelitum regina Alleluia. De funere ad vitam O anima mea suspira Venite pastores ad sacros amores

ThetablaturesourcesofbothoftheseworksbyBuxtehudearepreservedintheDübenCollectionandwerecopiedbyGustavDüben himself. The date wasgivenafterthelastbarinbothsources.Accordingtothecomments,thecopyingofthefirstconcertowasfinishedon20October1681andthesecondon11May1683.Presumably,BuxtehudecomposedbothconcertosundertheinfluenceofKasparFörster,duringorafterhisvisittoCopenhagen.Thede-greeofmusicalandtextualemulationisdifferentinbothcompositions.

IntheconcertoO dulcis Jesu, BuxtehudeemulatedGraziani’sentiremotet,in the other concerto, Canite Jesu nostro,hemerelytookthreeopeningtex-tual sections from theprototypeandchanged thefirst text line.The slighttextualmodificationsinthesecondworkdisplaynotonlytheaffinitywiththeSongofSongs,whichprevailsinthemotetbyGraziani,butalsodemonstrateastrongassociationwiththePsalterandtheGospelaccordingtoStMatthew.Inthisway,Buxtehude’stextgainedNewTestamentfeaturesandfocusedonChrist.

Table 12. Comparison between the text sources for Canite filiae Sion by Graziani and Canite Jesu nostro by Buxtehude.

Graziani Buxtehude

CanitefiliaeSion,citharae,cymbala,organasonent in die laetititae cordis mei.Dilectus meus mihi, et ego illi.Iamtandeminveni,quem ego quaesivi,

clamantem audivi,responditpetenti,aperuitpulsanti,occurit quaerenti,dilectus amanti.

CaniteJesunostrocitharae,cymbala,organa!Sonant in die laetititae cordis mei: dilectus adest.Iamtandeminveni,quem ego quaesivi,quem ego vocavi.Clamantem audivit,responditpetenti,aperuitpulsanti,occurit quaerenti,dilectus amanti.

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ThethirdpiecenoteworthyinthiscontextistheconcertoSalve Jesu, patris gnate unigenite(BuxWV94)byBuxtehude,whichcorrespondstocomposi-tionsbyItaliancomposersinbothmusicalandtextualfeatures.Thetablaturevolumegivesaprecisedateonfol.28r:“1685/1December”.However,asinthe case of the other aforementioned concertos, this might only indicate the copyingdate.NotextsourcebyeitherGrazianiorbyhisRomancontempo-raries could be found. One can only argue that this text includes the images of theSongofSongsandChristmaspoetry.Thediminutival forms in twohymns“CurrelinquisDeuscoelum”(1)und“Dormi,Fili,dormi”(2)reflectthe latter connection.

Table 13. Textual parallels in the text sources for Salve Jesu by Buxtehude.

SalveJesu,patrisgnateunigenite,salvenectarlacte-um, salve sponse mi animula. Pectus meum do tibi soli.Quicquidvisentibicedointerhaecpraesepia.

Ovisamoristui,Jesu,maxima!Cuiusvellinguaillamenarrarevelmenspercipereunquamvaleat?Cur fasciis te involvis laceris, Jesulle, cur saeva frigora grassantur in artus tenellos?Cur alges, qui coeli culmina terres, qui fulmina dira vibras fragore tonitruum?O suavis, o grandis amor, o fortis amor, quo feror, quotrahor,quorapior!Jesu,obstupesco,inquemamorem tui colliquesco.

Dormi, mi animule!(2)En me totum do in lectumEtcormeumdointectum,(1)

Dormi,parvepupule!(2)Jesu,quiincasafriges,Omnibusquemembrisriges;(1)

The text source of this concerto by Buxtehude could possibly be foundnotinmusicalpieces,butindevotionalbooksofthatperiod.ThisistheotherwayinwhichcomposerswereacquaintedwiththeLatindevotionalliterature.Fortunately,IcouldidentifytextsourcesofthreeothercompositionsbyBux-tehude: Quemadmodum desiderat cervus(BuxWV92),O clemens, o mitis, o coelestis Pater(BuxwV82),andFallax mundus(BuxWV28).

The text source for the first concertoQuemadmodum desiderat cervus (BuxWV92)was taken from the35th chapter of theSoliloquia ofPseudo-Augustine. All three writings attributed to St Augustine were constant-ly published during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as a completebook, Divi Aurelii Augustini, Hippon. episcopi, Meditationes, Soliloquia et Manuale, or as a series of quotations, by both Catholic and Lutheran au-thors. German Lutheran theologians andwriters translated the Latin textsofPseudo-AugustineintoGermanandtriedtoadjust themtotheLutherandoctrinebyomittinginappropriatetextpassages,rewordingthemoraddinginterpretiveandexplicativeremarksinordertoadaptthePseuso-Augustinetexts formodernLutheranprayers.9 Therefore, Andreas Musculus omitted,

9 Traugott Koch, in Die Entstehung der lutherischen Frömmigkeit: die Rezeption pseud- augustinischer Gebetstexte in der Revision früher lutherischer Autoren (Andreas Muscu-lus,MartinMoller,PhilippKegel,PhilippNicolai),(Waltrop,2004)discussedfourdevo-tionalbooksinwhichtheLutherantheologianusedtextsofPseudo-Augustine. A detailed

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forexample,apassageportrayingtheHolyTrinityinchapter35.ThesamephrasewaschangedbyMartinMoller,whoaimedtoemphasizethe“dogmat-ically correct doctrine of the Trinity”.10

ApossibleprintedsourcefortheconcertoQuemadmodum desiderat cer-vus emerged in connectionwith the other concerto,O clemens, o mitis, o coelestis Pater(BuxwV82).Thistext“Oclemens,omitis”turnedouttobeapartofalongprayerbyJohannFaber(alsoJohannFabri,1478–1541),whowasaCatholictheologianandavigorousopponentoftheProtestantRefor-mation.11AsBishopofVienna–hebecamebishop in1530–hepublishedpolemicwritings,treatisesdefendingCatholicbelief,sermonsontheBlessedSacramentsanddevotionaltexts.DuetohislifelongfriendshipwithErasmusof RotterdamhestudiedtheworksoftheChurchFathersandincludedmanytexts of St AugustinealongwithhisownprayersinhisdevotionalbookPre-cationes Christiana devotione et pietate plenae ex sacris literis & D. Augusti-no singulari studio concinnatae & selectae(Cologne,1562;Dillingen,1579).Theentireprayer,whichcontainsthetextofastrongpenitentialcharacter“OClemens, o mitis, o coelestis Pater” set by Buxtehude,wasentitled“Valdepulchraoratioetconfeßio,sæpeadDeumdicenda”andwasincludedinbothCologneandDillingeneditionsonfols.65r–67vand75r–77rrespectively.

Both text sources (“O Clemens, o mitis, o coelestis Pater” and “Quemad-modumdesideratcervus”)werefoundinseveraldevotionalbooksinthesec-ondhalfoftheseventeenthcentury,especiallyintheanthologiesoftheDutchhumanist,theologianandteacherSimonVerrepaeusorVerrept.12TheywerepublishedinAntwerpbyJeanBellère,thefatherofBalthazarBellère,andev-identlymaintainedinallreprintsbyBellèrehimself,aswellasbytheGermanpublishersPetrusHorst in Köln and Sebald Mayer in Dillingen, until the end of thesixteenthcentury.SimonVerrepaeuscooperatedwithBellère and let him printotherdevotionalbooks,inparticularPrecationum Piarum Enchiridion, inparticularPrecationes liturgiae in dies VII. digestae and Catholicum Pre-cationum Selectissimarum Enchiridion. All the aforementioned books con-tain the text “O clemens, o mitis”, but only the Enchiridions include the text source derived from the 35thchapteroftheSoliloquia ofPseudo-Augustine.

IntheprefacetothefirsteditionofPrecationum Piarum Enchiridion, Si-monVerrepaeuswrote thathehadcollectedhisprayers for fouryearsand

study on Moller is to be found in: Elke Axmacher, Praxis Evangeliorum: Theologie und Frömmigkeit bei Martin Moller (1547–1606),(Göttingen,1989).

10 Koch, Die Entstehung,p.53.11 AdalbertHorawitz,“JohannesFaber”,inAllgemeine Deutsche Biographie,Vol.14(1881),p.435–441.

12 ThemostprinteddevotionalbookbyVerrepaeuswasundoubtedlyPrecationum Piarum Enchiridion,ofwhichatleast14copiessurvived(1564,1565,1567,1569,1572,1575,1576,1577,1580,1585,1586,1591,1592and1598).Catholicum Precationum Selectissimarum Enchiridionwasprintedattheturnoftheseventeenthcentury(1598,1599,1603and1609).Of the third book, Precationes liturgiae in dies VII. Digestae,onlytwocopiesareknown–from 1574 and 1599.

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takenthemfromthechurchdevotionalbookswhichhadbeeninpossessionofhisfriendJeanBellère.Thenheexplainedthepurposesofhiscollectionandappealedtothevirtueswhichcouldbeawakenedandcultivatedwiththehelpof thecollectedprayers.Hesupportedhis statementswithquotations fromtheHolyBibleandwritingbytheChurchFathers.Hisbookisdividedinto15chapters,whichconsistofdailyprayers, liturgical texts,meditationsonChrist’sPassionandprayerstoGodtheFather.Thetext“Oclemens,omitis”appears in thethirdchapter“Precationespropitiatoriæ,quibusprodelendispeccatisMisericordiamDivinamimploremus”.Thefifteenthchapter,“[Pre-catio]Animæadvitambeatam&immortalemardensdesiderium”,containsthe second text “Quemadmodumdesiderat cervus”with informationaboutthe author.

The exact fragment of the text quoted by Andreas Musculus in his Preca-tiones ex veteribus orthodoxibus doctoribuswassetbyHeinrichSchütz in one of his Kleinen geistlichen Konzerte(SWV336).WhileVerrepaeuspub-lishedanentirechapter,Musculusreduceditandaddedtheopeningsentencesofthenextchapterwithoutanyindication.Thisprocedureexplainsthediffer-encesbetweenthetextsources.

Table 14. Differences between versions of Pseudo-Augustine’s Soliloquia as quoted by Verrepaeus and Musculus.

Verrepaeus, Precationum Piarum Enchiridion* Musculus, Precationes ex veteribus orthodoxis doctoribus

Quemadmodum desiderat cervus ad fontes aqua-rum, ita desiderat anima mea ad te, Deum. Sitivit anima mea ad te, Deum, fontem vivum: quando veniametappareboantefaciemtuam?

O fons vitae, vena aquarum viventium, quando veniamadaquasdulcedinistuae?[…]Sitio, Domine, fons vitae es, satia me, sitio [Domine, sitio] te Deum vivum.Quandoveniametapparebo,Domine,antefa-ciemtuam,putasme,videbodiemillamjucun-ditatis et laetitiae, diem, quam fecit Dominus, exsultemusetlaetemurinea,[…]ubiest […]certa securitas, secura tranquillitas et tranquilla jucunditas, jucunda felicitas, felix aeternitas, aeterna beatitudo et beata Trinitas et Trinitatis unitas, et unitatis Deitas, et Deitatis beata visio, quod(quae)estgaudiumDomini[Dei]tui.

Ogaudium,supergaudium,gaudiumvincesomne gaudium.

Quemadmodum desiderat cervus ad fontes aquarum, ita desiderat[…]anima mea ad te, Deum. Sitivit anima mea ad te, Deum, fontem vivum: quando veniam et apparebo ante faci-em tuam?O fons vitae, vena aquarum viventium, quando veniam ad aquas dulcedinis tuae?[…]Sitio, Domine, fons vitae es, satia me, sitio [Domine, sitio] te Deum vivum.[…]Quando veniam et apparebo, Domine, ante faciem tuam,putasme,videbodiemillamju-cunditatis et laetitiae, diem, quam fecit Dominus, exsultemus et laetemur in ea, ubi est certa secu-ritas, secura tranquillitas et tranquilla jucunditas, jucunda felicitas, felix aeternitas, aeterna beatitu-do et beata Trinitas et Trinitatis unitas, et unitatis Deitas, et Deitatis beata visio, quod est gaudium Domini tui.

Ogaudium,supergaudium,gaudiumvincesomne gaudium.

* ThewordsfromthebookbyVerrepaeusthatwerechangedbyBuxtehude are indicated in italics.ThetextusedbyHeinrichSchützisindicatedinboldtype.

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Basically,VerrepaeusquotedtheoriginaltextofPseudo-Augustineverbatim,butinthesentence“quaeestgaudiumDominiDeitui”hesubstitutedposses-sivepronoun“tui”for“mei”inordertogivethecharacterofapersonalappealtotheotherwisecontemplativetext.ThecompilerofthetextsourcefortheBuxtehudeconcerto,oreventhecomposerhimself,undertookonechange,whichgaveanewperspectivetothetextandtransformeditsmeaning.Akeyword inPseudo-Augustine’s text is “gaudium”which aquotation from theGospelofStMatthewrefersto:“IntraingaudiumDominitui”.ThenPseu-do-Augustinenamedthesourceofthisjoyandexplaineditsqualities:“Intraingaudiumsempiternum,indomumDominiDeitui.[…]Intraingaudium,[…]ubi erit omnebonum”. In thisway the authordefined a specificplace(“domumDomini”)anddepictedwhatwouldhappen in thefuture (“erit”).InthetextsourcebyBuxtehudethisNewTestamentquotationwasomitted,thereforethesentence“diem,quamfecitDominus”wasstressed.So,firstly,thepointintimeofthisfuturejoyisfixed:theDayofResurrection.Secondly,thecompilersubstitutedthefuture“erit”withthepresenttime“est”.InthiswaythecertainjoywithChristbecamepresent.

The fragment from the SoliloquiaofPseudo-Augustine cannot be consid-eredasespeciallyCatholic,notleastbecauseofwidedisseminationofPseudo- AugustinianworksamongLutherans.As theanalysisabovedemonstrated,BuxtehudedrewthisfragmentneitherfromthedevotionalbookbyMusculus norfromtheconcertobySchütz, but most likely from a Catholic book. The othertextsource“Oclemens,omitis,ocoelestisPater”,whichisbasedontheParableoftheProdigalSonandincludedascripturalfragment(Luke15:18b–19)isplacedinthecontextofpenitentialliterature,theuseofwhichbeganintheLutheranareainthelatesixteenthcenturyandincreasedinthe1640sand1650s.AsIsabellavanElferenmarked,“thepainandrepentance”accompa-nied “the desire for unio mystica”andhadaneven“greaterimpactinLutheranmysticismthaninitsmedievalcounterpart”.13ThethemeofpenitencecametolightinseveralcompositionsbyGuiseppePeranda (for instance Miserere, Cor mundum crea in me, Peccavi o Domine super numerum arenae maris)andinworksintheDübencollection(Domine Deus meus peccavi graviter by Henry Du Mont, Peccavi super numerumbyJohannBalthasarErben and KasparFörster, and O pater peccavi in coelum et coram teby IgnatiovonGnesell).HowevertheprayerofJohannFaberwasnotusedasatextsourceformusicalsettingexceptinBuxtehude’sconcerto.DespiteitsCatholicoriginthistextcanbeseenascoveringacommontopicforbothconfessionsatthattime,whichspreadoverconfessionalandgeographicboundaries.

The textsourcefor the thirdcompositionbyBuxtehude, Fallax mundus (BuxWV28),isbasedonaseriesofengravingsbytheFlemishengraverAn-tonyII.Wierix: Cor Iesv Amanti Sacrvm. These engravings include a Latin

13 Isabella van Elferen,Mystical Love in the German Baroque: Theology, Poetry, Music, (Lanham,MD,2009),p.156.

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poem,whichBuxtehude tookeight stanzas from.14 Most likely, Buxtehude used the devotional book Cor Deo devotumbyÉtienneLuzvic,publishedbyBalthazarBellèreinDouaiin1627orbyHendrikAertssensinAntwerpin1628.

TheLatinpoem,usedbyBuxtehude,isapartoftheengravingsandap-pears exclusively unchanged in other translations of this devotional book,for instance in Daß Gott Zugeeignete Hertz Iesv Des Fridsamen Salomonis Königlicher Thron(Augsburg1630),The devout hart or Royal throne of the pacifical Salomonpublishedin1634andinHet Heylich hertefrom1659(Ant-werp).15ThetitleoftheLatintranslationofthisdevotionalbookwasrecordedintheLeipzigbook-faircatalogueinautumn1627,butitisnowimpossibletoascertainthelocationofthisdevotionalbookbetween1627and1680–thedateofthecopiedmusicalsourceintheDübencollection.

14 AdetailedreviewistobefoundinOlgaGero,“TextandVisualImageintheSacredVocalWorks of Dieterich Buxtehude”, Early Music, 46 (2018), p. 235–249, and inOlgaGero, Dietrich Buxtehudes geistliche Vokalwerke – Texte, Formen, Gattungen,(Uppsala,2016),p.68–74.

15 Daß Gott Zugeeignete Hertz Iesv Des Fridsamen Salomonis Königlicher Thron (Augsburg: Schönigk,1630),The Devout Hart or Royal Throne of the Pacifical Salomon. Composed by F. St. Luzuic S.I. Translated out of Latin into English. Enlarged with incentiue by F. St. Binet of the same S. and now Enriched with Hymnes by a new Hand, (S. l.: Cousturier, 1634)andHet Heylich Herte Ver-Eert Aen Alle Godt-Vrvghtighe Herten Voor Een Niev-Iaer,(Antwerp,1659).

Figure 22. Thebook-faircataloguesfrom1599and1609.

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Although the text sources of these three concertos by Buxtehude have been ascertained– in thedevotionalbooksbySimonVereppaeusandin thede-votional book Cor Deo devotum–thescholarlyunderstandingofthewayinwhichBuxtehudebecameacquaintedwiththesebooksremainsahypothesis.Unfortunatelywecannotfindany tracesof thesebooksbefore1594,whenthefirstbook-faircataloguewaspublished.Onlythelatereditionscouldbetraced. The Catholicum Precationum Selectissimarum Enchiridionwasavail-ableforsaleintheEastermarketsin1599and1609.

The Precationes liturgiae in dies VII. digestaeappearedinthecatalogueofthe autumn market in 1599.

Theopportunity tobuy thesebooks inGermanyshedsno lightonhowBuxtehudecameuponthemaconsiderableperiodoftimelater.Thereisnoevidence that Buxtehude had connections to thepublishers fromKölnandDillingen. But the hypothesis immediately suggests itself that Buxtehude knewthepublicationsofJeanBellère inAntwerpandhissonBalthazar in Douai.Inthatregardwecandevelopsomehypotheses.IntheChoirlibraryofStMary’schurchinLübecksomemusicalprintsofPierrePhalèse–abusinesspartnerofBellère–arepreserved.ThebooksofBellèrecouldpossiblyhavefoundtheirwaytoLübeckalongsidetheprintsofPhalèse.ThebookscouldhavebeentakenbyGustavDüben,byamerchant–forexampleThomasFre-denhagen(1627–1709),whoconductedtradewithFlanders,particularlywithAntwerp–ororderedbysomeclerics.ThelasthypothesisisdoubtfulbecauseofthestrongLutheranismamongtheclergyinLübeck.

Figure 23. Thebook-faircataloguefrom 1599.

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TheexamplesofthesacredmusicofDietrichBuxtehude discussed should beconsideredasapiece,whichwouldhelptocompleteageneralviewoftheuseofLatindevotionalliteratureamongGermanLutherancomposersinthemiddleandlateseventeenthcentury.Obviouslytheydidnotintendtousespe-cificallyCatholicsources,butwereinterestedratherinthedevotionalcontentofsuchemotionaltextsthatalreadyexistedintheCatholicliterature,with-outacloseconnectiontotheCatholicdogmatics.TogetherwiththestylisticshiftandtheriseinintenseengagementwithItalianmusic,thesetextscausedchangesinthe“LutheraninstitutionsinGermanyandinScandinavia”.16 As Frandsenpointsout,

itwouldseemfromtherepertoireperformedinDresden,aswellasinmanyother Lutheran schools and court chapels, that the ‘Lutheran churchmusic’oftheyearsbetweenca.1650and1710hadapronouncedecumenicalnature.Giventheiracceptancebybothconfessions,manyofthefreetextssetbyItal-iansduringthiseramightbebetterdescribedas‘culturallyCatholic’ratherthanactually theologically or doctrinally so.17

Except for the especiallyCatholic themes – for instance veneration of theblessedVirgin–anddespitetheCatholicorigins(authors,printersandplac-esofpublication),thedevotionalLatintextswhichappearedinthemusicalrepertoireofthesecondhalfoftheseventeenthcentury,andparticularlyincompositionsbyDietrichBuxtehude, might be considered transconfessional. ThenumerousperformancesattestedtocontributedtotheimageofLutheran-ism,whichmovedtowardsanewpublicandpersonaldevotionalitywithhelpofCatholic-inspiredmysticaltexts.

16 Frandsen, Crossing,p.171.17 Ibid.,p.167.

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10.LawandGospelinJohannSebastianBach’sCantata106:AFundamentalLutheranTheme Set to Music

Daniel Johansson

ActusTragicusisaworkofgeniussuchasevengreatmastersseldomachieve.[…][It]belongstothegreatmusicalliteratureoftheworld.1

[It]isapieceofgreatspiritualliteratureinthetreasuryofthewitnessestothefaith of our church.2

BothquotesaboveattesttoawidespreadadmirationofBach’scantata106,Gottes Zeit ist der aller beste Zeit,however,withslightlydifferentfocuses.Whiletheformernotesitsmusicalqualities,thelatterpointstotheologicalones.Onthesurfacecantata106mayseemtobearathersimplisticpieceofmusic, quite unlike most of Bach’s cantatas. But a closer look reveals Bach’s geniusbothasacomposerandatheologian.Inthepresentchapter,Iarguethatcantata106offersanexampleof theLutheranArs Moriendi, inwhichthefundamentalLutheranideaofdistinguishingproperlybetweenLawandGospelisarticulated.

Date and OccasionThedateof andoccasion for cantata106 isnotknown. It lacks recitativesand da capo-ariasofsomelengthandthusbelongstotheoldtypeofchurchcantata. It is commonly assigned toBach’sMühlhausen period (1707–08).Mostscholarsdefineitasafuneralcantata.WhileearlierscholarshipoftenidentifiedtheburialofJohannSebastian’suncleTobiasLämmerhirt,whodiedonAugust10,1707,astheoccasionofthecantata,3 Markus Rathey has re-centlyconnectedittothefuneralserviceofthemayorofMühlhausen,Adolph

1 AlfredDürr,The Cantatas of J. S. Bach: With Their Librettos in German-English Parallel Text,(Oxford,2005),p.759.

2 Renate Steiger, Gnadengegenwart: Johann Sebastian Bach im Kontext lutherischer Ortodoxie und Frömmigkeit, (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt, 2002), p. 239: Actus Tragicus“ist einStückgeistlicherLiteratur inderSchatzkammerderGlaubenszuegnisseunsererKirche”.

3 SeeDürr,Cantatas,p.759.

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Strecker,onSeptember16,1708.4Ineithercaseitwascomposedinthesameperiodascantatas71,Gott ist mein König, and 131, Aus der Tiefen.5Howev-er,acasecanalsobemadethatthecantatawaswrittenforaSundayofthechurchyearinwhichthetopicofdeathwastreated,asforexamplethe16th SundayafterTrinity(Luke7:11–17)ortheFeastMariae Reinigung(Purifica-tionofMary;Luke2:22–35).6

Instrumentation,Structure,andTonalityThe instrumentation isunique inBach’scantataproduction.Tworecorders(usually used by Bachinmusicwhichconcernsdeath),twoviolasdagambas,andcontinuomakeupthewholeorchestra.Thesmallnumberofinstrumentscreatesanintimateatmosphere.7

Thecantataconsistsoffourparts:asonatina,whichfunctionsasaprelude;asecondmovement,whichincludesfourbriefpassages,choruses,andsolos;athirdmovementconsistingoftwosolos;andfinallyachoraleandfugueforchoir.Togethertheseindividualpartsformasymmetricaloverallstructure,andcarryforwardanddevelopthetheologicalideasofthework.Thecantataiscentredaroundthechorus“Es istderalteBund”(Table15,2.d).This issurroundedbytwosolosoneachside,whichinturnaresurroundedbycho-ruses.Theturningpointinthedevelopmentoftheworkisfoundinthecentralmovement(Table15,2.d).

Thefirstmovement is set inE♭major.Harmonically thework thende-scends,movementbymovement,throughflatkeysdowntoB♭ minorandupagain to E♭ major. The sequence of keys is thus ordered symmetrically around acentralaxis,butthecentralpointofB♭ minorisreachedatfirstattheendofthecentralmovementandcontinuesintothealtosolo,“IndeineHände”.Inthis cantata Bachexploredatonalrangeandappliedaharmoniclanguagethatseemstohavenoparallelamonghispredecessorsorcontemporaries.8

4 MarkusRathey,“ZurDatierungeinigerVokalwerkeBachs”,inBach Jahrbuch2006,PeterWollny(ed.),(Leipzig,2006),p.65–92.

5 Rathey,“ZurDatierung”,alsoassignsBWV150and233atothisperiod.6 MartinPetzoldt,“SterbenundTodinKantatenJohannSebastianBachs,amBespielvonBWV106”,paperpresentedattheKatolischen Akademie Rottenburg-Stuttgart, Stuttgart on11February2007,p.7,accessibleonline:http://www.akademie-rs.de/fileadmin/user_upload/pdf_archive/czerny/20072002Vortrag_Petzoldt.pdf

7 Steiger, Gnadengegenwart,p.238.8 ChristophWolff,Johann Sebastian Bach: The Learned Musician,(NewYork,NY,2000),p.101.

Table 15. Structure and tonality of Cantata 106.1.Sonatina

E♭

2.aChorus

E♭-c

2.bSolo

c

2.cSolo

c-f

2.dChorus, solo, choralef-b♭

3.aSolo

b♭

3.bSolo, chorale

A♭

4Chorale, fugue

E♭

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The TextThetextismainlymadeupofquotations,selectedfromvariousplacesintheOldTestament,theApocryphaoftheOldTestament,theNewTestament,andhymns,asfollows:

Second movement a) Acts17:28 b) Psalm90:12 c) Isaiah38:1 d) Sirach14:179andRevelation22:20 Instrumentalquotationofthehymn“IchhabmeinSach Gottheimgestellt” (JohannLeon,1582/9)

Third movement a) Psalm31:510citedinLuke23:46 b) Luke23:43andverse1ofthehymn“MitFriedundFreud ich fahr dahin” (Martin Luther,1524)

Fourth movement Verse7ofthehymn“Indichhabichgehoffet,Herr” (Adam Reusner,1533)

The overall ordering of these texts seems to suggest a movement from the OldTestamenttotheNew.WiththeexceptionofthetextfromActs17,BachmakesuseofOldTestamenttextsupuntiltheturningpointatwhichhequotesthe Book of Revelation. The third movement, it could be argued, is only made upofNewTestamenttexts,especiallyifweidentifythemassayingsofJesusatthecrossrecordedintheGospelofLuke:Jesus’quotationofPs31:5andhispromisetotherepentantcriminal.11However,whereasLuke23:46onlycitesthefirstpartofPs31:5,Bachcitesthewholeoftheverse.ModerneditionsidentifythePsalmasthesourceofthewords,butwhetherthisgoesbacktoBach’soriginalscoreisunclear.Theoriginalhasbeenlostsowecannotbesure.However,giventhelikelytextualVorlage ofBach’scantata, inwhichthewordsareidentifiedasPs31:5,andnotLuke23:46,itseemsunlikelythatBach intended a textualmovement from the “AlteBund” to the new. It isratherthesubjectmatteritself,whichleadstothechoiceofthesetextsinthisparticularorder,whetherthetextsarefromtheOldTestamentortheNew.12

9 Following theversenumbering inEnglishBibles.Theversenumbers in somebooksofthe Bible, particularly the Psalms, varies in different languages. Olearius, Christliche Bet=Schule,mentionedbelow,referstoSir14:18.

10 Olearius, Christliche Bet=Schule,referstoPs31:6.11 AsdoesPetzoldt,“SterbenundTod”,p.6,inhisinterpretationofthecentralmovement.12 Aswillbeseenbelow,LutherneveridentifiedtheLawwiththeOldTestamentortheGospelwiththeNew.Itisthecontentofaparticularpassageorasaying,anditsapplication,which

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TheCompilationoftheTextoftheCantataThere is general agreement that Bachcompiledthetextofcantata106.TheworkthusoffersextraordinaryinsightsintoBach’sworkasatheologian,notonlyasacomposerbutalsoasacompileroftheologicaltexts.Thewordsare,asalreadymentioned,basedonbiblicalpassagesscatteredthroughouttheBi-bleandthreedifferenthymnswithafewadditions.Buthowdidhecompileit?

SomewouldarguethatBach,withhisprofoundtheologicaltraining,wasabletodothiscompletelyonhisown.AttheageofeightBach had already begun to learn“theCatechism,psalms,Biblehistory,writingandreading,particularlytheGospelsandEpistlesinGermanandLatin”.13LaterhewasalsoacquaintedwithGreekandHebrew,hadtolearnthemostwell-knownchurch hymns and studied the orthodox Lutheran dogmatic of Leonhard Hut-ter.14BeforegettingapositionascantorhewouldhavehadtogothroughatheologicalexaminationcoveringbasicbiblicalandtheologicalknowledgeaswellasgivingwrittenassenttotheBookofConcordtwice.15 Furthermore as acantorhewas responsible for teachingbasic theology, includingLuther’s catechism,inschool.WiththiseducationandtheexperienceofLutheranpi-etyandliturgicallife,itislikelythatBachhadtheabilitytocompilethetextcompletelyonhisown.Somescholars,however,havearguedthatBachmadeuseofanalreadyexistingpatternandformedhistextsaccordingtothis.

AlfredDürr suggested that Bach found the basic pattern for thewholecantatainthehymn“IchhabmeinSachGottheimgestellt”, whichplaysanimportantroleinthecentralmovement“EsistderalteBund”.Inthismove-ment the chorale is heard only in an instrumental setting, but the content of thehymnconformswelltothedifferentpartsofthecantatasothattheorderofthemesinthehymnstanzascorrespondstothesuccessionofideasinthecantata.

Dürroutlinesthesimilaritiesbetween“IchhabmeinSachGottheimgestellt”andthetextofthecantatainthefollowingway:16

decideswhetheritisLaworGospel.13 Günther Stiller, Johann Sebastian Bach and Liturgical Life in Leipzig, (St. Louis, MO, 1984),p.174.SeealsoRobinLeaver,“JohannSebastianBachandtheLutheranUnderstand-ing of Music”, Lutheran Quarterly,16(2002),p.21–47,AndreasLoewe,“‘God’sCapell-meister’:TheProclamationofScriptureintheMusicofJSBach”,Pacifica,24(2011),p.141–171,esp.p.143–148.

14 Stiller, Bach,p.175.15 Robin A. Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications,(GrandRapids,MI,2007),p.281.

16 Dürr,Cantatas,p.763.

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Another early cantata from Bach, cantata 4, Christ lag in Todesbanden, is basedexclusivelyonthesevenstanzasofthehymn“ChristlaginTodesband-en”.Thehymn“IchhabmeinSachGottheimgestellt”wouldthus,ifDürr’s suggestion is correct, function like “Christ lag in Todesbanden”, but instead ofthespecificwordsofhymnstanzas,biblequotationsthatcarrythesamemeaning are used.

Althoughanattractivethesis, thesimilaritiesbetweenthehymnandthecantataareprobablyamerecoincidence,whichratherdemonstratesrelianceon a common Lutheran tradition of Seelsorge,particularlythatwhichhasbeenlabelled Ars moriendi,theartofdying.ItisnowwidelyacceptedthatBachmadeuseofJohannOlearius’ Christliche Bet=Schule auff unterschiedliche Zeit/Personen/Verrichtungen/Creutz/Noth und Zufälle im Leben und Ster-ben[…],publishedinLeipzigin1668.RenateSteiger,whorediscoveredthisprayerbookin1985,haspointedoutthatthesamesequenceofbiblepassageswhichBachusesinthecantatacanbefoundinOlearius’prayerbook.Isa38:1–Sir14:17–Rev22:20–Ps31:6–Luke23:43arefoundinthesamesequenceundertheheading“TäglicheSeuffzerundGebetümeinseligesEnde”(“Dailysighandprayerforablessedend”)onpages110–11.17 The only difference is

17 JohannOlearius,Christliche Bet=Schule, (Leipzig, 1668).RenateSteiger, “Actus Tragi-cus und arsmoriendi:BachsTextvorlage für dieKantate ‘Gottes Zeit ist die allerbeste

Table16.Similarities between the hymn “Ich hab mein Sach Gott heimgestellt” and Cantata 106, according to Alfred Dürr.

Choral verses Cantata text

2.MeinZeitundStundist,wannGottwill[MytimeandhouriswhenGodwill]

8.AchHerr,lehrunsbedenkenwohl, dasswirsindsterblichallzumal[AhLord,teachustorememberthatwe are altogether mortal]

10.WennmeinGottwill,sowillich mit hinfahrn in Fried[WhenmyGodwills,thenIshallgo thereinpeace]

16.Mein’liebenGottvonAngesichtwerdichanschaun,dranzweiflichnicht,InewgerFreudundSeligkeit,Die mir bereit’: IhmseiLob,PreisinEwigkeit.[MydearGodfacetofaceshallIsee,thatIdonotdoubt,IntheeternaljoyandsalvationPreparedforme:Tohimbepraiseandgloryin eternity.]

InihmwirsterbenzurechteZeit,wennerwill(2.a)[Inhimwedieattherighttime,whenhewills]

AchHerr,lehreunsbedenken,dasswirsterben müssen(2.b)[AhLord,teachustorememberthatwe must die]

Mit Fried und Freud ich fahr dahin InGottesWillen(3.b)[WithpeaceandjoyIgottothatplace, accordingtotheWillofGod]

HeutewirstdumitmirinParadiessein(3.b)

Glorie,Lob,EhrundHerrlichkeitSeidir, GottVaterundSohnbereit’.(4)[TodayyoushallbewithMeinparadiseGlory,praise,honourandmajestybe PreparedforYou,GodtheFatherandSon.]

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thatBachsubstitutesPaul’swordinPhil1:23–“Ichhabelustabzuscheiden/undbeyChristozuseyn”foundbetweenSir14:17andRev22:20–withtheChorale“IchhabmeinSachGottHeimgestellt”.

Later in the book, under the heading “Prayer and sigh for a blessed end/ and in the last hour”,18Ps31:6“IndeineHände”andLuke23:43“Heutewirstdumitmir”appearinthesameorderagain.Thisisfollowedbythechorale“Mit Fried und Freud fahr ich dahin”, Luther’s version of Simeon’s Nunc Dimittis,whichissungsimultaneouslywithLuke23:43inthethirdmovementof the cantata.19Afteranotherbiblepassage(Acts7:59)thesixthandseventhstanzasof“Indichhabichgehoffet,Herr”byAdamReusnerarefound.Bachusesstanzasevenofthishymnforthelastmovement,“Glorie,Lob,EhrundHerrlichkeit”.Pagereferencesonthesamepageaswellasinthe“dailysighandprayer”section,whichdirectsyoutoaquotationofPs90:12canexplaintheinclusionofthisverseinMovement2.b.Thechorale“IchhabmeinSach”(in2.d)isalsofoundinOlearius’prayerbook,inasectionwithprayerstoberepeatedbythosepresentwhenadyingpersonisinagony(p.652).

This particular order of bible passages has not been found in otherLu-theranart-of-dying literature. It is thereforequiteprobable thatBachknewOlearius’ book or had at least taken a look at it. The list of Bach’s estate tells us that hewas familiarwithOlearius.Theprayerbook itself is not listed,but Olearius’ Principal Key to the Entire Holy Scriptures in three volumes belonged to Bach’s library.20

Bach,however,didnot followOlearius blindly. He did omit some bible passagesandhearrangedtheminhisownway.Sometextsareusedinmove-mentsfollowingeachother;othertextsareusedinthesamemovementcom-binedwitheachother.Healsoaddedsomewordsofhisownwhenhethoughtitwasnecessary.21

TheMessageofCantata106Bach’sworkbelongstotheart-of-dyingliterature,whichwasacommonthe-ologicalgenreinthisperiod.Butcanwebemorepreciseaboutthemessageofthecantata?AlfredDürrsuggestedthatthetwomainpartsofthecantata

Zeit’BWV106”,p.227–239inSteiger,Gnadengegenwart. Steiger’s article is also found in Musik und Kirche,59(1989),p.11–23.The1672editionofOlearius’book,towhichIrefer,is available online: http://digital.slub-dresden.de/werkansicht/dlf/78485/1/.Inthe1668edi-tion,thesequenceofbiblepassagesisfoundonp.130.

18 P.635–637inthe1672editionandp.714–716inthe1668edition.19 BachomitsLuke2:29,“NowLord,ThoudostletThybondservantdepartinpeace,accord-ing toThyword”, foundbetween these twopassages inOlearius’ book. Luther’s hymn, whichfollowsimmediatelyonLuke23:43,isusedinitsplace.

20 See the list in The New Bach Reader: A Life of Johann Sebastian Bach in Letters and Docu-ments,HansT.DavidandArthurMendel(eds.),(revisedandenlargedbyChristophWolff),(NewYork,NY,1999),p.253.

21 SeethetextintheappendixwherethequotationmarksshowwhereaBiblequotationbeginsand ends.

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presentdeathundertheLawandGospel,respectively.22ThisviewhasbeenrepeatedandfurtherdevelopedbyEricChafe.23However,MartinPetzoldt, whileagreeingwithmanyofDürr’s conclusions, nevertheless questions the LawandGospeltheme.Instead,inhisview,thehumanrelationshiptodeathanddyingispresentedinthefirstpartunderthethemeofGod’stime.ThesecondpartthenpresentsChrist’srelationtodeath,24which,bylearningaboutit, human beings themselves should be able to demonstrate.25

ItseemstomethatPetzoldtrightlyemphasizesthepracticalaspectofthecantata;itsetsmusictowordsthatincludebothinstructionsonhowtodieandwordstobeusedwhenthetimeofdeathapproaches.However,italsoseemstomethatPetzoldtmissesoneimportantdimensionin theartofdying,anunderlyingpresupposition,namelytheabilitytoproperlydistinguishbetweenLawandGospel.Dürr’sviewontheotherhand,thatthefirstpartofthecan-tataisdeathundertheLawandtheseconddeathundertheGospel,isinmyviewabitsimplisticanddoesnotseemtotakeintoaccountthedialecticofLawandGospel.ItismysuggestionthenthatononelevelBach sets music topracticalandcomfortingwordsforadyingperson,butonanotherlevel,hedisplaysabrilliantexampleofLawandGospelatworkinahumanbeing.

TheProperDistinctionbetweenLawandGospelThedialecticbetweenLawandGospelisattheveryheartoftheLutheranref-ormation. As early as 1521 Lutherwrote:“AlmostallScriptureandtheunder-standingofalltheologyhangsontheproperunderstandingofLawandGos-pel.”26Thisunderstandingisnotlimitedtothetheologians;everylaypersonwholaysclaimtothename“Christian”mustknowthis.InhisSermon vom Unterschied zwischen dem Gesetz und Evangelium, 1532, Luther says that the “distinctionbetweenLawandGospelisthehighestartofChristianitywhichanyonewhoprideshimselfontheChristianname[…]canandmustknow”.27 WithoutthisknowledgeonecannotdistinguishaChristianfromapagan.ApersonwhoknowsthisartisrepeatedlycalledatruedoctoroftheHolyScrip-

22 Dürr,Cantatas,p.760.23 Eric, T. Chafe, Analyzing Bach Cantatas,(Oxford,2000),p.6.24 Petzholdt,“SterbenundTod”,p.6.PetzholdinterpretsPs31:5asthecitationbyJesusinLuke23:46.Asnotedabove,BachcitesPs31:5asawholeandhistextualVorlage, Olearius, dididentifythepassageasPs31:5.

25 Petzholdt,“SterbenundTod”,p.6:“VielmehrwirdunterdemThemaderZeitGottesdesMenschenVerhältniszumTodbzw.zumSterben(Sätze2bbis2d),umdemMenschendasErlernendesVerhältnissesJesuChristizumTodzuermöglichenundzuzeigen(Sätze2d,3aund3b).”2.bisthenaprayerforwisdominthefaceofdeath.2.cisaboutputtingoutwardthingsinorderbeforedeath(whichbelongedtothears moriendi).3.aisaboutbeingreadytosurrenderthespiritand3.baboutbeingreadyforablesseddeath.InthiscontextthecrytoChristfromRev22:20,twosayingsfromthecrucifiedChrist,andthefarewellbySime-oninthewordsofNunc Dimittis(Luk2:29),(inthesettingbyLuther),shouldcomfortthedyingoneanddirecthisorhereyestothecrucifiedone.

26 WA7,502,34–35.27 WA38,8–42.

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tures, by Luther.28Sowhatisthisart?TheLawdemandsandaccusesmanofbeingsinful,underthewrathofGod,andworthyofeternaldamnation.29 The taskoftheLawistoforceahumanbeingtogiveupallattemptstosavehim-orherself.TheGospel,ontheotherhand,proclaimswhatChristdidonthecrossandtheforgivenessofsins,inshortthatthesinnerisacceptedbyGodfor the sake of Christ. This theme is fundamental to Lutheran theology and givenexpressioninsermons,hymns,andthecatechism.Luther,forexample,changedtheorderofthemedievalcatechismandbuilttheideaofLawandGospelintoitsverystructurebyplacingthecommandmentsbeforethecreed,theGospel.ItshouldalsobeobservedthatLutherdidnotidentifytheLawwiththeOldTestamentandtheGospelwiththeNew.LawandGospelmaybefoundinbothtestamentsandoneandthesamewordcanfunctionasbothLawandGospeldependingonitsuseandfunction.AllthatrevealssinandaccuseshumanbeingsofbeingsinnersisLaw;theproclamationofChristastheLambofGodandtheforgivenessofsinsforthesakeofhimisGospel.

LawandGospelinCantata106GiventhecentralityofLawandGospel inLutherantheologyit isunlikelythatBachdidnotknowthesubjectandhadtheabilitytoarticulateit.Rather,he seems to have articulated this theme in musical forms more than once.30 Furthermore,sinceitwasessentialforaChristiantobeabletodistinguishbetweenLawandGospel,itwasalsoanessentialpartofthears moriendi. Infact,thears moriendiboileddowntothisonekeyissue,tobeabletolookto Christ and his forgiveness, or as Oleariusputsit,“thebloodanddeath”ofChrist(p.119),despitetheterrorofsin,deathandtheaccusationsofSatan.

IarguefurthermorethatBachportraysthedistinctionbetweenLawandGospelinhiswork,indeedhelethishearersexperiencetheworkoftheLawandtheGospel.Thisisaccomplishedbothbymusicalideasandhisorgani-zationofthetext.

First,thecentreofthecantata(2.d)isavisualisationoftheconfrontationofLawandGospel.Severallayersarepiledontopofeachother.Thethreelowervoicesofthechoirsinganoldstyle,strictchoralfugueonthewords:“Itisthe old covenant: man you must die”. The fugue theme contains a diminished fifth,thediabolus in musica. This dreary interval is unaltered throughout the fugue,thuscommunicatingtheseverityoftheLaw.

28 E.g.,LW26:115.29 OnLawandGospelinMartinLuther’s theology, see e.g., Paul Althaus, The Theology of

Martin Luther,(Philadelphia,PA,1966),p.251–273,BernhardLohse,Martin Luther’s The-ology. Its Historical and Systematical Development,(Minneapolis,MN,1999),p.276–276.

30 See Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music,p.290–291,referringtocantata106,cantata9,andSt.JohnPassion.

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TheseverityoftheLawisfurthermoresuggestedbythe“old-style”fugue.Thefuguebreaksoffaftertwoexpositionsofthethemeandsuddenly,asfromanotherworld,asopranoentersandrepliestotheLawwiththewords:“Yes,comeLordJesus”.

Figure 24. J.S.Bach,Cantata106,fuguethemeinmovement2.d.

Figure 25. J.S.Bach,Cantata106,sopranothemeinmovement2.d.

The melody Bachuseshereisidenticalwiththemelodyofthefirstlineofthechorales“Hertzlich tutmichverlangen”and“OHauptvollBlutundWun-den”,frequentlyusedinBach’sPassionaccordingtoSt.Matthew.31 After a fewbars,theinstrumentsenterthescenewithathree-partarrangementofthechoralemelody“IchhabmeinSachGottheimgestellt”.

Inthepreviousmovement,“BestelledeinHaus”,Bachdepictedaperson,seeminglyrunningaround,tryingtoputeverythinginorderbeforethetimeofdeath.Itseemsthatthepersonhasnotsucceeded.ThesevereLawisstillaccusingandconfrontingthesinnerbymeansofthewords:“deralteBund”.Thisiswhatiscalled“Anfechtung”inLutherantheology.Whatdoestheper-sondonow?ShecriestoJesusforhelp:“Yes,comeLordJesus.”Thisquota-tionfromRev22:20isusedbyBach as a cry for salvation, for faith.32 When she cries for faith and salvation the chorale enters the scene to tell the congre-gationwhatisgoingon.

Thefullmeaningof“IchhabmeinSachGottheimgestellt”,thefirstlineofthechorale,isnoteasytotranslateintoEnglish.Itisusuallytranslated“IhaveleftallthatconcernsmeuptoGod”. ThisiswhatthesopranodoesincryingforJesus.ButtheGermanphrasealsotellsushowsheleavesallconcernstoGod:“Sach”isthejuridicaltermfor“case”inoldGerman.33 “Ein Sach heim-stellen”means“topresentacase”.Iarguethatinusingthisspecificchorale

31 TheatonementofChristasfoundationforfaithisprobablyimpliedalreadybythechoiceofmelodyforthecryofsalvation.“Hertzlichtutmichverlangen”isalsorecommendedbyOlearius as an edifying “hymn of comfort” in the face of death. See Christliche Bet=Schule, p.122.

32 See Chafe, Analyzing,p.70–71,223.33 See Deutsches Wörterbuch, JacobGrimmandWilhelmGrimm (eds.), available online:http://dwb.uni-trier.de/de/.

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withitsforensiclanguageBach intends to call the Lutheran understanding of justificationtomind:thesinnerisdeclaredrighteousforthesakeofChristbyfaith alone.34Jesus’sacrificeanddeatharethusemphasizedasthefoundationforpeacewithGod.35

Afterthefirstintroductionoftheelementsofthismovement,thesequenceoffugue-soprano-choraleisrepeatedthreetimessothatthewholemovementismadeupofafourfoldsequenceofitsthreeelements.Butthereare,howev-er,importantalterationsmadeintheprocess.Theindividualstagesbecomeshorterandshorter.Aslistenersweexperienceanincreasingintensity.Afterthelastexpositionofthefuguethetonalityreachesitslowestpointwhenthetonality changes from F minor to B♭minor.Theintensityoftheconflictbe-tweentheLawandtheGospelisthusincreasedbyalterationofthetonalityintheflatdirection,compressionofindividualstagesandamoreandmoreintensivecountersubject.TheLaw,however,hastogiveupwhenitismostag-gressive. The tonality falls to the dominant of B♭ minor and the melody ends onthethirdofanFmajorchord,whilethesopranoendsalone,unaccompa-nied,ontheword“Jesus”.Thesingerandthewholemovementfinallygetrestandpeace,butthisisalsoafeatureofalargerdesign–itleadsintothenextmovement.Therethenewlyacquiredpeaceisexpressedinthewordsofthepsalmist:“IntoYourhandsIcommitmyspirit;youhaveredeemedme,Lord,YoufaithfulGod”(Ps31:5).

AccordingtotheAugsburgConfession,art.XII,repentanceisdefinedascontrition and faith.36BachdepictedthisfundamentalLutherandoctrine inthismovement.AsinnercrushedbytheLawfinallyfindspeacethroughtrustin theGospel, throughJesusalone.Theword“Jesus” is theonly thinglefthereintheend.Allreprovingfuguethemesandallinstrumentsarequiet.37

34 Cf.theAugsburgConfession,art.IV.SeeThe Book of Concord, Robert Kolb and Timothy, J.Wengert(eds.),(Minneapolis,MN,2000),p.39–40.

35 Jesus’sacrificeisalsoemphasizedasthefoundationforgivingupallconcernstoGodinstanzas11–13of“IchhabmeinSach”:

11. Undobichschonmein’Sündanficht,dennochwillichverzagennicht;ichweiss,dassmeingetreuerGottfürmichinTodsein’nliebenSohngegebenhat.[Andevenifmysinsalreadyworryme,Iwillneverthelessnotdespair;IknowthatmyfaithfulGodformeindeathhasgiven his dearest Son.]

12. DerselbemeinHerrJesusChristfürall’meineSünd’ngestorbenist,undauferstandenmirzugut,derHöllenGlutgeläschtmitseinemteurenBlut.[MyLordJesusChristhasdiedforallmysins,andrisentomybenefit,theembersofhellextinguishedwithHispreciousblood.]

13. Demlebundsterbichallzeit,vonihmderbitt’rTodmichnichtscheid’t:ichlebod’rsterb,sobinichsein,eristalleindereingeTrostundHelfermein.[WithhimIalwaysliveanddie,fromhimthebitterdeathwillsnotmeseparate:Iliveordie,soIamhis,heisalonemyonlycomfortandhelp.]

36 The Book of Concord,p.44.37 Onecouldcomparetheendofthismovementwiththe“love-death”ofIsoldeinWagner’s operaTristan and Isolde,asdidoneofmyformerteachersofmusichistoryattheUniversityofGothenburg.UnlikeTristanandIsoldetheprincipalcharacterisnothoweverdeadyet.Rathertheoldself,theOldAdamisputtodeathandthebelieverisunitedwithChrist.

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Second,themusicalvisualisationofLawandGospelisnotlimitedtotheverycentre of the cantata. Bach’s choice of key for each of the movements suggests thattheLawandtheGospelthemepermeatestheentirework.StartingoutinE♭major,thetonalitydescendsthroughthefirstpartofthecantatareachingitslowestpointinB♭ minor,rightafterthetheologicalturningpoint.Itthenascendsthroughthesecondpartofthework,reachingE♭ major again in the finalchorus.Whenthetonalityisfallingintheflatdirection,thedestructionoftheLawissetforth,whileasthetonalityisrestoredbacktotheoriginalkeytherestorationoftheGospelisproclaimed.ThesametechniqueisusedinBach’s cantata Es ist das Heil uns kommen her,acantatawhichundoubtedlyarticulatesthedistinctionbetweenLawandGospelthroughout.38 Only after theworkoftheLawisaccomplished,whenthetonalityhasbeenpusheddowntoitslowestpoint,canthesinneracceptthemeaningoftheGospelandthetonality can be restored.

ConclusionThebasic tonalityofcantata106 isE♭major.Forapiece setting forth thetheme of death onewould perhaps expect aminor key, as in themajorityofrequiems.AccordingtoJohannMattheson’s Das Neueröffnete Orchester, whichwaspublishedin1713,shortlyafterBachcomposedCantata106,thekey E♭majoris“pathetisch”,39whichshouldbetakeninthesenseofdeclam-atory and lofty.40 Bach’s choice of key thus carries a sense of solemnity and

38 Chafe, Analyzing,p.10.Chafealsorefers(p.188)tocantata77,Du sollt Gott.39 JohannMattheson,Das Neueröffnete Orchestre,(Hamburg,1713),p.249.40 Grimm,Wörterbuch,lists“erregend,kraft-undwürdevoll,feierlich”assynonyms.

Figure 26. J.S.Bach,Cantata106,endofmovement2.d.

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majesty,notunlikeBach’sgreatorganpreludeandfugueinE♭ major. The central idea in this ars moriendi is not mourning but assurance of salvation throughJesusChrist.41TheworkChristhasaccomplishedatthecrossistheonly safe foundation in the storms of Anfechtungenthroughoutlifeandespe-ciallyatthetimeofdeath.TheChristianwhocanproperlydistinguishLawandGospeldoesnotneedtobeinsecureabouthisorhersalvation.Rather,just as Oleariusfinallyremindshisreadersattheveryendofthesectiononhow to prepare for death, Christians can be assured that they shall praisethe Trinity all eternity.42Bach, likewise,endshiscantatawithaTrinitarian doxology in a lively and majestic movement in E♭.

InhisPreface to the Burial Hymns, 1542 Lutherwrote:

Nordowesinganydirgesordolefulsongsoverourdeadandatthegrave,butcomfortinghymnsoftheforgivenessofsins,ofrest,sleep,life,andoftheres-urrectionofdepartedChristianssothatourfaithmaybestrengthenedandthepeoplebemovedtotruedevotion.43

Bach–soitseems–concurredandcommunicatedthissameideainhiscan-tata106.

41 Cf.thefinalwordsofthecantata:“DurchJesumChristum,Amen”.Thesewordsarepresentin the ars moriendi section of Olearius’prayerbook,p.116.

42 Olearius, Christliche Bet=Schule,p.121.43 LW53:326.

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APPENDIX: ThetextofCantata106inGermanandEnglish.44

1. Sonatina2. a) Chorus (SATB)GottesZeitistderallebesteZeit.“InimLeben,webenundsindwir”,solangeerwill.InimSterbenwirzurrechtenZeit,wennerwill.

God’stimeistheverybesttime.“InHimwelive,move,andhaveourbeing”,aslongasHewills.InHimwedieattherighttime,whenHewills.

2. b) Arioso (T) Ach Herr, “lehre uns bedenken, dass wirsterbenmüssen,aufdasswirklugwerden”.

Ah Lord, “teach us to remember that wemustdie,sothatwebecomewise”.

2. c) Aria (B) “BestelledeinHaus;dennduwirststerbenundnichtlebendigbleiben!”

“Put your house in order, for you shall die and not remain living.”

2. d) Chorus (ATB + S)“Es ist der alte Bund”: Mensch, “du musst sterben”.“Ja,komm,HerreJesu!”

“ItistheOldCovenant”:man“youmust die”.“Yes,come,LordJesus!”

3. a) Aria (A) “IndeineHändebefehleichmeinenGeist;duhastmicherlöset,HerrdugetreuerGott.”

“IntoYourhandsIcommitmyspirit;you have redeemed me, Lord, You faithfulGod.”

3. b) Arioso, chorale (BA)“HeutewirstdumitmirinParadiessein.”Mit Fried und Freud ich fahr dahinInGottesWillen,GetrostistmirmeinHerzundSinn,Sanft und stille.WieGottmirverheissenhat:DerTodistmeinSchlafworden.

“TodayyoushallbewithMein Paradise.”WithpeaceandjoyIgotothatplace,AccordingtotheWillofGod;My heart and mind are established,Meek and quiet,AsGodhaspromisedme;Deathhasbecomemysleep.

4. Chorus (SATB)Gloria,Lob,EhrundHerrlichkeitSeidir,GottVaterundSohnbereit’,DemHeilgenGeistmitNamen!Die göttlich KraftMacht uns sieghaftDurchJesumChristum.Amen.

Glory,praise,honour,andmajestyBegiventoYou,GodtheFatherandSonandtotheHolySpiritbyname!MaythepowerofGodMake us victoriousThroughJesusChrist.Amen.

44 TextaccordingtothetranslationinDürr,Cantatas,p.758–759.Thequotationmarksshowwhereabiblequotationbeginsandends.

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11.TheOldTestamentApocryphainEarly Modern Lutheran Musical Culture

Anders Jarlert

ApocryphainLutheranTraditionInhisoverviewofthecontentsoftheOldTestamentcanonintheLutheranReformation, Bernhard Lohse emphasizes thatMartinLuther used several quotationsfromtheso-calledOldTestamentApocryphainhislecturesontheLettertotheHebrews(1517–18).HisexpressionthattheBibleascribesdeathtothedevil(“dieSchrift[...]demTeufeldenTodzu[schreibt]”)isespeciallyimportant.He supports thiswith a verse from theSapientia Salomonis or Wisdom(2,24).1

TheApocrypha,orDeuterocanonicalwritings,areasetoftextsincludedintheLatinVulgateandSeptuagintbutnotintheHebrewBible.Accordingtothe LutherBible,theyareJudith,theWisdomofSolomon,Tobit,JesuSirach(Ecclesiasticus),Baruch,FirstandSecondMacabees,andpartsofEstherandDaniel(includingthePrayerofManassehaccordingtotheGreektext).

IntheLeipzigdisputationof1519,2.Macc.12,46wasdiscussedbecauseoftheRomanuseofitinsupportofpurgatory(“DarumbhaterauchfürdieseTodtengebetendasihnendieSündevergebenwürde.”/“Heprayedforthesedeadpeoplethattheirsinsshouldbeforgiven.”).Luther stressed that this book wasnotincludedinthecanon,and,consequently,nothingwasfoundintheBibleonpurgatory.AsLohsesays,thisisthefirsttimethatLuther makes a cleardifferencebetweenthebooksoftheHebrewcanonandtheotherscrip-tureshandeddownonly in theGreekSeptuagint.2Thisoccasionwasmir-roredinSwedeninOlausPetri’sdisputationwithPederGalle in 1527. Peder Gallehadpresentedthesameverse,whileOlausPetriansweredthattheBookoftheMaccabeeswasnotregardedasHolyScriptureinsuchawaythatone

1 BernhardLohse,“DieEntscheidungder lutherischenReformationüberdenUmfangdesalttestamentlichen Kanons”, in Verbindliches Zeugnis I. Kanon – Schrift – Tradition, (Frei-burgimBreisgau,1992),p.177.

2 Lohse,“DieEntscheidung”,p.178f.(“DamithatLuthernunzumerstenMal,wasdiekan-onischeGeltungbetrifft,einendeutlichenUnterschiedzwischendenBücherndeshebräis-chenKanonsunddenanderen,nurinderSeptuagintaüberliefertenSchriftengemacht.”).

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could totallyor largely relyon it.OlausPetrimeant that JudasMaccabeuscouldnotinpracticehavehandledinthewayitwasdescribedinthisbook.3

ItisnotuntilthecompleteLutherBibleof1534thatweencounterthefa-mousheading“Apocrypha,bookswhicharenotconsideredequaltotheHolyScriptures,butareusefulandgoodtoread”.4However,Lohse concludes that, for Luther,thelimitsofthecanonhadstillnotbeendefinedinadefinitewayandcouldnotbedefined.5

To a Lutheran Orthodox author such as Leonhard Hutter(1563–1616),theApocryphawereseenasatooltoservetheedificationofthecongregation,butnotasafoundationofarticlesofdoctrine.ThisopinionwasfrequentlyrepeatedinthedogmaticworksofLutheranOrthodoxy.6

In Sweden, the differences between different apocryphal books had al-readybeenemphasizedbyOlausPetri (1493–1552).Inhisafterwordto theSwedishMass,1537,hewrote thatEcclesiasticus (i.e.Sirach)andWisdomcouldbeusedasEpistlereadings,astheyhadbeenusedintheLatinMass.OlausPetri alsowrote theTobie Comedia (1550)on thebookofTobit, forschooluse.Itwasprintedinatleastfoureditionsuntil1650,andisregardedastheoldestandbestschooldrama,andevenastheveryfirstSwedishtheatreplay.7

Thisdifferentiated attitude towards theApocrypha still appeared in theDogmaticsofCarlOlofBjörlingin1866,referringtoMartinChemnitz(1522–1586),notingthattheLutheranChurchmaintainedadifferencebetweentheedifyingApocrypha,whichcouldbepubliclyread,andthosenotsuitableforthatpurpose,sincetheycontainedfalseteaching.8ButinSweden,thisdiffer-entiation had already been made by Olaus Petriinthe1520sand1530s,i.e.beforeChemnitz.

In the Swedish Lutheran dioceses, the edifying Apocrypha were com-mendedforreadingbytheclergyintheirprivatedevotion,alternatingwiththecanonicalbooks.Forexample,at thediocesansynod inVäxjö,1729, itwasordainedthatthereadingofWisdomandEcclesiasticusshouldnowbecontinuedalongsideGenesis.9

3 Olaus Petri, Samlade skrifter af Olavus Petri[I],BengtHesselman(ed.),(Uppsala,1914),p. 303.See furtherSven Ingebrand,Olavus Petris reformatoriska åskådning, (Uppsala,1964),p.93.

4 “Apocrypha.Das sindBücher: so nicht der heiligen Schrifft gleich gehalten: vnd dochnützlichvndgutzulesensind.”Lohse,“DieEntscheidung”,p.186.

5 Ibid.,p.191.6 Ibid.,p.193f.7 Olaus Petri, Samlade skrifter af Olavus Petri[II],BengtHesselman(ed.),(Uppsala,1915),p.447.SeeKnutB.Westman’sintroductioninOlausPetri,Samlade skrifter af Olavus Petri [IV],BengtHesselman(ed.),(Uppsala,1917),p.XVf.

8 Carl Olof Björling, Den christeliga dogmatiken enligt lutherska kyrkans bekännelseskrif-ter,Vol.I,(Örebro,1866),p.289.

9 Hilding Pleijel, Hustavlans värld. Kyrkligt folkliv i äldre tiders Sverige,(Stockholm,1970),p.132.

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ApocryphaandSwedishChurchOrdinancesInthechurchordinanceof1571,ArchbishopLaurentiusPetri, the brother of Olaus Petri,referredtoBaruchCh.6[,4-6]inhisargumentagainsttheRomanCatholiccustomofdecoratingimageswithgold,silver,clothes,etc.

IntheproposalsforchurchordinancesduringtheseventeenthcenturytheApocryphawereoftenquoted. In theproposal from the reignofGustavusAdolphus, Ecclesiasticus especially was used, together with the ProverbsandthePsalms.TheaforementionedquotationfromBaruchwasagainusedagainstCatholics,andTobiasandSarahwereinterpretedasrolemodelsforspouses.10

InthelaterproposalsofBishopsOlofLaurelius,1650,andEricEmpora-grius,1652,Ecclesiasticuswasespeciallyquoted,butalsoWisdom,andeventheexamplesofMattathiasandJonathan(Ionathas)fromtheFirstBookofthe Maccabees. Also, church Fathers such as Augustine, EusebiusandJerome appeared.11However,thenewEcclesiasticallawof1686didnotuseanyBiblequotations at all.

Until1734,MatthiasHafenreffer’s Compendium doctrinae coelestis wasthepredominanttheologicalreaderinhigherschoolsinSweden.Hafenreffer explainedthatsomebooksarecalledcanonical,andothersapocryphal.EvensomeNewTestamentbooks,suchasletters2.Peter,2.and3.John,Hebrews,JamesandJude,aswellastheApocalypse,werelabelled“ApocryphaoftheNewTestament.”12

TheUseofApocryphainSermons,Manuals,and Hymn BooksDifferentversesfromEcclesiasticuswereoftenquotedinLutheransermons,alternatingwithversesfromthecanonicalwisdomliterature.Beforethenine-teenthcentury,canonicalandapocryphalwisdomquotationsweremixedin-discriminately.TheApocryphawereespeciallyfrequentinspecialsermonssuchascoronationsermons,judicialcourtsermons,funeralsermons,etc.Inaprintedmagistrate’ssermonfrom1747thepreachersaysafterreadingEccle-siasticus7,6:“HolyFather,sanctifyusinthytruth,thywordistruth!”,which

10 “FörslagtillKyrko-OrdningfrånKonungGustafIIAdolfsregeringstid”,inKyrko-ordning-ar och förslag dertill före 1686,(HandlingarrörandeSverigeshistoria,Andraserien),Vol.2,(Stockholm,1872),p.371f.,377,475,486f.

11 “ThenSwenskaKyrckio-Ordningen [Laurelii förslag]”, inKyrko-ordningar och förslag dertill före 1686, (Handlingar rörandeSverigeshistoria,Andra serien),Vol.3:1, (Stock-holm,1887),p.118,124,134,170,211f.,265,315,464.“ThenSwenskeKyrkio-Ordningen[Emporagriusförslag]”,inKyrko-ordningar och förslag dertill före 1686, (Handlingar rö-randeSverigeshistoria,Andraserien),Vol.3:2,(Stockholm,1887),p.28,34,35,50,52,128,161,164,165,223.

12 Matthias Hafenreffer, Compendium doctrinae coelestis.BengtHägglundandCajsaSjöberg(eds.),(Skara,2010),p.73–75.

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impliesthatpreachersatthattimestilldidnotmakeanydifferencebetweenthecanonicalandapocryphalpoeticbooks.13

TheApocryphawereoftenusedinso-calledmanuals,togetherwithhym-nalsorprayerbooks.TheuseoftheapocryphalWisdomliteraturealongwiththecanonical isespeciallysignificant to theSwedishecclesiasticalcontext,whereitwasneverquestionedorespeciallyexplainedbecauseoftheabsenceofbothRomanCatholicandReformedchurches.However,itsuseseemstohavebeensignificanttoLutheranmusicalcultureingeneralaswell.

Thechurchhymnalof1695containedhymns thatwere inspiredbyEc-clesiasticus, especially the Swedish translation ofMartin Rinckart’s “NundanketalleGott”,builtonEcclesiasticuschapter50.BishopJesperSvedberg strongly recommended Ecclesiasticus because of its admonitions to trust and fearinGod,tohumilityandcompassion.14

Thebooksofwisdomwerefrequentlyexplainedandquotedinthewide-ly-readdevotionalbooksbyJohannArndt(1555–1621)andMagnusFriedrichRoos(1727–1803).InArndt’sWahres Christentum (“TrueChristianity”)Tobitis quoted once, Judith twice, and thePrayer ofManasseh three times, butWisdom 23 times, and Ecclesiasticus 22 times. And in HeinrichMüller’s Himmlischer Liebeskuss (“HeavenlyKissofLove”),fourpercentofthebiblereferencesaretakenfromtheApocrypha.15Thus,theApocryphakepttheirplace inolddevotional readings, evenduring thenineteenthcenturywhentheywereomittedfrommostoftheProtestantBibleeditions.Theywerealsorecommendedforhomileticaluse.IntheGermanCasualtext-LexikonofK.G.Haupt,1836,19textsfromEcclesiasticuswererecommendedforweddings,and39forconfirmations–thesamenumberasfromthePsalms.Forfunerals,about50textsfromEcclesiasticuswererecommended,comparedtoonly13fromtheNewTestament,and6fromthePsalms.16

AsJohanHerbertssonhasemphasized,bothneologyandpietismwantedtogodirectlytothebiblicaltexts,whereasLutheranOrthodoxyhadtreateddogmatics according to the Loci method, starting in doctrine and thereafter supportingtheirteachingwithbiblequotations.ThismethodcouldcombinetheteachingofverbalinspirationwithwideuseoftheApocrypha,sinceitsbibleusewasdogmatic,andnotbiblicist,whilelaterbiblicismmarginalizedtheApocrypha.17

TheSwedishBibleeditionof1703wasonlyalightrevisionoftheGustavVasa Bible of 1541. The Bible societies of the early nineteenth century did not

13 David Evensson, En Wrång Dommares Fot Förestäld, I anledning af Syrachs 7:6, 7. Uti en Christelig och Enfallig Sessions-Predikan För Norkiöpings Loflige Magistrat Then 18 Februari 1747(Norrköping,1747).

14 JohannesLindblom,Studier till en ny provöversättning av Syraks bok,(Stockholm,1915),p.20f.

15 ChristerÅsberg,“Detapokryfaarvet”,inPerBlocketal.,“God och nyttig läsning”. Om Gamla Testamentets Apokryfer,(Stockholm,1988),p.108f.

16 Lindblom, Studier,p.22.17 JohanHerbertsson,1689 års katekes av Olaus Swebilius,(Lund,2017),p.31.

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produceanybibletranslationsoftheirown,butthehistoryofSwedishreviv-alismistoagreatextentthehistoryofpopularbiblicalargument.Thewidespread of the 1703 edition in the nineteenth century strengthened popularresistanceagainsta forthcomingnew,official translation.Onan individuallevel, bible reading increased immensely, due to the dissemination of Bibles. WhentheBritishandForeignBibleSocietydecidedagainsttheprintingoftheApocryphain1825,becauseoftheirReformedtradition,theApocryphawerealsoomittedintheirSwedisheditions.From1826,3millionSwedishBibles,financedfromEngland,wereprintedwithouttheApocrypha.18 The use of the Apocryphainpublicandprivatedevotionallifesubsequentlydecreaseddur-ing the nineteenth century, exacerbated by the criticisms of revivalists such as Anders Elfving and Peter Fjellstedt.TheApocryphawerelikewisecriticisedinseveralothercountries.Thetextsweretranslatedasasupplementtothe1917editionin1921,buttheirparallelreferencesintheBibleremained.

Inearliertimes,theApocryphawereneverformallyprescribedtextsforsermons,but since2003,fiveapocryphal textsareagainbeingused in themainservicesoftheChurchofSweden,althoughtherehasbeensomedis-cussionastowhetherthewords“ThussaiththewordoftheLord”shouldbespokenaftertheirreading.

ApocryphainJohannSebastianBach’sWorksandOthersThemostoutstandingquotationfromtheApocryphainevangelicalmusicalheritage,andespeciallyinJohannSebastianBach, is from “Nun danket alle Gott,dergroßeDingetutanallenEnden,derunsvonMutterleibanlebendigerhältundtutunsallesGute”,(“NowthereforeblessyetheGodofall,whichonlydoethwondrous thingseverywhere,whichexaltethourdays fromthewomb,anddealethwithusaccordingtohismercy.”),whichwastransformedintothechorale“NundanketalleGottMitHerzenMundundHänden,DergroßeDinge tutAnunsundallenEnden”. InBach’sworkswefind itasachoraleinBWV79,GottderHerristSonnundSchild,forReformationday.ItappearsalsoinTelemann’sHarvestCantata(TVWV1:1166).

BeforeBach, Ecclesiasticuswas used, for example, byHeinrich Schütz for his Symphoniae sacraeII,“DiesoihrdenHerrenfürchtet”(SWV364),wherefivesubsequentverses(2,7–11)aresettomusic.

InBachwealsofindthecantataSchauet doch (BWV46),startinginLam-entations1,12.Intherecitativefortenorimmediatelyaftertheopeningcho-rus, it says:

18 AndersJarlert,“ReforminSweden.FromConfessionalProvincialismtowardsWorldEcu-menism”,inAndersJarlert(ed.),Piety and Modernity (The Dynamics of Religious Reform inNorthernEurope1780–1920III), (Leuven,2012),p.286f.,Sveriges kyrkohistoria 6 – Romantikens och liberalismens tid,AndersJarlert(ed.),(Stockholm,2001),p.112.

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LaßganzeBächeTränenlaufen, Weil dich betroffen hat EinunersetzlicherVerlust Der allerhöchsten Huld, Soduentbehrenmußt. [Letwholestreamsruntears, Because you have been affected Anirreplaceableloss The highest kindness, Soyouhavetodowithout.]

Michael Marissen traces this back to Ecclesiasticus 3,21: “Der HERR ist der Allerhöchste, und thut doch großeDinge durch dieDemütigen.” (“For thepoweroftheLordisgreat,andheishonouredofthelowly.”).19

ThesamethemefromEcclesiasticusthatoftenappearsinthefuneralser-monsofLutheranorthodoxyisapproachedinBach’scantataGottes Zeit ist die allerbeste Zeit (BWV106),i.e.theActus tragicus. The choir sings: “Es ist deralteBund:Mensch,dumußtsterben!”witharespondingSopranoarioso“Ja,komm,HerrJesu!”.ThischorusisfoundedonEcclesiasticus14,17–19.AnotherfrequentlyusedfuneraltextisEcclesiasticus10,12:“SogehetsdochentlichalsoHeuteKönigmorgenTod.”(“Hethatistodayaking,tomorrowshalldie.”).

Bach’scantata179,with itscriticismsofPhariseeismamongChristians,beginswithEcclesiasticus1,34:“SiehezudasdeineGottesFurchtnichtHeu-cheleysey/unddieneihmnichtmitfalschemHertzen.”(“DistrustnotthefearoftheLordwhenthouartpoor:andcomenotuntohimwithadoubleheart.”).

TheOrthodoxpreacherandhymnwriterValeriusHerberger(1562–1627)evenwroteapostilonEcclesiasticusin97sermons,theErklärung des Haus- und Tucht-Buchs Jesus Sirach(1739).

Stillmore interesting is that“TheDestructionof Jerusalem,as it isde-scribedbyJosephus,Hegesippusandothers”,wasreadastheepistleinVes-persontheTenthSundayafterTrinityintheLeipzigliturgyofBach’stime.20 This indicates thatevenpost-biblical textscouldbe read indivineservice,andthattheEpistlereadingwasnotlimitedeithertothecanonicalnortotheapocryphaltextsoftheBible.

IntheEnglishtradition,theLutherandivisionbetweentheedifyingApoc-ryphaandtheotherswasnotmadeinsuchadistinctway.Handel of course usedtextsfromEcclesiasticusandWisdomalternatinglywiththePsalms,forexample,in“ThisisthedaywhichtheLordhasmade”(HWV262),buthismostcentraluseoftheApocryphaisawholeoratorio,theso-calledVictoryoratorio Judas Maccabaeus(1747),whichincludesthehymn“See,thecon-quering Hero comes”, celebrating the victory over the Scots at the battle at

19 Michael Marissen, Bach & God,(Oxford,2016),p.117,n.114.20 Marissen, Bach & God,p.76,fromCharlesSanfordTerry.

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Culloden,frequentlysunginitstransformedversionasthepopularAdventhymn “Daughter of Zion”.21However,dramaticandpoliticalconsiderations,andnotliturgicaloneswerepredominantinthecompositionofthiswork.

Inthenineteenthcentury,theApocryphawerenolongerpopularinnewliturgicalmusic, but continued tomake an impression in the concert hall.JohannesBrahms’ Ein deutsches Requiem has one text from Ecclesiasticus (51,27),andonefromWisdom(3,1).InBrahms’Vier ernste Gesänge(1896),thethirdsong,“OTod,wiebitterbistdu”istakenfromEcclesiasticus41,1–2.Thevery same textwas also set for choir byMaxReger in hisGeistliche Gesänge, 1912.

ConclusionConcluding,Iwouldstate:1)thatinEarlyModernLutheranliturgical,mu-sical,andhomileticalculturenoclearlinewasdrawnbetweenthecanonicaland theApocryphalbooksof theOldTestament, 2) the so-called edifyingApocrypha,i.e.,WisdomandEcclesiasticus,wereusedindiscriminatelywiththecanonicalwisdomliterature,althoughnotalone,assupportfordoctrinalteaching,while3)theBooksoftheMaccabeeswereespeciallyquestionedoroften left unused.

21 DonaldBurrows,Handel and the English Chapel Royal,(Oxford,2005),p.369f.

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12. The Hymnody of Andreas Rudman inNewSweden,Delaware,1696–1708

Kim-Eric Williams

ItcouldbeexpectedthatsoambitiousakingasGustavusAdolphus(1594–1632)wouldconsiderexpandingSwedishtradeandinfluenceintheWesternhemisphere.By1632acompanyhadbeenchartedthatwouldbecalledtheNew South Company andwouldtradefromEuropetoAfricaandtotheWestIndies.Buttheking’sdeathonthebattlefieldthatsameyeardelayedthestartoftheplananditwasnotuntilPeterMinuitwasinvolvedthatplanscrystal-lizedaroundaprojectthatfocusedontheDelawareValley.

LeavingGothenburginNovember1637,twovessels, theKalmar Nyckel and the Fogel Grip,madetheirwayacrosstheAtlantictotheCaribbeanandarrived in theDelawareBay onwhat theDutch called the SouthRiver inMarchof1638.OnashelfofrocksthatextendedintotheMinquasKill,nowthe Christina River in Wilmington, they landed and established Fort Christi-na,namedfortheirnewqueen.ThiswasthefirstpermanentEuropeansettle-mentintheDelawareValley.

Morethan600peopleonelevendifferentshipscametothecolonybetween1638and1655.1ThecolonybecamearoyalventurewithonlySwedishinves-tors. On the second voyage of the Kalmar Nyckelin1640wasTorkilReorus, whohadbeenappointedchaplaintothedetachmentatFortChristina.Hewasthefirstregularlyappointedclergymanintheentireareaandserveduntilhisearlydeathin1643.2 HewouldhaveconductedregulardailyprayersandhighmassonSundays according to the regulationsof theSwedishChurch law,althoughinsomewhatlessrefinedpremises.HecomplainedabouttheabusehesufferedfromsomeoftheDutchwhomhedescribedas“thosewhoconfessthe Calvinistic heresy”.3

1 Peter Stebbins Craig, The 1693 Census of the Swedes on the Delaware, (Winter Park, FL, 1993),p.2f.SeealsoPeterStebbinsCraig,1671 Census of the Delaware,(MonographSe-ries4),(Philadelphia,PA,1999).

2 SeeNils Jacobsson,Svenska Öden vid Delaware, 1638–1831, (Stockholm, 1938), p. 53,wherehenotesthataccordingtoHjalmerHolmquist,TorkilReorus’namewasreversedbyThomasCampaniusHolminhis1702work,Kort beskrifning om provincien Nya Swerige uti America, som nu förtjden af the engelske kallas Pensylvania. Af lärde och trowärdige mäns skrifter och berättelser ihopaletad och sammanskrefwen, samt med åthskillige figu-rer utzirad,Stockholm,1702).ThisreversaliscommonnowinmanyAmericanworksoncolonial history.

3 Ibid.,p.205

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ThemostfamousoftheSwedishgovernors,JohanPrintz(1643–1653)wasinmanyways themost concerned aboutChristianity.His father had beenvicarinBottnaryd,Sweden,inSmåland,andhehadconsideredthesamepro-fession, but because the family lacked funds, he instead entered the military. Hehadanewchurchbuiltin1646athisnewcapitalatTinicum,furtheruptheDelawareRiverinwhatisnowEssington,Pennsylvania.

OntheshipthatbroughtPrintzwasthemostfamousoftheearlymission-arypriestsoftheChurchofSweden,JohanCampanius.Campanius diligently travelledalongthewaterways,visitingthesick,leadingprayer,andcatechiz-ingtheyoung.HelearnedtocommunicatewiththeindigenouspeoplelivinginthevicinityofthecolonyandfromhisglebeinUpland(nowChester,Penn-sylvania)hewroteoutaversionofMartinLuther’s Small Catechism. This is thefirstbook thatwas transcribed into theAlgonquin languageandrepre-sentsanattitudeofrespecttowardsandfriendshipwiththeLenapethatwasunusualamongEuropeansettlements.TheearlyDutchandEnglishoftenhaddisastrousrelationshipswiththeAmericanIndiansbuttheSwedesandFinnsalongtheDelawareexperiencedmostlypeacefulandbeneficialrelations.

When governor Printz wrote to a government official in Sweden, PerBrahe,on19July1644hehadthistosayaboutreligioninNewSweden:

[¼] thedivineservicewithitsceremonyarehereheldjustasin oldSweden,inthegoodoldSwedishlanguage.Ourpriestis bedeckedwithchasubleanddiffersinallmannersfromtheother sects hovering around us here. The great festivals and solemn prayer-days,SundaysandApostledaysareallcelebratedentirely accordingtoouroldSwedishform,onFridaysandWednesdays, sermonsandonallotherdaysprayers,eveningandmorning.4

Itisunderstoodfromthisdescriptionthathymnswerebeingsungacappella.Even the listing of “sermons” does not mean just a homily but a short service withScripturereading,hymns,andprayersalongwithasermon.

ThecolonylimpedalongbecauseofinternaltroublesinEuropewiththeQueenabdicatingandamajorwarwithDenmark.TheDutchfinallymadegoodontheirthreatsandwithoverwhelmingforcedemandedthecapitulationofthecolonyinSeptember1655.TheonlypersonlefttocareforthespiritualneedsofthecolonistswasLarsCarlssonLockwhohadarrivedin1648.Hewouldcontinueministeringtowhathadbecometwocongregations,Tinicum,neartheformergovernor’sestate,inthenorthandChristina(Wilmington)inthesouth,untilhisdeathin1688.

Dutch rule turned out to be relatively benign. An oath of allegiance to the StatesGeneralwasnecessarybutwhentheMercuriusarrivedfromSwedenwith130newsettlers,itwasfeltbesttoallowtheSwedestobeasemi-auton-omousstate,the“SwedishNation”,whichincludedallthelandslyingnorth

4 AmandusJohnson, The Instruction for Johan Printz, Governor of New Sweden, (Philadel-phia,PA,1930),p.163–164.

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oftheChristinaRiver.Fortheaveragepersontherewaslittlechange.Swedishwasstillthelingua franca oftheDelawareValley.Itwasthelanguageofgov-ernment, church, and home.

The settlerswere allowed tomanage their own affairswith a sheriff, acourtatUpland(Chester),andamilitia.Andtheywereallowed“oneministeroftheAugsburgConfession”whichmeantthatLarsCarlssonLockwasac-knowledged.Butitwasimpossibleforonepersontodotheworkthattwoorthreehadperformed.Churchservicesbecamelessfrequent.

ThesituationchangedwhenacertainAndersPrytz visited the settlers and reportedbackontheirconditionstothepostmasterinGothenburg,Sweden,JohanThelin. Thelinwroteandaskedthesettlerswhattheirsituationwasex-actlyandwhatitwasthattheyneeded.HepromisedtoseethattheirpetitionreachedkingCharlesXI.

Thecongregationsquicklyansweredtheinquiry,writingaletterbacktoThelinandappendingtoitalistofallthemembersofthetwocongregations,whichbynowamounted to972members,554atWicaco/Philadelphia and418 at Crane Hook/Wilmington.5ThisfamousCensusof1693isnotonlyagenealogical treasure, but the enclosed letter indicates their loyalty to the faith of their native land:

[¼] thattheremaybesenttoustwoSwedishpriests thatarewelllearnedintheHolyScriptures,andthat may be able to defend them and us against all false opposerswhocanormayopposeanyofus,andalsoone thatmaydefendthetrueLutheranfaithwhichwedo confess, that if tribulation should come amongst us, andweshouldsuffer(for)ourfaith,thatwearereadyto sealitwithourblood[¼] Furtheritisourhumbledesirethatyouwouldbepleased to send us three Sermon Books, 12 Bibles, 42 Hymnals, 100ofthelesser,(Small)with200Catechismsand200ABC books [¼] wewillmakehonestpayforthesame[¼]6

TheSwedesandFinnsontheDelawarewerenowkeenlyawareoftheirmi-nority status. In the years 1681–82 alone, some 23 ships had arrivedwithQuakersfromEngland.Theynolongerhadself-rule,experiencedimmigrantsfromothercountries,mostofwhomhadnosacramentaltheology,andtheirchurcheswerewithoutclergy.

KingCharlesXIwasfavourablyinclinedtoanswertherequestbutanum-berofdifficultiespresentedthemselves.Whowouldgo?NoProtestantmon-archhadeversentministerstoanothercontinentforthecitizensofanother

5 Craig, The 1693 Census,p.18.6 Ibid.,p.159.

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country.He appointedmagisterAndreas Rudman, fromGästrikland,whohad already been ordained to lead the delegation but did nothing more.7

The personwith the answers to all of these questionswas the dean ofUppsalaCathedral,oneoftheking’scourtchaplains,JesperSvedberg(1643–1735).8HewouldcontinuetosuperblysuperintendtheDelawaremissionafterhisconsecrationasBishopofSkara(1702)until theendofhislifein1735.ThesecondpriestwouldbeErikBjörck of Westmanland. The king added a thirdcandidate,JonasAurén. The books needed had to be assembled and the Indiancatechismthathadbeeninmanuscriptreadyfortheprinterwhenthecolonywaslostwassenttotheprinterandboundfortheuseofthemission-aries.AllofthismeantthatthethreepriestsdidnotleaveSwedenuntil1696.

WhentheyarrivedinElkton,MarylandonMidsummerDayin1697therewasuniversalrejoicing.AsRudmanwrotehome:“Theyrejoicedoverusasif theyhad received angels fromheaven.”Theyproceeded immediately toPhiladelphia togreet theVice-Governor.ThenRudman took charge of the Wicacoblockhousechurch,inwhatbecamePhiladelphia,andBjörck began workinCraneHook/Wilmington.Therewasalottodo.Thechurchbuildingswereinruinouscondition,onlyonerectoryexisted,andmanypeoplewereweakonthebasicsofthefaith.

Erik Björck united his congregation in its determination to move across the Christina River to the area of the original cemetery at Fort Christina. Astonechurchwasdedicated thereonHolyTrinitySunday1699 thatstillstandsastheoldestChristianchurchintheDelawareValley.9 The same con-tractorsthensettoworkaftersomeinitialproblemsdecidingwheretolocatethebuildingforthenorthernparish.Tincumwasdeserted,aglebeaffirmedinPassyunkforthenorthernparish,andthenewbrickbuilding,oftheexactdimensionsasthatinWilmington,wasdedicatedon2June1700inWicaco,today’sQueen’sVillageinSouthPhiladelphia.AndreasRudman gave it the uniquename,GloriaDei,theHouseofGod’sGlory.Nowthebuildingwasalmostcomplete,butRudmanhaddiscoveredhowveryfewhymnsthecon-gregationhadmemorized.AshelaterwrotebacktopostmasterJohanThelin:

7 Peter Stebbins Craig, “Pastor Andreas Rudman and his Family”, Swedish Colonial News, Vol. 2,No.1, (Winter2000), p. 2–5,LutherAnderson, “TheDiaryofAndrewRudman,July25,1696–June14,1697”,German-American Annals,13Vol.4,(1906),p.282–312,315–334,355–376.

8 RobertMurray,“JesperSvedbergochAmerika”,inJesper Svedberg, ett 250-årsminne: Fö-redrag hållna i Skara den 27 juli 1985,(SamfundetProFideetChristianismo),(Stockholm:Propriusförlag,1986),[p.11–20].

9 On the records for this church, see Horace Burr, The Records of Holy Trinity (Old Swedes) Church, Wilmington, Delaware from 1697 to 1773,(Wilmington,DE,1890).

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ThereasonIsourgentlywanthymnalsisthis.Intheearly daysourpeoplecouldsingwellbutinthetimeofMagister Fabritius,whowasaGermanandpreachedinDutch,there waslittleornosinging.TheEnglishsingbutlittle,theQuakers not at all, deeming it to be a vanity, even a sin. Among such haveourpeoplelived.Atourcoming[in1697],whenwe wouldbeginahymn,anoldpersonhereandtherewouldjoin in,buttheyoungpeoplecouldnot.Theyheardtheglory,they sawthedevotion,theytastedthesweetness,theyfounda longingtolearn.Butwhatmisery!Theyhadnohymnals. WebroughtalargenumberwithusfromSweden,givenbythe lateKing,[CarlXI]buttheywentonlyalittleway,supplying hymnals to less than half the households [¼] Norwilltheycarrytheirhymnalstochurchwiththem,forfear ofinjuringthemontheway,sothatalthoughthey,andI,want tousethebooks,theyareunwillingtobringthem[¼] ThepresentKing,CarlXII¼withsimilarroyalgrace,sentbooks over,butasyettheylieunbound,andmaywellremainsofor anotheryearortwo.Agood,piousandlearnedman,JohanKelpius, hasundertakenthework,butinawholeyear’stimehehassucceeded inbindingonlytheBible.Whenwilltherestbefinished?Binding herecostsasmuchasonewouldpayforthebookitselfinSweden[¼]10

Printingwasnowmuchcheaper than ithadbeen twogenerationsagoandtherewasevenaDutchprinterinPhiladelphiawhocouldprintpamphletstobegiventotheworshippersatareasonablecost.ThededicationofGloriaDeiwasprobably theoccasion forRudman’spublicationof thefirstof the twohymnalsin1700.It isevenpossiblethathetookthemaroundonhismanyhomevisitsandusedthemwithhisownportablespinet.TheCashAccountkeptbyRudmanshowsthathedidnotpayforthemuntilalmostayearlater,on the 9thSundayafterTrinity,1701andthatthecostwas£1,10shillings.11 Nopaymentislistedforthesecondhymnalsince,asRudman states on the titlepage,itwasagifttothecongregationforNewYear1701.

Withthesetwocollections,theSwedishmusicaltraditionswerereinvigor-atedandthepeopledidlearntosing.Rudman’spastoralconcernandpoeticspiritualitystrengthenedthecongregationtoworshipforanothertwogener-ations. Several future generous deliveries of books and hymnals meant that Rudman’ssmallpublicationsweresooneclipsedbyboundhymnalsthatwereavailable to almost everyone. But Rudman’spublicationshadplayedavitalpartinrevivingthecongregation.

WeknowthattheyearsthatRudmanspentatUppsalaUniversitywereatimeoftremendouspoeticcreativity.JacobArrhenius(1642–1725),ahistory

10 RudmantoThelin,20November1700.RuthL.SpringerandLouiseWallman,“TwoSwed-ishPastorsDescribePhiladelphia,1700and1702”,Pennsylvania Magazine of History & Biography,84:184,(1960),p.200–209.

11 Colonial Records of Swedish Churches in Pennsylvania, Vol. 2, The Rudman Years, 1697-1702,PeterS.CraigandKim-EricWilliams(eds.),(Philadelphia,PA,2006),p.98.

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professorwithwhomRudmancorrespondedfromAmerica,hadwrittensev-eralcollectionsofhymns(1689,1691)andhadproposedanewnationalhymn-book.12Now therewas a need to tie together the newly conqueredDanishprovincesintheSouthernpartofthepeninsulawiththeBalticpossessions.ProfessorJesperSvedberg,laterbishopofSkaraandresponsibleforthecon-gregationsontheDelaware,wasaskedbythekingtoproducethefirstnation-alhymnal.Hecompletedhisworkin1691andtheNationalBibleCommitteeandtheClergyEstateoftheParliamentthenapprovedit.

Thecontroversythateruptedafterthehymnalwaspublishedwasrelatedto theperennialstrugglewithinLutheranismbetweendoctrinalOrthodoxyandpersonalrenewaloffaith.Svedbergdescribedhisopponentsas“Otho-doxissmi”, the most orthodox.13Thenewemphasisonpersonalandemotionalthemeswasthoughttobeself-centredandanti-corporatebytheolderortho-dox Lutheran priests. The ensuing political debate on ecclesiastical policyresultedinthehymnalbeingconfiscatedandstoredintheStockholmnavalbaseatSkeppsholmen.

When Rudman, Björck,andAurénleftStockholmtorenewtheworkoftheDelawareMissionof theChurchofSweden they took along50 copiesoftheUppsalaHymnal,and50copiesofSoul Treasures (a combination of hymnsanddevotions).14 Svedbergalsosawto it thata“privateperson”al-lowed them to takealong600copiesof theconfiscatedhymnal.Thus, theSwedesinAmericahadthenewbookwithitsfascinatingfolkmelodiesbe-foreitwasauthorizedinthehomeland.Wellintothenineteenthcentury,laterSwedish immigrants toAmerica brought along their tattered copies of thebeloved “old” hymnal.

The need for hymnals in New Swedenwas immense. Those that werebroughtoverwerequicklyputtousebothforfamilyuseandpublicworship.CountlessshipmentsweremadeoverthecourseofSweden’sconcernforitsNorthAmericanoffspring.ThefactthathymnswerewidelyusedtestifiestothewidespreadliteracyinSwedishthatpersistedamongthesettlersandthedevotionalstrengthoftheSwedishfamilyunits.Althoughnoteveryonecouldaffordhymnals,theyhadmemorizedhymnversesduringdailyhomedevo-tionsandasapartoftherequiredcurriculuminschool.15

Infact,theuseofhymnsandmusicinworshipsettheSwedesapartfromthesurroundingAngloculture.TheQuakersprohibitedallmusicandtheRe-formed/PuritanswouldallowonlyOldTestamentPsalmsinversifiedforms.ItwasthoughtprofanetosinganythingthatwasnotfoundintheScriptures.

12 Bengt Wahlström, Studier over Tillkomsten av 1695 Års Psalmbok,(Uppsala,1951),p.53.13 BerntOlsson,“1695årspsalmbok”,inSveriges kyrkohistoria 4 – Enhetskyrkans tid,IngunMontgomery(ed.),(Stockholm,2002),p.290–300,p.290.

14 Colonial Records of Swedish Churches in Pennsylvania, Vol. 2, The Rudman Years.1697-1702, p.19.

15 See Daniel Lindmark, Ecclesia Plantanda, Swedishness in Colonial America, (Umeå,2005).

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AnglicansweredeeplysuspiciousofhymnsevenaslateasthetimeofBish-opWilliamWhiteatthebeginningofthenineteenthcentury.Thus,thefirstAmericanBookofCommonPrayerofthenewlyconstitutedEpiscopalChurchin1789providedonly27hymnsbutall150psalms.16

Theimportanceofnationalcultureonthesixteenth-centuryReformationcannotbeunderestimated.Swedenhasalongmusicalcultureandmusicandbeenapartofthelifeofthepeopleatfestivals,parties,andgatheringsofallsorts.Hymnswerenotonlysunginchurchbutinhomedevotions.Anon-mu-sicalchurchservicewouldhaveseemedunnatural.TheSwedishmusicolo-gistHaraldGöranssonassertsthattheSwedishlanguageitselfhasanaturalmusicality that is “[¼] nexttoItalianthemostvowel-richandsonorousofallthelanguagesinEurope”.17Certainly,thelegalprovisionofmusicschoolsineverySwedishcommunitywitnessestothefactthatinSwedenmusic-mak-ingisconsideredarightofcitizenshipandnotarewardfortheaffluent.NoSwedishliturgysincetheseventeenthcenturyhasbeencompletewithoutthesingingofatleastsixcongregationalhymns.ThistraditionwassharedwiththeGermanLutherans,theGermanReformed,MoraviansandGermanAna-baptists,noneofwhomarrivedinlargenumberstoPennsylvaniauntillaterintheeighteenthcentury.Thus,themusicalpraxisatGloriaDeiin1700wasuniqueinPhiladelphia.

In this sameyear, 1700, a hymnalwaspublished inStockholmbyCarlGustafÖsterling, andwas composed of twenty-six hymns translated fromGerman.18Infact,GermanworkstranslatedintoSwedishmadeupbythefarthelargestpercentageofbookspublishedinSwedenatthetime,sometwo-thirds,andSwedesgenerallyonlyeditedeventhosebySwedishauthors.EvenFrenchandEnglishworksusuallycametoSwedenbywayofGermany.19 At justabouttwomillioninhabitantsspreadoutoverahugekingdominnorthernEurope,Swedenhadaverysmallintellectualelite,thathadbeenconnectedtotheHanseaticcitiessincetheearlyMiddleAges.EventhefamousSwedishhymnwriter,bishopandlaterarchbishop,HaquinSpegel, mostly translated oreditedGermanhymns.20

It comes as no surprise then thatAndreasRudmanwould havewrittenhymns for the use of his congregation, especially in light of the anticipat-edcompletionofthenewbuildingforGloriaDeion2June1700,forwhicha theosophicalbrotherhoodcalled theWissahickonhermitsareassumed tohaveprovidedthemusicalaccompaniment.ThetwohymnalsthatPehr[Pe-

16 Key Words in Church Music,CarlSchalk(ed.),(St.Louis,MO,1978),p.148.17 Sveriges kyrkohistoria 3 – Reformationstid,ÅkeAndrén(ed.),(Stockholm,1999),p.264.18 Erik Kjellberg, “Andlig sång och musik”, in Sveriges kyrkohistoria 4 – Enhetskyrkans tid, IngunMontgomery(ed.),(Stockholm,2002),p.280–289,p.288.

19 ValborgLindgärde,“Fromhetslitteraturenunder1600-talet”,inSveriges kyrkohistoria 4 – Enhetskyrkans tid,IngunMontgomery(ed.),(Stockholm,2002),p.270–279,p.271.

20 Sveriges kyrkohistoria 4 – Enhetskyrkans tid,IngunMontgomery(ed.),(Stockholm,2002),p.168.

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ter] KalmidentifiedasbeingwrittenbyRudmandeserveaspecialplaceinAmerican history.21TheyarenotonlythefirstSwedishimprintsintheWest-ern hemisphere but the first personally authored hymnals in any languagepublishedinthecolonies.Boththecollectionofsixhymnsandthecollectionoftwohymnsshouldbedatedto1700.TheBay Psalm Book is often seen as thefirstbookintheUSAbutitwasareprintofanEnglishpublicationanddidnothaveanyhymns–onlypsalmsthathadbeenmadetofitCalvinisticPsalmtones.OtherhymnalsusedinAmericawereprintedinEuropeandshippedovertoAmericanchurches.Thus,thefirstGermanLutheranhymnalhadtowaituntil1786forpublicationinAmerica.Thesehymnalskeptthecongre-gationsinginguntilmorehymnalsarrivedfromSweden.Theyareaprotestagainst the strict Biblicism/Calvinism of the surrounding culture.

The fact that Rudmantitlesbothcollectionssongs(“visor”),andnothymns(“psalmer”),showshisinclinationtoPietismandperhapsasenseofhumil-ityaswell,asenseofnotbeinginthesameleagueastheclassicchoralesof Luther and Olaus Petri.Thefirstpietisthymnbookpublished inSwedenin1717 used the same designation, Mose och Lambsens Wisor (“Songs of Moses andtheLamb”).22

The longer hymnal, Naogra andeliga wisor (“Some Spiritual Songs”),lacksatitlepage.ArthurRenstromtheorizesthatitperhaps“wasafirstat-temptandthatTwenne andelige wisorwithatitlepage,wasimprovedonandprinted subsequent to it”.23Noneof theoriginalmanuscripts arepreservedin theUnitedStates.Copiesofbothare in theNationalLibraryofSwedeninStockholmandthebestsurvivingcopyofthelongerhymnalisinUppsa-laUniversityLibrary.HelsinkiUniversityLibrarydoesnotnowhaveeitherRudman hymnal in its collections. Neither hymnal had a hard binding but weresimplystitchedtogether.ThiswasnotunusualinSwedenwherehymnsweresometimesprintedonsmallflyersforthesakeofthepoor,ortointro-duceanewhymn.Infact,such“specialprints”ofhymnsamountedtosome550ofthe2000songspublishedbefore1800.24

Renstrom’stheoryofcompositionalsomakessensejudgingfromthecon-tents. The second collection, Twenne andelige wisor(“TwoSpiritualSongs”),isobviouslyforpersonalreflectionanddevotion.Onthetitlepage,Rudman statesthatitisaNewYear’sgifttothecongregationfortheyear1701,thusitwouldhavebeenpublishedaroundChristmas1700.DespiteBritishreluctancetoadopttheGregoriancalendar,theSwedishprieststhoughtof1JanuaryasNewYear’sDayandkepttheiraccountsinthisfashion.WemightcallthistheNew Year’s Hymnal. Thefirstandlongercollectionofsixhymnsseemsde-

21 AdolphBenson,Peter Kalm’s Travels in North America,Vol.II,(NewYork,NY,1937),p.689.

22 Olsson,“1695årspsalmbok”,p.300.23 ArthurG.Renstrom,“TheEarliestSwedishImprintsintheUnitedStates”,The Papers of

the Bibliographical Society of America,vol.39:3,(1945),p.181–191.24 Kjellberg,“Andligsångochmusik”,p.288.

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signedforcongregationalworship,especiallysinceitincludesasitslastentrytheGloriainexcelsisversificationthatwassungateverySwedishHighMass,“AllenasteGudihimmelrik” (“ToGodAloneonHeaven’sThrone”).Itisnoaccidentthatthisappearsonthebackpageofthehymnal.Sincetherewasnocover,thisplacementwaseasytolocateforweeklyuse.AnalternatetitleforthiscollectionmightbetheGloriaDeiHymnal.

Theprinter identifiedon the titlepageof the smallerhymnal isReinier[Reynier] Jansen. It is obvious that the sameprinter published both bookssincetherearenoSwedishorGermanvowelsineitherpublication.Thus,theå isprintedas“ao”or“aa”,theöas“oe”,andtheäas“ae”.Thisgivesthetextaverypeculiarlook,asifthepersonsettingthetypedidnotunderstandthewords,whichwasundoubtedlythecase.JansenwasaDutchlace-makerwhoarrivedinPhiladelphiain1698andsettledinGermantownin1699.25 He seemstohavetakenovertheQuakerprintingbusinessofWilliamBradford whenBradfordmovedtoNewYork.HewaskeptbusypublishingfortheSo-cietyofFriends,providinglegalforms,deeds,bondsandalmanacsuntilhisdeathin1706.

ThefactthatbothhymnalsareprintedinLatinlettersratherthantheusualGothicprint style/Fraktur, as the1695hymnal, shows that theprinterwasmainlyinvolvedwithEnglishbusiness.

ConsideringthemajorinfluenceofGermancultureinSweden,wearenotsurprised thatonly threeof theeighthymnsseem tobeoriginalworksbyRudman.TheothersaretranslationsfromGermanoriginals,althoughRud-manoftenwrylynotesnotthattheyare“translated”butthattheyhavebeen“improved”.Themusicthatissuggestedhere,sincenotunesarenamed,isthatwhichwastraditionallyusedforthemorwouldhavebeenavailableintheGermanhymnalsofthetimeandinthe1691/1695Swedishhymnal.ThefirsthymnsineachcollectionseemtobeoriginalworksbyRudman.

Rudman’s creativity is seen in the unusual meters that are chosen. Only the secondandthethirdhymnfromtheGloriaDeiHymnalusethesametuneandmeter.AndhereheseemstowanttouseafamiliartunetocarrythedialoguebetweenJesusandthebeliever,theSoul.Rudman could have used the easier commonmeterswitheightsyllablesthatarethehallmarkofSwedishhymno-dy. He deliberately chose unusual meters.

TheimagesaretypicalofGermanpietismwithitspersonalintimacy.Rud-manwasnotanexcellentpoetbutapiousandverypersonablepriestwithaloveformusic.Heusesalloftheusualpietisticthemes:apersonalrelation-shipwithJesus,alongingforheaven,asympathyforhardship,individualism,mission,sin,prayer,andagodly life.Artistically,pietistic themesareseeninmuchartoftheBaroqueepoch.InFlandersthepremierexampleisPeterPaul Rubens(1577–1640)andinSweden,courtpainterDavidKlöckerEhren-strahl(1629–1698).ThecolossalpaintingsbyEhrenstrahl,The Crucifixition

25 Renstrom,“TheEarliestSwedishImprintsintheUnitedStates”.

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and The Last Judgment,originallyintheroyalpalacechapelinStockholm,andnowinStockholmmainchurch(Storkyrkan),giveagoodideaofthesortofemotionalintensitythatwascharacteristicoftheperiod.RudmanwouldhaveseenthesepaintingsbeforeheleftStockholmsincetheywerecompletedin1695and1696.

GloriaDeiHymnalTherearesixhymnsinthiscollection.Thefirsthymn,“Alltvadsomidennevärldenmå vara” has the unusualmeter of 11.10.11.10.8.10.RichardHulan translatedthefirstfourandlasttwostanzasintoEnglishinanElizabethanstyle published in 1987.26 The melody suggested here from the 1691/1695hymnalisahauntingSwedishfolksongthatmirrorsthelongingofthetext,especiallyintheninthstanza.Inthe1986hymnaloftheChurchofSweden,Den svenska psalmboken,themelodyisnumber269settothewords,“Sorgenochglädjen”.27 ThesewordshavebeenknowninSwedensince1681.

Thesecondhymn,“NärvillduJesuminendavän jagbesluta”,and thethird,“HarduOJesudåalldelsdittansikteblida”,bothhavetheexoticmeter,14.14.4.7.8.Thebest-knownchoraletuneforthiscomesfromtheStralsund Gesangbuchof1665bythereformedcomposer,JoachimNeander(1650–80).28 SinceSwedenhadconqueredPomeraniaintheThirtyYearsWartherehadbeenconstant tradeand interchangebetween this areaandSweden. In theChurchofSwedenhymnal,itisnumber2.Thesecondhymnseemstobeanoriginal by Rudman,buthetellsusthatthethirdoneisatranslation,appar-entlyfromaGermanoriginal.Thiseleven-stanzahymnisahighlyimagina-tivedialoguebetweenJesusandthebeliever(theSoul).Itnaturallylendsitselftosomesortofalternationperformance.

The fourthhymn, “O JesuChrist,minFrälsar visst”, is again set to anunusual meter of 8.7.4.4.4.7. Rudmansaysthatitis“improved”,meaningthatitisalsoatranslationofaGermanoriginal.Themelodysuggestedhereisa1589melodybyJohannesRhau,aGermanpastorinWetter.IntheChurchofSwedenhymnalitappearsas“Enblommautiöknenstod”andisnumber347.Itwasalsoincludedinthe1691/1695hymnal. The bridegroom mysticism reflectedhere comesoriginally froma christologically interpretedSongofSongsandwasfavouredintheMiddleAgesbyBernardofClairveaux.

One of the most famous of all the Lutheran hymns of the seventeenth century,“Howbrightlybeams theMorningStar” (inGerman,“Wieschönleuchtet”, in Svedberg, “Så skiön lyser then Morgenstiern”, or “Du morgon-stjärnamildochren”,inmodernSwedish)wascomposedbyPhilippNicolai in 1599withsuchbridegroommysticisminmind.ThishasbeenlargelyexcisedinitsmanyEnglishtranslations.ItshouldberecalledthatneitherScandinavia

26 RichardHulan,“FourSongsfromtheDelaware”,Lutheran Quarterly,2(1988),p.35–39.27 Den svenska psalmboken: antagen av 1986 års kyrkomöte,(Stockholm,1986).28 SeeOlsson,“1695årspsalmbok”.

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norGermanyhadtheexperienceofEnglishPuritanismandwerenotasaversetobodilyimagesastheircompatriotswereacrossthechannel.Svedberg could even include a Latin line describing the church as the Bride of Christ as, Gloriosa Coeli rosa, MostGloriousHeavenlyRose.29

Suchallegoricalvisionswerepopularamongpietistauthors.OnlytheSoulandJesusseemtomatter.IntheSwedishoriginal,thisismoreapparentthanintheEnglishtranslation.Inthethirdverse,theSwedishoriginalreadsthatthe Soul yearns so much for her Lord that it amounts to desiringphysicalunion(“meddigpara”).Ahymnwithsimilarbridegroommysticismwasin-cluded in the SvedbergHymnal as number 411, “Eija!Mitt hierta”, and isattributedtoaDanishwoman,ElleAndersdatter.30

PerhapsthemostfamousexampleofsuchanalternationbetweentheSoulandJesusisfoundintheAdventcantataofJohannSebastianBach,BVW140,Wachet auf, ruft uns die Stimme.Therethesopranoandbassariacircleeachotherinaduet,whiletheSoul(soprano)yearnsforherTeil(portion)andJesus(bass)respondsasherHeil(Savior). Interestinglyenough,ahymnattributedtoJohannesKelpiusand,accordingtoJuliusFriedrichSachse,publishedbyReynierJanseninanowlosteditioninhis1700A Method of Prayer, is also a dialoguebetweentheSoulandJesus.31Itistitled:“OJesusteachmehowtofindyou”,andseemstonotberelatedtoRudman’s text.32

Thefifthhymn,“Jesudumingamman”,isafreshtranslationofthebelov-ed“JesuMeineFreude”.Initsoriginalform,itwasalovesong,Flora, meine Freude, writtenin1641byChristophCaldenbach.33Themusicwasoriginallycomposedin1653byJohannCrüger,aBerlinchurchmusician,tonewwordsbyJohannFranck,(1618–77)lawyerandmayorofGuben.Itappearedinthefamed hymn collection Praxis Pietatis Melica (1661).34 The state secretary in StockholmJohanSchmedemanhadtranslateditintoSwedishby1694.Itdoesnot seem that Rudman had access to this alternate translation, or he may not haveapprovedof it. JohannSebastianBachwas likewiseentrancedby thestrongmelodyandtheoddmeter,6.6.5.6.6.5.7.8.6,writingamotet(BMV227)onthissamehymntune.Inthe1986ChurchofSwedenhymnalitisnumber354.

29 Olsson,“1695årspsalmbok”,p.294.30 Ibid.,p.300.31 Sachse,JuliusFriedrich,Justus Falckner, Mystic and Scholar, Devout Pietist in Germany,

Hermit on the Wissahickon, Missionary on the Hudson,(Philadelphia,PA:NewEraPrint-ingCo.fortheauthor,1903).ForamoderneditionoffiveofKelpiushymns,see5 Hymns from the Hymn Book of Magister Johannes Kelpius, translated by Christopher Witt, Robert Bornemann(ed.),(Philadelphia,PA,1976).

32 KirbyDonRichardsandJohannesKelpius, A Method of Prayer. A mystical Pamphlet from Colonial America, (Philadelphia,PA,2006),p.83.

33 Lieder der Pietismus aus dem 17 och 18 Jahrhundert,ChristianBunners(ed.),(Leipzig,2003),p.85

34 SeeOlsson,“1695årspsalmbok”.

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Thelasthymn,“AllensteGudihimmelrik”, wasprobably themost fre-quently used.Sincetherewasnocoveroneitherofthesmallbooklets,thishymnwasplacedonthelastpagetofacilitateeasyuse.Itwascomposed,per-hapsasearlyas1522,byNicolausDecius(1485–1546),aGermanmonkwhobecameaLutheranpastorinStettinandKönigsberg.Basedonatenth-centu-ryGregorianmelody,itisaversificationoftheGloriainExcelsis,thesecondpartoftheordinaryofthemass.ItwasoftenusedwithMartinLuther’s sug-gestedreformsofthemass,andwaswidelyadoptedbyReformationchurchesso that the congregation could sing rather than listen to a choir. Itwas inSwedishasearlyas1567andwasanormalpartoftheSwedishhighmassun-til1985.Itisnumber18inthe1986ChurchofSwedenhymnal.TheGermanoriginalreads“AlleinGottinderHöhseiEhr”.

At the same time, DeciusalsowroteahymnversionoftheAgnusDei,thefourthpartoftheordinaryofthemass,“OLammGottes,unschuldig”. The hymn is “Guds renaLammoskyldig” in itsSwedishversion, according to1986ChurchofSwedenhymnal(number143).ItwasasuggestedalternativeateveryEucharistfrom1531untilthetwentiethcenturyinaversionbyOlausPetri.Sinceeveryonehadnodoubtmemorizeditshauntinglybeautifulandsimplewordsandtune,Rudman did not need to include it.

NewYear’sHymnalRudmantellsusthatbothofthesehymnsareforprivatedevotion.ThefirstseemstobewrittenbyRudmanandusesthepopularpietistimageofJesustheGoodShepherdsearchingforthelostsheep(John10:11ff).Extensiveref-erence is also made to the Old Testament’s 23rdPsalm.Itselevenstanzasfitwellwithawell-knownSwedishchorale from the1691/1695hymnal.ThischoraleisfoundinthreedifferentplacesintheChurchofSwedenhymnalof1986(numbers34,348,and378).ItisperhapsbestknownwitharchbishopJohanOlofWallin’swords,“Vänligtöverjordenglänser”from1819hymnal(number34).ItcouldlessappropriatelybesungtothemorerobustGermantune by Samuel Rodigast,“WasGotttutistwohlgetan”from1675.Itsmeteris 8.7.8.7.4.4.7.7.

The second, shorter hymn is a translation of Christian Keimann’s(1607–1662)“MeinemJesumlassichnicht”.KeimannwasborninBohemiaandwasaschoolprincipalinZittau,Saxony.ThishymnwaswritteninhonouroftheElectorJohannGeorgofSaxonywhohaddiedin1656.Itwaswrittenin1658andintheoriginalhasanacrosticinthefirstlettersofeverylineinthefinalverse.Thiswasarefinedbutnotunusualwaytohonouraperson.TheGer-manwordsatthebeginningofeachlineare:Jesus, Geh, Christus, Zu, Selig, whichhavethesameinitiallettersasthewordsJohann,Georg,Churfürst,zu,Sachsen(JohanGeorg,prince-electorofSaxony).35

35 See Evangelisches Kirchengesangbuch, “DerVerfasserderTexteundWeisen”, (Kassel,1950).

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It is anappropriatechoice for the lasthymnwith its senseofnotaban-doningorbeingabandonedbyGod.ItisnotbychancethatthefirstSwedishwordisJESUS,capitalizedtomakesurethatweknowitisanintimatehymntoGod’sSon. JacobArrheniushadwrittenagoodmanyhymnsstressingapersonalrelationshipwithJesusandtheyalmostallbeganwithJesus’name.36

TheoriginalmelodywaswrittenbyJohannUlrich(1630–1700),aGermanchurchmusicianinTorgauandWittenberg,in1674.Inthe1986hymnaloftheChurchofSweden,themusicisusedfornumber472.Themelodyandtextarewellsuitedtoeachother,howeveranalternatemelodyfrom1691couldbeoneof Arrhenius’Jesushymns,“Jesusallmittgodaär”,whichwasfoundinthe1937hymnaloftheChurchofSwedenasnumber122.

Unlikethelongerhymnal,thisonehasatitlepagethatgivesitsdateandthereasonforitsprinting,alongwiththeprinter,buthumblydoesnotidentifytheauthor.Ofcourse,weknowthatGloriaDeiChurchwastheonlySwedishcongregationinPhiladelphiaandhadonlyonepastorin1700,AndreasRud-man.

TheCathedralChapterofUppsala,whichtookovertheadministrationoftheMissionafterthedeathofBishopSvedberg,wasperplexedaboutthein-creasing use ofEnglish.There seemed to be little reason to sendSwedishpastorswho did not know theEnglish language if the congregationswereunabletofunctioninSwedish.TheyagreedtopermitEnglishwhenSwedishwasnotunderstoodbutwantedtokeepSwedishasmuchaspossible.Theysuggested that Carl Magnus Wrangel, dean of the mission, have translated thoseportionsofthemissal(“Handbok”)thatwerenecessaryforworshipandthatotherstranslatesomeof“ourbeautifulhymnstopreventsyncretismwiththe English Church”.37

Theywere correct in understanding that the hymnswould be the bear-er of Swedish Lutheranism.Of course, it was too late. The congregationswerealreadyusedtotheBookofCommonPrayer liturgy and no one came forwardasa translator.TheGermanLutheranshadnoEnglishservices. IthadbeenBishopSvedberg’sintentionthatthecongregationsshouldworkincloseharmonywiththeEnglishChurch.Theyalreadyhadahistoryofthreegenerationsof“syncretism”andseemedtofindithelpful.AftertheRevolu-tion,onlytheruralcongregationinSwedesborohadmemberswhocouldstillunderstandSwedish.

WhenthelastpastoroftheChurchofSweden,NilsCollinofGloriaDei,died in 1831, all of the eightOld Swedish churches had become function-ingmembers,ifnotofficialmembers,oftheirnearestdioceseoftheEpisco-palchurch.TheyhadmadetheculturaltransitionfromSwedishmissiontoAmerican church.

36 Olsson,“1695årspsalmbok”,p.297.37 Jacobsson,Svenska Öden vid Delaware,p.110.OnCarlMagnusWrangel,seeNilsJacobs-

son, Bland Svenskamerikaner och Gustavianer: ur Carl Magnus Wrangels Levandshisto-ria, 1727–1786,(Stockholm,1953).

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EventuallyhymnsingingreturnedasthenineteenthcenturyrolledonwiththeOxfordMovementanditsseriesofrevivals.JennyLind came to sing at GloriaDeiinmid-centuryandby1905alargeHook&HastingsPipeOrganwasinstalled,thatinitscurrentlyrestoredconditionisoneofthetreasurersofAmericanorganbuilding.Inthetwenty-firstcenturythereisnowasmuchsingingatGloriaDeiasthereeverwasintheeighteenth.

Andreas Rudman’sshortliferenewedthelifeofGloriaDeiChurchwithanewbuildingandarenewedmusicalpiety.WhenGermanimmigrantscamein themid-eighteenthcentury therewasa tremendous increase in singing.LutheranGermans,ReformedAnabaptists,MoraviansandtheEphrataBreth-ernallgaveevidenceoftheimportanceofmusicinahostileAnglo-environ-ment. The Methodists and the revivalists used music extensively and eventu-allyallProtestantsbegantosinghymns.In1700theonlyplaceinAmericawhereonecouldsinghymnsthatwerenotrephrasedScripturewasatGloriaDei.

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13.JohanHelmichRoman’sTe Deum and Jubilate, and a Lutheran Feast

Eva Helenius

JohanHelmichRoman’sTe Deum and JubilateAmong the vocal music by Swedish royal Kapellmeister Johan Helmich Roman (1694–1758) there are two compositions for soloists, choir and or-chestra – Te Deum (HRV 405, S-Skma Ro 65b) and Jubilate (HRV 401,S-SkmaRo63a) – ofwhichnothing is knownabout their origin,whenorwhytheywerecomposedandcopied.1 The Te Deumbelongs toagroupofliturgicalsongsthatinSwedishservices,andwascalled“ourusualsongofpraise”(“OGudhwijlofwetigh/OHErrewijtacketig”),number6inthe1695hymnbook.Theoldandwell-knownAmbrosianhymnTe Deum Lauda-mus, Te Deum confitemurhasbeenusedandsungat importantevents likenational feasts and coronations for centuries, and indeed became a symbol ofthanksgivingservicesorconcerts.InSweden,theTe Deumwasalsoas-sociatedwithimportantchurchandstateactsandwaspartofecclesiasticalfeasts–forexamplechurch,bishopandorganconsecrations–andatnationalfeasts,baptisms,weddings,coronationsandprocessionalentriesoftheroyalfamily.2DuetothecloseconnectionbetweenChurchandState(inwhichthekingwassuperiortothearchbishop),thereweredoublereasonsforpraiseandjubilation on these occasions.3

Works for soloists, choir and orchestra are found frequently in Roman’s musicaloutput.Theyareusuallydesignedforstateandchurchfestivals.ForseveraloftheseoccasionsthemusicbyRomanorcompositionsheadaptedforthemareknown:

1 “HRV”numbersreferstothelistofvocalworksbyRomanbyAnnaLenaHolmandIng-mar Bengtsson in Tematisk förteckning över J.H. Romans vokalverk,(MusikiSverige,7),(Stockholm,1994).

2 On the use of Te Deum, see Anna Maria Forssberg, The Story of War: Church and Propa-ganda in France and Sweden in 1610–1710,(Lund,2016).

3 Sven Baelter, Historiska Anmärkningar Om Kyrko=Ceemonierna, Så wäl Wid de offenteli-ga Gudstjensten, Som Andra tilfällen hos de första Christna, och i Swea Rike; I synnerhet Efte Reformationen til närwarande tid. Andra Uplagan,(Stockholm,1783),p.221.

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• ThefuneralofqueenUlrikaEleonora(theyounger)in1742(HRV503,S-SkmaRo73)

• Thedoublefeastdivineservice,celebratedon7October1743,whichcombinedtheentryintoStockholmofthecrownprinceelectAdolphFrederickandtherenewedpeaceaftertheunhappywaragainstRussia(1741–1742;JubilateHRV401,S-SkmaRo63a)

• Thejoyfulmanifestationofthebirthofthehereditaryprince,thefu-tureGustavusIIIin1746(Prints Gustafs Musique [the Music of Prince Gustaf],HRVB22,S-SkmaRo64)

• ThefuneralmusicofthelatekingFrederickI(1751;HRV402,S-Uu,Vok.mus.ihs64:2)

• ThecoronationofkingAdolphFrederickandqueenLouiseUlrike in December1751(HRV403,S-SkmaRo6a)

Still,thereareoccasionsforwhichRomanshouldhavewrittenoradaptedthemusicbutnothingseemstohavebeenpreserved,forexample,themanycer-emonieswithwhichtheparliamentaryproceedingswereopenedandclosed.Theopposite isfoundin thecasesofmanycompositionsscoredforoneormorevoicesand instruments inwhichwehave themusicbutdonotknowwhenandwhyitwascomposed.

Whennothing isknownabout the immediateexternalcircumstancesofthe Te Deum and Jubilate–whenandwhythemusicwaswritten–themanu-scriptsthemselvesmayhelp–paper,ink,watermarksandhandwritingcanallprovideclues.AccordingtotheRomanscholarIngmarBengtsson,paperandhandwritingindicatethatthetwocompositionsoncebelongedtogetherandwerecopiedaround1730.4

ThehandwritingisRoman’s,andtheirauthenticitycertifiedbyhandwrit-ingH14whichbelongstotheoldestsonofthecomposer:“byRoman”(“afRoman”)oronlythename“Roman”.Probablyin1756,JohanHelmichRo-man,Jr.helpedhisfatherarrangethemusiclibraryatHaraldsmåla,andthefathertoldhissonwhichmusicwaswrittenbyhimandsometimesforwhichoccasions.5Thesonnoted“Roman”onthemusicmanuscripts.ThenotationsbythecopyistH14thushavethemostreliablesourcepossible,thecomposerhimself.6

Howmightwecontinuethisresearchinafruitfulway?Romancomposedmusicaccordingtotheordersofhissuperiors,writingsuitablemusicforthewords thearchbishopgavehim.Around1730 therewerenoobviousocca-sionsforwhichthereasonsforcomposingfestalmusicforchoir,soloistsandorchestrawouldhavebeenrecorded.OntheJubilateautograph,Roman has

4 Author’sinterviewwithIngmarBengtsson’swidowBrittaBengtsson.5 TitlepagesforGolovin Music(1728),Sjukmansmusiquen([TheSickman’sMusic]1720s),

The Drottningholm Music(1744),andCoronation Music(1751).6 On the identification ofH14, see Ingmar Bengtsson, “Handstil H14 i Romansamlingenidentifierad”,Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning,61:1(1979),p.5–12.

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Figure 27. Roman’s Te Deum(HRV405,S-SkmaRo65b,partyautograph)andJubilate(HRV401,S-SkmaRo63a,autograph).

written theyear “1743”which suggests thatJubilatewasperformed at theOctoberdoublefeastmentionedabove.Ifthedatingofthetwocompositionsaround1730iscorrect,thismusicwasre-usedin1743,whichdoesnotsolvetheoriginproblems.Apossiblemethodofproceedingmaybeaninvestigationofprintedsourcesfortheperiodaround1730,abovealltheSwedishState-Book (in Swedish:Årstrycket, nowadays Svensk författningssamling) con-tainingtheannualpublishedregulations,tosearchforanoccasionwheretextandmusicwouldcorrespond.Thereisaprintthatatfirstsightdoesnotseemverysensationalbutyetisworthhavingacloserlookat.Puttingthisprintinitswidercontextyieldshighlyinterestingresults.

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ProtestantYearofJubilee1730InEuropeanecclesiasticalhistory,theyear1730appearstobeextremelyim-portant.200yearshadpassedsincetheConfessio Augustanawaspresented.Theyear1530marked thedividewhen theoneandonlychurchofRome,unum corpus christianum,wassplitupbythenegotiationsheldattheAugs-burg Parliament. The confession, Confessio Augustana, that bears the name of thetown,writtenbyreformerPhilipMelanchthon,thatsummarizedtheevan-gelicalchurchReformationasajustificationfortheprincesoftheHabsburgempirewhohadalreadyrealizedsuchareform,washandedovertoemperorCharlesVon25June1530.7ThevisionofemperorCharleswasthatofone churchinalltheempire,thustheidentificationofunum corpus christianum with the empire.He therefore commissionedCatholic theologians to rejectConfessio Augustanathroughacounter-bookletConfutatio(Confutation;Ve-derläggandet inSwedish).But theevangelicalprincesmaintained their re-sistance. Confessio Augustana became a document that also united the evan-

7 Oldstyle-art,14Juneaccording to thenewstyle-art.Thepurposewas toshow that thechurchReformationwasnotinoppositiontotheGospelandtheChurch.Onthecontrary,itstressedsolidaritywiththeCatholicChurchasitwasintheearlychurchandpointedattheneedforinnerpurificationbyfreeingthechurchfromthemisuseofcenturies.

Figure 28. The royal decree of a yearofjubilee1730,Årstrycket, 25June1730.

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gelical churches outside theHabsburg empire. The confessional unitywasvictoriousoverpoliticalborderlines.8

Theyear1530 thussaw theconsolidationofProtestantism.Allover theProtestantworld,theyear1730wasdeclaredayearofjubilee,asithadbeenin1630andwastobein1830.KingFrederickIproclaimedthistobeaYearofJubileeforthechurchofSweden,bya“Praiseandthanksgivingdivineser-vice[…]tobecommemoratedinallcongregationsalloverthekingdomandsubmitted land and gentlemen’s families”.9Thisfestalserviceofpraiseandthanksgivingwastobecelebrated“Incommemorationofthepureevangelicalconfession/whichattheAugsburgParliamentin1530,on25June,wasgiventoemperorCharlesV”. This same festal service is mentioned in the list of ac-complishmentsthatFrederickIachievedasaregent,whichwasreadinpublicathisfuneralinSeptember1751anddescribedbySvenBaelter in his book onSwedishchurchceremoniesandservicesthroughtheages.10 This year of jubileewasalsobroughtintofocusbyamedal,designedbyroyalmedallistJohannCarlHedlinger(1691–1771).11

Suchasolemnserviceneededgrandverbalandmusicaldecoration.Ineight-eenth-centurydivineservices,musicappearedatthebeginning (praeludium),before and after the sermon, during communion, and at the end (postludium).12 InthespiritofLuther,thesermonwascentralandmostimportantpartofthemorning service embellished by great music for soloists, choir and orchestra. ThereisnodoubtthatthisistheveryoccasiononwhichRoman’s Te Deum and Jubilatewasperformedforthefirsttime.13Thisjubileeservicewasde-

8 FortheimpactoftheReformationonEuropeanculturallife,seeMarioBiagioni,The Rad-ical Reformation and the Making of Modern Europe: a Lasting Heritage, (Studies in Me-dievalandReformationTraditions,207),(Leiden,2017).OntheuseoftheGospelasakeyto the Confessio Augustana, see Carl Axel Aurelius, Hjärtpunkten: evangeliets bruk som nyckel till Augsburgska bekännelsen,(Skellefteå,2003).

9 Lof Och Tacksäjelse / hwilcken uppå Hans Kongl. Maj:ts Nådigste / Befalning / kommer at göras i alla Församblingar öfwer hela Dess Konngarike och derunder liggande Länder och Herrskaper / Den 14/25 Junii innewarande Åhr 1730 /, Till / Åminnelse Af den rena Evangeliska Troos Bekiännelse / Som wid Riksdagen i Augsburg Åhr 1530. Den 25. Junii blef framgifwen,copiesinSwedishNationalArchives,StockholmCityArchives,NationalLibraryofSweden,andotherlibraries.

10 Carl Fredrik von Stenhagen, Den stormäktigste konungs och herres, konung Friedrich den förstes […] personalier, upläsne wid des kongl. Begrafning, som skedde uti kongl. Rid-darholms kyrkan, i Stockholm den 27. September 1751,Stockholm1751,copyinNationalLibraryofSweden,Hist.,Sv.,Fr.I(Br.)FOL.1700–1829,p.22,SvenBaelter,Historiska Anmärkningar,p.226f.

11 AcopyofthemedalbelongstotheRoyalCoinCabinet–NationalMuseumofEconomy,Stockholm.IllustrationinSveriges kyrkohistoria 5 – Individualismens och upplysningens tid,HarryLenhammar(ed.),(Stockholm,2000),p.77.

12 Accordingtothe1686churchlaw,musicsurroundedthesermoninvespers(cap.III,§VIp.1003).Theplaceofmusicineighteenth-centuryservicesisevidencedbyprintedordersofservice,givingthetextsofthevocalmusicperformed.NationalLibraryofSweden,Okat.Vitt.Sv.Andl.Poesi–1771.

13 BrittaBengtssonin“HändelsernakringochförstaframförandeavJohanHelmichRomansTe Deum”, Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning,80(1998),p.135–140givesavaluablere-

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cideduponanddecreedbythekingthroughroyalletterstoallthecathedralchapters,countycovernors,andtheroyalsecretariat,andinleafletssenttotheuniversitiesinUppsalaandLund,statingthatorationsmaybeheld,andtothewarefareofficethatasmanygunsalutationsshouldbegiveninStockholmwhentheTe Deumwassungattheroyalcourtaswasthecaseonthe1721jubilee day.14TheplaceoftheTe Deumintheservicewasgivenintheletterto the cathedral chapters and county governors: after themorning servicesermonaprintedbookletofpraiseandthanksgiving(“oration”)thathadbeenpublishedtogetherwiththeroyaldecreeofayearofjubileewasrecitedandthereafter the Te Deumwassung.15 The booklet contains many exhortations tojoyfuljubilationandrejoicing,whichiswhytheJubilate may have been performedinthiscontext.

Thesameorder–sermon–Jubilate–oration–Te Deum–seemstohavebeenfollowedatthe7October1743praiseandthanksgivingfeast,whenthebishopofVisby,Georg(Jöran)Wallin(1686–1760),welcomedthenewcrownprinceofSwedenAdolphFrederick and thereafter delivered a festal sermon onthetextoftheday,“LofsiungerHERranomtyhanhafwerhärligabewistsig”(“SinguntotheLORD;forhehathdoneexcellentthings”,Isaiah12:5),16 afterwhichtheTe Deumwasmostprobablyperformed.TheTe Deum on this occasionwasnotbyRomanbutwasaSwedishtextadaptionofJohannJosephFux’(ca.1660–1741)Te Deum laudamus(K.271,HRVB18:4).

Thedate“1743”isclearlywrittenbyRoman on the Jubilateautograph.ItmayhavebeenperformedinconnectiontobishopWallin’swelcomespeechtothenewcrownprince,sincethefactthatSwedenthenhadasuccessortothethronearousedgeneraljoyandjubilationalloverthenation.ThisprintedsermonbybishopWallin also contains many invitations to rejoice, including adirectquotationofPs.150:3,4,5,“OsinguntotheLORD”.Yet,thepossibil-ity that the Jubilatewasperformedatmatinsorvesperscannotbeexcluded.

portontheinaugurationoftheDrottningholmcastlechurchon26July1730whentheTe Deum byRomanwas re-used.TheTe Deumwas sung at church inaugurations and thechoiceofRoman’smusicwasasignofthevalueassignedtoitbythekingandqueen.

14 NationalArchivesofSweden,InrikescivilexpeditionenBIa:16,9March1730(registratur,huvudserien),p.190–199.QuotedinBaelter,Historiska Anmärkningar,p.226.

15 “[…]ochefter slutenHögmässo=predikanuplästes, ofwannämndeLof=ochTacksäijel-se=skriftutiförsamlingarne,hwarpåsiungesOGud!WijlofweTig’.NationalArchivesofSweden,InrikescivilexpeditionenBIa:16,9March1730,p.196.QuotedinBelter,Histor-iska Anmärkningar,p.227.

16 The Yearly Print [Årstrycket],1743,7October,andthefollowingsermonbyGeorg[Jöran]Wallin,p.1–28.CopiesintheStockholmCityArchives,NationalArchivesofSweden,theNationalLibraryofSweden,andothers.

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Roman and his English Musical ModelsObviously,RomanfoundhismodelforthetwochoircompositionsinHandel’s Utrecht Te Deum and Jubilate(HWV278and279)composedin1713tocel-ebratetheUtrechttreatyandpeaceaftertheWaroftheSpanishSuccession.Handel revised the Jubilatein1717/18forJamesBrydges, duke of Chandos. ThiswasduringtheperiodinwhichRomanlivedinEnglandwhere,amongotherthings,hewastaughtmusictheoryandcompositionbyJohannChris-toph Pepusch (1667–1752)whowas for several years in the service of thedukeandresponsibleformusicinCannonshouse.17 RomanplayedthesecondviolinintwoofHandel’soperaorchestras,1716–1717and1719–1721,andhadopportunitiestostudythemusickeptatCannonsandotherprivateEnglishhouses and libraries. Handel’scombinationofthetwoliturgicaltextsTe Deum andnumber100intheBookofPsalmsfollowsoldermodels,butthiswashisfirstmajorsacredworkinEnglish.Roman’sTe Deum and Jubilate come out ashisfirstmajorextantworksinthisgenre,ofcoursewithaSwedishtext.18

RomanandhisSwedishMusicalResourcesOfthetwochoirworks,Te Deumisscoredfor2trumpetsand2oboes,giv-ingabrilliantsoundovertheviolinfamily(violin1and2,viola),fourvoices(canto,alto,tenor,basso)andbassocontinuo(organ,windinstruments),per-formedby30musiciansincludingthesingers.19 The names of the royal court musicians,theoboistsoftheRoyalLifeGuards(Kungliga livgardet)andtheroyalcourttrumpetersandkettle-drummersareknown.20Twofemalesingerswerepermanently employed in the royal orchestra from1727,whereas themalesingersoftenwerecantores(precentors)atStockholmchurches.21 At the

17 Abraham Magnusson Sahlstedt, Äreminne öfwer Hofintendenten, Kongl. Capellmästaren, och Kongl. Wetenskaps Academiens ledamot, Herr Johan Helmich Roman, i Stora Rid-darhus salen framstäldt d. 30 maj 1767,(Stockholm,1767),p.17.Helenius-Öberg,Johan Helmich Roman,p.208.Forcertainparts(marked*)ofhismemorialspeechtotheRoyalAcademy of Sciences, Sahlstedtused“notices”byRoman, fromwhich thebiographicalinformation comes.

18 There has been discussion as towhetherRoman knew the art of compositionwhen hereturnedfromEnglandinlatespring1721.DoubtwascastbyLinköpingcathedralorgan-istJohanMiklininalettertoHülphersdated21September1771.Miklinwasnotalwayscorrect in the informationhesent toHülphersand, in thiscase,hismemoryfailedhim.VästeråsCityLibrary,Coll.HülphersCb2f.187r.Helenius-Öberg,Johan Helmich Roman, p.214.

19 Bengtsson,“Händelsernakringochförstaframförande”,p.136.Foradiscussionofthesizeoftheroyalorchestrainthe1730sandearly1740s,seeEvaHelenius-Öberg,“Endrottningsjordafärd.HovkapelletvidUlrikaEleonorasd.y.begravning1742”,Svensk tidskrift för Mu-sikforskning,84(2002),p.27–50,andthestatementbyTobiasWestbladh, see footnote 24.

20 SwedishNationalArchives,RoyalPalaceArchives,RoyalCourtaccountsI:215(1730).21 In1730,thetwosingerswereSophieSchröderandJudithTischer.Thelatter,JudithTischer,isoftenerroneouslyreferredtoasFischer.ShebelongedtotheStockholmGermanStGer-trudparishwhereJudith,adaughterofthetailorJohannTischer,wasbaptisedon16Febru-ary1706.StockholmCityArchives,StGertrudChurchArchives,birthandbaptismbooks,mainseries,vol.1689–1734,p.843.

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inauguration of the Drottningholm castle church almost exactly one month afterthejubileefeastservice,thesamemusicwasperformedby–wemayassume–thesamemusicians.

Thecantopartwas sungbya castrato singer,MicheleAlbertini (called Momoletto)who,onroyalorder,hadleftKasselforStockholmandhadquiterecentlyarrivedinSweden.22Atthesameoccasion,thetenorpartwassungbyStephanStåhle,precentoratthemainchurch(Storkyrkan)inStockholm.23 Compared toHandel’sorchestra, thiswasnota largeensembleeven if theroyalorchestrawascomplementedbychurchmusiciansfromStockholmand

22 IthasnotbeenstatedhowlongMomolettowasinSweden.Hefollowedtheking’sjourneysduringthespring1730,whenheembellishedthemealsthecourtsharedwithguestsfromthediplomaticcorpsandotherimportantpeople.Bengtsson,“Händelsernakringochförstaframförande”,p.137.

23 Bengtsson,“Händelsernakringochförstaframförande”,p.137.

Figure 29. TheroyalorchestraatthecoronationofkingFrederickI, 1720.Hand-teckningar,PersonerFredrikIB.1,NationalLibraryofSweden.

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other Swedish towns (Västerås), good amateurmusicians from among theStockholmcivilservantsandstudentsfromUppsalaUniversity.24

The musical resources Romanhadathisdisposalweretoalargeextenttheresultofnegotiationswiththecourtandhisownwork.ShortlyafterhisreturnfromLondon(inMay1721),Romanstartedre-organizingtheroyalorchestraafteryearsofwarandmisfortune.25 For Roman, returning to a small and cul-turallypoortownmusthavebeenashakingcontrasttothemusicallyrichandeconomicallysafelifehejustleftinEngland.HesawnofutureinStockholmandwithoutaraiseinsalaryhehadtotenderhisresignation(18December1721).26 The esteem of the king and queen made him stay, convinced by the ar-tisticpossibilitiesofhisappointmentasviceconductoroftheroyalorchestra(28November1721)andaprogrammeforreorganizingthecourtmusicthattheking,queenandthecourtservantsresponsibleagreedwith.27 But since stillatthebeginningofMarch1722nopartoftheagreementwasfulfilledbythe court Roman once more asked for his resignation. The royal decree of 31 March1722maybeafirstanswertothisrequestbywhichthesalariespay-ing-outorganizationwassettled,sothatthemusiciansgottheirsalaries,whichhadfailedtohappenfortheprevioustwoyears,“whytheywereinamiserablecondition”(decreeof31March1722).28 With more favourable conditions for the life for the musicians, Roman’ssecondstepwastopermanentlystrengthentheorchestra.Accordingtoanopenroyaldecision,theconductoroftheroyalcourt orchestrawas always permitted to use the oboists of theRoyal LifeGuards togetherwith the royal courtmusicianswhen the orchestra playedat concerts or for dancing at the royal castle, including necessary rehearsals, since“theorchestrabysuchapracticemayobtainadeepermusicalmaturity’(13November1722).29 This decision later obviously included the royal court

24 E.g.ErnstFerdinandPape,Västeråscathedralorganist,andTobiasWestbladh,anUppsalaUniversitystudentwhoreinforcedtheroyalorchestrain1731.“Ialsoplayedthebassoonatthe masque held in 1731 at the return of King FrederickfromHessenCassel.Therewere30musicians,15intheroundtowerwhereIwas,and15inthesquare.”[“JagwarockmedochspelteBassonpådenMasqveradensomhölts1731widK:FredrikshemkomstfrånHessenCassel.Dåwar30Musicanter,15irundelen,derjagwarmed,och15ifyrkanten.”]Letterdated13April1772fromTobiasWestbladhtoA.A:sonHülphers,VästeråsCityLibrary,Coll.HülphersCb2f.174.ForWestbladhseeGöstaHanssonandLeonHerzog,Västerås stifts herdaminne II:2, 1700-talet,(Västerås,1990),p.990.

25 Helenius-Öberg,Johan Helmich Roman,p.44.26 Ibid.,p.46f.27 Ibid.,p.47.28 SwedishNationalArchives,RoyalPalaceArchives,HovexpeditionenBI:1(draftsoflettersofattorney1720–48,31March1722totheStateTreasuryandMarchaloftheRealmNico-demusTessin(jr).ThedecisionaboutRoman’sownsalarywasnottakenuntil12January1723whenitwasdefinitethathestayedinSweden.Helenius-Öberg,Johan Helmich Roman p.48).

29 SwedishNationalArchives,RoyalPalaceArchives,HovexpeditionenBI:1(draftsoflettersofattorney1720–48,13November,1722).

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trumpetersandthekettle-drummers,30andalsofrom1730,musiciansfromKasselwherethecourt,includingtheorchestra,wasbeingdissolved.31

Withonly12courtmusicians(includinghimself)permanentlyemployed,andtheorchestraaugmentedbyoboistsoftheRoyalLifeGuards,courttrum-peters,unemployedmusicians,churchmusiciansandgoodamateurs,Roman alwayshadtohandletheensemblewithcareandre-usemusicthathadhadagoodreceptionatcourt.Hedidsowithhisflutesonatas(beforepublishingin1727),withhisweddingmusic(1728)andhisGolovin(1728)andDrottning-holm(1744)music.The rulesofnational feastsgoverned theuseof theTe Deum and Jubilate:32

• TheAugsburgconfessionjubilee,1730• ThereturnofkingFrederickItoSwedenafterhisstayinhishome-

land of Kassel, 1731• TheentryofAdolphFrederickasthenewcrownprincetogetherwith

thecelebrationofpeacewithRussia,1743(onlyJubilate)• ThebirthandbaptismofthefuturekingGustavusIII,1746(conducted

by Per Brant,notRoman)• Thecoronationofthenewkingandqueen,1751

Themanuscriptscoresandpartscanbeconnectedwiththeseoccasions,bythehandwritings.33Roman’sautographoftheTe Deum mirrors the state of the royalorchestrainthelate1720sintermsofboththescoringandthecopyists.Themanuscriptof the fourthmovementof theJubilate, Ty Herren är god [SincetheLordisgood],hasthescoringpresentedaboveandmayoriginateinthecourtorchestralibrary(S-Uu,Vok.mus.ihs46:10),asmayalsothe

30 AttheDrottningholmcastledinnerheldfortheparliamentafterfinishingnegotiationson7June1727,kingFrederickhadatableinshapeofahorseshoelaidwith84dishes.Atasmall-ertableforthemembersoftheroyalcourtorchestraandtheoboistsoftheLifeGuards,7disheswereserved,andfortheroyalcourttrumpetersandkettle-drummerstherewere5dishes.RoyalPalaceArchives,HovförtäringenIA:172(1727)verification2644.

31 For the Kassel musicians, see Britta Bengtsson, “Ferdinand Zellbells tyska hautboister”, Svensk tidskrift för musikforskning,82(2000),p.11–20,andHelenius-Öberg,“Endrott-ningsjordafärd”.

32 Inregularservices,thehymn“OGudwijlofwetig”wasprescribedasthefirstmomentofthemorningservice(“Ottesången”)togetherwithamorninghymn.1686ChurchLawCap.II§4,JohanSchmedemann,Kongl. Stadgar, förordningar, bref och resolut-ioner, ifrån åhr 1528. in til 1701 angående justitiæ och executions-ährender, med een förteckning på stad-garne främst, och ett fulkommeligit orda-register efterst wid wercket öfwer thes: innehåld; uppå hans kongl. May:tz allernåigste befalning och privilegier, til thet almänne bästas tienst, och hwars och ens särskilte nytto, sålunda med flijt sam-lade, och genom trycket i dagzliuset befordrade, (Justitiæförordningar 1528–1701) Del 1. Åhr 1706, (Stockholm, 1706),p.1002.

33 The hand H/N 2 is Per Brant(1714–67)andH/N5isCarlJohanMeijer(1726–78),andthemusicmaterialbelongstotheperformancesof1743and1746.Thereareunidentifiedhands,which,whentheyareidentified,willmakeitpossibletoestablishwhenthepartswereused.

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manuscript scoreof thewholecomposition inS-Uu,Vok.mus. ihs64:1.34 Laterlayersofmanuscriptsandparts,especiallyoftheJubilate, mirror the performancesofthe1740s.35

34 Obviously,thecourtgaveawaymusicmanuscriptsandprintsthatwerenolongerinusebytheorchestratotheUppsalaUniversity,therebyfollowingtheexampleofAndersvonDüben1732(theDübenCollection)andRomanin1749(musicalitemsdonatedtoTurkuUniversity,destroyedinthe1828townfire).Thetransferofthematerialwasmostprobablymadeatthebeginningofthe1770s,inconnectiontothereorganizationoftheroyalmusicalestablishmentwhentheoperawasfounded.

35 IntheS-SkmaRo63bmanuscript(Jubilate),thehandwritingofPerBrant(H/N2)isfre-quentlyfound.In1730,Brantstillhadhisyouthfulhand(H/N94).Thescoringalsoin-cludescor1and2andtimpaniwhichmayreflecttheducalensemblethatcametoSwedenwiththecrownprinceAdolphFrederick in 1743.

Figure 30. CarlDavidGyllenborg(1734–1811),“IlluminationWidFransyskaAm-bassadeurenMarquisdeLamarysBale,HansKongl.HöghetPrinsAdolphFredrich tillÄhraiDeLagardiskaHusetwidDrottningegatanåNorrmalmden13Novem-berÅr1743”,D2386.Inv.nr31320,UppsalaUniversitylibrary.

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Roman’sMusicfortheIntercessionDaysThe background to the Te Deum and JubilateopensnewsourcesforRoman’ssacred music. Maybe the Swedish State-Book decrees, and certainly thecontemporaryliturgicalbooks,havemoretogivewhenapproachedfromasimilarperspective.Theyearlytextsforeachofthethreeservices(matins,morning service and vespers) on the four Intercession days (thanksgiving,fast,penanceandprayerdays)werechosenbythearchbishopandconfirmedbytheking.Composing,adaptingorarrangingmusicforthesedayswaspartof Roman’sduties.Itisworthstudyingwhetherthese28years(1722–50)con-taining112Intercessiondays,eachwiththreeservices,givingatotalof336services, have left traces in the catalogue of Roman’s vocal music.36 A quick searchandcomparisonconfirmsthistheory.Asthingsstandatpresent,elev-encompositionsbyRomanareconnectedtoIntercessiondays’texts:

1726:3rdIntercessionday,15July,Matins Hielp Herre! The helige äro förminskade(Ps12:1;HRV505) [Help,LORD;forthegodlymanceaseth.] 1734:2ndIntercessionday,10May,Matins Hör mig när jag ropar / mine rättfärdighets Gud(Ps4:2–9;HRV703and863)37

[HearmewhenIcall,OGodofmyrighteousness.] 1740:3rdIntercessionday,20June,Vespers Smaker och seer huru liuflig Herren är(Ps34:9;Cantata1732,HRV922) [O taste and see that the LORD is good: blessed is the man that trusteth in him.] 1740:4thIntercessionday,19September,morningdivineservice Lofwad ware Herren dageliga(Ps.68:20;HRV710) [BlessedbetheLord,whodailyloadethuswithbenefits.] 1740:4thIntercessionday,19September,Vespers Tacker Herranom, sjunger om honom(Ps105:1;HRV511,713) [OgivethanksuntotheLORD;calluponhisname;makeknownhisdeedsamongthepeople.] 1741:2ndIntercessionday,22May,Matins Min siäl wäntar allenast i stillhet efter Gud(Ps62:2–3);HRV896) [TrulymysoulwaitethuponGod:fromhimcomethmysalvation.]

36 Holm and Bengtsson, Tematisk förteckning över J.H. Romans vokalverk.37 Romanlosthiswife,EvaEmerentiaBjörck,on26February1734aftershehadgivenbirthto their second sonAndersHenrik (1734–80).Helenius-Öberg, Johan Helmich Roman, p.90.Thesongtothetext“HearmewhenIcall,OGodofmyrighteousness”,HRV863,scoredforsopranoandbassocontinuowithmanyviolinsoloparts(“sisouna”),mayhavebeenwrittenforher.

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1743:4rdIntercessionday9September,Vespers Blif from, och halt tig rätt(Ps37:37;HRV870:2) [Marktheperfectman,andbeholdtheupright:fortheendofthatmanispeace.] 1743 7 October, Praise and Thanksgiving feast, morning divine service Lofsi-unger Herranom ty han hafwer härliga bewist sig(Isaiah12:5;HRVB18:4) [SinguntotheLORD;forhehathdoneexcellentthings.] 17437October,PraiseandThanksgivingfeast,Vespers Jag hafwer giordt tig löfte(Ps.56:13)whichispartofJag vill prisa Guds ord (Ps.56:11–14;HRV707) [InGodIwillpraisehisword:intheLORDwillIpraisehisword.] 1745:4thIntercessionday,13September,Vespers Warer tröste och oförfärade(Ps.31:25,HRV859:4) [Beofgoodcourage,andheshallstrengthenyourheart,allyethathopeintheLord.] 1749:4thIntercessionday,15September,Matins Mitt hierta är redo, Gud(Ps.57:8;HRV711) [Myheartisfixed,OGod,myheartisfixed:Iwillsingandgivepraise.] 1750:1stIntercessionday,6April,morningdivineservice Önsker Jerusalem Lycko(Ps.122:6–7;HRV513) [PrayforthepeaceofJerusalem:theyshallprosperthatlovethee.]

Thesecompositionscoveraperiodof24yearsfrom1726whenRomanwasabouttoenterhisofficialroleto1750whenhewasonhiswaytoleavingit.Allexceptthreebelongtomatinsandvespers.Thepraiseandthanksgivingfeaston7October1743at leastwasofnational importance:whenSwedengavethanksforpeacewithRussiaandrejoicedintheprocessionalentryofthenewcrownprince,whocalledformusicalembellishmentofthemorningdivineservice.Thetwoothermorningdivineserviceswhichfeaturedmusicalex-planationofthemessageoftheday–the4thIntercessiondayon19September1740andthe1stIntercessiondayon6April1750–probablyalsohadgreaterimportance,althoughthereasonsforthisremaintobefurtherresearched.

Withoneclearexception,Smaker och seer(HRV922),Romanmostprob-ablycomposednewworks for thesedays.38 As far as can be seen, there is nomusicalborrowingfromhimselforothers,nocrossoversfromprofanetosacred.Withthismusicdateditispossibletomakeothertypesofstudiesofhisvocalmusic,posingnewquestionsand thuscoming toadeeperunder-standingofhisworkandmusicaloutput.

38 The cantata was originally composed for certain divine services at the main church(Storkyrkan) inStockholmin1732forwhich theroyalorchestrawasresponsiblefor themusic.IngmarBengtsson,J.H. Roman och hans instrumentalmusik. Käll- och stilkritiska studier,(StudiaMusicologicaUpsaliensia,4),Ph.D.diss.,UppsalaUniversity,(1955),p.31.

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Ofcourse,Romanalsousedadaptionsandarrangementsofmusicbyothercomposers.In1731,RomanopenedpublicconcertgivinginSwedenwithaSwedishversionofHandel’s Brockes Passion (HRVB20;HVW48).Thenextyear,1732,heusedapartofHandel’sJubilate(Utrecht),Si, nu är den be-hagelige tiden(2Cor.6:2),forthefirstIntercessiondayoftheyear(28April)whichgivesclearproofthatheknewthismusicandhaditinhislibrary.In1733,hegavethreepublicconcerts(20Octoberand1and17November)withHandel’s four Coronation Anthems (1727)in theprogramme,music thathehad brought from London.39 Earlier this year, on the 4thIntercessionday(14September),hegaveVesperworshipers theexperienceof listeningtoHan-del’s Chandos AnthemV,Jag wil uphöja Tig / min Gud / Tu Konung (I will magnify thee, HWV250a,1717–1718;Ps.14:1,S-Uu, Vok.mus.ihs70:15). HereismoreproofthathehadaccesstotheCannonsmusiclibrary.

There are no indications that he bought the Chandos Anthems to Stock-holm fromLondon.He brought themwhen returning home to Sweden in1721.Aslateas1750,Roman’ssuccessorPerBrant used his arrangement of AngeloRagazzi’s Sonta a Quattroop.1no.10,firstmovementforvespersonthe 3rdIntercessionday(15June),Saligt är thet folk, hwilkens Gud Herren är (Ps.144:15;HRVB37:3).RomanhimselflivedatHaraldsmålabutstillstayedincontactwithStockholm,composingfortheroyalorchestra.

WhiletheSwedishState-BookcontributestoknowledgeofRoman’svocalproductions,textsregulatingtheservicesofthechurchyearmayprovidethekeytotheoriginofmoresacredmusicbyhim.Stipulationsconcerningdivineservicesarefoundinthechurchlawof1686:chapter2coversthesermonandhowdivineservicesshouldbecelebrated,chapters3–6covereachSunday,thefeastsofthechurchyear(andwhichhymnsshouldbesung),andchapter23 is about church singing.40Althoughtherearehymnswiththesamemes-sages as found in vocal church music by Roman and there are arrangements ofhymnsfortheroyalorchestra,theydonotexactlycorrespondtoeachother.The1686churchlawchapterXIII‘Aboutchurchsinging’prescribesthatGodbepraisedby‘singing,playingandmusic’butalsosaysthatmusicplayedonthe organ or other instruments must not sound so long that the congregation was “obstructed to praiseGodwith one voice”, i.e. unison hymn singing.Thus, it is logical that the royalorchestranormallydidnotaccompany thecongregation hymns in divine services.

39 Helenius-Öberg,Johan Helmich Roman,p.79(acquisition)andp.85(concerts).40 Kyrkio-lag och ordning, som then stormächtigste konung och herre, herr Carl then elofte,

Sweriges, Göthes och Wändes konung, &c. åhr 1686. hafwer låtit författa, och åhr 1687. af trycket utgå och publicera. Jemte ther til hörige stadgar,(Stockholm,1687).

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Conclusion and Future ResearchEveniftherestillarequestions,therearealsoimportantanswers.TheSwed-ishState-Bookcorroborateswhatwemaylearnfromothersources.Bylook-ing into Roman’scomposingworkshop,notonlytheTe Deum and Jubilate butalsoelevenothervocalworksmaybedatedandtheiroriginandpurposeunderstood.41TheIntercessiondaytextsare,withfewexceptions,takenfromtheBookofPsalms, following the theological content andethicalmessageoftheday.ThemusicalensemblesRomanusedwererathersmallwithoneto four voices, strings and basso continuo and thus easy to handle and adjust tothemusicalresourceshehadforeachday.Alargerensemblewithwindinstrumentsandkettledrumswasreservedforsolemnfeasts.Withthetextsasapointof researchdeparture,newmethodsofunderstandingwillmakeRoman’sroleasastatechurchservantclearandmaybeactasanaidtofindhithertounknownmusicbyhim.Onebasicconclusion is thatmostofRo-man’ssacredvocalworks(listed in theTematisk förteckning över J.H. Ro-mans vokalverk)arewrittenex officio, in the service of the king, the church and the nation.

41 Onlyonecantatawasreused,Smaker och seer(HRV9229).

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14.DevotionalDialogue:ExploringtheMusicalRepertoireforSoloVoiceandClavichordfromReformationEurope

Christina Ekström and Joel Speerstra

Thischapterpresentstheresultsofapreliminarystudyforafutureartisticre-searchproject.Thepreliminarystudy,andtheperformancepreparedforandgivenattheUppsalaconference,focusedonidentifyingsomeinstrumental,vocal,andinterpretivequestionsthatreflectChristianbeliefandpietyasex-pressedindevotionalmusicinaLutherancontext,specificallythesongsrelat-ed to the Moravian Church.1Thispreliminarystudy(combiningbothauthors’research interestswhich includeorganology,musicalperformancepractice,andreligiousexpression) lookedonlyatrepertoireforvoiceandclavichordthat could reasonably be connected directly to the Moravian Church.2

Background:NewConditionsandRepertoirein the Lutheran churchMartin Lutherwasdrivenbytheconvictionthatthecongregationshouldbeabletounderstandandactivelyparticipateinpublicworship.Theintroduc-tionoftheBibleinthevernacularandthepublicationofsongbookstoenablecongregationalsingingareconcreteexamples.AsFrandsenpointsout, thishelpeddevelop a comprehensive andartistic rangeof churchmusic;musicintendedtobeperformedatpublicworshipservicesbytrainedsingersandinstrumentalists.3 Another musical consequence of the Lutheran Reformation canbeseenintherepertoirecreatedforpersonalspiritualdevelopmentanddomestic devotion.

1 ThenameoftheMoravianChurchvariesaccordingtolanguage.Swedishcongregationscalled themselves Evangeliska Brödraförsamlingen.ThreeofficialtermsalsoexistinGer-man: Brüder-Unität, Herrnhuter Brüdergemeine, and Evangelische Brüdergemeine.

2 This study grows out of ideas inChristina Ekström,“Gör dig en sång uti mitt bröst”, Musikalisk gestaltning i ljuset av herrnhutisk tradition,Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofGothen-burg,(Gothenburg,2007)andJoelSpeerstra,Bach and the Pedal Clavichord, an Organ-ist’s Guide,(Rochester,NY,2004).

3 SeeMaryE.Frandsen,“TheAnthologiesofAmbrosiusProfe(1589–1661)andLutheranSpirituality”, inA Festschrift for Prof. Kerala J. Snyder,JohanNorrback,JoelSpeerstraandRalphP.Locke(eds.),(Gothenburg,2018),publishedonline:https://www.goart.gu.se/publications/festschrift_kjs

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To understand the separate arenas – church and home – and the reper-toirecreatedforeach,thereareseveralimportantconceptsworthhighlight-ing. One comes from The Doctrine of the Three Estates and the other from theological-pedagogical texts.TheDoctrineof theThreeEstatesdescribedadivisionofsocietyintothreespheres:thechurch,thepoliticalworld,andthehousehold.Here, thehomecametobedescribedasaseparateandpar-ticular environment. As Hilding Pleijelstates,thistripledivisionwasnotan“abstract theological construction” but related to the nature of everyday life.4 AmongtheologicalandeducationaltextsofparticularinterestisThe Small Catechism,which,asPleijelclaims,wasintendedforbothuninformedpriests[sic] andforuseinthehome.Thecatechismwasaccompaniedbyaddition-al texts: table talks and instructions for devotional acts in the home such as morningandeveningprayer,andprayersusedatmealtimes.

Whileliturgicalsinginginpublicserviceswasregulatedonthebasisoftheofficialtextsanddocumentsofthechurch,devotionsathomeadmittedamoreliberalapproachtoappropriatemusicalrepertoire.GöstaMorin describes the differencesinadiscussionofsuggestionsforanewchurchordinanceinSwe-den:

In1734,aproposalwas issuedforanew[churchordinance]and in its thir-teenthchapterthesinginginchurchisdealtwith.Inthefirstparagraphitwasstatedthatduringtheserviceoneshould“praiseGodwithsongandmusic”,andthatonlythehymnsfoundinthe1695hymnbookcouldbeused.Butforindi-vidualdevotion,however,songscouldbeusedthatwerecomposedby“Godlyandlearnedmen”andthatwerefoundtobeinaccordancewiththepurityofthe“WordofGodandPurityofFaith”.5

Thisquotationpointsoutthattheselectionofrepertoirewasfreerforindi-vidualdevotionthanforpublicworship;thatitofferedtheopportunityforamoresubjectiveandexpressiveapproachtotheGospel.Therulesforpublic,general, religiousservices–asopposedto individualdevotions–seemstohavehadconsequencesforbothrepertoireandmusicalpracticeinworshipinthe home. As Pleijelpointsout,devotionsathomewerechallengedbypietisticmovements,whichalsodevelopedtheirownextensivevocalrepertoires.

4 Hilding Pleijel, Hustavlans värld, Kyrkligt folkliv i äldre tiders Sverige,(Stockholm,1970),p.34.

5 GöstaMorin, “Bidrag till 1700-talets svenskakoralhistoria”,Svensk tidskrift för musik-forskning,26(1944),p.119–149,p.146:“1734utfärdadesförslagtillenny[kyrkoordning],ochidesstrettondekapitelbehandlaskyrkosången.Idenförstaparagrafenfaställdes,attmanundergudstjänstenskulle‘LofwaGud,medSångochMusique’ochattdärvidendastdepsalmer,somfunnosi1695årspsalmbok,t.v.fickanvändas.Viddenenskildaandaktendäremotkundesådanasångerbrukas,somförfattats‘afGudeligaochlärdemän’ochsombefunnosvaraiöverensstämmelsemed‘GudsOrdochTronesrenhet’.”

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The Clavichord in Lutheran AreasTheclavichordisaEuropeankeyboardinstrumentthatgeneratestones,notbypluckingstrings(liketheharpsichord),orhittingthemwithhammers(likethepiano),butbypressingabrassbladeagainstapairofstrings.Itwascom-moninEuropefromthelate1400stotheearly1800s.Thebladewhichstrikesthestrings(calledatangent)standsatthebackofapivotedkeylever,andoncontactwiththestringbothdefinesthelengthofthestring(andsothepitch)anddeliverstheenergytothestrings,whicharestretchedoverabridgeonasoundboard to the right of the keyboard. This method of exciting the strings has the disadvantage of never being able to deliver enough energy into the stringstoproduceadynamiclevelthatcanbeheardinaconcerthall.How-ever,theclavichordactionprovidessomeuniqueadvantagesaswell.Itispos-sibletobendthepitch,andcreatevibrato,likeastringplayer,andtherangeofdynamicspossibleonagoodclavichord isphysically larger thanon themodernpiano,eventhoughtheforteoftheinstrumentisnomatchforevenamoderatelysoftsoundonamodernpiano.

TheclavichordwasapopularkeyboardinstrumentallovermedievalandRenaissanceEurope,butthegreatestconcentrationofclavichordbuildingintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturieswasfoundincentralandNorthernEuropeancountries,andclavichordswerecommonhouseholdinstruments.6 PerhapsoneofthereasonsthatclavichordscontinuedtobebuiltincentralandnorthernEuropeancountrieshastodowiththedevelopmentoftheorgan.ThecentralroleofpsalmsinginginProtestanttraditionswenthandinhandwiththedevelopmentofthepedaldivisionsoforgans,andeverywheretheorganhad pedals, there seem to have been pedal clavichordsmade available fororganiststopracticeon.7 ThesimplerclavichordswithoutpedalwerealsosocommonthattheinstrumentwasoftenreferredtoinGermanyas,simply,the“keyboard”.Playingtheclavichordisoftendescribedaspersonal,becausetheinstrumentissosoft;itdrawstheperformerintoanalmostmeditativestatepurelybasedonitsdynamiclevel.Singingtotheclavichordwasclearlysome-thing reflected in the literature and reconstructingwhat that traditionmayhavesoundedlikeisthepurposeofthisstudy.TheinstrumentusedforthisstudyisacopyofalargeSwedishclavichordbuiltbytheStockholmbuilderPehr LindholmandrepresentsaclavichordtypethatwascommoninSwedenfromthe1760stoatleastthe1820s.8

6 See Makers of the Harpsichord and Clavichord 1440–1840, 3rd edition, Donald H. Boalch, (ed.),(Oxford,1995).

7 SeeSpeerstra,Bach and the Pedal Clavichord.8 ThecopywasbuiltbyJoelSpeerstraintheGOArtworkshopattheUniversityofGothen-burgin2000.

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AShortIntroductiontotheMoravianTraditionTheMoravianChurchstemsgeographicallyfromHerrnhut, the locationineasternGermanythatdevelopedfromthe1720sonCountNicolausvonZin-zendorf’s(1700–1760)estate.TherootsoftheMoravianChurchcanbetracedto the medieval Unitas Fratrum in Bohemia and Moravia, established in 1457. The Unitas Fratrum had a long tradition of valuing collective singing in ser-vices,aswellasoftheproductionofhymnbooksinthevernacular.Theearli-estknownhymnbookdatesfrom1505andwaspublishedinarevisedversionin1519bythehymnpoetLukeofPrague(d.1528),whoisalsoknownforhistheologicalconversationswithMartinLuther and other reformers.9Musicwasalso meaningful for the Moravian Church. As the American theologian Craig Atwoodexplains,thesetheologieswerebestcommunicatedthrough“songsandliturgies,notthroughsystematictheologyorpolemics”.10

AcharacteristicofMoravianpietyisthestressonidentificationwiththeimageofChristcrucified.Thisshouldresultinanemotionalexperienceex-pressedinbothsingingandplaying.Anexplicitlyrecommendedemotionalstatewastofeelandexpressablendofinnerjoyandgentlepain.11 Among thephysicalexpressionsof thisparticular feeling, themost importantwerecrying, tears, and a broken voice.Forthisrepertoireofemotionsanddesirableexpressions,softnessappearedtobesignificant.Thisidealofsoftnessinflu-encedthekindofstopsfoundinMoravianchurchorgans,buttherewasalsoaspecialinterestintheclavichord,asevidencedinLaurenceLibin’s article “Keys to the Heart: The Clavichord in Moravian Life”.12Libinexpressedthisas “it appears thatMoravianBrethren,more thanorthodoxLutherans, de-velopedanalmostcult-likeaffinityforthisgentlelittleinstrument”.Further,LibinemphasizesthatthenatureoftheinstrumentwasinlinewiththeloftyemotionalsensibilitythatunderliestheMoravianpiety.13

9 Nola Reed Knouse, “Music of the Moravians”, Grove Music Online,(2001). https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/grovemusic/view/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.001.0001/omo-9781561592630-e-0000019095, (accessed15Septem-ber2018.)

10 Craig Atwood, “Blood, Sex, and Death: Life and Liturgy in Zinzendorf’s Bethlehem”, Ph.D.diss.,PrincetonUniversity,(Princeton,1995),p.136f.

11 Brødremenighedens archive, Christiansfeld: RI A AF, Prediger-Archiv, Synodaltillägg 1782,§917.

12 Laurence Libin, “Keys to the Heart: The Clavichord in the Moravian Church”, in Self, Com-munity, World: Moravian Education in a Transatlantic World, Heikki Lempa and Paul Peu-cker, (eds.),(Bethlehem, PA, 2010),p. 228–246.

13 Libin, “Keys to the Heart”, p. 233.

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Earlier ResearchConcertsofrepertoireforsongandclavichordfromtheperiodofthisstudyare still quite rare.14Asfaraswecandetermine,noartisticresearchprojectlookingatrepertoireforvoiceandclavichordhasyetbeencarriedout.Artisticresearchisnolongeracompletelynewfield.Oneoftheimportantthreadsthathasdevelopedinartisticresearchinvolvesusingone’sownartisticpracticetoasknewquestionsofmusicalmaterial,andthendocumentingtheanswersinwrittenreflections.15 Systematic documentation makes tacit artistic research explicit.One earlier project focusing on singing isKatarinaA.Karlsson’s artisticresearchdissertation,whichtookawell-knownrepertoire(lutesongsfromtheEnglishRenaissance)thathadalreadybeenthoroughlystudiedusingthetoolsoftraditionalmusicologyandhistory,andaskednewquestionsbysinging them.

Bysingingthesongs,Ihavefoundthatthetacitknowledgeofthebodycon-tributesandadds tomyunderstandingof the lyrics incombinationwith themusic.BysingingthesongsIhavealsofoundthatthe songs themselves raise universal questions.16

Thereisalsonewresearchfocusingonthekeyboardperformerasresearcherandtheconsequencesofphysicallyembodyingmusicataninstrumentasaperformer.17Whatseemstostillbemissinginthisnewliteratureisthemeet-ingbetweentheperformerandthematerialityoftheinstrument.Thiscanbeachievedwithamoreconcreteorganologicalperspectiveandaheightenedun-derstandingofhowtheaffordancesofindividualhistoricalinstrumentshaveaffectedthedevelopmentofrepertoireandperformancepractice.

AimandTheoreticalApproachBasedonpreviousresearchaswellasourownresearchinterests,thisprelim-inarystudymakesamusicalmapofsingingwiththeclavichordinLutheranEurope,unpackinghowthetraditionfocusesperhapsnotonliturgicalmusic,music and entertainment in a domestic setting, so much as a shared musical practicethatreflectsandperformsLutheranfaith.Morespecifically,weaimtoinvestigateanddiscussvocal,instrumentalandinterpretativeaspectsbasedon a selection of songs addressed to personal devotion.

14 The first experiment the authors know of is a concert at the Weimar International Clavi-chord-Tage, in November, 2000.

15 See, for instance, Robin Nelson, Practice as Research in the Arts: Principles, Protocols, Pedagogies, Resistances, (London, 2013).

16 Katarina A. Karlsson, “Think’st Thou to Seduce me Then?” Impersonating Songs with Female Personas by Thomas Campion (1567–1620), Ph.D. diss., University of Gothenburg, (Gothenburg, 2012),accessible online: https://gupea.ub.gu.se/handle/2077/27997, p. 35.

17 See for instance Jonathan De Souza, Music at Hand: Instruments, Bodies, and Cognition, (New York, 2018).

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AstudyofmusicalrepertoiredesignedtosupportandencouragepersonaldevotionisinlinewithFrandsen,whopointsoutthatmusicresearchershavesofarfocusedtheirattentionalmostexclusivelyonmusicassociatedwithpub-licworship,especiallyhymnologyandchorales.Shefurtherarguesthatthishasresultedinalimitedexaminationofmusicintendedforspiritualdevelop-mentandindividualdevotionasitdevelopedwithintheLutheranChurch.18

Embeddedintheresearchquestion,thereisanotherfactor–feeling/emo-tionalexpression–whichneedssomeunpackinginorderforit tofunctionas a robust term.Formusical artisticpractice andmusic studies, there aregenerally established terminologies used as designations for basic musical elements. With these you can describe and analyse both the music in itself andits relationship toawidersocialandhistoricalcontext.Adilemmaforstudiesthatinvolvefeelingsisthatdiscoursesandrepresentationsinthisareachangeaccordingtoscientificparadigmsandsocialcontexts,referredtobyWilliam Reddyas“emotionalregimes”andbyBarbaraRosenwein as “emo-tional communities”.19 Leavingasidetheestablishedconcepts,suchasaffectandemotion,andthescientificparadigmsanddiscoursestheyareembeddedin,thepresentstudyusestheconceptofthe“emotive”,asproposedbyReddy.20 This is a term that acknowledges that opinions that include emotionsmayworkperformativelyandthattheycanhaveimpactindependentofthetimeandcontextinwhichtheyoccurred.BritaPlanckgivesexamplesofstudieswhere theemotiveconcept isnotedandapplied inher researchonhistory.Shewritesthattheterm“emotive”couldleadtoanewmethodofstudyingthe feelings described in historical contexts, reducing some limitations that historianshavepreviouslyencountered.21

The“emotive”asatermcomesfromJohnLangshawAustin’s“SpeechActTheory”,whereclaimsaredividedintoconstativeandperformative.22 Reddy applies these twostatementsandexpressionswhereemotionsareonly im-pliedandaddsa thirdconcept, theemotive.23 He states that emotions are a kindof speechact that isdifferent frombothperformativeanddescriptivestatements;emotivesareexplanatoryandhaveaneffectonboththoughtsandfeelings.Emotives seem tobeparticularly relevant tomusical practicebe-cause, as Reddypointsout, theycanalsoincludenonverbalsignalsofsen-

18 Frandsen, “The Anthologies of Ambrosius Profe”.19 William Reddy, The Navigation of Feeling: A Framework for the History of Emotions,

(Cambridge, 2001),Barbara Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages, (Ithaca, NY, 2006).

20 William Reddy, “Against Constructionism: The Historical Ethnography of Emotions”, in Current Anthropology, 38 (1997),p. 327–351.

21 Brita Planck, Kärlekens språk, adel, kärlek och äktenskap 1750–1900, Ph.D. diss., Univer-sity of Gothenburg, (Gothenburg, 2014),p. 23.

22 John Langshaw Austin, How to Do Things with Words, (Cambridge, 1962).23 Reddy, “Against Constructionism”.

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timent exemplified through “expressive gestures, facial expressions, wordchoices, intonations”.24

InaccordancewithReddy’sproposalforterminologyandPlanck’sargu-mentforusingit,inthepresentstudytheconceptoftheemotivewillbeusedfor both lyrics andmusic. For the physical responses that the emotive cancause,orleadto,theterm“emotiveoutcome”willbeused.

MaterialInselectingthematerial–themusicalrepertoire–thecriteriaincludedtheinstrumentation, the function of the music, the theological context, and the textualthemes,aswellasthemusicalform.Concerningtheinstrumentation,welookedforsongsforvoiceandkeyboard.Basedonthepurposeofthepro-ject, the function of the songs needed to be directly or indirectly for individual devotionorspiritualinstructionoftheindividual.Viewedfromthetheolog-icalpointofview,theLutherancontextwasourstartingpoint.Anothercon-sideration,notstrictlyacriterion,butaguideusedforourrepertoiresearch,wastolookforlyricsthatcorrespondedtothemesofMoravianpiety.Finally,the selection needed to include several musical forms, in order to challenge andtestarangeofinterpretativequestionsunderdifferentmusicalconditions.

PerformanceExperimentsThefollowingsectionpresentstheselectedrepertoireanddescribestheartis-ticchoicesthattookplaceinthefirstmusicalexperiments.

Songs from Andelig DufworöstThe song “Turtur–Dufvan” (“The Turtle Dove”) originates from Andelig Dufworöst eller en Gudelig siäls enskildta sång-andacht til egen sinnesro uptecknad och nu andre Guds barn til tjenst framgifwen, (“SpiritualVoiceoftheDove,ortheDivineSoul’sindividualsong-prayers,createdtopromotepersonal spiritual peace and nowpublished in service to other children ofGod”),firstpublishedin1734.Thecollectionappearstohavebeenpopularandsoughtafterasitwentthroughfourteenadditionalimprints,ofwhichthelastwaspublishedin1933.Inthisedition,OscarMannströmpointsoutinhisprefacethatthecollectionisoneofthemostwidelyusedteachingbooksofthechurchinSweden.25Ofthe133songs,43werewrittenbythepriestOlofKolmodintheelder(1690–1753).Therestarehis“independent”translationsofversesbytheGermanpriestandpsalmistBenjaminSchmolck(1672–1737).26 Melodies used for the lyrics in Andelig DufworöstrefertotheSwedishCho-raleBookfrom1697aswellastothesongcollectionOdae Sveticae (1674).

24 Reddy, The Navigation of Feeling, p. 106.25 Oscar Mannström’s preface (”Förord”)in Morgonvisor och aftonpsalmer, urval av Andelig

Duvoröst, (Stockholm, 1933),p. 5–7, p. 5.26 Mannström, “Förord”.

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AfterhisUniversitystudiesinUppsala,followedbyaperiodservingasheadpastor to queen Ulrika Eleonora from 1721 (or 1723), Kolmodin became thepastorofFloChurchinVästergötlandandservedthereuntilhisdeath.Kolmo din had been influenced byMoravian piety, which he exhibited inbothhispersonal lifeand inhiswritings.27 Kolmodin’s benevolent attitude towardstheMoravianChurchcouldalsobeseeninthewayheallowedArvidGradin(1704–1757),theSwedishrepresentativeoftheSociety,topreachinthechurchesof thediocese.FurtherexpressionsofKolmodin’ssympathiesforMoravianpietyarehistextsinthe1743songbookSions Sånger (“Songs ofZion”). Several successors ofKolmodin as pastors ofFloChurch,wereinfluential inpromotingMoravianpiety.Among themwereThoreLarsson Odhelius(1705–1777)whowasoneoftheearliestpreachersofMoravianpietyinthecountry,aswellasLarsNyberg(1720–1792)whoservedasaminis-terandmissionaryintheMoravianChurchintheUnitedStates,IrelandandEnglandbeforefinallybecomingapastorofFloChurch.

The song collection Andelig Dufworöstwaschosenbecauseofitsorienta-tiontowardMoravianpietyandtheexplicitwordingofthevocabularyofthesongsintendedtoawakendevotionandtherebyexperiencesofheartfeltjoyandpleasure.Kolmodinmakesthepurposeclearinhispreface:

27 Oscar Löfgren, “Olof Kolmodin”, Svenskt biografiskt lexikon,Vol.21,(Stockholm, 1977),p.474.

Figure 31. Thefirstverseof“Turtur–Dufvan”fromOlofKolmodin’s1734book of meditations Andelig Dufworöst.

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However,myfaithfulwishisthateachandeverygodlysoulwhensingingthesehymnsisawakenedtoapuredevotionandtherewithfeelsuchaferventGlam-ourandPleasureinGOD,asIhavefoundwhenwritingthem.28

Theinitialstepsoftheexperimentinvolveddecidinghowtoarrangethesing-erandclavichordplayerspatially.Theconventionalconcertarrangementforasingerwithpianoaccompanimentisforhertostandwithherbacktotheinstrument and aim her song at an imaginary audience, standing to the right ofandfacingawayfromthekeyboard.Thereadercancertainlyguessthatbalanceandcommunicationproblemsaroseimmediately.Thesingerandthekeyboard player could not communicate visually, and the keyboard playercouldbarelyhearhisown instrument.But thenext insight involvedsome-thingmoresubtle:becausewetookthestepofembodyingthisapproach,eventhough it could easily have been rejected out of hand as obviously historical-lyinappropriate,itemergedthatinthisconfigurationtherewasnosenseofcommunionbetweenthetwomusicalpartners.ThefunctionofthesongwasclearlydesignedtobeadialogbetweenthesingingclavichordistandGod:adevotionaldialogue.Thenext choicewas toplace clavichordist and singernext to each other, and have the singer sing directly into the instrument, and there the act of embodyingan experimentdelivered another surprising in-sight.Thevoicenotonlyblendedwiththeclavichord,butalsodirectlyexcitedthestringsthroughsympatheticresonance.

When a human voice sings directly onto the strings of the large Stockholm clavichords, like the Lindholm copy we used, the instrument echoes a pattern of response that sounds remarkably like the individual person singing. This phenomenon seems to be stronger with the clavichord than other keyboard instruments, probably because the strings runs perpendicular to the keyboard and all the strings are so close to the performer. A solo singer also cannot sing directly into the strings of the harpsichord or piano without creating a stage arrangement that looks extremely artificial. To increase the effect of hearing theindividualvoicemirroredinthestrings,thelidoftheclavichordwasliftedandsupportedbyalidpropsothatitstoodatabouta45-degreeangletothesoundboard.Thereisevidenceoftheselidpropsandeyeletsscrewedintothelids to hold themon several historical Stockholm-school clavichords.Thislidpositioneffectively increased theprojectionof thevoicedownonto thesoundboard,andalsoincreasedtheinterplaybetweenvoiceandinstrument.Inthepracticeroomwithonlytheplayerandthesingerpresent,thislocationcreatednohindrance.However, thequestionof thelocationofanaudienceinalargerroomwasraised:howcananaudiencebeincludedinamusical

28 Olof Kolmodin, Andelig Dufworöst eller en Gudelig siäls enskildta sång-andacht til egen sinnesro uptecknad och nu andre Guds barn til tjenst framgifwen, (Stockholm, 1734),un-paginated preface: “Imedlertid är thet min trogna önskan at hwar och en Gudelig Siäl tå hon dessa Psalmer siunger måtte til ren andacht blifwa upwäckt och therunder känna en så innerlig hiertans Glädie och Förnöjelse i GUDi som jag wid theras författande funnit hafwer”.

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practiceinvolvinginstrument-voiceinteractionthatrepresentsaprivateinter-actionbetweenthemusiciansandadivinity?

Emotiveswereidentifiedandthengiventimeandattentionintheperfor-mance.Wordsin thesonglyrics thatdescribethebodyandemotionswerepaidparticularattention.Throughexperimentwecametotheunderstandingthatthesesongswereessentiallytext-driven;thatsongtextswerethedeter-miningfactorfortempo,dynamics,andthebalancebetweeninstrumentandvoice.Becauseofthesupremacyofthetextthesolovoiceplayedamorecen-tralroleintheinterpretationthantheclavichord.

A song by Johan Helmich RomanOnecompositionbyJohanHelmichRoman(1684–1758),“Lät jord, tittLofmedSångupgå”(“LetEarthriseupwithSong”),wasincludedinthestudy.ThisisacompilationofThoreOdhelius’sparaphraseofPsalm135.29

ThecompositionwaschosenbecausethelyricscomefromOdhelius,whohasawell-documentedrelationshiptotheMoravians.30 From 1739 on, he be-cameanavidadvocateandpreacherofMoravianpietyinStockholm.From1740, Änkehuset (“Thewidows’house”)wastheplatformfromwhichheop-eratedasaminister.HealsocontributedtotheHerrnhut-relatedsongcollec-

29 The Music and Theatre Library of Sweden: [The Roman Collection] Ro: 77c, p. 124–7, Ro: 78c, p. 90–92.

30 See Nils Rodén, Folkväckelsens förelöpare, (Jönköping, 1943),and John Rudolf Weinlick, “The Moravian Diaspora”, Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society, 17:1 (1959),p.i-viii,1–217.

Figure 32. TheopeningbarsofJ.H.Roman’sandT.Odhelius’s“Lätjord,tittLofmedSångupgå”.

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tion Sions Sånger(“SongsofZion”)of1743,andwastheeditorofthevolumepublishedin1747.

From1736,Odheliuswasateacherandfrom1740aprincipalattheLatinschool (Storskolan)inStockholm.Heleniuspointsoutseveralsourcesthatin-dicate that Roman and Odheliuscouldhaveknownoneanotherpersonallyinthiscontext.OneofthesourcesisthejournaloftheLatinschool,whereRo-manhadobligations,inpartconcurrentlywithOdhelius. Helenius also notes that OdheliusreferstoRomaninalettertoAbrahamHülphers,in“warmandadmiring tones”.31

The song “Lätjord,tittLofmedSångupgå” is in the form of a monody andcontainsasolovocallineandabasslinewithfiguredbass.Inlinewiththemusicalform,thesongtextiscentralandsignificantwordsinthetextareillustrated in the harmony, melody, and rhythm of the song.

Theperformanceexperimentswiththissongdepartedfromthefactthatthemusicalformofthesongwasthefactorthatgovernedtheinterpretation.Theinterpretivedecisionsmainlycametorevolvearoundhowthekeyboard-ist,workinginsymbiosiswiththesinger,couldreinforcetheemotivesthatwere identifiedboth in thescoreand in the lyrics.For thesongofRoman, bothperformersseemed tobeactorson thesame terms,expressingprayerandpraise.

The Song from Lejonmark’s music bookThesong“Hvad liufMusikochHarmonie” (“WhatSweetMusicandHar-mony”)canbe found inaboundvolume in thearchiveof theEvangeliska Brödraförsamlingen in Stockholm.32

On the front cover of the volume, the initials “G:A:L”are stamped ingold,probablyreferringtoGustafAdolfLejonmark(1734–1815),amemberof the SwedishAcademyofSciencesand theVicePresidentofBergsrådet (theNationalMiningCompany).Lejonmark joined Evangeliska Brödraför-samlingen in 1788. The congregation’s documentation indicates his name as one of theparticipantsinaserviceofspecialworshipforthemusicians of the congregation.33 In addition to hismembership in the congregation, aswellasbeing thefirstpresidentof Evangeliska sällskapet (EvangelicalSociety),whosepurposewastospreadbibles and treatises, Lejonmark’s commitment

31 Eva Helenius-Öberg, Johan Helmich Roman – Liv och verk genom sam-tida ögon – Doku-mentens vittnesbörd,(Kungl.Musikaliskaakademiensskriftserie78),(Stockholm,1994), p. 14.

32 This volume is described in Christina Ekström, “Brödraförsamlingens dolda musikskatt”, in Melos och Logos – Festskrift till Folke Bohlin,MattiasLundbergandSven-ÅkeSelander(eds.)(Skellefteå,2011),p.113–126.

33 Evangeliska Brödraförsamlingens arkiv, Stockholm: Kapsel 133, DiarierochårsberättelseröfverStockholmssocieten1776–1815,18December1790,p.113.

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to Christian teaching also appearsinthefuneralsermonthatpraiseshis“deepreligious feeling”.34

Thevolume contains thirty-three songswithfivedifferent instrumenta-tions. Thirteen are for one voice and basso continuo, fifteenforonevoicewithviolin/fluteandbassocontinuo,twofortwovoiceswithstringsandbassocon-tinuo,twoforthreevoiceswithstringsandbassocontinuoandonesong for eightvoiceswithstringsandbassocontinuo.GiovanniBattista Pergolesi is representedwithonesonginthevolume,fourarebyJ.H.Roman,andtwentybyJohanGeorgLotscher. For eight songs, there is no information about the author.

The reason for choosing a song from thisvolumewasthatitsrelationtothe Moravian Church isclear.Thevolumeiskeptinthearchiveofthe con-gregation, and is clearly connected to one of its members. We chose the song “Hvad liuf Musik och Harmonie” because themesof the textexplicitlyex-pressMoravianpiety.

The score of “Hvad liuf Musik och Harmonie” includes melody and text, but no bassline. There are also some grace notes, trills and signs marking melismasandmarcato.Aprimarycharacteristicof the song is the distinctive rhythmicmelodicmotivewithdottedeighthsinabrokenCmajorchord.Inform, thesongcanbeseentocomprisethreeparts,thefirstandlastofwhichoccurs in the main key ofCmajor,whilethemiddlepartisintheparallel key, a minor. The song is a melody that canbesupportedbysimplechords.

The form of the song and the lack of information in the score created some challengesof interpretation.Ourfirstexperimentwastoperformthe given tonesandtextofthesongwitharegularrhythmicalpulseandnoemotiveout-come. This version created a kind of caricature of itself, like a melody from amusicbox.But applying theknowledgewehaveof the singing tradition

34 GudmundAdlerbeth,Åminnelse-tal hållit den 19 febr. 1817 i Kongl. Vetenskaps-Academien öfter dess framledne ledamot, vice-president i Kongl-Bergs-collegio och Riddaren af k. n. o. välborne herr Gust. A. Leyonmarck,(Stockholm,1817),p.17.

Figure 33. Theopeningbarsof“HvadliufMusikochHarmonie”(“WhatSweetMusicandHarmony”)fromG.ALejonmark’s music book, The Archive of the Evangeliska Brödraförsamlingen, Stockholm.

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withintheMoravianChurch–theimportanceofcreating a meditative state andfocusingoncontactwithan imageofChrist– theperformers testedaversion focusing on the emotives. This resulted in an emotional outcome that quickly shifted between innerpeaceandmelancholy following thecontentof thetext.Examplesofemotivesformulatedinthetextinclude:“it casts out sorrow,melancholy”and“thenGod’sLambgivesthebloodofredemption”.Insummary,theemotive outcome is the main meaning-bearing device for the interpretation.Thepreciseemotiveoutcomescanbeexpressedintraditionalmusical terminology includingdescriptionsofagogics,tempoanddynamics,whichshiftsdependingon the varying emotional modes that the text and mel-odyappear to communicate.

Songs by Carl Philipp Emanuel BachTherewerealsothreecompositionsofCarlPhilippEmanuelBach(1714–1788)withinthispreliminarystudy,fromHerrn Professor Gellerts Geistliche Oden und Lieder mit Melodien, publishedin1758.

Bach’s songs are paradigmatic, creating a template for compositions for voice and clavichord, as well as serving as models for the extensive publish-ing of spiritual songs for the new bourgeoisie in Germany. Another reason for choosing this repertoire was that it corresponds with a period when the Moravian Church was in a formative and expansive phase. Finally, we wanted to make a comparison with the repertoire strongly connected to Herrnhutian piety, to test whether similarities existed regarding sensitivity, the spectrum of emotions and the importance of expressivity in performance.

Theselectedsongsare“Bitten”(“Entreaty”),“Demut”(“Humility”),and“Morgengesang”(“MorningSong”).

“Bitten”expressedsimilaritiestoMoravianpiety,anditwasperceivedtohaveasoft,energeticandpleasingtone–inrelationtothetext–butthreadedthroughwithconcern:“vernimmmeinFlehn”(“hearmySupplication”).

Figure 34. “Bitten”fromC.P.E.Bach’sandC.F.Gellert’s1758Geistliche Oden und Lieder.

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As Bachwrites, it shouldbepossible toperform the songsaskeyboardrepertoirewithoutsinging:as“Handstücke”.35 “Demut”wasplayedasasolokeyboardwork.

“Morgengesang”was an appropriate composition to conclude a concertprogramme,withitsrhythmicsong,invitingafastpulse,andatextthatcanexpresshappyfortuneandpraise.Thepresentationofthesongisgenerallycheerful. Bachgivesbothsupplementaryandcontradictoryinstructionsfortheperformanceof“MorningSong”inhispreface:“Themelodiesandwords

35 Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach, Herrn Professor Gellerts Geistliche Oden und Lieder mit Me-lodien, (Berlin, 1758).

Figure 35. “Demut”fromC.P.E.Bach’sandC.F.Gellert’s1758Geistliche Oden und Lieder.

Figure 36. “Morgengesang”fromC.P.E.Bach’sandC.F.Gellert’s1758Geistliche Oden und Lieder.

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thatarelivelyshouldnotfallintotoojauntyanatmosphere,sothatoneforgetsonehasaspiritualsongbeforeone”.36

For the performance experiments, the songs of Bach were investigatedliketheothers,byfirsttryingtoidentifywhatunitsinthecompositioncouldbearmeaning.Theformofthesongsbecamehelpfulguideposts.Accordingto Bach, the keyboard part constitutes an independent song for clavichordandcouldbeplayedwithoutthevoice.“Demut”wasplayedthiswayintheprogrammeasasolokeyboardwork,butwithanattempttousetheemotivecontentofthesong’stexttoguidetheinterpretation.Webeganwiththeas-sumption that both the textsper se and the compositionshad anumberofemotives.Ourinterpretationassumedthattheseemotivescouldbeperforma-tive,thattheyencouragedbothperformerstoemotiveoutcomesandthatthecharactertheycreatedhadrapidchangesintermsofbothdynamicsandemo-tionalmodes.Aninterestingoutcomeofthestudywasthattheemotivesandemotional outcome in Bach’ssongsresembledandcorrespondedwiththoseexplicitlyrelatedtoMoravianpiety.

Conclusion Thisstudyidentifiedandmadeartisticchoiceswithinthebroadrepertoireforindividualdevotionandspiritualdevelopmentdesignedforasinglevoiceandkeyboardaccompaniment.Theseartisticchoicesaffectedvocal,instrumentalandinterpretativeaspectsofthesongs.Severalproblemareaswereraisedandanumberofpositionsneededtobetaken,butthecoreissuesturnedouttobetheplacementoftheperformers,theformofthecompositions,andelabora-tions using emotives and emotive outcomes.

The placement of the performers:Afterthefirstexperimenttheperformerssatnexttoeachother,bothfacingtheinstrument,allowingbothperformersto see andhear eachother, aswell as followoneanother’sbreathing,ges-turesandfacialexpressions.Thelocationalsomadeitpossibletosingwiththe instrument’s sound and resonance. The function of the songs, being a communicationbetweentheactorandadeity,likewisebecamemorefocusedwiththisplacement,asitwasnolongerrelevanttovisuallyconvinceortrytopleaseanaudience.Toaddanaudience,whichhappenedatourconferencepresentation,wegavetheaudienceaparticipatoryperspective,makingthemimaginary singers and clavichord players by inviting them to connect closely with the actors and sit in the same direction (literally behind the performers).

The musical form:Theformofthesongswasproblematizedthroughinter-pretation,andtogethertheyshowaspectrumofdifferentroles/relationshipsbetweenvoiceandinstrument.Theselectedsongsfromthispreliminarystudycanbedescribedassong-driven,form-driven,emotive-andinstrument-driv-en.More precisely, the repertoire consisted of: a piece led by singing and

36 Bach, Gellerts Geistliche Oden, preface: “Die Melodie, worüber man die Wörter lebhaft, munter u. d. gl. verfallen, wobey man gewißt, daß man geistliche Lieder vor sich hat.”

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supportedbythekeyboard(Kolmodin),asongwheretheactorsappearedasequalparts“talking”witheachother(Roman),acompositionappearingasaplayfuldevicewherethestartingpointwasonlyamelodymeetingwithasongtextandwherethefocuscompletelydefinedtheemotiveoutcome(Le-jonmark)andsongs,wheretheclavichordwasperceivedtobethedominantpartneroreventhesoloistwhomeditatedonthesongtext(Bach).Thedif-ferenceswereanalysedthroughtheexperimentsandadaptedtosingingandplaying.Thesongsappeartorevealachangedrolefortheclavichordthatcanbe linked to the time frame the songs originate from.

Emotives and emotive outcomes: Emotives and emotive outcomes also playedaprominentrole.Thiswasnosurprisesincetheselectionofsongswasmadeby searching for repertoire that in some respects reflectedMoravianpiety.Oneissuethatthisstudyraised–thoughitfocusesonsubjectiveex-periences–isthattheemotiveoutcomesfromsongsthatexplicitlyrelatetoMoravianpietywassimilartothespectrumoffeelingsthatintherepertoireofBachisbothmanifestedinthesongsthemselvesandwascreatedintheexper-iments.Onepossibleexplanationisthatwefoundwhatwewerelookingfor.Anundisputedfact,however,isthatthesensitivityandmeaningofexpressivefeelingswereprominentinbothMoravianpietyandinBach’scompositions.Anotherissuethestudyraised,whichwasalsoderivedfromsubjectiveex-perience,wasthatitwastheactors’emotiveoutcomethatseemedtotakethesongsbeyondthewrittentext,andthatthisweremostclearinthesongforwhichtheleastinformationwasfoundinthemusicaltext.Thiscanbeseeninthe light of the songs of Bach,compositionswhereemotionaloutcomealreadyseemstobethere,builtintothecomposition.Inotherwords,theemotionaloutcomeoftheactorsseemedtoshrinkindirectrelationshiptotheincreasedexpressivityintheartefact.

Finally,thiswasapreliminarysurveyofpost-ReformationEuropeanmu-sicalrepertoireintendedforpersonaldevotionthattookitsstartingpointina selection of different typesofmusical formsandgenres. In thestudywetestedtheusabilityoftheconceptof“emotives”.Theprocessshowsthattheconceptisrelevantandcontainspotentialforadeeperstudyofemotionsandemotionalexpressionsinthemeetingbetweenartefactandperformanceprac-tice.Fromtheperspectiveofmusicforvoiceandclavichord,thisfurtherstudycouldtakeitsstartingpointinsinglegenreofrepertoire:songspublishedintheeighteenthcenturyfordomesticuse,arepertoirethatwasadirectprede-cessoroftheclassicalLiedgenre.Theembodimentofthisrepertoiremayleadtofurtherinsightsintohowtheemotivesofthesetextscanbeperformedinsoundingpractice.

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15. The Organ’s Effect on Hymnal Singing: A Microhistory of Congregational Singing and Playing in Överselö, Stallarholmen, 1754

Hanna Drakengren

In1754,anorganwasbuilt inÖverselöChurch, incentralSweden,whosepurposewastoaccompanycongregationalsinging.Inexaminingthecongre-gationalsingingandplayinginÖverselöatthetimeoftheneworgan,Iinves-tigatedhowtheaccompanimentofhymnsmighthavesoundedinmid-eight-eenth-centurySweden.TheorganwasbuiltbyJonasGren and Petter Stråhle. Severalsimilarorgansweredeliveredtoruralparishesin1754.Theorganisofasmallstandardtype,withonemanualandapulldownpedal.ThistypeoforganhadbeenwellestablishedforseveralgenerationsintheStockholmCahmantradition:sparkling,powerfulandcolourful,incontrasttothebroad-ertonethatlaterbecamethenorminSweden.Onthe200thyearanniversaryoftheorganin1954,theSwedishorganexpertEinarEriciwrites:

Themainreasonthattheorganwasbuiltatthisspecifictime,seemstobetheshortcomingsof the congregational singing. In theminutes from1October,1749wecanreadthatabalconyoughttobebuilt inthewesternend,partlyto create more room for chairs, but also to create room for an “organ, quite necessaryforthesinging”.TheminutesfromAugust1751furtheremphasizethe need for an organ “for the maintenance of the singing, since quite large disharmoniesoccur,inthatthelowerpartsofthecongregationhavehadtheirowntoneinthehymns,verydifferentfromthecongregationinthefront,andthereby causedmajor annoyance”.The pastor loci, the learned provostEricHumbla,hadalreadytalkedtotheorganbuilderGreninStockholm,whohaddeclaredhimselfwillingtobuildanorgan“attheserviceofthecongregation”.1

1 “Dennärmasteanledningen,attdetkomtilljustviddentiddetgjorde,syneshavaritbrist-fälligheteripsalmsången.Detheternämligenisockenstämmoprotokolletavden1oktober1749,attenläktarebordeuppförasivästerdelsförattfåenökningavstolsrummendelsockförattfåplatsförett‘orgwärk,försångenganskanödigt’.Iprotokolletavden11August1751betonasytterligarebehovetavettorgwärk‘försångensvidmakthållandehelstemedanenganskastordisharmonieförsprodts,idetattnederikyrkanförsamlingenhaftsinsär-skiltethonpåpsalmernaheltannorledesänichoret,hwarafmyckenförargelsesigyppat’.Pastorloci,denlärdeprostenEricHumbla, hade förresten redan talat med orgelbyggaren GreniStockholm,somförklaratsigvilligattbyggaettverk‘tillförsamlingenstjänst’”.EinarErici,“Gren&StråhleorgelniÖverselö200år.Strängnässtiftsäldstaochvälocksåklangskönaste instrument”, Till hembygden,52(1955),p.125–132.

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Överselö Church was built on the shore of the largest island in Lake Mälaren, Selaön. The church is built in a typical Gothic style and was richly decorated during the fifteenth century. Överselö Church is built on the foundations of an older stave church. Although today the church is geographically far from urban areas, in the medieval period the church was considered centrally po-sitioned, between the city of Stockholm, and the region of Ekerö and Birka, Strängnäs Cathedral, Västerås Cathedral and with the royal castles of Grips-holm and several others nearby. The main mode of transport in this area, his-torically, was by boat, which explains the siting of the church, near the lake.

The church today is cross-shaped, but the north side, where the organnowstands,wasaddedin1881–82.Intheeighteenthcentury,thechurchwassmaller.Thetotalareaofthechurchtodayis620squaremeters,andaccord-ingtothepaintinginEricHumbla’s disseratation, it measures about 35 meters inlengthand13metersfromnorthtosouth.Today,thenorth-southdistanceisabout20meters.Theheightcanbeestimatedtoabout8metersinthecentreaisle. The acoustics are generous but not very large. The estimated reverbera-tiontimeisaboutoneandahalftotwoseconds,andtheorganfillsthewholeroomevenwithafewstops.Theacousticsarewellsuitedforsinging.

TheGren&StråhleOrganinÖverselöChurch

In1852someofthestopswerereplacedtobettersuittheidealsofthattime,butthemaincharacteroftheorganwasstillintact.Somepedalstopswereadded, alongwith aFugara and aPrincipal 8only in thedescant, and theScharffandtheVoxvirgineawereremoved.In1952theorganwasrenovatedandrebuiltalongsideaHammarbergorganonanewraisedplatformonthenorthsideofthechurch.Theoldbalconyatthebackofthechurchwastorndown.Luckilytheoldorganwaskeptintact,whichisalltoounusual.

Table 17. Disposition*

Manual Gedact8'C-c''' Principal4'

SpitzFleut4' B♭/D (b/c')Quinta3'Octava2'Scharf 3 ch

Pedal

Trompet8'Trompet4'Voxvirginea8'PulldownPedalTremulant

B♭/DB♭D

(b/c')(C-b)(c'-c''')(C-g)Sperventil

* Mats Arvidsson, Överselö Restaureringsrapport och Dokumentation av Gren & Stråhle- orgeln från 1754,(MatsArvidsson,2015),p.1.

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In2015theorganwasrestoredtoitsoriginalstatebyMatsArvidsson.2 As partofthisrestorationanewwindsystemwasbuiltandafewstopsneededtobesupplemented,amongthemtheVoxvirginea,whichwasrestoredusingtheNicolaus Söderström organ in Dala Husby as a model. After restoration the organwastunedinNeidhardtata´=455Hzat17degreesCelsius.Thispitchis historically called Chorton. The contract for the organ from 1752 states that the organ should be tuned in Chorton.Thetemperament,however,isnotmentioned.InAbrahamHülphers’1773dissertationontheorgansinSweden,hecitesadiscussionoftemperamentbythecathedralorganistinLinköping,JohanMiklintheelder(1726–1787),inwhichhementionsequaltemperamentasatheoreticalbutnotanartistictemperament.Neidhardtissuggestedasapossibletemperamentfortheorgan.Hülphersfurthermorewrites:

TheorganshouldbetunedinChorton,inpartforbetterandlivelierstrength,andinpartbecauseinthewholeworld,choralebooksareestablishedforChor-ton.IftheorganweretunedinKammertoninstead,allofthechoraleswouldhavetobetransposeduponetonehigher…Furthermore,ifthetemperamentisnotallcorrect,muchdissonancewillexistincertainchords,whichwouldnottoleratecertaintranspositions.Suchatuningonanorganwouldforcethecon-gregationtosingverylowandsoft,whichwouldbeantitheticaltoourgreatestpurposeofgivingthanksandpraisetoGodinourhymns.3

OrganBuildersinSweden,JonasGrenandPetterStråhleThe distribution of organs throughout Sweden beganwith the great organbuilderJohanNiclasCahman(1670?–1737),alsocalledthefatherofSwedishorganbuilding.Cahmanhaddisciples inOlofHedlund and Daniel Stråhle. DanielStråhlehadaveryshortperiodasanactiveorganbuilder(1741–46),duetopoorhealth.Twoofhisfollowers,JonasGren and Petter Stråhle, start-edafirmthatbuiltagreatnumberoforgansincentralSweden.InherbookSvenskt klavikordbygge 1720–1820, Eva Helenius-Öberg argues for a newviewonwhathasbeencalledthe“Cahmanschool”.

However[Gren and Stråhle]weresaidtobetheonlyorganbuildersinSweden,whoenjoyedthepatronageoftheAcademyofScience.ThereasonforthiswasjustnotthattheywereclosefriendswithChristopherPolhem’ssonGabriel, to whomtheyalsowereindebt;ratherthereasonisthattheyweretheinheritorsof the art of Daniel Stråhle,andthereforeapproachedthetechnicalproblems,mainlyofmechanics,temperamentandprobablyalsomensuralquestions,inarationalway,and“scientifically”fortheirtime.Inparticular,itoughttobeob-servedthattheywereamongthefirstorganbuildersinSwedenwhohadaimedforequaltemperament.4

2 Arvidsson, Överselö Restaureringsrapport.3 Quoted in The Organ as a Mirror of its Time, KeralaJ.Snyder(ed.),(Oxford, 2002),p. 149.4 “DäremotangavsdevaradeendaorgelbyggarnailandetsomåtnjötVetenskapsakademinsbeskydd.OrsakendärtilltordeknappastståattsökaiattdevaritpersonligavännermedChristopherPolhems sonGabriel, till vilkende till ochmedhäftade i skuld; snarareärförklaringen den att de var Daniel Stråhlesarvtagareikonstenochsåledesangrepdeorgel-

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Daniel StråhlealsostudiedwiththeSwedishinventorandscientistChris-topherPolhem(1661–1751).Polhemwasnotamusicianhimself,buthewasgreatly interested in themathematicalaspectsofmusic,ofwhich tempera-mentwasone issue.This indicates thatMatsArvidsson’s decicion to tune the restoredÖverselö organ inNeidhardt,which is very close to an equaltemperament,maybehistoricallycorrect.

HymnPlayinginEighteenth-CenturySwedenIn2017–2018,Istudiedhowhymnscouldhavebeenexecutedonthisspecificinstrument.Theextanteighteenth-centurysourcesarefew,andmostlycon-tainonlycluestothepracticeofhymnaccompaniment.Sinceaccompanimentwasmainlyanartofimprovisation,whatwouldhavebeenheardishiddeninseveral different sources. There are many advantages of entering this vast and unexploredfieldofresearchfromacombinedartisticandmicro-historicpointofview.Themicro-historicalperspectiveisnotmeanttocoverthewholefieldofknowledge,butcanprovide importantpointers to thebroaderfield.Thestrengthofamicro-historicalperspective(focussingononeparticularchurchandorgan)isthatitcanshedlightontheimprovisationalpracticethatwasrelevantforthatplaceatthattime.Hymnplaying,incontrasttoperformingmusicinconcert,hastheuniquecharacterofbeinganinterplaybetweentheprofessionalmusicianandamateursingers.Theorganistleadsandfollowsthesingerstomakethemsingascoherentlyaspossible,intempoandtune.Thesettingofthehymnsneedstoreflect,aswellastoguidethecongregation.MyartisticmethodconsistsofaccompanyingcongregationalsingingtodayontheÖverselöorgan,reflectinginatentativewayonhowhistoricalpracticecouldpossiblyhavebeen,inrelationtofourareasofparticularinterest:whowasleadingthehymnsinging,bassocontinuoandchoraleplaying,registration,tonequalityandtemperamentandinterludes,trillsandornamentation.

Thequestionabouttempoisofcourseessential,butIchosetoexcludeitfrommyconclusions,sincetheissuewasframedbythefourquestionsabove.Asaresultofexaminingthesequestions,thetemponaturallybecameslowanddignified.Thishowevermeritsfurtherartisticresearch.

HymnalsandHowtoUseThemSwedenadopteditsfirstcommonhymnalin1695,andthechoralebooktwoyearslater,in1697.ThechoralebookisthefirstbookinSwedenthatindicatesaccompanimentforthehymns.Foreachhymnitgivesmelodyandafiguredbass.NoresearchhasbeendoneonhowfiguredbasswasplayedinSwedenatthistime,andespeciallynotforaccompanyinghymns.Severalbookson

tekniskaproblemen,främstsådanarörandemekanik,temperaturochsannoliktävenmen-surfrågor,påettrationellt,förtiden‘vetenskapligt’sätt.Särskiltbörobserverasattdevaritblanddeförstaorgelbyggarnailandetsomeftersträvatliksvävighet.”EvaHelenius-Öberg,Svenskt klavikordbygge 1720–1820,(Stockholm,1986),p.17–23.

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bassocontinuoplayingwerepublishedinGermanyintheeighteenthcentury,andonewastranslatedintoSwedish,DavidKellner’sTreulicher Unterricht im General-Bas.5

David Kellner (1670–1748) was a central person in the musical life ofStockholmintheearlyeighteenthcentury.KellnerjoinedtheGermanChurchinStockholmasorganistin1711.HelaterbecameanorganistinStJacob’sChurch.Hewasbornin1670andgrewupinLiberwolkwitz,nearLeipzig.Hisfatherwasthecantorand“ErsteLærer”inLiberwolkwitz.AllKellner’sbrothersendedupinNordiccountriesandhadastrongimpactonthedevel-opmentofmusicinScandinaviaduringtheeighteenthcentury.6

Treulicher Unterricht im General-Baswaswidelydisseminatedthrough-outGermanyandwastranslatedintoSwedishbyJonasLondée in 1739.7 The publication is said to be the first theoretical treatise based entirely on themajorandminortones.InhisbookKellnercriticizestheharmoniccircleinJohannDavidHeinichen’sGründelijke Anweisung(1711)andgiveshisownsuggestion:asuggestionwerecognizeasaprettymoderncircleoffifths.8Inthebookitisevidentthattheartoffiguredbassiscentraltohisteaching.

Thefiguredbass,whichisalsocalledBassoContinuo,isthefoundationofallmusic, and consists of a necessary and useful science discovered by Ludovici ViadanafromtheWestlands,andbornin1605.Thisscienceconsistsofcorrectprinciplesthatagreewiththerulesofcomposition,teachingthatfromonlythebass line contents for the harmony can be generated, so that by sight one can generatemanyvoicesthatharmonizewiththemusicasawhole.9

ThecathedralorganistinSträngnäs,whichisclosetoÖverselö,GeorgLond-icer,wastheinspectorandtheexpertinthebuildingoftheorganinÖverselö.Olof Dufberg,whowasappointedorganistatÖverselöin1754,wasbornandraisedinSträngnäs,andwasabout28yearsoldat thetimeofhisappoint-ment.BythattimeGeorgLondicerhadbeenatSträngnäsCathedralforsomeyears.HewasalsothedirectorofmusicatthegymnasiuminSträngnäs.ThebrotherofGeorgLondicer,ErnstJohanLondicer,wasseenasachildprodigyinthemusicallifeofeighteenth-centuryStockholm.Hisfatherwasanorgan-istandacomposer,andaclosefriendofDavidKellner.ErnstJohanwasa

5 David Kellner, Treulicher Unterricht in General-Bas […],(Hamburg,1732).6 KennethSparr, “DavidKellner lutenist klockspelare ochorganist”,Gitarr och Luta, 26(1993),p.3–13.

7 David Kellner, Trogen underrättelse uti general-basen [...] af D. K. [...] af autoren sjelf tillökt och förbättrad [...] på swänska öfwers. af J[onas] L[ondée],(Stockholm,1739).

8 Kellner, Trogen underrättelse uti general-basen,p.59.9 “General-Basen,somockkallasBassuscontinuus,ärfundamentettilhelamusiqven,ochbestårutienavLudovicoViadana,bördigafWestland,widåhrChristi1605,upfunnenocktilMusiqvensförstärckninghögnödigochnyttigwettenskap;hwilken,ianledningafrichtigaockmedCompositionöfwerensstämmandegrundsatser,läreratutafblottaBasenutdragacontentatillharmonien,attmansåledesiettögnableckkanpåetthärtiltienligtInstrumenttillikaslåanåtskilligestämmor,sommeddedertillsattaPartierfullkomligenaccordera.” Kellner, Trogen underrättelse,p.1.

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student of his father and of David Kellner.SowecanseeaconnectionfromDavid KellnertoÖverselöchurch.ItwascommonpracticethateverynewlyappointedorganistwouldcopytheirownhymnaltoplayfromasdidGeorgLondicer.10

WhowasLeadingHymnSinging?Today it is a common practice that the organist also leads the singing. But this was not the practice in eighteenth-century Sweden. Thecustomwasthatevery organist had to copy their own chorale book containing settings fortheirneeds.Thesehandwrittencopiesdonotincludehymntexts.Itisreason-able to assume that the organist did not sing and therefore did not lead congre-gationalsingingbutratheraccompaniedit.In1670thebishopofSträngnäsErikEmporagrius states:

Inthecities,wherethetrivialorthechildren’sschoolsare,theSchoolmasterwiththeclerk,thelistenersandthedeaconsshallkeepthesinginginchurchalive…butinthecountrysideitisdependentonthevicar,thechaplainandthesexton. There [in the countryside] the sexton [Klockaren] shall also stand in themiddleofthechurchduringthesingingtokeepthesillyandunlearnedontherightpitch,sothatthecongregationinthechoirandoutsideitshallbeheldtogether,sothatnonoiseandcontrarinessmayappear.11

Inartisticworkwiththehymns,thisisrelevant,becauseinpracticeitgivestheorganistmorefreedomtodevelopandalternatesettingsaccordingtohowthe congregation actually sings.

Basso Continuo and Chorale PlayingFromaGermanperspective,thetaskofanorganstudentwastomakeseveraldifferentbasslinesforeverychorale,inordertovarythedifferentstanzas.CarlPhilippEmanuelBachwrites:

Incompositionhe[J.S.Bach]startedhispupilsrightinwithwhatwaspractical,andomittedallthedryspeciesofcounterpointthataregiveninFuxandothers,Hispupilshadtobegintheirstudiesbylearningpurefour-partthorough-bass.Fromthishewenttochorales:firstheaddedthebassestothemhimself,andthey had to invent the alto and tenor. Then he taught them to devise the basses

10 ThischoralebookispresentlyheldbyLundUniversityLibrary,Ämnesordnandehandling-ar: Musik.

11 “Uthi städerna, hwarest Trivial eller Barna Scholar äro, skola Scholemästaren genom Hö-rare, Notarios och Dieknar hålla kyrkiosången widh macht, och ther uppå hafwa itt noga upseende, att han gudeligen och skickeligen föreståås[…]Men på landzbygden wårde thet samma Kyrkioherden, Capellanen och Klockaren. Ther skal ock Klockaren under siung-andet stå på någon ort mitt uti Kyrkian, och hålle den enfaldige och olärde hopen rätt widh tonen, att församblingen i Choren och uthan före, må stämma väl öfwerens, så att sigh icke yppar något oliud och förargeligh mootsträfwigheet.” Quoted in Harald Göransson, Koralpsalmboken 1697: Studier i svensk koralhistoria, (Göteborg, 1992),p. 26.

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themselves.Heparticularlyinsistedonthewritingoutofthethoroughbassin[fourreal]parts.12

In theSwedishcontext,we read ina sourcea1795 text for thedioceseofLinköpingin1795,“ordningförkyrkobetiente”,that:

AcityorganisthadtohavethefullknowledgeofChoraleTheory,executedin3ways:a.withusualfiguredbassaccompaniment.b.withthechordsinthelefthandandthemelodyintherighthand.c.withchordsinbothhands;toknowtheartofpreludeinallkeysextem-poreafteragiventheme,andtoplaypiecesforpreludeandpostlude,bothin the old fugal style and in the modern mixed style.13

Inthecountryside,onlya.andb.werenecessary,andaruralmusicianwasonlyexpectedtobeabletoplaythechordswiththreenotesintherighthand,andthebassintheleft.InsupportofthiswefindthefollowingstatementintheSwedishtranslationofKellner’sTreulicher Unterricht in General-Bas:

Theonewhowantstolearnthefiguredbassdeeply,mustinitiallylearntoplayinfourparts,asyoucaninthemostcommonwayplaythreepartsintherighthand,butinthelefthandonlythebass,whichmostlymovesinoctaves,shouldnotbehinderedifnottoofastinmovementorifthehandsaretoosmall.Itisamoresophisticatedarttomakethefourpartsetting,thanitistoplay5,6,7ormoreparts.Butifyoucanalsotakeallthenotesthehandcanreachinordertomakeafulleraccompaniment,especiallyifthemusicisrichlywritten,althoughitisimportantnottoleaveavacuumbetweenbothhands;andeventhoughitdoesnotcomethroughascleanasafourpartarrangement, itstillcoversasmuchliveliness,tomaketheearsatisfiedwithit.Becarefulthoughthattheout-erparts,thelowestandthehighestdonotgoinparallels.Thatkindofsettingsonlyfitsthestringinstrumentsnotthepipes.14

12 Robin A. LeaverandDanielZager,(eds.),Organ Accompaniment of Congregational Song: Historical Documents and Settings,Vols.12and13, (Colfax, CA, 2017),p. 22.

13 “Stads-organister skola äga en fullkomlig kännedom af Psalm-theorin, exequerad på 3 sätt: a)med vanligt General-Bas Accompagnement. b)med accorden af vänstra och melodien af högra handen. c)med accorden af bägge händerne;item kunna preludiera i alla toner ex tempore efter givet thema, och spela stycken til in-och utgång, både i den gamla fugerade och i den moderna blandade stilen.” Quoted in Per Högberg, Orgelsång och psalmspel, (Ph.D. diss., University of Gothenburg),(Gothenburg, 2013),p. 92.

14 “Den som grundligen will lära General-Basen, måste först beflita sig om, at spela honom fyrstämmigt, då man på det wanligaste sättet merendels kan föra tre stämmor i den högra handen, men i den wänstra Basen allena, hwilken mästedels plägar gå octav-wijs, så framt icke Noternas geswindhet, eller ock hos dem som ännu intet äro wurna alt för små händer förofala något hinder: En det hörer mera konst til en utadelbar partiernas inrättning i fyr-stämmigt Accompagnement, än då man tillika slår an 5, 67 och flera stämmor. Imilertid kan man ock sitt Accompangement, om nödigt wore, ock i synnerhet wid en fullstämmig Musique, förstärka och gripa alt det, som man med bägge händerna kan fatta, dock så, att det intet blifwer alt för stort vacuum emellan bägge händerna;ock fast än det icke kommer så rent fram, som wid fyrstämmigt accompagnement;så betäcker dock Partiernas myck-enhet vitia således, at örat därmed kan wara tilfreds. Imilertid skal man hafwa afs eende däruppå, at de yttersta stämmorna, nemligen den aldra nedersta och den aldra öfwersta icke

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Registration,ToneQualityandTemperamentTheorganinÖverselöChurchisbasedona4-footPrincipalandhasonlyaGedacktandreedsinthe8-footregister.OnthetoptherearebothaQuintaforthe8foot,anOktava2andabrightScharff.TheTrumpet4isonlyforthebassregisterandprobablymeanttosupportthebassinaplenum,atypicalfeatureoftheorgansoftheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies.Inregistra-tionthe4-footPrincipalisthefoundationtogetherwiththeGedakt,andcanbecoupledwithboth theOktava2and theQuinta.ForagreatplenumtheScharffandtheTrumpetcanbeadded.

The contrapuntal movement in the voices is still present in the period in question, and therefore, as a musician, you need to put much more effort into the polyphony and into the horizontal lines of the music when playing it, gen-erating a sense of polyphony. This was also very important in the figured bass tradition. In the eighteenth century, figured bass was a means to build chordal textures, but not at the cost of horizontal movement in the different parts. In his biography on Johann Sebastian Bach, Joahnn Nicolaus Forkel writes:

Harmony, therefore, is not to be considered as amere accompaniment of asimplemelody,butarealmeansofincreasingthestockoftheexpressionsofthe art, or the riches of musical language. But to do this, it must consist not in mereaccompaniment,but in the interweavingofseveral realmelodies,eachofwhichmaybe,andis,heardsometimesintheupperpart,sometimesinthemiddle,andsometimesbelow.15

TheNeidharttuningoftheorganmakesitpossibletoplayinallkeys.Thefirst circleoffifths, thatwas introduced inKellner’sTreulicher Unterricht in General-Bas,issupportedbytheuseofatemperamentthatisclosetoanequaltemperament.Also,the1697hymnalmainlyharmonizesthehymnsinmajoraswellasminorkeys.Thispointstothedevelopmentofsettingsremi-niscentofthecentralGermanschoolof,forexample,JohannSebastianBach, GeorgBöhmandJohannPachelbel, and further to the galant music style.

Interludes,TrillsandOrnamentationIn all probability, the congregation had a habit of pausing at the fermatas at the ends of phrases. As a result of these pauses, the common practice of in-serting interludes between phrases appeared. These also gave the organist a greater sense of freedom in the accompaniment. Robin A. Leaver states that from the German perspective:

Whentheorganbecamethecustomaryinstrumentforaccompanyingthecon-gregation, the tempo remained slow […]The generally slow tempi created

gå vitidst emot hwarandra. En sådan fullstämmig General-Bas är allenast til at förstå på sträng-instrumenter, men intet på Pip-wärk.” Kellner, Trogen underrättelse, p. 29.

15 Pamela Ruiter-Feenstra, Bach and the Art of Improvisation, Vol. 1, (Ann Arbor, MI, 2011),p. 106.

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lengthypausesattheendofeachmelodicline.Silencewasnotreallyanoption,norwasanextendedchordontheorgan.ThesolutionwastheZwischenspiel,a linear interlude, described by Kauffmanas“agracefulpassage[…]betweeneachmelodicphrase”.16

There are several written examples of the interlude tradition. Georg Kauffman’s Harmonische Seelenlust is the most prominent, consisting of a whole chorale book in alphabetical order, in which all chorales have written Zwischenspiel. Johann Sebastian Bach left a few chorales with interludes, among them BWV 715, 726 and 729. In the foreword to Kauffman’s Seelenlust we can read:

Tocomplete this,agracefulpassage[i.eZwischenspiel, interlude] should be insertedbetweeneachmelodicphrase.Musiclovers,astheyaredescribedhere,maynotbeabletofashionsomethingbetweenphrases.Justtoremainsilent,however,wouldbeawkward.That’swhyIhopetogainafewmeritsthroughthesecomments.EspeciallysinceIrememberthattherearequiteanumber[ofamateurmusicians]whoearlieraskedforsuchadiscussion.17

InsomeoftheSwedishhandwrittenhymnalsyoucanfindfragmentsofno-tatedinterludesinbetweenthephrasesofthehymn.InthetwochoralebookmanuscriptsattributedtoFerdinandZellbell, found in the National Library of Sweden,thereisagreatdealofornamentationwrittenintothehymnmelody.18

Wecanassumethatthiswasacommonhabitinaccompanyinghymns.Intheprefacetothe1821choralebook,wereadthat:

Inmostchurches the tiringhabitofplaying thechorales soextremely slow,asifthiswaspartoftheveryexcellence,sothatthecongregationthathastosingit,evenwiththebestoflungs,can’tmanagetheserecurringsuspensions.Therefore,youcanhear,mostlyinruralcongregations,firstthewomenfinishthephrase.Abitlaterthemen’svoicesfollow–andfinallytheorganistcomesunhurriedafterwithhisdrillsandroulades.19

DuringtheperiodbetweenthebuildingoftheÖverselöorganandtheintro-ductionofthe1820hymnal,idealsofhymnplayingandregistrationchangedradically, andmostof theorgans from the eighteenth centurywere rebuiltorreplaced.Inhisdissertation,AndersDillmarreviewsthedebatethattook

16 Leaver and Zager, Organ Accompaniment, Vol. 13, p. 11.17 Leaver and Zager, Organ Accompaniment, p. 20.18 S120,NationalLibraryofSweden.19 “Så råder t.ex. i de flesta Kyrkor den tröttande vanan, att spela Choralerna så utomordentligt

långsamt, liksom hörde detta till sjelfva förträffligheten, så att Församlingen, som dock skall sjunga dem, äfven med bästa lungor, icke uthärdar med dessa eviga uthållningar. Hvarföre man ock, särdeles i Landsförsamlingar, oftast får höra Qvinfolken först utsjunga och sluta sin rad i versen. Något derefter kommer Karlrösterna–slutligen kommer Orga-nisten makligen efter med sina drillar och löpningar.” Quoted in Harald Göransson, “Det gåtfulla 1700-talet: Studier kring upplysningstidens svenska koralrevolution”, Svensk tid-skrift för musikforskning, 81 (1999),p. 11–32, p. 25.

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placeintheclosingdecadesoftheeighteenthcentury.20 The dominant voic-eswereverycriticalofthewaythathymnswereplayedinthechurchesofcentralSweden. In 1779 an article by composer JosephMartinKrauswaspublishedinthenewspaperStockholmsposten:

Allowmetoaskyou,mydearSir,inwhichofourchurchesdecentandworthymusicisexecutedupontheorganinsupportofandbeneficialtotheaccompa-nimentofthesinging?Organaccompanimentforthepsalmsshouldbesimple,full-voiced,andsyncopatedaccordingtothechurchstyle,butnot,asyouhaveintimatedinyourcountry,withornamentationoneverynote,dissonancesthatareneverpreparedandseldomresolved,expressiononvariouswordsof thepsalminthebass,which,despitethefiguration,isincomprehensible,muchtoooftenfortheorganisthimself,andotherthingsthatidiotsimparttothechurchstyleasartistic,learned,moving,decent,worthy,useful,arousing,etc,etc.21

20 Anders Dillmar, Dödshugget mot vår nationella tonkonst, Hæffnertidens koralreform i historisk, etnohymnologisk och musikteologisk belysning, (Ph.D. diss., Lund University),(Stockholm, 2001).

21 “Tillåt,mig at fråga, uti hwilken afwårakyrkor,minherre, påOrgwärk, exequeras ensådananständigochwärdigmusique,somidetdenaccompangerarsången,ärnyttigochuppmuntrande?Orgwärketsaccompagnementtillpsalmerbörefterkyrkostilmerafinspelt,fullstämmigtochinncoprerat,menickesomdethärledeshanteras,medgranlåtpåvarjenot, disonanscer aldrigpräpareradeoch sällanupplösta,Basen alltidfigurerad, påord iPsalmenerprestion,hwilkenärobegriplig,oftanogförOrganistensjelf,medhwadmera,idioter af kyrkostilmed flera falla konstigt, lärdt, rörande, anständigt, wärdigt, nyttigt,uppmuntrandeetc,etc.”Stockholmsposten, 2 April 1779. Translated in Bertil H. van Boer, The Sacred Music and Symphonies of Joseph Martin Kraus,(Uppsala,1983),p. 23.

Figure 37. FerdinandZellbell’schoralebook.S120,NationalLibraryofSweden.

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Inmyartisticworkwiththehymns,itfeltmorenaturaltoregardthetrillsandthediminutionsofthechoralemelodyasappoggiaturastothenextnote.Inthiswaytheorganledthehymnforwardsteadily,andthetrillsbecamehelp-fulinkeepingtheslowtempoflowing.Thiscouldhavebeentheactualintentof the ornamentation of hymn tunes.However, it takes a skilledmusiciantorealizethatintent.NoteverychurchinSwedenhadsuchmusicians,andthis could have been one reason for leaving out the ornamentation in hymn playing,andlater,andinthenineteenthcentury,movingtowardsthemorestraightforwardfour-partchorale.

Future ResearchThewayinwhichhymnswereaccompaniedintheearlyLutheranchurchisanunderestimatedsourceofknowledgeabouthymnsandliturgy,aswellasoftherepertoireofeachperiod.Theinteractionbetweentheeducatedorganistandthecongregationthatoccurredinhymnsingingmusthavedevelopednewmusical patterns thatmost probably affected the interpretation of existingmusic,aswellasthestyleofnewcompositions.MostofthecomposersandmusiciansinEuropeanhistoryhavehadarelationshiptoworship,andalsotohymnsingingandplaying.Onecouldsaythathymnplayingisoneofthebasicmusicalpatterns,togetherwiththepatternsfromdance,andtherecitingoftexts,tonametwootherexamples.Hymnsarecitedandimitatedinmusiccomposedthroughouttheclassicalera.Therefore,workingwithquestionsinthefieldoftraditionsofhymnsingingandplaying,likethoseinthisstudy,candeepenunderstandingofthewholefieldofmusicalinterpretation.

ItwouldbeinterestingtoseemorestudiesofothercongregationsinSwe-deninthisfield.Thereareseveralhandwrittenhymnalspreserved,andeveryoneofthemcouldbesubjecttoanartisticresearchproject.Severalplanneddigitalisationprojectsofmanuscripts,inadditiontofuturerestorationsofoldorgans indifferentpartsofSwedenwillbeagreatresourceforfurtherre-search.

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16.TheRoleofMusicandtheLutheranChurchintheAwakeningofIngrian-FinnishNationalIdentity,1861–1919

Samuli Korkalainen

Nationalismwasasignificantideologyinnineteenth-centuryEuropeandonethatmadeagreatimpactonmusic–andonchurchesaswell.Italsohadaninfluenceonoutlyingregionsandsmallnations.Duringthenineteenthcen-tury,theregionofIngria,locatedaroundSaintPetersburg,wasinhabitedbyaFinnish-speakingLutheranmajority,eventhoughtheRussianEmpirewasprincipallyEasternOrthodoxinreligionandRussian-speakinginlanguage.Inhabitantsofthearea,theIngrianFinns,knewthattheirrootswereinFin-landandthatFinlandwastheirethnicandlinguistichomeland.Nevertheless,thegoalofIngriannationalismwasnottobecomeapartofFinland.Norwasittodeclareindependenceoreventoseekautonomy.TheideawassimplytopreserveandexpresstheethnicprideoftheIngrian-Finnishpeople.Thespe-cificgoalwastokeep,maintain,enforceanddevelopFinnishculture,whichwascloselyboundtoFinnishLutheranparishes.

Inthischapter,theaimistogiveabriefoutlineoftheroleofmusicandtheLutheranChurchintheconstructionoftheIngrianFinns’nationalidentityinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.ThemainsourcesforthischapterarearchivalmaterialsonIngriaintheNationalArchivesofFinlandinHelsinki,FinnishnewspaperspublishedinSaintPetersburginthelatenine-teenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,aswellasearlierrelatedstudies.Becausetherearenocomprehensivesourcesormaterial for researching the topic, Ihaveusedmethodsofmicrohistory;Ihavetriedtoextractinformationfromfragmentarymaterialandsolveajigsawpuzzleofseparatepieces.

IdentifyingasIngrianFinns:theLutheranChurchand the Finnish LanguageIngriaisaRussianregionthatextendsfromtheearlierFinnishborderontheKarelianIsthmustoSaintPetersburgandbeyond,continuingallthewaytothe Estonian border.1IngriawassettledbyFinnsaftertheTreatyofStolbovo

1 Inkeri or Inkerinmaa in Finnish, Ингрия or Ингерманландия in Russian, Ingermanland in SwedishandinGerman,Ingeri or Ingerimaa in Estonian.

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in1617,whentheregionwasannexedtothekingdomofSweden.AfterthebattleofPoltava,in1709,IngriawascededbacktoRussia.

Even though thecityofSaintPetersburg, foundedbyPeter theGreat in 1703,wasinthemiddleofIngria,Lutheranismremainedtheprincipalreli-gionandFinnishwasthelanguagemostspokenintheIngriancountryside.Fromaculturalpointofview,therewasastrongbondbetweentheLutheranChurchandtheFinnishlanguage–thesewerethemostprominentfeaturesofthepeopleidentifyingasIngrianFinns.InIngria,Lutheranismwasoftencalled suomenusko(“theFinnishFaith”)andEasternOrthodoxyvenäjänusko (“theRussianFaith”).2

TheIrishhistorianBenedictAnderson claimed that national communities arealwaysimagined.Hedidnotmeanthatthesecommunitiesarefake.An-dersonbelievedthatanycommunitysolargethatitsmembersdonotknoweachanotheronaface-to-facebasismustbeimaginedtosomedegree.3Inthenineteenthcentury,acentralquestionconcernedwhatboundpeopletogether.What featurescreatednational identity?Towards theendof theeighteenthcenturytheGerman-RomanticphilosopherJohannGottfriedvonHerder de-clared,“SinceeverypeopleisaPeople,ithasitsownnationalcultureasithasitsownlanguage”.4Thiscombinationoflanguage,cultureandnationwaswidelyadopted,includinginIngria.

WhenFinlandwasincorporatedintotheRussianEmpirein1808–09,de-spitethecloseconnectionsbetweenFinlandandIngria,FinnishLutheranpar-ishesinIngriawerenotapartoftheEvangelicalLutheranChurchofFinland.Theadministrationoftheseparisheswasunclearuntil1832,whentheybe-camepartoftheSaintPetersburgConsistorialdistrict,whichbelongedtotheLutheranChurchofRussia,alongwiththeBalticcountriesandsomeotherLutheranminoritygroupsintheRussianEmpire.Itisimportanttounderlinethat,until1832,alltheLutheranchurchesofthevariousnationalgroupsintheRussianEmpirewere independentbut fromthatyearonwards,administra-tionwasconcentratedinSaintPetersburg;inthatprocess,differentliturgicalandecclesiasticalcultureswerebroughtintoclosercontactwitheachother.Owingto thischange,Baltic-Germaninfluencesspread toIngria.5 The old SwedishliturgywasreplacedbythenewImperialAgenda,whichwasmeanttobeusedateveryLutheranaltar in theentireRussianEmpire,excludingFinland,whichwasanAutonomousGrandDuchyofthatempireandhaditsownLutheranchurch.6MostoftheleadersofthenewRussianchurchorgan-

2 JaakkoRaski,Inkerin kirkko kansallisena kasvattajana,(Kangasala,1932),p.33.3 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Na-

tionalism,rev.edition,(London,1991),p.5–7.4 Anderson, Imagined Communities,p.67–68.5 EinoMurtorinne,“Inkerinkirkonsuuruudenkausi(1809–1905)”,inInkerin kirkon neljä

vuosisataa. Kansa, kulttuuri ja identiteetti,JoukoSihvoandJyrkiPaaskoski(eds.),(Hel-sinki,2015),p.129–196,p.137–143.DariusPetkūnas,Russian and Baltic Lutheran Liturgy in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,(Klaipėda,2013),p.16–17.

6 Petkūnas,Russian and Baltic Lutheran Liturgy,p.169,179.

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isationwereBalticGermans.Nevertheless,alltheFinnish-speakingpastorsin IngriawereFinnish-born.Theywereeducated in theonlyuniversity inFinland,firstlocatedinTurkuandlaterinHelsinki,whereasalltheotherpas-torswereeducatedinDorpat(present-dayTartu)universityinLivonia,withinthesphereofinfluenceoftheBaltic-Germantradition.7From1866to1917,altogether109newpastorsbegantoworkinIngria.OnlynineteenofthemwereIngrian-born;sixstudiedinDorpat,twelveinHelsinki,andoneinbothof theuniversities. In the lastdecadesof thenineteenthcenturyespecially,Finnish-bornpastorsbroughtnationalisticideastoIngria.8

Fromthe1840s,therewereannualpastors’synodsoftheSaintPetersburgConsistorial district and in the same context meetings for the Finnish clergy-menofIngria. In thosemeetings, thepastorsdiscussedquestionsofpubliceducation.9ThesamekindofdiscussionwasgoingonatthesametimeinFin-landandintheBalticcountries.Traditionally,bothinFinlandandinIngria,teachingchildrentoreadwasataskofthechurchwardens.10

InthegovernorateofLivonia,aseminarywassetupin1839withamissiontoprepareteachersofprimaryschoolsaswellaschurchwardensforLutheranparishes.Atfirst,theseminarywaslocatedinValmiera,buttenyearslater,itwasmovedtoValga.InFinland,theJyväskyläTeacherSeminarywasfound-edin1863.Finnishclergymenhopedthatchurchwardenswouldbeeducatedin the same institution, but neither the administration of the seminary nor the Finnish Senate favoured the proposal.11 That iswhy four separate church-warden-organistschoolswerefoundedinFinlandontheinitiativeofindivid-ualmusicians(Turku1878,HelsinkiandOulu1882aswellasViipuri1893).12

7 Juhani Jääskeläinen, Inkerin suomalainen evankelis-luterilainen kirkko neuvostojärjest-elmän ensimmäisenä vuosikymmenenä 1917–1927, (Helsinki, 1980), p. 53. Murtorinne,“Inkerinkirkonsuuruudenkausi”,p.139–140,143–146,163.

8 GeorgLuther,Herdaminne för Ingermanland II. De finska och svenska församlingarna och deras prästerskap 1704–1940, (SkrifterutgivnaavSvenska litteratursällskapet iFinland620),(Helsinki,2000),p.77,87.

9 J[aakko] Raski, “Kertomus Kolppanan seminaarin vaiheista”, inKolppanan Seminaari 1863–1913,(Viipuri,1913),p.19–40,p.19.

10 KaarloJalkanen,Lukkarin – ja urkurinvirka Suomessa 1809–1870, (Suomen Kirkkohisto-riallisenSeurantoimituksia101),(Helsinki,1976),p.11–13.Murtorinne,“Inkerinkirkonsuuruudenkausi”,p.147.Iamusingtheword“churchwarden”tomeanlukkari in Finnish, klockareinSwedish,KüsterinGermanandköster in Estonian. There is no exact English translation for thisword.Thewords“precentor”, “cantor”and“parishclerk”havebeenusedinearlierrelatedstudies,butIfindthemallproblematic.“Precentor”and“cantor”arenotaccurate,becausethepostwasnotfirstandforemostthatofamusician:individualsinthispositionhadmanytasksbesidesmusicalones.“Parishclerk”,ontheotherhand,soundslikesomeonewhoperformssecretarialdutiesandisnotamusicianatall.

11 Jalkanen,Lukkarin – ja urkurinvirka,p.240–255.12 SamuliKorkalainen,“TheTrainingofChurchwardensandOrganistsinNineteenth-Centu-ryFinlandandIngria”,inLiturgical Organ Music in the Long Nineteenth Century. Precon-ditions, Repertoires and Border-Crossings,PeterPeitsalo,SverkerJullanderandMarkusKuikka(eds.),(DocMusResearchPublications10),(Helsinki,2016),p.89–105,p.97–98.

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InIngria,bycontrast,inthesameyearof1863theKolppana13Churchward-en andTeacher Seminarywas established for preparing both teachers andchurchwardens–thesamewayasintheValgaseminaryinLivonia.14

Already at the end of the eighteenth century, Herder had the idea that every nationhaditsownnationalhistoryandculture.Ordinarypeoplehadcreat-edthishistoryandculturethroughfolksongs,poems,storiesandsoon,andnowallthisjusthadtobefound.15However,thisdidnotmeanadoptingthefolkcultureas itwas,butalso“improving” it, so thatpeoplecouldhardlyrecognisetheirownmusicandpoetryanymore.Simplefolkmelodieswereharmonisedandarranged,forinstance,forthechoirorpianoaccompaniment,inappropriatelyricswerecleanedup,fragmentaryoralpoetrywaspiecedto-getherandre-writtentoformasolidheroichistoryofanation,andsoon.Onepartoftheprojectwasalsocivilising,thatis,educatingyoungpeopleaswellasrefininglanguageandthearts.16

AsinmanyotherEuropeancountries,inFinlandtootheeducatedclasses–writers,teachers,pastors,lawyers,doctors–wereinterestedinfolkculture.Many journeyed toKarelia inaquest tofind“theFinnishspirit”and“thesoulofthenation”bycollectingfolksongsandoralpoetry.Inthelatterpartofthenineteenthcentury,FinnishcollectorsalsowenttoIngriaandcollectedlargequantitiesoffolkpoems.Forinstance,inthecollectionSuomen Kansan Vanhat Runot(“TheOldPoemsoftheFinnishPeople”)thereareabout4,600poemsfromWhiteSeaKarelia,17buttherearemorethan15,000poemsfromIngria.18FolkpoemsaboutKullervo, one of the main characters in the Kale-vala, thenationalepicofFinland,werecollectedspecificallyinIngria.Forthatreason,manynationalisticenthusiastsoftencalledtheIngrianFinns“thetribe of Kullervo”.

Theprocessbuilding anational identity for the IngrianFinnswas abitdifferentfromtheidentityprocessofFinnsinFinland.ThebiggestdifferencewasthattheFinnshadneverbeenserfs,whereasserfdomwasadistinguish-ingcharacteristicoftheIngrianFinns’history.SerfdomwasalsoacommonthemeinIngrianpoems,songsandplayswrittenattheendofthenineteenthandthebeginningofthetwentiethcenturies.In1861,theEmancipationRe-

13 IngrianparishesandvillagesusuallyhadFinnish,Russian,SwedishandGermannames.Iuse the Finnish names.

14 Kolppanan Seminaari 1863–1913,(Viipuri,1913),p.166–169.Murtorinne,“Inkerinkirkonsuuruudenkausi”,p.168–170.

15 Pasi Saukkonen, “Kansallinen identiteetti”, in Nationalismit, JussiPakkasvirta andPasiSaukkonen(eds.),(Helsinki,2005),p.90–105,p.95.

16 InFinnish,thewordsivistyswasalsousedverymuchinnationalistwritingsinthenine-teenthcentury,bothinFinlandandinIngria.ThewordhasnoexactequivalentinEnglish,becauseinFinnishitcoverseducation,knowledge,cultureandmentaldevelopmentaswellascivilization.Itcanalsobeusedtodescribeeitherapersonorasociety.Theword’smean-ingissimilartotheGermanwordBildung.Inthischapter,Itranslateitindifferentwaysdependingonthecontext,byusingwordssuchas“culture”,“education”,“tocivilise”,etc.

17 Vienan Karjala in Finnish, Беломорская Карелия in Russian, Vita KareleninSwedish.18 JuusoMustonen,Inkerin suomalaiset seurakunnat,(Helsinki,1931),p.20.

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formbyTsarAlexanderIIabolishedserfdomthroughouttheRussianEmpire.ThismeantmorefreedomofculturalexpressionamongtheIngrianFinnsandstartedanationalawakeningamongthem.19

Constructing a national identity for the Ingrian Finns did not involve adesire tobecomepartofFinlandor todeclareindependenceoreventoes-tablishanautonomousposition.IngriansconsidereditextremelyimportanttounderstandtheirhistoricalrootsandtheircloseconnectionswithFinland,whichwasviewedastheethnicandlinguistichomelandoftheIngrianFinns.Butfromanationalpointofview,Finlandwasnottheir“fatherland”.Rather,FinlandwasseenasamotherandIngriathechild.20Manypeoplealsoempha-sizedthatIngriawaspartoftheRussianEmpire.Nevertheless,theLutheranChurchandtheFinnishlanguagewerestillthemostimportantfactorsinIn-griannationalidentification.ManyIngrianauthorshaveunderlinedtheroleofthe Lutheran church.21AccordingtoJaakkoRaski,thereligious,spiritualandnationaleducationoftheIngrian-Finnishpeoplehasalwaysbeenthechurch’sduty;parishcatecheticalmeetingshavealsobeennationalawakeningmeet-ings.22JuusoMustonen, again, claimed that the Lutheran Church has been the principalagentinmaintainingFinnishlanguageandcultureinIngria.23

TheIngrianFinnishintelligentsiaalsoactivelyreadFinnishnationalisticpublications, forexample, thosebyJohanVilhelmSnellman and Zacharias Topelius(theyounger);bothofwhom,liketheIngrianFinns,havingnointer-estinleavingtheRussianEmpire.Thisisallseenclearlyintheautobiographyof Pietari Toikka,whowastheprincipaloftheKolppanaSeminaryfrom1885to 1898:

ItwasthankstoSnellmanthatIcametoKolppana.Hisfieryspeecheshadsucharejuvenatingimpactonmethattheyevokedanirresistibledesiretodosome-thing,especiallyformyownunderprivilegedtribeofKullervo.Onreceivinganinvitationfromtheseminaryboard,Iconsidereditasignfromprovidenceformyforthcomingactivities.IthoughtIheardavoicewhispering,“Go,workforyourownpeople.Teach,raiseupthechildrenofyourpeople.Steelthemassuitableweaponsinthefightagainstdarkness,violenceandoppression.MakethemskilledsowersofseedsofthelightforallIngrianschools.Work,forge,steelthem!”24

19 PekkaNevalainen“Inkerinmaanjainkeriläistenvaiheet1900-luvulla”,inInkeri. Historia, kansa, kulttuuri,PekkaNevalainenandHannesSihvo(eds.),(Helsinki,1991),p.234–299,p.234–237.

20 See,forexample:apoembyAapoIhoinMustonen,Inkerin suomalaiset seurakunnat,p.5.21 Forinstance,PaavoRäikköneninSuomalainen Kansan-Kalenteri Wenäjällä 1893,p.75.22 Raski, Inkerin kirkko,p.74.23 Mustonen, Inkerin suomalaiset seurakunnat,p.18–19.24 Translation by the author. M[atti] Ruotsi, “Maisteri Pekka Toikka”, in Kolppanan seminaa-

ri,(Viipuri,1913),p.50–53,p.50.

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MusicEducationintheKolppanaSeminaryBythefirstpartofthenineteenthcentury,inIngria,onlypastorswereeducat-ed,andtheyweremostlyFinnish-born.Butinthelastdecadesofthecentury,primaryschoolteacherseducatedinKolppanabecamethenewintelligentsiaofIngriaalongwiththeclergy.ItwasnotablethattheseteacherswereIngri-an-born.ThatiswhytheKolppanaSeminarybecameboththecentralplaceandthesymbolofIngriannationalistthought.25TeacherseducatedinKolppa-nastrovetoteachtheirpupilstheFinnishlanguage,nationalviewoflifeanda solid Lutheran faith.26

Inthenineteenthcentury,churchwardensweretheonlyprofessionalmu-siciansinIngria.Butfewchurcheshadanorgan,andchurchwardens’abilitytoconductwasverylimitedbecausetherewerenomusicinstitutestoeducatethem.Mostofthechurchwardenswereself-trained.Infact,forthemostpart,theofficeofchurchwardenwashereditary,passingfromfathertoson.Inad-dition,thechurchwardenshadmanyotherduties,whichhadnoconnectionto music, such as teaching children to read and serving the clergy. When therewasashortageofpastors,churchwardensevenheldservices,performedemergencybaptismsandofficiatedatfunerals.27

At the Kolppana Seminary, the goal was first and foremost to educateteachers forprimaryschools;educatingchurchwardenswasnotconsideredimportant.Forthisreason,musiceducationwasmeagre,evenifthecurric-ulum includedmore music than the Jyväskylä Seminary in Finland: onlychurchsingingandorganplayingweretaught,withfiguredbassaddedlater.28

Soonaftertheseminaryopened,instructioninsingingandplayingbegan,butonlyinthesecondyearofcoursework.Yetby1866theselessonswerealsoofferedfromthebeginning.Asseminaryprinciple,JaakkoRaskipointedout,thestandardofmusiceducationattheKolppanaSeminarywasmodest,owingtothelackofinstrumentsandthequalityoftheteachers.MostofthemusicteacherswerechurchwardensorprimaryschoolteacherswhoworkedinKolppanaonlyforashortperiod.Moreover,mostofthemwerealsoformerstudents of the seminary.29Four-partchoralsingingwasnotofficiallyinclud-edinthecurriculumuntil1916,butithadbeentaughtsinceatleast1908.30

IncomparisonwithFinnishchurchwarden-organistschools, it isnotablethatinKolppana,thesingingrepertoire–bothsoloandfour-part–includedonlyreligiousandnationalisticsongs;therewerenovocalisesatall,forin-

25 Nevalainen,“Inkerinmaanjainkeriläistenvaiheet”,p.234–237.26 Luther, Herdaminne för Ingermanland II,p.83.27 Korkalainen,“TheTrainingofChurchwardensandOrganists”,p.91–92.28 ArchivesoftheKolppanaTeacherSeminary,theNationalArchivesofFinland,Helsinki.IreneIho,Kolppanan seminaarin vaiheita,unprintedmaster’sthesis,(UniversityofHels-inki,1950),p.164.

29 Raski,“KertomusKolppananseminaarinvaiheista”,p.37–39.30 ArchivesoftheKolppanaTeacherSeminary,theNationalArchivesofFinland,Helsinki.Iho,Kolppanan seminaarin vaiheita,p.168–169.

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stance.31Nevertheless, there isnoneed tounderestimate the importanceoftheteachersandchurchwardenseducatedinKolppanafortheIngrian-Finnishsongmovement.Theywerethemainfigureswhoestablishedandconductedchoirs and brass bands in their various localities.32

Choirs, Song Societies and Song FestivalsPupils of theKolppanaSeminary sang in four-part harmony aswell, evenbeforethisskillwasincludedinthecurriculum.33ThereasonwastherisingenthusiasmforchoralsingingthatspreadquicklyandwidelyinIngriainthelastdecadesof thenineteenthcentury.Thefirstchoir–orsongsociety,asthesewereoftencalled–wasfoundedintheMarkkova-Järvisaariparishin1865.Thefounderwasavicar,A.J.Piispanen,whopurchasedpsalmodiconsandtaughtpeopletoplaythem.34 When the standard of church singing began torise,musiciansbeganrehearsingfour-partchoralsinging.35

Soon,followingthisexample,manychurchwardensandteachersfoundedchoirs and brass bands.36Therepertoireofthesechoirscanbedividedroughlyintotwocategories:religioussongsandFinnishnationalisticsongs.37 Most of the choirs sang on almost every notable religious and secular occasion in their own locales.Their taskwas also to support congregational singingduringtheDivineServicesonthemost importantfeastsof theliturgicalyear.Forthisreason, theyalsopractisedunisonchoralesingingalongwithfour-partsinging.38

Becauseoftheclosehistoricalandculturalconnections,theIngrianFinnswerealsointerestedintheEstonianandFinnishsongmovements.ThefirstEstoniannationalsongfestivalwasheldinTartuinthesummerof1869.In

31 ArchivesoftheKolppanaTeacherSeminary.32 Toivo Flink, Maaorjuuden ja vallankumouksen puristuksessa. Inkerin ja Pietarin suoma-

laisten sivistys-, kulttuuri- ja itsetuntopyrkimyksiä vuosina 1861–1917,(AnnalesUniversi-tatisTurkuensisC160),(Turku,2000),p.346.

33 ArchivesoftheKolppanaTeacherSeminary.Inkeri[newspaper]4April1904,6June1908.Neva[newspaper]25May1916.Iho,Kolppanan seminaarin vaiheita,p.173.

34 Psalmodicon (virsikannel in Finnish, psalmodikon inSwedish,moldpill inEstonian)isalong, single-stringed instrumentplayedwith abow. Itwasdeveloped inScandinavia inthebeginningofthenineteenthcentury,anditwasusedtosupporthymnsingingathomeoratschool.WhenFinnishclergymencomplainedaboutthelowstandardofchurchsing-ing, theybegan tobuyandbuildpsalmodicons.Theaimwas to improvesingingand tostandardisechoralemelodies,becauseintheabsenceofprintedbooks,regionalandlocalvariantsofchoralemelodiesemerged.Thepsalmodiconcouldbeplayedbypeoplewithlittlemusicaltraining,becausetherewerenumberswrittenoverthewords,correspondingtonumberspaintedonthefretboardoftheinstrument.Thepsalmodiconwasmeantonlyforlearning;itwasnotusedasaninstrumenttoaccompanytheservices.

35 Inkeri[journal]25/1924,p.355.Murtorinne,“Inkerinkirkonsuuruudenkausi”,p.174.36 Inkeri25/1924,p.355–356,1/1925,p.5–8.Murtorinne,“Inkerinkirkonsuuruudenkausi”,p.174–175.

37 Raski, Inkerin kirkko,p.79.SeealsochoralpublicationsbyMoosesPutro(1879,1899,1905and1913).

38 Inkeri25/1924,p.355–356,1/1925,p.5–8.

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Finland,thefirstsongfestivalwasorganisedin1884alongthelinesoftheEstonianexample.39In1896MoosesPutro visited the Estonian National Song Festival in Tallinn, and in 1891, the choir of the Saint Petersburg Finnish Song Society (Pietarin Suomalainen Lauluseura),conductedbyPutro,participatedintheFinnishNationalSongFestivalinKuopio,Finland.Moreover,in1898,the Keltto men’s choir (Kelton mieskööri)fromNorthernIngriaparticipatedintheKirvuSongFestivalintheFinnishpartoftheKarelianIsthmus.40 The choirwasjoinedbyMoosesPutro,who,afterthefestival,announcedinthenewspaperInkeri thatthefollowingsummerthesamekindofsongfestivalwouldbeheldinIngria.ItisinterestingthatinthisarticlePutroprofessedapreferenceforunisonsingingandinstructedeverychurchwardenandteachertopractiseit.AccordingtoPutro,therewereonlyafewchoirsabletosingfourpartsinIngria,andforthisreasontherewasnoneedtoorganiseachoircompetitioninthefestival.41

Thefirst IngrianSongFestivalwasheld inSkuoritsa inJune1899withabout 500 singers. The repertoire consisted of hymns and other religioussongs,Finnishfolksongsandnationalisticsongs,aswellassongscomposedby Mooses Putro.Therewere 22 songs formixed choirs and11 formen’schoirsaswellas13songs inunison,so that theaudiencewasable tosingalong.TheSongFestivalwasorganisedbythetemperanceassociationInkeri andlocalLutheranparishes.42

ThenextsongfestivaltookplaceinTuutariin1901withover600singersandinstrumentalists.InthethirdfestivalinVenjokiin1903about800singersandinstrumentalistsparticipated,butinTyröin1908only300.43AtthefifthfestivalinKelttoin1910,therewasalsoatheatreplayandcompetitionsforsportassociations,butsingingnolongerrousedsuchenthusiasmasbefore;therewereonlyabout200singersandplayers.44PerhapsthereasonwasthattheIngrian-Finnishpeoplewerepoliticallydivided,andthereweremanyar-gumentsbetweenthesocialistnewspapersandthosesupportingthechurch.45 Nevertheless,bothgroupsconsideredsongfestivalsimportantenoughfromthenationalisticpointofviewthattheywantedtoorganisethemagainandtogether.AnaturalopportunitywasthefiftiethanniversaryoftheKolppanaSeminaryin1913.ThesixthNationalSongFestivaltookplaceinKolppana

39 SuloHaltsonen, “Inkerin suomalaisen koulun ja kansanvalistuksen vaiheita” in Inkerin suomalaisten historia,(Helsinki,1969),p.187–241,p.216.

40 Inkeri25/1924,p.356,1/1925,p.5–6.Haltsonen,“Inkerinsuomalaisenkoulunjakansan-valistuksenvaiheita”,p.216.

41 Inkeri3July1898.42 Inkeri16October1898,12June1899,and18June1899.Flink,Maaorjuuden ja vallanku-

mouksen puristuksessa,p.345.43 Flink, Maaorjuuden ja vallankumouksen puristuksessa,p.346.Haltsonen,“Inkerinsuo-malaisenkoulunjakansanvalistuksenvaiheita”,p.216–218.

44 Suomalainen Kansan-Kalenteri Wenäjällä 1911,p.119–121.45 Suomalainen Kansan-Kalenteri Wenäjällä 1914,p.108–109.Nevalainen,“Inkerinmaanjainkeriläistenvaiheet”,p.235–236.

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withalmost800singersand80brassinstrumentalistsaswellastwogym-nasticassociationsandafolkdancegroup.Boththesocialistandthechurchsupportingnewspapersemphasizedthefeelingoftogethernessandexpressedadesiretoorganisenewfestivalswiththesameenthusiasm.46Unfortunately,by this time the Russian government had begun to restrict the rights of na-tionalminorities,anditwasimpossibletoorganisesuchgatherings.ThelastIngrianSongFestivalwasheldinTuutariin1918,undertherestrictionsbytheBolshevikparty.47

It is important to remember that music was not the only tool used forspreading nationalistic ideas throughout the region. New primary schoolswerefounded,Sundayschoolswerecommonin theparishes, travellingre-ligious education teacherswere educated, public librarieswere establishedandFinnishnewspapersand journalswerepublished inSaintPetersburg.48 AllofthesewereputtouseintheLutheranparishesorincloserelationshipwiththem,becausetheRussianrulersdidnotallowtheIngrianFinnstoes-tablishanykindofadministrationoftheirownforschoolsorcultureexceptthe church.49The rise of the temperance and labourmovements, volunteerfire brigades aswell as numerous communal celebrations,which includedlectures,playsanddancing,broughtIngrian-FinnishpeopletogetherinSaintPetersburg and in the countryside.50

Inthenineteenthcentury,averytypicalfeatureofnationalisminvariousEuropeancountrieswasaneedtocreateandwriteeachnation’shistory.Sincethe1860s,somepastorshelpedresearchersfromFinlandtocollectfolkcul-tureinIngria.51ThefirstattemptstowriteahistoryoftheirowninIngriahadappearedinthe1880s,butthefirstwiderdiscussionofIngrianhistorywasstartedbyPietariToikka in thenewspaper Inkeri on January1889.52 After that,everynowandthen,therewerearticlesaboutIngrianhistoryinFinnishnewspaperspublishedinSaintPetersburg.Nevertheless,aslateas1911,therewasabriefarticleaboutthistopicintheChristmaspublicationInkerin joulu. Theauthor“TeppoS.”claimedthatresearchonlocalgeography,cultureandhistorywas urgent and every IngrianFinn should participate in collectingmaterial.53

Fromamusicalpointofview,writingownIngrianhistorymeantcollectingold folk songsand folkmelodiesaswell as emphasising the singing tradi-

46 Suomalainen Kansan-Kalenteri Wenäjällä 1914,p.108–113.Haltsonen,“Inkerinsuomalai-senkoulunjakansanvalistuksenvaiheita”,p.218.

47 Haltsonen,“Inkerinsuomalaisenkoulunjakansanvalistuksenvaiheita”,p.218.48 See,forinstance:Nevalainen,“Inkerinmaanjainkeriläistenvaiheet1900-luvulla”,p.234–

237. 49 Iho,Kolppanan seminaarin vaiheita,p.50.50 Inkeri7/1926,p.458–459,8/1926,p.467–468.Suomalainen Kansan-Kalenteri Wenäjällä

1899,p.91.Flink,Maaorjuuden ja vallankumouksen puristuksessa,p.347.51 Luther, Herdaminne för Ingermanland II,p.88.52 Inkeri20January1889.Flink,Maaorjuuden ja vallankumouksen puristuksessa,p.228.53 Inkerin joulu 1911,p.13–14.

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tionanditsancientrootsinIngria.54In1904,inconnectionwiththeannualgeneralmeetingofthetemperanceassociationInkeri,therewasa“historicalconcert”.First, anoldKarelianman strummedawooden stick against theedge of the table and then performed an oldmelodywith a flautist. Theywerefollowedbythesingingoforalpoetrybyrunesingers.Afterthat,schoolchildrenperformedschoolsongs, i.e.,nationalisticandreligious repertoire,accompaniedonthepsalmodicon,andasoloistsangfolksongsaccompany-ingherselfonthekantele.Finally,therewerethreechoirsandabrassbandon the stage.55

Mooses Putro and Nouse, InkeriAmajorfigureintheimprovementofIngria’smusicwasMoosesPutro (b. 18 October1848,d.24November1919),whofirstobtainedhisdegreeandthentaughtforfouryearsattheKolppanaSeminary.HecontinuedhisstudiesasanorganistandcomposerattheSaintPetersburgConservatory.HealsostudiedbrieflyattheValgaSeminaryinLivoniaaswellasintheJyväskyläSeminaryin Finland.56 PutroworkedbothasanorganistinSaintMary’sChurchandasateacherattheFinnishChurchSchoolinSaintPetersburg.Inaddition,healsoeditedthefour-partmusicalsettingoftheFinnish-languageeditionoftheIm-perialAgendausedintheLutheranChurchofRussiaafter1897.Putrowasajournalistaswell;hepublishedanewspaperandwrotenationalisticarticles.57

In1872,Putro founded the Saint Petersburg Finnish Song Society (Pietarin Suomalainen Lauluseura).Itstartedasamen’schoir,butby1874therewereseparatemen’s,women’sandmixedchoirs.Theypractisedfour-partsingingaswellasunisonchoralesinging.Atitsheight,therewereovereightysing-ersinthesongsociety.Themixedchoirwasthemostwell-knownaswellasbeingthechoirofthehigheststandardinIngria.ItparticipatedintheFinnishNationalSongFestivalsinKuopioin1891aswellasinViipuriin1889and1908,whenitwonthechoircompetition.Naturally,thechoiralsoparticipatedinalltheIngrianSongFestivals.MoosesPutro conducted the choir until his death in 1919, 47 years altogether.58

Putro edited four choral collections for Ingrian-Finnishchoirs.Thefirstwaspublished in1879and includedhisownsongs (seeFigure38) aswellas the classical choir repertoire, some Finnish nationalistic songs and two

54 Inkerinjoulu1911,p.13.55 Suomalainen Kansan-Kalenteri Wenäjällä 1905,p.107–109.56 Flink, Maaorjuuden ja vallankumouksen puristuksessa,p.344.HelenaMiettinen,Mooses

Putro. Mestari auran kurjessa,(Helsinki,2014),p.20–21.HelliSuominen,Mooses Putro. Inkerinmaan kansallislaulun säveltäjä,(Helsinki,1969),p.10–11.

57 Murtorinne,“Inkerinkirkonsuuruudenkausi”,p.174–175,192.Miettinen,Mooses Putro, p.21,26,28,30,37.Suominen,Mooses Putro,p.11,17–18,31.

58 Inkeri25/1924,p.356.Miettinen,Mooses Putro,p.37.Suominen,Mooses Putro,p.11,28–30.

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Figure 38. Mooses Putro’s song Sydämen myrsky in Wanhaa ja uutta Suomalais-en Laulun Harrastajille.[“OldandnewFinnishsingingrepertoire”] I Wihko: 20 seka-köörille sowitettua laulua,MoosesPutronen(ed.),(SaintPetersburg,1879).

hymns.59Thethreeotherpublicationsweremeantforthesongfestivals,andtheywerepublishedbythetemperanceassociationInkeri.Thefirstofthese,published in 1899, included hymns and other religious songs, Putro’s ownsongs,folksongsandnationalisticsongsfromFinlandaswellasthenationalanthem of Russia in Russian.60Inthesecondpart,publishedin1905,therep-ertoirewasquitesimilar,buttherewerenotasmanyreligioussongsasbefore.Yetsignificantly,thereweretwoIngrianfolkmelodies.61Thethirdpart,pub-

59 Wanhaa ja uutta Suomalaisen Laulun Harrastajille. I Wihko: 20 seka-köörille sowitettua laulua,MoosesPutro(ed.),(SaintPetersburg,1879).

60 Raittiusyhdistys Inkerin Laulukokoelma I,MoosesPutro(ed.),(SaintPetersburg,1899).61 Raittiusyhdistys Inkerin Laulukokoelma II,MoosesPutro(ed.),(SaintPetersburg,1905).

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Figure 39. Mooses Putro’s song Nouse, Inkeri in Raittiusyhdistys Inkerin Laulukokoelma [“SongCollectionforthetemperanceassociationInkeri”],MoosesPutro(ed.),(SaintPetersburg,1899).ThewordInkeri (Ingria)isblackenedoutandreplacedbythewordkansani(“mypeople”).

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lishednotlaterthan1913,includedonlycompositionsbyIngriancomposers:twobyPutro himself and eight by others.62

PutrowasalsotheauthorandcomposerofthesongNouse, Inkeri (“Arise, Ingria”),whichwasconsidered thenationalhymnof Ingria.Thesongwasperformedforthefirsttimeatthetwenty-fifthanniversaryoftheKolppanaSeminary in 1888.63Itwasfirstpublishedin1899inthechoralcollectionputoutbythetemperanceassociationInkeri,but,duetocensorshipbyRussianauthorities, thewordInkeri (Ingria)wasblackenedoutandreplacedbythewordkansani(“mypeople”;seeFigure39).64Thatishowthesongwassunguntilthe1918songfestival.In1888,therewasonlyonestanzaandthelyricswrittenbyPutrohimself.Later, in1905,PaavoRäikkönenwroteasecondstanza.Sincethattime,thesonghasbeensungwithtwostanzas.65

RussificationPolicyandSocialismasaThreatto Nationalist AimsAt thebeginningof the twentieth century, thebondbetween theLutheranChurch and Ingrian-Finnish national identity started to fray. Even thoughtheKolppanaSeminarywasstillmaintainedbytheLutheranChurchofRus-sia,manyteacherswhohadbeeneducatedtherebegantobecriticalofthechurch.Intheirview,themainspiritofthechurchwassonarrow-mindedandold-fashionedthatitwasnolongersuitableforeducatingwell-informedfuturecitizens.66 Some of these teachers also became members of the social demo-cratic labourmovement. In 1907, the socialists founded their ownFinnishnewspaper,Neva, andtriedtospreadtheircriticalviewsabouttheLutheranChurch,butmostoftheIngrianpeoplestayedloyal.Stillthepeopleremaineddivided.MostoftheIngriansocialistswerenotBolsheviks,butMensheviks,i.e. social democrats.67

ItisalsoimportanttoknowthatthegapbetweensocialistsandotherIn-grianintelligentsiawasnotasdeepasitwasinmanyothercountries.Bothsides largely had the same goals and the same tools, the main thing being to maintainandimprovetheIngrian-Finnishcultureandinculcateasenseofna-tionality.Andonbothsides,singingwasconsideredanefficienttooltoinfusethemindsofthecommonpeoplewithnationalistgoals.68

62 Raittiusyhdistys Inkerin Laulukokoelma III,MoosesPutro(ed.),(SaintPetersburg,n.d.).63 Suomalainen Kansan-Kalenteri Wenäjällä 1906,p.103–105.Haltsonen,“Inkerinsuomalai-senkoulunjakansanvalistuksenvaiheita”,p.220.Suominen,Mooses Putro,p.25.

64 Putro, Raittiusyhdistys Inkerin Laulukokoelma I, Suominen, Mooses Putro,p.26.65 Suomalainen Kansan-Kalenteri Wenäjällä 1906,p.105.Suominen,Mooses Putro,p.26.66 Iho,Kolppanan seminaarin vaiheita, p. 45. Jääskeläinen, Inkerin suomalainen evanke-

lis-luterilainen kirkko,p.42.67 Jääskeläinen,Inkerin suomalainen evankelis-luterilainen kirkko,p.75–78.68 See, for instance: Inkeri 27May1908,Kansalais-Kalenteri Pietarissa ja Inkerinmaalla

1914,p.86.

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Therewasalsoacommonenemy;attheendofthenineteenthcenturytheRussiangovernmentstartedaRussificationpolicy,whoseaimwastoabolishtheculturalandadministrativeautonomyofnon-Russianminoritiesthrough-out the entire empire. Itmeant difficult times for all the nationalminoritygroups,includingtheIngrianFinns.69 During the First World War this also meantdifficulties for theLutheranChurch,becauseLutheranisminRussiahadalwaysbeenidentifiedpredominantlywithGermany,andnowGermanywastheenemy.TohaveaGermansurnameortobeaLutheranwasenoughtobesuspectedasatraitor,spyorsaboteur.Pastors,parishesandconsistoriesfaced being barred or disbanded.70

After the February Revolution in 1917, the situation looked much better. ManyIngrianFinnsbegantoentertainthehopethatthingswouldreturntonormalandeven improve,because, for instance, thenewgovernmentcan-celled all national and religious restrictions. There were also dreams thatIngrian Finns could have a right to establish their own administration foreducational and cultural life.71Buttheneweralastedonlyabouthalfayear,becausewith theOctoberRevolution, theBolsheviks tookpower.TheLu-theranChurchwaspermitted toexist,but theChristian faithwasdeclaredto be unscientific, superstitious nonsense, andwas to be replaced by faithin communist ideals andCommunistPartyprogrammes. In1918, theBol-sheviksstartedtorestrictecclesiasticallifeaswellastheculturalactivitiesof non-Russianminority groups.The church separated from the state, andschools from the church.72

TheKolppanaSeminarywasabletooperatenormallyuntilJanuary1918,whenitwasofficiallyremovedfromthecontroloftheLutheranChurchtothecontrol of the Soviet government. Teaching religion and educating church-wardensandorganistswasnolongerallowed.ManypupilslefttheseminarytobattleagainsttheBolsheviks,whoarrestedmanyoftheremainingpupils.In spring1919, the last remainingpupils escaped toEstoniaand the semi-narydidnotexistinKolppanaanymore.73Alongwiththat,allthenationalistaimsoftheIngrianFinnsreceivedtheirfinaldeathblow.Seminaryprincipal

69 Luther, Herdaminne för Ingermanland,p.89–90.Murtorinne,“Inkerinkirkonsuuruudenkausi”,p.186–187.

70 Petkūnas,Russian and Baltic Lutheran Liturgy,p.551–552.71 Iho,Kolppanan seminaarin vaiheita,p.50.Luther,Herdaminne för Ingermanland,p.90–

91.72 Luther, Herdaminne för Ingermanland,p.91.Entisen Inkerin luterilaisen kirkon 350-vuo-

tismuistojulkaisu sanoin ja kuvin,AappoMetiäinen andKaarloKurko (eds.), (Helsinki,1960),p.116.Petkūnas,Russian and Baltic Lutheran Liturgy,p.556–558.

73 TheArchivesofKolppanaTeacherSeminary,theNationalArchivesofFinland,Helsinki.Jääskeläinen,Inkerin suomalainen evankelis-luterilainen kirkko,p.75.Luther,Herdamin-ne för Ingermanland,p.92.

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KaapreTynni,whowasaMenshevik,movedtoFinlandandorganisedonesemesterforabouttwentypupilsofKolppanainHelsinkiinspring1920.74

Duringthe1920sand1930s,manyChristianworshipperswereintimidat-ed,andpastorsweremurderedorsenttogulagsinSiberia.75In1937,alltheLutheranchurchesandFinnishschoolsinIngriawerecloseddown,andpub-licationsandradiobroadcastinginFinnishweresuspended.In1931and1935,Sovietauthoritiesdeportedabout60,000IngrianFinnsfromIngria.76 Finally, in1938,theLutheranChurchinRussiawasofficiallyclosedandallitsprop-ertywastakenoverbythestate.77

ConclusionIngrian-Finnish nationalism had its own peculiar features.Nevertheless, itwaspartofamuchwidermovementgoingonacross thewholeofEurope.Eventhoughnationalisminthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturiesalwaysappearedinalocalcontext,thephenomenonitselfwastransnational.TheIngrianFinnsoftenfeltthatthattheywereonlyasmallgroupofpeoplelocated inanoutlyingregion,speakingaforeignlanguageandfollowingadifferentreligionfromthemajorityofpeopleintheircountry.Still,theywerenot isolated from theLutheranChurch inEurope, nor from thenationalistideas and movements on the continent.

Asmanyothernationsandcountriesdid,IngrianFinnscreatedtheirownnationalsymbolstoportraythemselvestotheworldasanationalcommunity.Theyhadtheirownflagandacoatofarms,anationalanthem(Nouse, Inkeri)andapersonificationofthenation(Kullervo)aswellastheirownhistory,ge-ographyandculture.78Theyalsorecognisedthepowerofmusicandusedit,similartomanyothernations.ButthepeculiarfeatureoftheIngrian-FinnishnationalistmovementwashowcloselyitwasboundtotheLutheranChurch.InIngria,Herder’s idea of the combination of language, culture and nation wasinsteadlanguage,church,cultureandnation.

74 TheArchivesofKolppanaTeacherSeminary,theNationalArchivesofFinland,Helsinki.Luther, Herdaminne för Ingermanland,p.92.

75 Petkūnas,Russian and Baltic Lutheran Liturgy,p.558.76 MetiäinenandKurko,350-vuotismuistojulkaisu,p.122.77 Luther, Herdaminne för Ingermanland,p.114.Petkūnas,Russian and Baltic Lutheran Lit-

urgy,p.558–559.78 Listoftypicalnationalsymbols:Saukkonen,Kansallinen identiteetti,p.96.

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17.Luther’sSignificancefortheSwedishChoraleBookEditorsJohannChristianFriedrichHæffnerandHaraldGöransson

Anders Dillmar

ThistextisaboutthesignificanceofMartinLuther(1483–1546)fortwoim-portantSwedishchoralebooksprinted in1820–21and1987, the latterstillinusetoday.Achoralebookcontainsmelodiesandaccompanimentstothehymnsinachurchhymnal(inSwedish:Psalmbok).ThechoralebooksunderdiscussionherecontainedmusicfortheSwedishhymnalsof1819–withJo-han Olof Wallinaseditor–andthatof1986,whichwasthelargelyecumeni-calproductofcooperationbetween14differentchurchesanddenominations.1

InconnectionwiththegrowingcriticismoftheEnlightenmenthymnalsofthelateeighteenthcentury,thenineteenthcenturysawanincreasinghistori-calinterestintheauthorsandcomposersofoldhymns.InSweden,oneveryactivepersonin thissensewasJohannChristianFriedrichHæffner,whoseinterestwas inLuther’s ideasaboutmusic,aswellas inhisactualchoralemelodies. LutherhadplayedastrongpartinHæffner’sGermanupbringing.Hæffnerwas appointedorganist to theGermanparish inStockholmat 22years old, and later director of the royal court orchestra, director of music at theUniversityofUppsalaandcathedralorganistinthesamecity.Sincetradi-tionalSwedishfolkmusicalsointerestedhim,hebecameeditorofthemusicappendixtothefirsteditionofSwedishfolkmelodies(1814).

Withhis1820choralebookHæffnerwantedtocontributetoa“melodicsong”,unlike“themess[“oreda”]previouslyheardinmostchurches”.2 Many oldLutheranhymnmelodieshadbecomedistortedovertimeinSwedenandHæffnerconsideredmusictobeinsufficientlyvaluedinSwedishworship.Noteventhepriestsfullyrealizeditspotentialintheliturgy.

1 IhavepreviouslystudieddifferentaspectsoftheworksofJohannChristianFriedrichHæff-ner (1759–1833) inmydissertation“Dödshugget mot vår nationella tonkonst”. Hæffner-tidens koralreform i historisk, etnohymnologisk och musikteologisk belysning, (Lund, 2001).SeealsomystudyonHaraldGöransson(1917–2004)andhiscomprehensiveworkonSwedishchurchmusicinthelatetwentiethcentury,presentedin(1)Harald Göranssons studietid och verksamhet som kyrkomusiker,(2)Harald Göransson som musikpedagog och folkbildare, (3)Harald Göransson och gudstjänstmusikens omvandling, (4)Harald Gö-ransson och psalmsångens förnyelse–allpublishedin2015byArtos,Skellefteå,Sweden.

2 J.C.F.Hæffner, “NågotomnyaSvenskaChoralboken”, inStockholmsPosten no 93, 21 April1821.

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At the Reformation jubilee in 1817, Lutherwas,ofcourse,verymuchatthecentre of celebrations and described as something of a hero. The Cathedral ofUppsalawasfilledtoitslimit,allhymnswere“composedbyLuther” and sungby“chosenvoices”ledbyHæffner.Interestingly,thiswasamixedchoirwithwomensinging thesopranopart,whichmustbeunderstoodas ratherrevolutionaryinSwedenatthattime.3

Forseveralyears,Hæffnerhadbeenworkingonchorales,makinguseofdifferent principles related to Luther’s practice and thinking.Hæffner had alsobecomeratherwellknowninSweden,aswellasinFinlandafter1808,throughthewidespreaddisseminationofhisfirstprintedchoralebook.Tenyearslaterheannouncedanewchoralebookinthepresswithatleast600melodies,alsointendedforuseinGermany.Itwasdescribedas“aUniversalcollection”with“allgoodchoralemelodies” fromLuther’seraup to1700,reproducedaccordingtotheiroldestversion,giveninfour-partsettingswithpureharmoniesandquiteofteninchurchmodes.4Thiswassomethingspecialatthistime,sincethemajor/minorsystemwaswellestablished.Quitesoonafterthis,hewascontactedbytheSwedishHymnCommitteeto“adjustsomemelodiestothemannerofsingingintheSwedishChurch”.5 Within a matter of months,hewasabletosubmithismanuscript,andthischoralebookremainedlargelyinusefornearly150yearsafter1820.Asecondpartwasprintedin1821butwasnotsowidelyused.Still,itwasveryimportantsinceitcontainedtheprefaceandothervaluableinformationaboutthefirstvolume.

165yearslater,in1986,thecurrentSwedishchoralebookwascompiledwithHaraldGöranssonasmusiceditor,andaftersomerevisionsitwasprintedin1987.Inadditiontoparishworkasorganist,HaraldGöranssonwasateach-er (eventually professor) ofmusic theory and liturgicalmusic at theRoyalAcademyofMusicinStockholmandaprominentvoiceindebatesonchurchmusic.Besidesthechoralebook,hewasalsoresponsibleforthemusicoftheSwedishchurchmanualof1986,which,aftertoughdiscussions,wasreplacedinlate2017.LaterhewroteadissertationinmusicologyontheSwedishcho-ralebookof1697.ItshouldbenoticedthatnobodyinSwedishchurchmusichistory has ever held the same overall central position.Although choraleswereGöransson’smainfocusofinterest,bythe1940shehadstudiedGrego-rian chant in Paris and at the Monastery of Solesmes and later edited several

3 JonUlrikEkmarck,Jon Ulrik Ekmarcks Lefnad, beskrifven af honom sjelf, (Strängnäs,1837),p.XXXIIIf.,LeifJonsson,Offentlig musik i Uppsala 1747–1854, (Stockholm,1998),p.164f.,EllikaHæger, “HæffnerochUppsala”,Lic.diss.UppsalaUniversity, (Uppsala,1957),p.78,FolkeBohlin,“FrånHæffnertillAlfvén”, in Akademiska kapellet i Uppsa-la under 350 år. En översikt – från ‘chorus musicus’ till symfonisk samverkan,(Uppsala,1977),p.35–54,p.42.

4 Advertisement in Inrikes tidningar no 95 21 August 1818. Ollallo Morales and Tobias Nor-lind, Kungliga Musikaliska Akademien 1771–1921,(Stockholm,1921),p.66.

5 J.C.F.Hæffner,“ÖfverChoral-Musik”,MS345,TheMusicandTheatreLibraryofSwe-den,inLeifJonsson’sunprintedcollectionofdocumentsaboutHæffner1995,p89f.J.C.F.Hæffner,“NågotomnyaSvenskaChoralboken”,inStockholmsPostenno93,21April1821.

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collectionsofGregorianIntroitsintendedforuseintheLutheranChurchofSweden.Healsobecamefamous,andinsomesensenotorious,forhissupportofmorepopularmusicstylesinthechurchservicearound1970.LutherwasalsoanimportantfigureinGöransson’sworldview.

Comparison–FiveSimilaritiesWhencomparingthestatementsofHæffnerwiththoseofGöransson,Ihavefound some interesting connections. There are coincident statements, and some that reveal a kind of development of thought. There are also uniqueanddissimilarstatements,whichperhapsaremosttellingaboutthedifferenttimesandcontextsofthesetwochoralebookeditorsinrelationtoLuther’s thoughtandpractice.

1. Luther’s Liturgical SongsIn1817,Luther’sliturgicalsongswereactualizedbyHæffner,wholateralsointendedtopresentLuther’s Litany(fromoneoftheKlughymnals)andlitur-gicalmusic“intheoriginal”,topreventsome“unfortunateSwedishmelodicattempts”whichhehadheard,andtogive“connoisseursandartlovers”theopportunitytohearthesemusicalpieces“intheirpurity”.6

In 1942,Gregorian Introits had been reinstated in theSwedishworshipserviceafter300yearsofsilence.Becauseeverythingnamed“Catholic”wassuspectatthattimeinSweden,thesesongswerecalled“OldChurchsongs”(“Gammalkyrkliga melodier”). Göransson pointed out that Luther never wantedtogetridofthistreasureandthatitrepresentedaverylongtraditionofsinginginSwedishworship.Thus,perhapsalittleunexpectedly,Luther’s viewsbecameastrongargumentfortheuseoftheseoldsongs.But,unlikeHæffner,Göransson(inthe1970s)onlyacceptedaLitanylooselybasedonthat of Luther after some revisions of the text.7

2. Luther’s own Chorale TunesHæffnerviewedthechoralemelodiesfromthetimeofLuther(anduntil1650)as a treasure thatwould remain “inEternity”.He changedmanymelodiesalreadywell-knowninSwedentothosehebelievedhadclosersimilaritywiththe “originals” of Luther.SomeLutheranmelodiespreviouslyunknown inSwedenalsofoundtheirwayintoHæffner’schoralebookeditionof1808–someevenwithouttext.Hismarking“DML”(DoctorMartinLuther)didnotsuggest that Lutherhimselfhad“originally”composedallthesemelodies.ButLutherwasseenasthecreatorof“themodernchoralemusic”andall“good”composersuntilthe1650shadfollowedhisideas.Sacredmusicwasseparated

6 J.C.F.Hæffner,Svenska Messan,(Uppsala,1817).7 HaraldGöransson,“Inledningtill[radiosändningav]MessanpåSwensko”,4April1945,MSHaraldGöranssonarchives11:1,NationalArchivesofSweden.HaraldGöransson,“Ibegynnelsen var sången: Den gregorianska sången och Solesmesmunkarna”, Tidig musik, 1998:2.

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fromprofanemusicbyits“high,serious,devotionalandworthy”character,andthechoralepossesseda“greatness”thatlay“initssimplicity”.8

ForGöranssonandothersinthe1950stheLutheranchoralesrepresentedacommontraditionthatcouldbecomeaunifyingfactor,iftheywerearrangedmusicallysimilarlyindifferentcountries.Owingtoincreasedtourism,itwasseenas important tohavecommonmelodiessothatpeopletravellingcouldtakepartinservicesindifferentcountries.ThiswasexplicitlymentionedintheprefaceoftheNordic chorale bookof1961,developedasaresultoftheNordicMusicologicalCongressof1954inUppsalaandStockholm.Theoldestmel-odieswere“restored”bothrhythmicallyandmelodically.In1957,Göransson andsomecolleaguespublishedaSwedisheditioncalledKoralmusik,whichin1964becameanofficiallyacceptedsupplementtotheSwedishchoralebook.9

3. TonalityAsearlyastheendoftheeighteenthcenturyHæffnerheldadeeprespectforthetonalityoftheoldGregorianmelodies–theso-called“churchmodes”–inspiteofthefactthathiscontemporariesmostlyrejectedtheminfavourofmu-sic in major and minor tonalities. From a modern understanding of the church modes,Hæffnermightbecriticized,buthisearlyandstrongassertionofthemwasimportant,althoughthisgavehimplentyofcriticsalreadyinhislifetime.Hisconvictionofthebeautyoftheseoldmodesonlyincreasedwhenhefoundrelated tonality inoldSwedish folk tunes.Heargued thatanyonewhohadheard“OldSwedishFolkSonginitsauthenticity”,directlyfromthelipsofor-dinarypeople,realizedthatitcouldnotbeadaptedto“modernform”–majorandminortonalities–withoutbeingdestroyed.Hedescribedtheresultas“anoldNordicfighter(“Viking”)dressedinadresssuit”.ThesamehesuggestedwastrueoftheLutheranchorales,their“truegenius”(“sannagenius”)couldnotbeadequatelyexpressedintermsofmajorandminor.Thechurchmodesstruck“aspecialstringofthesoul”andcouldputanaudience“inamoodofserious solemnity”.10

Inthemind-setofthe1940stherealsowasaspecialcharactertotheoldLutheranchoralesthatdidnotfitwellwithmusicfromtheRomanticperiod,forexamplewithMaxReger’sorganchoraleworks.Göransson described the

8 J.C.F.Hæffner,“Företal”,dated27April1808,inChoral-bok. Utgifven af Joh. Christi-an Fredrich Hæffner, Kongl. Hof. Kapellmästare, (Stockholm,1808),Hæffner, letters toPippingsköld29Augustand22September1821,seeSvensk musiktidning,3(1912),p.21,Hæffner,“Företal”,inSvensk Choralbok,(Stockholm,1821),partII,pII.

9 Nordisk koralbok[…],HaraldAndersénetal.(eds.),(Copenhagen,1961),Koralmusik: en samling koraler i reviderad form: för kyrkans församlings- och körsång för skola och hem utgivna av föreningen Collegium musicum,HaraldGöransson(ed.),(Stockholm,1957).

10 J.C.F.Hæffner,”AnvisningtillSångensElementerförMusikLärarevidSkolorna”, MS, Vokmus ihs93:6,UppsalaUniversityLibrary.Themanuscript isdated“earliest1822”according to Folke Bohlin in Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon,vol.17, (Stockholm,1969),p.706,Hæffner,“Företal”inSvensk Choralbok(Uppsala,1821)partII,p.I,Hæffner,“ÖfverChoral-Musik”,MS345,MusicandTheatreLibray,Stockholm.

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Lutheranchoraleashavinga“simpleharshness”(“enkelkärvhet”)thatwasinaccordancewiththe“strictlyobjective”(“strängtobjektiv”)touchthelit-urgyneededtoconstitutecollectiveexpression.TheLutheranerawasseenascharacterizedbythesame“objectivity”and“communityideals”thatwerefoundinIgorStravinsky’sMass(1948)withitstextfromtheNiceneCreed.GöranssonhimselffoundthesameexpressioninLuther’s Credo hymn.11

4. Lutheran Way of SingingHæffner, with explicit reference to Luther, recommended that chorales be sungin“apowerfulandloudmanner”,inorder“nottobeashamedofbearingyourinnerwishestoGod”.Heperceivedsilenthymnsingingasanexpressionofdoubt.WeakcongregationalsingingonlyoccurredamongGermanPietistsandQuakers,notinanyLutherancongregation,heinsisted.Incontrast,othercontemporaries–suchasPehrFrigel,thesecretaryoftheRoyalAcademyofMusic–preferredtheweakerGermansound,whichhedescribedas“half-voice”.The singingofwell-knownchoralesoften sounded likea“scream”(“skrik”),hethought.12

Inthe1950s,Göransson often described the original Lutheran chorale as expressingarhythmicalandmelodic“intensejoy”.Laterchurchhymnshaddevelopedinto“rathersleepyandshuffling”(“sömnigaochsläpiga”)songs.InhislifetimeHæffnerhadimprovedthesituation“tosomeextent”,butstillhischoraleswerebuilton“peculiarrules”and“allsortsofspeculationaboutthedignityofchurchmusic”.Göranssonconcluded:“ThereissomethingwrongaboutourinheritedchoraleformfromHæffner!”Atleasthalfofallchoralescouldbedescribedas“caricaturesofwhattheyoncehadbeen”.

Göranssoninsistedthat“thechoralesingingmustbehappyandcatching”(“glad och smittsam/medryckande”) and strived towards what Luther had called “singingwith pleasure and joy”, a “happy and joyful” singingwith“easterlyjoy”.Thishethoughtcouldbefoundin“airy”(“luftig”)andpoly-phonicorgansettingsofthehymns,aswellasinNeue Sachlichkeitcomposi-tions. Ofcoursethisjoy,motivatedbythepraiseofthegloryofGod,couldnotbeforcedontopeople,ratherit“grewinamysteriousway”withinpowerfulandlivingspiritualmovements.Butatthesametime,thedutyofthechurchmusicianwastopromotethisjoyfulsingingthroughdifferentmusicalmeans.AccordingtoGöransson, the ideal of Lutherandhisself-esteem(“självbekän-

11 HaraldGöransson, “Orgelkoralenefter JSBach”, lecture14November1945,MS,Har-aldGöranssonarchives11:1,NationalArchivesofSweden,HaraldGöransson,radiopro-gram“Kyrkanochmusiken”no3(“Förfallochförnyelse”)5December1958,MS,HaraldGöranssonarchives11:1,NationalArchivesofSweden,andtheArchivesoftheSwedishRadio.

12 J.C. F.Hæffner, “Anmärkningar vidHerrKongl. SekreterarenFrigells vördsamste ProMemoria”,withPehrFrigel’scommentsintherecordsoftheRoyalAcademyofMusic,6May1812,andin“PsalmbokskommittensHandlingar”A531:1fol331–35,NationalLibraryofSweden.

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nelse”)couldbefoundinthemelodyNun freut euch lieben Christen G’mein, startingwithafanfareandendingwithaneffectiverhythmicprolongation.13

5. Each Hymn Text should have its own MelodyHæffner referred to Luther’swishthateachhymntextshouldhaveitsownmelody.Inpractice,heknewthatthiswasimpossible,andthemanymelodies–289for500differenthymntexts–inhischoralebookof1820werethusrecommendedtobeused“wheneverpossible”.Notallmelodieswereintend-edtobesungbycongregations;moreoftenschoolsandchoirsusedthem.Theavailabilityofmanygoodmelodiesinthechoralebookprobablystimulatedsinging in schools.14

Göranssonalsoclaimedthateachtextshouldhaveitsownmelodyandatthesametimeheknewthatthiswasimpossibleinpractice.Göransson did not relatethisideaspecificallytothethoughtofLuther.15

Comparison–ThreeDevelopments1. Four-part Settings and CounterpointHæffnerwasconvincedthatLutherhadproposedthatthechoralesbesunginfourpartsandthatthishadbeenthenormalwayofsinginguntilaround1650–andalsotheoldoriginalChristianpractice.Thispracticehadcreated“rev-erence in theworshipservice”,provided that thevoicessoundedbalanced.Thus Hæffner’s own arrangements were primarily intended for four-partsinging,but theycouldalsobeplayedontheorgan.Hequestionedchoralebooks intended only for instruments, since from this notation the melodies couldnotbewrittenout“infourpartsforthesong”.Thisalsorequiredgood“counterpoint”inthesettingsandconsequentlyathoroughbassnotationwasinsufficient.Forcostreasonsalone,Hæffner claimed, he had refrained from printinghisownchoralebookof1820asafullfour-partscore,whichforhimwastheoptimalwaytonotatemusic.

13 HaraldGöransson,“Denevangeliskakyrkomusikenunder1500-talet”,chapterforplannedtextbookingeneralSwedishmusichistory,probably1954,MS,inMSHaraldGöranssonarchives8:1,NationalArchivesofSweden,HaraldGöransson,“Lutherochdenprotestan-tiska kyrkovisan”, lecture at Musikhistoriska museetinStockholm24April1955,MSHa-raldGöranssonarchives11:1,NationalArchivesofSweden,HaraldGöransson,“Strövtågikoralbokenidag”,MSforradioprogram1956,MSHaraldGöranssonarchives11,NationalArchivesofSweden,publishedinRöster i Radio,14(1956),HaraldGöransson,“Koralsång-en måste bli glad och smittsam”, in Stockholms stifts julbok,(Stockholm,1957),p.63–66,Harald Göransson, “Hæffner-tidens koralsång”, in Kyrkosångsförbundet, 12 (1958), p.148–152,p.151,HaraldGöransson,“Någraströddaanteckningariettoaktuelltmenändåbesynnerligtaktuelltämne”, Kyrkomusikernas Tidning,no12(1958).

14 J.C.F.Hæffner’sadvertisementaboutanewchoralebook,inInrikes tidningar no 95, 21 August 1818. See Ollallo Morales and Tobias Norlind, Kungliga Musikaliska Akademien 1771–1921,(Stockholm,1921),p.66.

15 HaraldGöransson,prefacetoStatens offentliga utredningar (SOU), 1975:2 (Psalmer och visor1975),20February1975.

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Hæffneralsobelieved thatchurchmusiccouldonlydevelop ifwomen’svoices(“fruntimmersröster”)wereallowedtotakepartinthesinging.Thedescantandaltopartsofhischoralesettingsshouldthusbesungexplicitly“byyoungboysorwomen”(“gossarellerfruntimmer”)–thelastwordmightalsorefertoadolescentgirls–andthetenorandbassoparts“bygrown-upyouths or men”.16

In the twentiethcentury,Göranssonalsostronglyargued that thewholecongregationshouldsinginworship.Luther had motivated this by his idea of the“priesthoodofallbelievers”.Inthesameway,Göranssoninterpretedthechurchpewsasanextensionofthechoir’sseatsinthechurchchoir–everyoneshouldactivelyparticipateintheliturgy.“Itcannotbedisplayedmoreclear-ly”,hesaidanddescribedthisasamovetowards“ancientchurchpractice”.But,accordingtoGöransson,thisparticipationwasnotrelatedtothefour-partsettings of the chorales, even though he often gave the traditional chorales this form.Buthealsoexperimentedwithmorecontrapunctual three-partorgansettings.tomaketheplayingeasierfortheorganist.HealsopointedoutthatLutherdidnotcreatehymnsinging;heonlycontributedtoitsrenewalandstronggrowth.Thepurposewastoput thewordofGod“swinging”in themidst of the congregation.

Inpractice,bothHæffnerandGöranssonsawthefour-partchoraleasthemainmodel,butthelatterdidnotexplicitlyrelatethistoLuther’s thought.17

2. Liberating Inspiration on Contemporary ThoughtsHæffnerbelievedthatthetimeforwritinggoodchoralemelodieswasover.Still,hewrotesixmelodiesofhisownandprintedtheminthe1820choralebook,andayearlaterpresentedthreemoreofhisownmelodies.Thiswasin-spiredbythepraxisofLutherhimself,butthemelodieswerenotappreciatedbyallandwereseenratherassomesortofinconsistentemergencysolutionevenbyHæffner himself.18

Inthe1950s,GöranssonwaswellawareoftheuncertaintyabouttheoldestnotationoftheLutheranchoralesandhowtheyshouldbeinterpretedrhyth-mically.Stillhethoughtthattheoldchoralesettingscouldfreeupcontem-

16 VilhelmFredrikPalmblad(inconsultationwithHæffner).Reviewin1812,inSvensk Lite-ratur Tidning,nos1–3,9,16and23January1813,J.C.F.Hæffner,Anvisning till Sångens Elementer [...],Lecture5and12,Hæffner,“Företal”,in Choralbok(Uppsala,1821),p.III,Hæffner,“Någraupplysningar[...]”,inPreludier[…],(Uppsala,1822).

17 Harald Göransson, “Litteratururval och stilsynpunkter på körhymner vid högmässa”,“Uppförandepraxismedhänsyntillolikaepokerskörmusik”,lecture1953inHesinki,MS,MSHaraldGöranssonarchives11:1,NationalArchivesofSweden,HaraldGöransson“Mu-sikenikyrkan”,printedinVårt stift([Härnösand]1964),andinKyrkomusikernas tidning, no 8 (1964). Harald Göransson och Olle Nivenius,Kyrkoårets psalmer, psalmvalslista, (Stockholm, 1986), also asMS inHaraldGöransson archives 5:6,NationalArchives ofSweden.

18 J.C.F.Hæffner,“OmNyaChoralboken”,StockholmsPosten,nos221,226and233,24Sep-tember,30Septemberand8October1807(titlefromno226).ArticledatedStockholm20September1807.

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poraryobsessionsabouthowachorale“must”look,andinspireinnovation,withgreatrespecttothelegacyofLuther’stime.Inpart,hewashereindebttofutureprofessorofmusicologyIngmarBengtsson,whobelievedthatpres-ent-day hymnsneeded the inspiration of older “aesthetically complete andcore-fresh”(“estetisktfullvärdigaochkärnfrisktlevande”)melodies.Inthesixteenth century,Göransson also observed a “unity”worth following – aunitybetweenliturgyandmusic,betweenfolksongandartmusic,betweenthe individual and the communal.

Othersweremore sceptical. In 1956, Carl-AllanMoberg (first Swedishprofessorofmusicology)argued that theattempts to“sharpenourworshipserviceinharmonywiththeLutheranera”reflectedmostofallahopethat“thereligiousexaltationoftheReformation”wouldgivethepresenta“muchneededspiritualinjection”.Despitethisprotesthewas“principally”positiveaboutthepublicationofabookletofsixteenthcenturychoraleswith“certainarchaic transformation” [“vissarkaiserandeomformning”]of thenowcus-tomary rhythm, harmony and form.19

3. Musical Richness and Alternating SingingAccording toGöransson, theLutheranerahadshownasurprisingmusicalrichnessintheservice,withamixtureofsimplecongregationalsingingandpolyphonicsettingsforthechoir,withorwithoutinstruments,aswellaspureinstrumentalmusicandGregorianchant.This“effectiveandstimulatinguni-tyandcooperation”wassummarizedintheLatinterm“alternatim”andbe-came somethingGöransson promoted intensively.He repeatedly describedtheSwedishliturgyofthe1950sasmusically“farbelowwhatcouldbecalledthe ‘normal’ level”.He suspected that Luther, if he had participated in “a‘normal’serviceintoday’sSweden”,wouldhavethoughthewasattendingaReformedChurch,“atleastasfarasthemusicwasconcerned”.

AdivineserviceinWittenberginthesixteenthcenturywouldhaveamazedpeopleofthe1950swithitsmusicalrichness.Thentherewas“aseriouscon-siderationofhowmusiccouldbestbeusedinworshipinacriticaltime”.Itwasadelicateproblemto“coordinatetheartisticandthepopular,artmusicand folk songs”, aswell as choir and instruments. InWittenberg,Görans-sonbelieved,abalancewascreated,whichunfortunatelydidnotlast.Luther hadidentifiedthepositiveaspectofSt.Augustine’smusicalthought:allart,especiallymusic,shouldbeused in theserviceof theCreator. In linewith

19 Harald Göransson, “Den evangeliska kyrkomusiken under 1500-talet”, 1954, IngmarBengtsson, “Den förstenade koralen”, in Svenska Dagbladet 24October 1956,Carl-Al-lanMoberg,“DenäldreLutherkoralensuppförandepraxis”,LecturegivenatTheChoraleWeekinBåstad(probably1956),MS,F7A:21,C.A.Mobergarchives,UppsalaUniversityLibrary. Minutes from Kyrkosångens Vänners Centralkommitté,8 January1953,Kyrko-sångensvännerarchive,NC40–43,UppsalaUniversityLibrary.

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this,theSwedishHymnalof1986wascharacterizedbyanincreasedstylisticplurality.20

No discussions of alternatimhavebeen found inHæffner’s context, but asmentioned,inhischoralebookof1808hewantedtoenrichtheSwedishChurchwithsomeLutheranchoralemelodiesthatwerenotinuseinSweden–aswellaswithLuther’s Litany.21

Comparison–Sevendifferences1. Syllabic, Non-melismatic MelodiesEventhoughsomeoldGregorianmelodieshadbeenpreservedinamelismat-ic form, Luther’smainintention,accordingtoHæffner, had been to give them asyllabicform.Therationaleforthiswasthatthechoraleshouldbesung“atoncebya largecrowdofpeople”.ThusLutherhad simplified someof thetunes of the Catholic Church and removed the melismas and the artistic from them.ThismethodjustifiedHæffner in making both “additions and abbre-viations”tosomemelodies,butthesechangeswerenotunderstoodtoaffectthestatusofamelodyas“original”.Insomecases,heevenwentfurtherthanLutheronthispoint.Overall,hismelodicandrhythmicversionsofmelodiesinthechoralebookof1808areclosertoLuther’s versions than they became twelveyearslater.The1820editionwasnotaprivateenterpriseasthepre-viousonehadbeen;ratheritwascommissionedandapprovedbytheHymnCommitteeaswellasbytheSwedishking.22

Göransson also mostly used a syllabic form of chorale melodies, but this wasneverarguedtobeaguidingLutheranprinciple.Overall,therearemanymelismasinthehymnalandchoralebookof1986–87.

20 HaraldGöransson,“Uppförandepraxismedhänsyn tillolikaepokerskörmusik”, lectureinHelsinki1953,MSHaraldGöranssonarchives11:1,NationalArchivesofSweden,Gö-ransson,“Lutherochdenprotestantiskakyrkovisan”1955,MSHaraldGöranssonarchives11:1,NationalArchivesofSweden,Göransson,“Strövtågikoralbokenidag”,radioprogram1956,Göransson,“Kyrkanochmusiken”nos1and2:“Medeltiden”12September1958,“FrånLuthertillBach”17October1958,MS,HaraldGöranssonarchives11:1,NationalAr-chivesofSweden,andintheSwedishRadioArchives,Göransson,“Musikochgudstjänstgenomtiderna”16February1959[ChannelP121.45–22.45],MSHaraldGöranssonarchiv-es11:1,NationalArchivesofSweden,andinDokumentarkivet,TheSwedishRadio,HaraldGöransson“Musiken ikyrkan”, inVårt stift [Härnösand]1964and inKyrkomusikernas tidning,no8,20April1964.

21 J.C.F.Hæffner,Svenska Messan1817,Hæffner,Svensk Choralbok1821partIInr35(Lu-ther’slitanywithorganaccompaniment).ThisLitaniawassunginUppsalaattheReforma-tion jubilee 1817.

22 J.C.F.Hæffner,indebatewithPehrFrigel1813,inSvensk Literatur Tidningno28,17July1813.Intotalthearticlescoveredmorethan40pages.Hæffner,“Företal”inSvensk Cho-ralbokpartII,1821pII.Hæffner,“ÖfverChoral-Musik”,MS345,TheMusicandTheatreLibraryofSweden.

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2. Three-four TimeHæffnerrejectedtheuseofthree-fourtimeinchorales.HismainargumentwasthatLuther had never used it. A chorale in “minuet time” could also never beas“simple”and“sublime”asitshouldbe–filledwith“seriousness”and“solemnity”.After1808heseemsfullyconvincedthatdactylsandthree-fourtimebelong“exclusivelytothecheerful(“glättig”)music”.Earlierhejustuseditsparingly;indeed,onechoralein1808isgivenintwoversionswithbotheven and uneven time signatures. Different discussions in his lifetime reveal arathersimilarviewonthechorale’srhythm,aswellasthesyllabiccharacterandtempo.Forhisownpart,HæffnerprimarilyreferredtoLuther, but also arguedthatnomanshouldapproachtheHeavenlyKingdancingaminuet.23

Asexpected,inthechoralebookof1987therearenosuchlimitations.

3. Luther’s Method of NotationInSweden,duringHæffner’stime,itseemsthatthewidespreadnotationofchoralesinmainlyminims(halfnotes)wastracedbacktoLuther. One noted sourceusingthisnotationwasthe1784MoravianchoralebookbyChristianFriedrichGregor.Thisnotationalmethodhasattimesbeenmisinterpretedasatempoindication,butseemsmorelikelytoshowlinkswithLuther.ItmustbeobservedthatHæffner,amongothers,thoughtthatchoralesweresungtooslowly.Hæffner’sownuseofminimsmightalsobeinfluencedbyhisvisittoGermanMoraviancongregationsinhisyouth–duringthe1770s.24

Ofcourse,therewerenosuchdiscussionsin1986–87,whenthecrotchet(quarternote)andquaver(eighthnote)werealsousedinmanymelodies.

4. Luther and the OrganLutherwassometimescriticaltowardstheorgan,butHæffner never referred to Lutherinhisowncriticalremarksontheorganists’waysofplaying.ItmustbenotedthatorganswerenotcommoninSwedishcountrychurchesbefore1850.25

Göransson thought that Lutherhadbeencriticaltowardstheorganbecauseorganistsplayednon-liturgicalmusic in theworshipservicesorprevented/delayed congregational singing.According toGöransson, the choir should

23 1808:42and221,samemelodybutwithdifferenttimesignatures.J.C.F.Hæffner,“An-märkningarvidHerrKongl.SekreterarenFrigellsvördsamsteProMemoria”,undated–withFrigel’scomments–beforetherecordsofRoyalAcademyofMusicfrom6May1812,andin“PsalmbokskommitténsHandlingar”A531:1fol331–35,NationalLibraryofSwe-den.HæffnerinSvensk Literatur Tidning17July1813,Hæffnerin“ÖfverChoral-Musik”1820,MS345,TheMusicandTheatreLibraryofSweden.[SamuelÖdmann],“RecensionavFörslagtillförbättradeKyrkoSånger...”,Svensk Literatur Tidning,41and47,(1815).

24 JohanGeorgLotschers“ÖdmjuktMemorial!”(accordingtotherecordsoftheRoyalAcad-emyofMusic,11February1804),Hæffner,“ÖfverChoral-Musik”,MS345,TheMusicandTheatreLibraryofSweden.

25 J.C.F.Hæffner,“ÖfverChoralMusiken”,inPhosphoros,JulyandAugust1810,p.51–64,110–115,and62f.

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lead chorale singing, rather than the organ. Placing the choir near to the con-gregation,andnotinthewestgallery,couldalsodecreasethecriticalattitudetowardsthemusicperformedintheservice.GöranssonwasfascinatedthatevendifficultsongslikeLuther’sCredohymnhadbeensungwithoutorganaccompanimentinSwedeninthepast.Hesuspectedthattheorganhadbe-comethemusicleaderwhenchoirsbegantodisappearfromthechurchintheseventeenthcentury,althoughheknewthatinMusae Sioniae, Michael Prae-torius had described the combination of congregational singing and organ playingasearlyas1606.Sinceearlychoralesettingshadoftenbeenartisticpolyphonicarrangementsforchoir,inthechoralebookof1986/87theoldestLutheranchoralesweregivensettingsbyHassler, PraetoriusandVulpius.26

5. “Contemporary” Church Art Music and Liturgical DanceAccordingtoGöransson,writingandtalkinginthe1950s,therichnessoftheLutheranmusicalspiritimpliedthatcontemporarymusicshouldalsobegivenspace in church services.Usingonlyoldermusical languagecould lead totheperceptionofthechurchasamuseum.Incontrast“modernmusic”couldemphasizetheactualityofthegospel,“thesoundofourowntimemustalsoproclaimthegospel”.27 Modern music had the advantage of being “unloaded asareligiouslanguage”,andthuspossessedgreatopportunitiestobefilledwithassociative“content”.Newlycomposedmusicwasdescribedasproofthatthechurchwas“living”.28

Inthe1960sGöranssonarguedthat“modern”musicwasno“uniformcon-cept”and that theattitudesof theaudiencewerealways“laggingbehind”.Thecrucialcriterionforchurchmusicwas“truthandtimeliness”(“sanningochaktualitet”).However,churchesinthe1960scouldnotfollowthepracticeof theseventeenthcentury,when themasshadsometimesbecomea“con-certmass” or “mass concert”. The challengewas to create variedmusicalinterplay,butwithoutabruptchangesandstylisticbreaksbetweenGregorianchant,choralsingingandpolyphonicmusic.

Luther had regarded music as the highest of all arts, because of its ability to “swingor sweep the gospel” and to promote praise andworship.Otherartisticexpressionscouldalsobeusedforthatpurpose.WhentheNorwegian

26 HaraldGöransson,“Orgelochpsalmsång”, inOrgelforum1980:1,p.5,andinMS,Har-aldGöranssonarchives14:4,NationalArchivesofSweden,Göransson,“Attbearbetako-ralmelodier”, in Per Olof Nisser, Vår nya psalmbok,(Stockholm,1986),p.106,Göransson,“Kyrkanochmusiken”,no2“FrånLuthertillBach”17October1958,RadioprograminMS,HaraldGöranssonarchives11:1,NationalArchivesofSweden,and in theArchivesoftheSwedishRadio,Göransson“Förord”toVerbum’schoralebook1987,alsoinHaraldGöranssonarchives6:4,NationalArchivesofSweden.

27 HaraldGöransson, “Musik tillGuds ära”, radioprogram2February1959, [ChannelP121.45–22.45].Verbatim:“våregentidsuttrycksmedel”.

28 HaraldGöransson, “Göteborgsexperimentet”,Vår kyrka 1954 no 28,HaraldGöranssonarchives14:7,NationalArchivesofSweden.

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composerEgilHovlandusedliturgicaldanceinhisVigilance Massin1968,Göransson and others reminded us that Lutherhadnotopposeddance.29

As alreadymentioned,Hæffner’s ideal for choraleswasmore rooted inLuther’stimethaninhisown.Atthesametime,especiallyin1820,hewasrathertiedtohowthechoraletraditionhaddevelopedinSweden.

6. Luther and Popular MusicFromaround1970,Göranssonemphaticallystressedthatnomusicstylewasun-churchlyorsecularinitself;everythingdependedon“theuseofthemu-sic”.Thiswasstronglyinfluencedbycontemporaryso-called“seculartheolo-gy”,whichdeniedthedivisionofthisworldintosecularandprofane,arguingthatChristhadsanctifiedtheworld.Inthe1950sGöransson had already re-ferredtotheoldpowerofthechurchto“sanctifyanymusic”foritspurposesand“tosharpenandembraceallsociallife”.Atthesametime–evenwhenrootedinpopularsongsand“vernacularsimplicity”–thesongsofLuther had been“atahighartisticlevel”andchosen“withexceptionallyselectivetaste”,sincetheyweremotivatedbythepraiseofthegloryofGod.

Later, around theyear2000,Göranssonstronglycriticized theoften-re-peatedclaimthatLutherhadtakenavarietyofworldlysongsandmadethemchorales.According toGöransson, thiswas amythof laterdatewith “theoneandonlypurpose todistinguishbetweensecularandsacred”andsuchthoughts had hardly been relevant in Luther’stime.No“sharpboundary”be-tweenspiritualandsecularwasnoticeableinLuther’s thinking.

Lutherans,Moravians,Reformed andCatholics had used “worldlymel-odiesintheirsongbooks”.Göransson referred to Babst’s songbook of 1545, whichLutherhadhighlyappreciatedandtowhichhewroteapreface.Thusachurchmusicianmustnotbenarrowminded,“aLutheranorCrügeriancho-rale is not everything”,Göransson said. Therewere occasionswhen othertypesofsongs–atleasttemporarily–mightbetherightthingandoffer“anewandeasily-trampledpathfortheDivineMessage”.Itwashardlyforbid-dentousepopularmusic,notleastwhennoothermusicwasathand.30

29 Harald Göransson, letter to director Eric Nilsson atDiakonistyrelsen 8/7 1948, Harald Göransson archives 9:1,NationalArchives of Sweden,HaraldGöransson, “Teologi ochkyrkomusik”, lectureat”Kontaktdag” inUppsala18November1962,see”Kyrkomusik-sekreterarensårsredogörelse1962,ArchivesofHymnologiskaInstitutet,NationalArchiv-esofSweden,HaraldGöranssonochRagnarStenberg,Psalmvalslista,HaraldGöransson archives14:7,NationalArchivesofSweden,”Demonstrationssöndagsgudstjänst”SwedishRadio[ChannelP125April197611.00followedby45minutesconversationwithBjörnStålne [channel P2], XA_RF09-0123 and 0124, Ljud och bildarkivet SMDB, National LibraryofSweden,materialalsoinHaraldGöranssonarchives6:3,“Vaksamhetensmässa”16November1968inEngelbrektskyrkan,materialinHaraldGöranssonarchives13:2and14:1,NationalArchivesofSweden.Svenska Dagbladet and Dagens Nyheter 15 November 1968,Aftonbladet17November1968andVår kyrka1968no49.

30 HaraldGöransson “Den evangeliska kyrkomusiken under 1500-talet” 1954,Göransson,“Luther ochdenprotestantiskakyrkovisan”, 1955,HaraldGöransson archives 11:1,Gö-ransson, letter to Kyrkomusikernas tidning,4September1963,HaraldGöranssonarchives16:1,Göransson,“PolyfoniniMässan”,HaraldGöranssonarchives14:7,alsoinGerman

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Aswehaveseen,atthebeginningofthenineteenthcenturyHæffner had nosimilarthoughts,ratherheexhibitedacleardivisionbetweensacredandprofanemusic.

7. Luther’s Thinking as a Criticism of Lutheran TraditionGöransson,togetherwiththeFinnishtheologianHelgeNyman, considered it importanttoworkecumenicallytoavoidendingupinafailed“Lutheraniso-lation”.Likehisowntwentiethcentury,theEnlightenmentoftheeighteenthcenturyhadsoughtfor“realinnovation”intheformsofworship,apurposewhich“matchedverywellwithLuther’sownintentions”.Hæffner in contrast, criticizedthedevelopmentstartedbytheEnlightenmentperiod.

AccordingtoGöransson the “ideal of the future” could not be formulated asa“uniformedworshipservice,adaptedtoanimaginaryaverageofLuther-an Christians”. Hymns could not be limited to the Lutheran chorale. Other traditionssuchastheFrenchCalvinisticmelodiestothebookofPsalmswereimportantsincetheyshoweddistinctivemusicalfeatures.Luther’spracticalliturgicalsolutionshadbeencharacterizedbystrongadaptationtothetradi-tion,sothatchangeswerehardlyobservedinrelationtothepreviousMasstradition.LikewiseGöranssonwasconvincedthat“themainstreamwillre-maininthetraditional”,bothintermsofworshipformsandmusic.

However,somedifferentiationwasrequired.Thechurchoughtto“openthedoorabitfurther”,sothatpeoplewithbothmoreorlessdevelopedmusicalitycouldabsorbthemessage.TheUppsalaSynodof1593,accordingtoGörans-son,hadbeendisorientatedoncertainpoints,butthetwentiethcenturyhadeventuallygraspedthemoreecumenicalintentionsoftheSwedishkingJohanIII.NowMaryhadreturnedtothehymnal.BoththenewliturgyoftheChurchofSwedenanditsnewhymnalweredescribedas“contemporaryecumenical”.31

Thus,itcanbeseenhowLuther, long after his death, has had a great theo-reticalinfluenceonthedesignofthemusicandsingingintheSwedishChurch.Thewaythishappenedcouldbedescribedas“auseof”Luther’s thinking and practice,where the perceived needs andwishes for change in each periodruledandpartlyresultedindifferentselectionsofLuther’s texts and musical practices.WhereHæffner saw the chorale as a uniform genre,Göransson helditasanumbrellatermfordifferenttypesofsongs.Tobesure,bothHæff-

andEnglish,HaraldGöranssonarchives11:1,andF:3,ArchivesofHymnologiskainstitutet,NationalArchivesofSweden,Göransson,“PolyfoniniMässan”,Kyrkomusikernas tidning 20January1964no2AB,Göransson,“Kyrkomusikennu–självändamålellermedel?”,Kyrkomusikernastidning,1972no3,Göransson,lettertoHenrikTobin,12January2001,HaraldGöranssonarchives8:6.

31 HelgeNyman“Kyrkomusikalisktsamarbetepåinternationelltplan”,inSvenskt Gudstjänst-livvol.39(1964),p.13–19,HelgeNyman,“Denlutherskagudstjänstensformproblem”,inNova et vetera. Studia in honorem Martti Parvio, (Helsinki, 1978), p. 349–361,HaraldGöransson, “Uppsalamöte i historiens ljus – liturgiska ochmusikaliska konsekvenser”HaraldGöranssonarchives4:6–7:3,NationalArchivesofSweden,alsopublishedinKyrko-musikernas tidning1994no1,andauthor’sinterviewswithHaraldGöransson2001.

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nerandGöranssonwantedtorestorethetraditionalchorale to itsLutheranorigins,butthelattereditorhadtheadvantageofknowingmoreaboutmusicinthesixteenthcenturythantheformer.Hæffnerwasmoreboundtowheretraditionhad taken the chorales in his time, not least by external pressurefromhiscontemporaries.Inhischoralbook1808hewasfreer.Intheend,thisexaminationtellsusmoreaboutthetimeandtheresearchsituationwhenthetwoSwedishchoralebooksdiscussedwereprinted,thanaboutLuther and his ownthinkingintheearlysixteenthcentury.

PART III

Systematic and Contemporary Perspectives

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18. Listening the Lutheran Way: Theological PerspectivesontheDevelopmentoftheHymn

Torbjörn Johansson

AdistinctiveLutheranmusicalculturedevelopedduringtheReformationandthroughtheeraofLutheranOrthodoxy.ItbeganwithLuther’sownliturgicalreformsandchoralesandcontinuedwiththechoralesofPaulGerhardt and themusicofJohannSebastianBach.Themilieuinwhichthisculturedevel-opedneedstobeexploredfrommanydifferentperspectives,includingthatof systematic theology. As Robin A. Leaverhasemphasized,thedevelopmentofliturgyandworshipoftenresultsfromtheological shifts in ecclesiastical history.1 The fundamental theological reorientation in the sixteenth century ledtodifferentkindsofliturgyandworship,anditcanbedemonstratedthattheLutherantraditionhasacharacterofitsown.Inthischapter,Iwillsug-gestfromatheologicalperspective,whythechoraledevelopedandflourishedwithintheLutherantradition.

God’sWord–GreaterthanHeavenandEarthLuther’stheologyismultifacetedandthus,thechoralecanbeexploredfromdifferentfacetsofhistheology.Manyaspectsmustofcoursebeomittedinashortchapter,butwhicheverpartsofLuther’s theology one chooses to ex-plore,thepointofdepartureshouldbehisunderstandingofGod’sWord.Hisactivity in Wittenberg can be seen as an ongoing effort to bring the Word into motion(“imSchwanggehen”).2

When the authors of the Formula of Concord,some30yearsafterLuther’s death,summarizedhisimpactonthechurch,theystatedthatGod“throughaspecialgrace”hadusedLuther to bring his Word to light.3 They had of course Luther’sre-discoveryofthegospelinmindbutonecanalsothinkofhisBibletranslationanditsastonishingspread.AlreadyduringLuther’s lifetime, more thanahalfmillioncopiesoftheBible–asawholeorinparts–wereprinted.4 The dictum Verbum Dei manet in aeternum(“God’sWordremainsforever”)

1 Robin A. Leaver, “The Reformation and Music”, in European Music 1520–1640, JamesHaar(ed.),(Woodbridge,2006),p.371–400,p.373.

2 E.g.,“Vonordenunggottisdienstsynndergemeyne”(1523),WA12,35–37,LW53,11–14.3 The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, Robert Kolb andTimothyJ.Wengert(eds.),(Minneapolis,MN,2000),p.527.

4 Martin Brecht, Martin Luther. Dritter Band: Die Erhaltung der Kirche, 1532–1546, (Stutt-gart,1987),p.107.

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wasprintedonthetitlepageofLuther’stranslationoftheBible(1534).ThesayingexpresseswhatLutherwishedtoaccomplishwithhistranslationoftheBible,namelythattheWordofGodshouldbesetfree.Toaccomplishthis,inadditiontotranslatingtheBible,healsopreachedandtaughttheWordofGod,reformedthedivineserviceandwrotehymns.AlltheseundertakingsareexpressionsofLuther’swishtoletChrist,theWordofGod,dohisworkthrough his Word.

The formula sola scripturanormallyrefers to theposition that theHolyScriptureis“theonlyruleandguidingprinciple”forChristiandoctrine.5 But sola scripturacanalsobeareminderofthereformer’sunderstandingofGod’sdealingwithhiscreation.God,accordingtoLuther,dealswithhumanbeingsthroughhisWord.HeactsandaccomplisheshissalvationthroughhisWord.LaterintheLutherantradition,intheperiodoftheBaroqueandtheOrtho-doxy, theWordofGodwas treatedunder twodifferent headings,first theHolyScriptureasthesolenormfortheology,andsecond,theHolyScriptureasmeansofgrace.ThesecondaspectoftheWordofGod,asmeansofgrace,isimportantwhenthetheologicalmotivationsofthechoraleareexplored.

InordertoshowthepositionoftheWordofGodinLuther’sthinking,Iwillinitiallypresentsomeofhisstatements.Ishallstructurethemaccordingto the three articles of the Creed and Luther’sexpositionofthemintheSmallCatechism.

I.ThefirstArticle.OnGodtheFatherandtheCreationLuther’s doctrine of creation is, of course, fundamental for his understanding ofthechoraleandofmusicperse.Reflectingonmusic,hedoesnotstartintheeternalharmonyof thespheresbutwithcreation.Fundamental forLu-ther’stheologicalreflectionsoncreationishisunderstandingofGodasDeus loquens, aGodwho talks.Thisunderstandinggoesback toLuther’s read-ingofthecreationinGenesisandforwardinIsrael’shistorywhenGodcallsprophetstospeakhisWord.“Theidolsarewordless,butIsrael’sGodisaGodofwords.”6 To use Robert Kolb’sexpression,accordingtoLuther the Word of God“determinesthereality”.7Inordertounderstandthereasonsforthede-velopmentofthechorale,itisimportant,firstofall,toconsideritinthelightof Luther’sunderstandingoftheWordofGod.

InhisLecture on Genesis(1535)LuthergivesexpressiontohisbeliefinthepoweroftheWordofGod.“Byspeaking,GodcreatedallthingsandworkedthroughtheWord.AllhisworksaresomewordsofGod,createdbytheuncre-

5 The Book of Concord,p.486.6 Hermann Sasse, Sacra Scriptura. Studien zur Lehre von der Heiligen Schrift von Hermann

Sasse,FriedrichWilhelmHopf(ed.),(Erlangen,1981),p.11.7 Robert Kolb and Charles P. Arand, The Genius of Luther’s Theology. A Wittenberg Way of

Thinking for the Contemporary Church,(GrandRapids,MI,2008),p.135.

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ated Word.”8This“uncreatedWord”isJesusChrist.Allothercreatedthingsare“wordsofGod.”GoddoesnotcreateinthesamewayasthegodsofthecreationstoriesoftheneighborsofIsrael.Theyusedsomeearlierrawmate-rial,butIsrael’sGodcreatesex nihilothroughhisword.“ButGodspeaksamereWord,andimmediatelythebirdsarebroughtforthfromthewater.IftheWordisspoken,allthingsarepossible.”9Godhas“talkedforth”thecreationandineverymoment;hestilldoes.

AcrucialpointconcerningthechoraleisthataccordingtoLuther this mys-teriouscreativewordisstillworkingwithinhumanwords.ThroughthewordsoftheHolyScriptureGodisre-creatingtheworld.Lutherexpressesthecon-nectionbetweenGod’screativewordandthewordinthemouthofapreacherinatabletalk(1532):“Aperson’swordisalittlesoundthatdisappearsintotheairandquicklyvanishes.God’sWordisgreaterthanheavenandearth,evendeathandhell,foritisthepowerofGodandremainsforever.IfitisGod’sWord,apersonshouldholditfastandbelievethatGodhimselfistalkingwithus.”10Godtalkedforthlifeincreation.Andnow,throughhisword,hetalksforth spiritual lifeintheactofre-creationandre-birthofman.

II.ConcerningtheSonofGodandRedemptionThesecondarticleoffaithtreatstheSonofGod,whoistheLogos, the Word ofGod. Ina famousdescriptionofwhat a sermon is,Lutherwrites in theprefacetohisWartburgPostil,thattopreachtheGospelisnothingelse“thanChristcomingtous,orwebeingbroughttohim”.11 A sermon is, according to Luther, not just facts about Christ, but actually Christ coming to the con-gregationthroughhisword.Luther’s understanding of Christ coming through thegospelisinformedbyBiblepassagessuchasRom10:7-8:“Donotsayinyourheart,‘Whowillascendintoheaven?’(thatis,tobringChristdown)or‘Whowilldescendintotheabyss?’(thatis,tobringChristupfromthedead).Butwhatdoesitsay?‘Thewordisnearyou,inyourmouthandinyourheart’,thatis,thewordoffaiththatweproclaim.”12

Luther’s understanding of Christ coming in his Word means that he breaks withtheAugustiniantheoryofsignum-res(sign-thing).Accordingtothisthe-oryaword,takenasasign,pointstowardsathingwhichissomewhereelse.The sign only demonstrates the thing. According to Luther,incontrast,whenitcomestotheWordofGod,thesignbringswithitthething.Stayingwithinthe sign discourse, Luther’sviewofGod’swordscanbedescribedas“effec-

8 WA 42, 35, LW 1:47. Cf. Robert Kolb, Martin Luther and the Enduring Word of God. The Wittenberg School and Its Scripture-Centered Proclamation,(GrandRapids,MI,2016),p.46–48.

9 WA 42, 37. LW 1, 49.10 WATR1,70,20–23.Cf.Kolb,Martin Luther and the Enduring Word of God,p.47.11 WA10,I,1,13–14.LW35,121.12 EnglishStandardVersionoftheBible.

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tive signs”,words that accomplishwhat they say.13ThiswayofdescribingGod’swordhasclearparallelswithLuther’s understanding of the sacraments. InthelaterteachingofLutheranOrthodoxy,theWordofGodaslawandgos-pelandthesacraments(i.e.baptismandtheLord’ssupper)aretreatedtogeth-er under the heading De mediis salutis(Onthemeansofsalvation).

III.ConcerningtheHolySpiritandSanctificationIntheNiceno-ConstantinopolitanCreed(381),includedintheBookofCon-cord,itisstatedthattheHolySpiritis“LordandLife-giver”.Inhisexplana-tion of the third article in the Small Catechism(1529)Luther also describes theHolySpiritasthegiveroflife.LutherexpressestheworkoftheHolySpiritinacharacteristicway,sinceheusestheI-formandunitestheconfessiontotheHolySpiritwithaconfessionofhis sin. In thiswayLuther–andalso Melanchthon in Confessio Augustana– integrates theApostolicconfessionwithstatementsconcerningtheologicalanthropologywhichwerebeingdis-cussedin their times.“Ibelieve thatbymyownunderstandingorstrengthI cannot believe in JesusChristmyLORDor come to him.”14 This is the anthropologicalbackgroundoftheconfessiontotheHolySpirit,whoLuther sayshascalledhimthroughthegospel,enlightenedhim,madehimholyandkepthimintruefaith.Inlightofthepresentquestions,itisworthnoticingthe expression “called by theGospel”. Luther is of the conviction that the HolySpiritusesGod’sWordwhendealingwithhumanbeings.Thisismostclearly articulated in the Smalcald articles. Here Lutherstatesthat“[...]Godgives no one hisSpirit or grace apart from the externalWordwhich goesbefore”.15 When LutherwritesaprefacetoaneditionofhisGermanwritings(1539)herepeatstheideathattheHolySpiritisnotgivenwithouttheexternalWord.“Hiscommandtowrite,preach,read,hear,sing,speak,etc.outwardly[ eusserlich]wasnotgiveninvain.”16 The context of the quotation is Luther’s expositionofPsalm119wherehestates the three things thatmakea theo-logian: oratio, meditatio and tentatio.Undertheheadingofmeditatioheplac-es“singing”inthesamecategoryasreading,preaching,etc.,whichmeanshehereconsiderssingingasawaytointegratetheverbum externumwiththe

13 Cf.AlexanderJensen,Theological Hermeneutics,(London,2007),p.70–74.Jensenarguesthat there isadifferencebetweenCalvin and Lutheron thispoint.WhatJensen fails to make clear is that this understanding of signum-res cannot be used as a general hermeneutic for LutherbutisapplicabletotheholyWordofGod.LaterinLutheranOrthodoxy,itwascommonlymadeclear that theeffectof theHolyScripture is causedbya supernatural,spiritualeffect,notanaturalone.SeeTorbjörnJohansson,“DieVernunftvordenMyster-ienderHeiligenSchrift.AnthropologischeErwägungenzurBibelhermeneutikderevange-lisch-lutherischenTheologiedes17.JahrhundertsundderBibelhermeneutikSpinozas”,inHebraistik – Hermeneutik – Homiletik. “Die Philologia Sacra” im frühneuzeitlichen Bibel-studium,ChristophBultmannandLutzDanneberg(eds.),(BerlinandNewYork,2011),p.413–440.

14 The Book of Concord,p.355.15 Ibid.,p.322.16 WA50,659,33–35.LW34,286

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personality.Meditare means for Luther not that the human being goes into himself,butratherthatheorsheisopenedtotheexternalword.17 Luther had adeeptheologicalmotivationtoletGod’sWordbeim Schwang.InordertobringChrist,theWordofGod,tothepeople,Lutherstartedtoproducecho-rales.InalettertoGeorgSpalatinLutherwrites:“IintendtomakeGermanPsalmsforthepeople,i.e.,spiritualsongssothattheWordofGodevenbymeansofsongmayliveamongthepeople.”18

Luther’sunderstandingoftheWordofGodmatchesacertainwayoflis-tening. His understanding of man as listening is directly related to his under-standingofGodastalking.

TheologicalAnthropology,theActofListeningandJustificationTheLutheranwayoflisteninggetsitscharacternotleastfromLuther’s the-ologicalanthropology.WithanexpressionborrowedfromAugustine,Luther describes sin as man incurvatus in se,curvedinwardononeself.19 The human beingcannothelpseekinghimself,alsowhenitcomestoreligion.Thehumanbeingiscaughtupintheself.

FromtheperspectiveofLuther’stheologicalanthropology,itisimportantthattheselfisapproachedbysomethingcomingfrom the outside. The Word ofGod,asnotedabove,comesasaverbum externum.Intheactoflistening,manisdepictedasreceptive.Whentheearandtheattentionaredirectedto-wardswhatisoutside,theselfisopenedup.Throughthewordandthelisten-er, a relationship isestablished.Fromthehumansidethisrelationshipshouldbe, according to Luther,characterizedbyfaith,thatis,bytrust.Thisiswhatthiswordcreatesthroughare-creativeactoftheHolySpirit,andthehumanbeing should listen.

If we consider “hearing” from a phenomenological point of view, it issomethingthatatonelevelwecandescribeasapassive act:Wecannotopenandcloseourearsaswecandowithoureyesandwithourmouth.Throughhearing there is a passage to the interior of the personality. From anotherperspective,hearingcanbedescribedasanactive act. The many biblical ad-monitionstoheararebuiltonthispresupposition:“Hear,youwhohaveears.”20

At the very heart of Luther’s theology is thequestionof justificationbyfaithalone.HearingthewordisdeeplyintegratedinLuther’s understanding of justification. In an exposition of the letter to theHebrewsLuther treats “hearing”and“believing”asjuxtaposedandmoreorlesslikesynonyms.

17 Cf.OswaldBayer,Theologie,(Gütersloh,1994),p.86.18 LW 53, 221.19 SeeMattJenson,The Gravity of Sin. Augustine, Luther and Barth on homo incurvatus in

se,(LondonandNewYork,2006).20 Fortheologicalaspectsontheactoflistening,seeBerndWannenwetsch,“’TakeHeedWhat

Ye Hear’: Listening as a Moral, Transcendental and Sacramental Act”, Journal of the Royal Musical Association,135:1(2010),p.91–102.

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Godnolongerrequiresthefeetorthehandsoranyothermember;Herequiresonlytheears.Tosuchanextenthaseverythingbeenreducedtoaneasywayoflife.ForifyouaskaChristianwhattheworkisbywhichhebecomesworthyofthename“Christian,”hewillbeabletogiveabsolutelynootheranswerthanthat it is the hearing of the Word of God, that is, faith [italics mine]. Therefore theearsalonearetheorgansofaChristianman,forheisjustifiedanddeclaredtobeaChristiannotbecauseof theworksofanymember[of thebody]butbecause of faith.21

ThecloseconnectionbetweenfaithandhearingisfoundinRom10:17.Theverseisoftentranslated,that“faithcomesthroughpreaching”butmorelit-erally,Paulsaysthatfaithcomesfrom“thethingsheard”,whicharebuiltontheWordofChrist.InoneofLuther’sexpositionsofRom10:17hestressesthehearingaspectandlinksittotheOldTestamentexhortationtohearGod’sWord.“Oneshouldnotethatthisistheone,andthegreatest,thingGodre-quiresoftheJews,yes,ofallmen,namely,thattheyhearHisvoice.”22 Luther then refers to the Shemá IsraelinDeut.6:4andotherOldTestamentpassages.

Lutherre-discoveredthegospelthroughanintensestudyofRom1:16–17(“The righteous shall live by faith”). These verseswere for him theporta paradisi,thegatestoparadise.23ThisfaithoftheheartiscreatedbyGodandtheHolySpiritanditisdonebymeansoftheWord.Karl-HeinzzurMühlenargues that Luther’sunderstandingoftherelationshipbetweentheverbum ex-ternum and the verbum internumhasitsowncharacteristicstamp,notonlyinrelation to the medieval scholasticism, but also in relation to Augustine. One ofthedifferencesmeansanewunderstandingofwords,inthattheverbum externumbecomesmoreimportantandmorecentralinLuther’s theology. The externallypreachedWordcomesthroughtheearstotheheart,andthroughfaith,itbecomesawordoftheheart,averbum cordis.24 From all of this fol-lowsthathearingiscentralinthetheologyofLuther. Hearing belongs to the sphereofcreationbuthasacrucialroleintheworkofsalvation.

21 WA57,III,222.LW29,224.22 WA57,III,142f.LW29,148.23 WA54,186.LW34,337.24 Karl-HeinzzurMühlen,Nos extra nos. Luthers Theologie zwischen Mystik und Scholastik, (Tübingen,1972),p.68f.ForthedifferencebetweenLuther and the earlier tradition con-cerning verbum internum and externum,seechapter2D,p.80:“DasWortistnichtmehrprimäreinaufeineunsprachlicheresnurverweisendessignum,sondernistalsGlaubenschaffendesundsoalsInstrumentdesHeiligenGeistesselberdasGeschehenderres,derIustitiaDei”,p.24:”DieOffenbarungverweistnichtaufeinansichunsprachlichesGesche-hen,sondernwillinderWeisewirksamwerden,daßsiediesesGeschehenselbstdurchdasWort schafft.”

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TheIntellect,theAffectsandtheMusicAlthoughthischapterisfocusingonsystematicaspectsofLuther’s theology, awordabouthisviewofmusic should be said.25Iwouldliketodrawatten-tiontotheroleanthropologyplayswhenitcomestoevaluationofmusic.AnimportantaspectofLuther’stheologicalanthropologyishisholisticviewofman. Luther’s studies of the Scriptures, not least theBook of Psalms, ledhimtounderstandthecloserelationshipandinterplaybetweenintellect and affects.InanexpositionofPsalm119:10,”WithmywholeheartIseekyou”,LutherwritesthatheseeksGodwithhiswholeheart,notjustwithhalfofitasthephilosophersdowhentheyseekonlywiththeintellectandnottheaffects.26 Music moves the affects, and Luther’sholisticapproachisanimportantrea-sonwhyhistheologyprovidedsuchfertilegroundforthedevelopmentofthechorale.

ThereformersofWittenbergformulatedanearlysharppolemicagainstananthropologywhichemphasizesreasonattheexpenseoftheaffects.InLoci Communes 1521 Melanchthoncriticizestheviewthattheintellectisabletogoverntheaffects.Incontrasttothisview,hearguesthatmandoesnothavethepowertochangetheinneraffects.27 Melanchthon’sdiscussionispartofhispolemicagainsttheideaofafreewill.Fromourperspective,itisinterestingto notice that affects are considered to have such a dominating role in man. Theybelongtothe“heart”,theverycenterofthepersonality.Inanexposi-tionofPsalm51:12,“Createinme,oGod,acleanheart”,Lutherwritesthatthenormaluseoftheword“heart”(cor)includesmanyLatinterms:“LatinedicimusAnimam,Intellectum,Voluntatem,Affectum[‘soul, intellect,will,feeling/affect’]”.28The intellect and theaffects function togetherwitheachother. Inacommentary toanotherPsalm(number27)Luther says that the Lordcanonlybesought“throughthethoughtandtheaffects[perintellectumetaffectum]turnedtowardHim”.29Giventhecentralpositionandthepositiverole Luthergivestotheaffects,itnotsurprisingthathealsohassuchahighestimation of music.

Due to Luther’saffirmationoftheaffectsaspartofman’sinnerdispositionandhisownexperienceofmusic’sabilitytomovetheheart,Lutherfindsitperfectlyfittingtojoinwordandmusicinthehymntobringthegospeltotheheartandtoformulatethehumananswer.30Whentextandmusicarekeptto-

25 On this theme, see e.g. Mikka Anttila, Luther’s Theology of Music. Spiritual Beauty and Pleasure,(BerlinandBoston,2013),forpreviousstudiesonLutherandmusic,p.9–13.

26 WA4,282,8–9.Cf.BirgitStolt,Martin Luthers Rhetorik des Herzens,(Tübingen,2000),p.51.

27 PhilipMelanchthon,Loci Communes 1521, Lateinisch – Deutsch. Übersetzt und mit kom-mentierenden Anmerkungen versehen von Horst Georg Pöhlmann,(Gütersloh,1997),p.36.

28 WA40,II,425,17–20.Cf.Stolt,Rhetorik,p.51.29 WA3,151,9–12.LW10,126.30 ThedifferencebetweentheearlyLutheranandReformedtradition,whenitcomestouseofmusicintheservice,cantosomeextentbeexplainedbytheirdifferentanthropology.

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getheritformsamostbeautifulandpowerfulexpressionofproclamationandofthanksgivingandconfessionasanswer.TheChristiancongregationhasinthiswayaholycallto“singandspeak[‘singenundsagen’]”.31

Again, LutherusesthoughtsandwordsfromthePsaltertoformulatehisown theology. In theexpositionofPs119hewrites:“Thusyousee in thissamePsalmhowDavidconstantlyboaststhathewilltalk,meditate,speak,sing,hear, read,bydayandnight andalways, aboutnothingexceptGod’sWord and commandments.”32 Lutheremphasizesthemanydifferentformsoftheword–write,read,sing,andspeak–butalsotheexternalcharacteroftheword.Thewordcomesasverbum externum and is a means of grace.

TheMeansofGraceasExternalInstrumentsAsshownabove,LutherconnectstheworkoftheHolySpiritwiththeverbum externum andhisunderstandingofthesacramentsisinlinewiththisunder-standing. Luther’sviewisexpressedinthedocumentsbelongingtotheLu-theranConfessions.InConfessio Augustana,ArticleV,PhilipMelanchthon statesthatGodhas“institutedtheofficeofpreaching,givingthegospelandthesacraments.Through these,as throughmeans,hegives theHolySpiritwhoproducesfaith,whereandwhenhewills,inthosewhohearthegospel.”33 InthefiftharticlethosearecondemnedwhoteachthatmanobtainstheHolySpiritwithout theexternalWordof theGospel.Theword for“external” isinGerman“leiblich”,whichliterallymeans“physical”.34ThisexplainswhyMelanchthonseessuchacloseconnectionbetweentheWordofGodandthesacraments.

LaterintheLutherantradition,stillwithintheBook of Concord, the For-mula of ConcordstatesthatGoddoesnotdrawmenapartfrommeans.TheFormulareinforcesthatGodhasinstitutedhisWordandsacramentsastheregularmeansandinstrumentsfordrawingpeopletohimself.35 Later, in the seventeenthcentury, theWordofGodand thesacramentswere treated to-gether under the heading De mediis gratiae(“meansofgrace”).Centraltothequestionofthehymnisthatthespiritualsideissotightlyinterwovenwiththeexternal and material side of the means of grace.

LutherlabelsthenotionthattheHolySpiritcomestomanwithoutmeansSchwärmerei (“enthusiasm”). The emphasis Luther and the following Lu-therantraditionplacesuponthefactthatGodusesexternalmeans,andthathedealswithmenmost concretely through thesemeans, distinguishes theLutheranfromtheReformedtradition.Consideringthehymnfromtheper-

MarkC.MatteshascalledattentiontothisaspectinMartin Luther’s Theology of Beauty: A Reappraisal,(GrandRapids,MI,2017),p.113–132.

31 Forthischaracteristicexpression,see.g.WA,DB6,3,23–25.32 WA50,659,30–32.LW34,286.33 The Book of Concord,p.40.34 Ibid.,p.40,note49.35 Ibid,p.652.

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spectiveof themeansofgrace,Lutheran theologyemphasizes theexternalandmaterial sideof themeans,which– according to the theses Iproposehere–promotesthedevelopmentofthehymn.Theexpressionthatthehymnmeans“singingthegospelin”isfromatheologicalpointofviewanexampleofhowspiritualgiftsareconnectedwithmaterialsigns(wordandmelodies)andbringthegospelthroughtheearstotheheart.Inaprefacetoacollectionof funeral hymns, 1542, Luther extolls the role of music and singing. When thesegiftsareproperlyused,theCreatorispraisedandhonoredandthehu-manbeingismadebetterandstrongerinfaith.ItisdonethroughGod’sholyWordwhich“isdrivenintotheheartthroughsweetsong”.36

Regardingthelistening,itisimportanttonoticehowLutheremphasizesthe spokenword.JesusChrististrulycomingtothecongregationandtotheworld through themessage that isproclaimedandheard.With the famousexpressionviva vox evangeliiheunderlinesthatthegospelisprimarilyanoralform.TheGospelis“anoralsermonandalivingvoice”.Thissermonshouldbe heardinthewholeworld.37

Bringing together Luther’stheologicalanthropologyandhisviewoftheex-ternalityofthemeansofgrace,acertainmovementcanbediscerned,wherethehumanbeingisopeneduptowardssomethingoutsidehimself.Thus,thereareseveralreasons,rootedinadistinct theologicalparadigm,forusingthechoraletobringtheWordofGodtothecongregation.

The“Promeity”oftheGospelandtheHumanAnswerAnimportantcentralthemeforMartinLutherwasthequestionoftheassur-ance of salvation (Heilsgewissheit).InhisLectures on the Galatians(1535)hecriticizestheRomantheologybecauseofthe“monsterofuncertainty”(mon-strum incertitudinis)whichLutherconsidersworsethanallothermonsters.38 This goes to the heart of Luther’stheology.“Moreover,thechiefpointofallScriptureisthatweshouldnotdoubtbuthope,trust,andbelieveinthecer-taintythatGodismerciful,kind,andpatient,thatHedoesnotlieanddeceivebut is faithful and true.”39 According to Luther,thecoreproblemofthehumanbeingisthatheorsheisfullofdistrusttowardsGod.Believingthatthegos-pelisnotmeantforme,thatIamnotworthy,mightlooklikeapiousattitude;but Lutherthoughtthiswasthewayofthedevil,leadingpeopleintodespair.40

36 WA35,480,7–8:“seinheiligesWort,mitsüssemGesanginsHertzgetrieben”.Cf.LW53,328.

37 WA12, 259. This theme is explored e.g. by JohannesBlock in hismonograph,Verste-hen durch Musik: Das gesungene Wort in der Theologie. Ein hermeneutischer Beitrag zur Hymnologie am Beispiel Martin Luthers,(TübingenandBasel,2002),chapterII:“Dasge-sungene Wort als verbum theologiae und vox musicae”.

38 WA40,I,588,32.39 WA40,I,588,12–14.LW26,386.40 Kolb, Martin Luther and the Enduring Word of God,p.67.“ThattrustinGodconstitutes

the core of humanity in Luther’s thinking is clear from his account of the fall into sin.”

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Therefore Lutherconsidereditanimportantpartofproclaimingthegos-peltogivepeoplethecouragetobelievethatGod’ssalvationisintendedforthem. A distinct character of Luther’s theology is therefore the pro me (for me)aspect,sometimescalledthe“promeity”.41Itisthroughhisstressonthegospel,whatChristhasdoneandwhathegivesforfree,thatsuchtrustcanbeawakened.Trustcannotbeaccomplishedbyforceandcommandment,butonlythroughthegospel.

The Lutheran hymn often has the function of transforming a theological “high” truth into a personal application.As a result, it helps the singer toadoptthetruthinhisheart.AnexampleofthisisLuther’shymn“VomHim-melhoch”(1535).Itstartswithastrongemphasizedexternum: from the very outside,“fromheavenabove”(“vomHimmelhoch”),comestheangelwiththe most joyful message and it is to you.Thehymnendswithshiftingtheper-spectiveandthebelieverisinvitedtomakethisprayerhisorherown:

Ach,meinherzliebesJesulein, Mach dir ein rein, sanft Bettelein, ZuruheninmeinsHerzensSchrein, Daßichnimmervergessedein. [DearlittleJesus!Inmyshed, Maketheeasoft,whitelittlebed, Andresttheeinmyheart’slowshrine, Thatsomyheartbealwaysthine.]42

Bysinging,thegospelisreceivedthroughanactofinternalisation,bywhichitgoesdeeperintothepersonality.InthiswayLuther’s hymns of confession and of trust serve to convey trust and faith to the singing congregation by layingthewordoffaithintheirmouths.

Inhischorales,Luther shifts from proclamation to answering and confess-ing.Thisisawayofcommunicatingthegospelinwhichthechoralecanbeseenasaconcentrateoftheservice,adramalikeBach’scantataswithitscall and response–itsproclamationoflawandgospel,expressionsofrepentanceandofpraiseandthanksgiving.Throughthechorale,Luther creates an act ofreciprocityandmutuality.Thechoraleproclaimsandcanapplythegospeland at the same time communicate a formula for the “yes” of faith. There is infaithanelementwhichisstatedinthePsalterthus:IwillproclaimandtellofGod’swondrousdeeds (Ps 40:5).The chorale helps the congregation toformulate thatproclamation.When themonstrum incertitudinis is defeated andassuranceofsalvationisathand,thehumanbeingwishestosing.43 Trust

41 E.g.,BrianBrock, “Living in theWakeofGod’sActs:Luther’sMary askey toBarth’sCommand”, in The Freedom of a Christian Ethicist. The Future of a Reformation Legacy, BrianBrockandMichaelMawson(eds.),(LondonandNewYork,2016),p.65–92.

42 LW 53, 291.43 Cf.JohannMatthesonsays, thatwithoutassuranceabout theeternal joy,noonecanre-joicewithin theirheart.Only thosewhohave thisassurancecangivepraiseand thanks

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inGod leads to a spiritual freedom.The themeof freedomand singing isimportantinthePsalter,ascanbeseeninPsalm137:“Forthereourcaptorsrequiredofussongs,andourtormentors,mirth,saying,‘Singusoneofthesongs of Zion!’How shallwe sing the Lord’s song in a foreign land?” InOn the Freedom of a Christian(1520)Lutherdistinguishesbetweenaninnerfreedom and an external freedom. When the “inner man” is set free from the dominance of sin and evil, he can sing again. Luther’s “Nun freut euch, lieben ChristenG’mein”(probably1523)hasbeencalled“Luther’s song of liberty”.44

When Luther started towrite chorales, he had been singing the Psalterformanyyears.Afterhismanyyearsinthemonastery,hewasdeeplyfamil-iarwiththePsalter.45Inaddition,hehadlecturedextensivelyonthePsalter,andheconsidereditasummaryoftheHolyScripture.46Howhisexperiencescametoexpressioncanbeseeninhis“NunfreuteuchliebChristG’mein”thatremindsoneofthethanksgivingpsalmsinthePsalter.Anearlytitleofthechoraleis“EinDankliedfürdiehöchstenWohltaten,sounsGottinChris-toerzeigthat“.47Thedoxologicalcontentinterwovenwithanarrative about thedespairofthepeopleandthemightysalvationofGod.

The Priesthood of all BelieversAs is often mentioned, Luther’sunderstandingofthepriesthoodofallbeliev-ershadaprofoundeffecton theservice.48 From early on, Luthercriticizedtheideathat thepope, thebishops, thepriestsandmonksbelongedto“thespiritualestate”whileprinces,craftsmenandfarmersbelongedto“thetem-poralestate”.Lutherdescribesthewallwhichthechurchhadbuiltbetweenthesetwoestatesandhewishestooverthrowit.Fromcertainscripturepas-sages, e.g. 1 Pet 2:9 and Rev 5:9f, LutherarguedthatallChristiansarepriestsand kings, stressing that all Christians belong to the spiritual estate sincethere is only one body of Christ.49TheOldTestamentpriesthoodhasbeenfulfilled inChristandnowallChristiansaremadepriestswith the task topray,tosacrificeandtoteachGod’sWord.ThemostimportantthingisthatallhavetherightanddutytoteachtheWordofGod.Thesacrificeisasacrifice

to God. See JohannMattheson,Die neuangelegte Freuden-Akademie, zum lehrreichen Vorschmack unbeschreiblicher Herrlichkeit in der Veste göttlicher Macht, zweyter Band, (Hamburg,1753),p.103–104.ThankstoJoyceIrwinforthereference.

44 OswaldBayer,Martin Luthers Theologie, Eine Vergegenwärtigung, 2ndrev.edition,(Tübin-gen,2004),p.193.

45 This aspect of Luther’s theology is explored byGünter Bader in Psalterium affectuum palaestra. Prolegomena zu einer Theologie des Psalters, (Tübingen, 1996), p. 155–186.Seealso thechapter“DerPsalteralsWurzelbodenfürMartinLuthersLiedschaffen”, inJohannesBlock,Verstehen durch Musik,p.81–87.

46 WADB10,I,99–100.47 WA 35, 422–425. For a theological analysis of this chorale, see Oswald Bayer,Martin

Luthers Theologie,p.193–203.48 E.g., Leaver, The Reformation and Music,p.388.49 WA6,407–409.LW44,127–130.

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ofthanksgivingandpraise.However,thisdoesnotmeanthatallarecalledtopreachinpublic.ForthistaskGodhasgiventhechurchpastorsandteacherswhoshouldteachtheWordofGodandadministerthesacraments.50

Luther’sdoctrineofthepriesthoodofallbelievershad,ofcourse,profoundeffectsontheservice.Mostclearly,itcanbeseeninthenewinterpretationoftheLord’ssupper.Thiscanbedescribedintermsofanewunderstandingofthe divine service. Melanchthon uses the terms sacrificium and sacramentum to describe the Lutheran understanding of the service.51 The sacramentum has thedirectionfromGodtothecongregation.Attheverycenterofthesacrificeofthemass,themostprofoundchangecanbeseenwhenLuther changes the directionand,indoingthis,isstressingtheimportanceofhearing.Insteadofawhisperedcanonofthemass,asasacrificeinthedirectionfromthealtartoGod,Lutherusesatonalmelody,thesameasforthegospel,inordertomakeclear that the verba institutionisisgospelinthedirectionfromthealtartothepeople.52They shouldhear thisgospelwith their ears.This transformationcan be described as a shift from the visible to the audible.53Theresponseispraiseandthanksgivingandin thiswayalsothesacrificium takesplaceinthe service. When it comes to the singing of the congregation, Robin Leaver describesitthus:“Thewholechurch,ratherthanthechoiralone,wastosingpartsoftheordinaryofthemass,suchastheKyrieandtheGermanAgnusDei(“Christe,duLammGottes”),aswellasthenewlyintroducedhymnsatappropriateplacesthroughouttheliturgicalorder.”54

Luther’scriticismof the ideaof the twoestateshasfar-reachingeffects.The congregation and its individual members have not just the right but the dutytoproclaimtheWord,toprayandtobringthesacrificeofpraise.Thismeans,ofcourse,astrongtheologicalmotivationforthedevelopmentofthechorale.Through theflexibilityof thechorale, it canhave thedifferentdi-rection –God’sWord to the congregation, or prayers and praise from thecongregationtoGod–anditincludesallthesethreedutiesofthepriesthoodof all believers.

50 Cf. Confessio Augustana,articleV.OnLuther,seeReinhardSchwartz,Martin Luther – Lehrer der christlichen Religion,2.Auflage(Tübingen,2016),p.443–494.

51 The Book of Concord,p.260.52 SeeUlrichLeupold,“Introduction”,The German Mass and Order of Service(1526),LW53,p.59.

53 Kolb, Martin Luther and the Enduring Word of God,p.37–40.54 RobinA.Leaver,“LutherandBach,the‘DeutscheMesse’andtheMusicofWorship”,in

Lutheran Quarterly,15(2001),p.317–335,p.317.

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TheSpiritualStruggleOneobviousapproachtothequestionofthedevelopmentofthechoraleisLu-ther’shighestimationofmusic.“Ihavealwayslovedmusic,”hesaysinatabletalk.55Thisargumentcanalsobeexploredfromatheologicalpointofview.One of the motivations for Luther’s high estimation of music is, according to Lutherhimself,thatmusicbringsjoywhichheconsidersanimportantweap-oninthespiritualstruggle.WhenLutherreflectsontheeffectsofmusic,heconsidersit,amongotheraspects,inthecontextofthespiritualstruggle.56 Lu-therwritesthatthedevilisagloomyspirit(spiritus tristiae),whoisanenemyof joy.57Thedevilalsohatesmusic,butthejoyofmusiccandispelthedevil.58

Anotherwell-knownfactisthatLutherconsiderstheWordofGodanef-fectiveinstrumenttodispelthedevil.59Therefore,whenthesetwoarejoinedtogether,musicandtheWordofGod,itisanextraordinarilystrongweaponinthespiritualstruggle.InLuther’s most famous chorale “Ein feste Burg ist unserGott” (1529)heconfesses“einWörtleinkann ihn fällen” (“one littlewordcanoverturnhim”)(v.3).AnotherofLuther’smostwell-knowntextscanshedlightonhowheintegratedtheWord and singing in the daily struggle againstthespiritualenemy.“Withoutdoubt,youwillofferupnomorepow-erfulincenseorsavoragainstthedevil thantooccupyyourselfwithGod’scommandmentandwordsandtospeak,sing, and think about them” [italics mine].60

Asmotivation, intheprefaceoftheSmallCatechismLuther says that it canbeofhelpagainst thedevil.TheCatechismisbasicallyacollectionofverba from theHolyScriptures.At theendof theCatechism,afterLuther hasgiveninstructioninhowtoofferamorningprayer,heconcludeswiththewords:“thengotoyourworkaftersingingahymn”.61 Many of Luther’s cho-ralesarewrittenaccordingtothestructureofhiscatechismsandcanbeseenas “musical catechesis”.62 The singing of chorales has a broader use than the serviceinthechurch.Thechoraleispartofthedailyliturgyofthecatechism,

55 WATR5,557(Nr.6248).56 For this dimension of understanding Luther, see Heiko Oberman, Luther. Mensch zwischen

Gott und Teufel,(Berlin,1982),p.109–110:“EsgibtkeinenZugangzuLuthersGlaubenser-fahrung,wennman diese Situation der christlichenExistens zwischenGott undTeufelnichtwahrnimmt.”

57 WATR1,88(No.194).Cf.BirgitStolt,”Laßt uns fröhlich springen!” Gefühlswelt und Gefühlsnavigierung in Luthers Reformationsarbeit. Eine kognitive Emotionalitätsanalyse auf philologischer Basis,(Berlin,2012),p.60–81.

58 WATR2,441(Nr.2387b).59 Seee.g.,hisprefacetotheLargeCatechism.“Nothingissopowerfullyeffectiveagainstthedevil,theworld,theflesh,andallevilthoughtsastooccupyone’sselfwithGod’sWord,tospeakaboutitandmeditateuponit[...]”,The Book of Concord,p.381.

60 Large Cathecism, Preface, see The Book of Concord,p.381.61 The Book of Concord,p.363.62 Robin A. Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music. Principles and Implications,(GrandRapids,MI,2007),p.107–172.

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ofreading,praying,singingtheWordofGodandsoconductingthespiritualstruggle.

ConclusionThequestionabout thedevelopmentof thechoralewithinLutheranchurchlifeneedsamultifacetedanswer.Fromasystematictheologicalpointofview,onecannoticehowthesingingofthechoralespringsfromtheveryheartofLuther’s theology.The expositionof various traits in his theology forms acumulativeargumentfortheconclusionthatthedevelopmentanduseofthechoralearedeeplyrootedinaLutherantheologicalpattern.EightaspectsofLuther’stheology–hisunderstandingof(1)theWordofGod,(2)thetheo-logicalanthropologyandtheactoflistening,(3)thedoctrineofjustificationbyfaith,(4)themeansofgraceasexternalinstruments,(5)thepromeity of thegospelandthequestionaboutassuranceofsalvation,(6)theindividual’sanswertotheGospel,(7)thepriesthoodofallbelievers,and(8)thestruggleagainstthespiritualenemy–allcoalesceintosuchacumulativeargument.These characteristics in Luther’stheologyformedthefertilegroundinwhichthechoralecouldbedevelopedandcouldflourishforcenturiestocome.63

63 IwouldliketothankChristopherC.Barnekov,Ph.D.,forhelpfulcommentsonthedraft.

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19.TheVitalityofLutheranLiturgy:SacramentumandSacrificiuminSwedishLiturgicalRenewal

Tomas Appelqvist

ManyattemptshavebeenmadetoformulateatheoreticalframeworkthatcanbeusedtodiscussLutheranchurchmusicandliturgyasawhole.Inthischap-terIwill,fromasystematictheologicalperspective,useoneofthemostcom-monframeworksinLutherantheology–thedistinctionbetweensacramen-tum and sacrificium–andstudysourcesfromthreeverydifferent,butstillimportant,periodsinthehistoryofLutheranmusicandliturgicalrenewalinSweden.1Mypurposeistopresentaconclusionthatcanbefurtherexaminedand discussed not only by systematical theologians but also by musicologists andpeopleprofessionallyengagedinpracticalchurchlife.Attheendofthechapter,IwilldiscusshowtheSwedishLutheranliturgicalheritageandespe-ciallyitstheologicalunderstandingofmusiccontainsimportantresourcesforanumberoffieldsrelatedtoLutheranmusicalculture.

ThetraditionaldistinctioninLutherantheologyistotalkabout“Law”and“Gospel”.Indeed,theformulationofthisdistinctionandtheconsequencesitledtoisinitselfawayofexpressingtheactualReformationbreak-throughandtheessenceofLutheranfaith.The“Law”referstothedemandsthatGodhasonallhumanbeingsanditissummarizedintheDecalogue.The“Gospel”referstoGod’sgift,theforgivenessofsins,madepossibleandactualizedinthe death and resurrection of Christ.2

Onewayofmakingthisdistinctionapplicabletoliturgyistotalkaboutsacramentum and sacrificium.Sincethisdistinctionservesasaninterpreta-tiontoolthroughoutthetext,wewillundertakeanin-depthanalysisofhowitisinterpretedandusedbythebishopofSträngnäs,UddoLechardUllman (1837–1930),whowasthefirsttobringthisdistinctionintotheSwedishcon-text.

SacramentummeansalmostthesameastheGospel,sinceitreferstopartsoftheliturgythatarepurelyactionsofGod,andwherehumanactions,nor-

1 Thefocusisonecclesiology,butattheendofthechapter,IwilldiscussthefindingsinthelightofsomeofthemostcentralconcernsinLutheranfaith,likejustificationandChristol-ogy.

2 Art5inthe“FormulaofConcord”describesthisdistinctionindetail,seep.790–792in“Konkordienformel”, in Die Bekenntnis-Schriften der Evangelisch Lutherischen Kirche, (Göttingen,1982).

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mallyperformedbytheclergy,areonlyawayofgivingvoicetowhatGodhasalreadyestablished.Asexamples,thereadingoftheGospelandthedis-tribution of the elements in the Eucharist can be mentioned as “sacramental” aspectsof theLiturgy.Already inhisdoctoraldissertationon theSwedishhymnbook from 1871, Ullman used the distinction between sacramentum and sacrificium in order to state that the content of church life is life, move-mentandenergeticactivity.OlophBexellclaimsthatUllman reacts against aone-sidedLutheranismthatonlygivesroomtothesacramentalaspectsoffaithandleavesnoroomfordoxology,thesacrificialpraiseandoffering.3

Thedistinctionbetweensacramentum and sacrificium is better than that between“Law”and“Gospel”whenitcomestoanalysingpracticalphenom-enainchurchlife,suchasmusic,sinceithelpsustofocusonwhatactuallyhappens–visiblyandaudibly.

Ullmanwrites that the hymns that are sung in the liturgy express bothsacramentum and sacrificium.TheyaremeansbothforgiftsofGodtothecongregationandforthecongregationtobepermeatedbythegodlyobjectsandreactwithconfessiontothegiftsofGod.Forthebeautyoftheliturgy,theparticipationofachoirhasaspecialrole,bothsacrificiallywhenasongofhighestpossiblequalityis“offered”,andsacramentally,whentheedificationofaspecialthemeofthecelebrationishighlightedandthedevotionismademore intense. BexellmentionsthatthegeneralriseofchoirsinSwedenoc-curredwiththeservicebook(Swe:Kyrkohandbok)fromyear1894andthatUllmanemphasizesthatthechoirshallco-operatewiththerestofthecongre-gationandbeanintegratedpartoftheliturgy.4

Bystudyingthedistinctionbetweensacramentum and sacrificium wewillgetadeeperunderstandingofthepurposeofthemusicintheLutheranliturgyandthewaythatmusiccanhelptoenrichtheinterpretationofChristianfaithandlife.Theconceptssacramentum and sacrificium already exist in article 24 the Apology of the Augsburg confession from 1531 and the main concern ofthatarticleistogiveargumentsagainsttheRoman-Catholicteachingex opere operatothatthemereperformanceofaliturgicalactbringsaboutsalv-ificfaith.Inthistext,Melanchthondefinestwosortsofsacrificethatillustratethedistinctionbetweensacramentum and sacrificium,areconcilingsacrificethatChristhasmadeonceandforall,andasacrificeofpraisethatismadebyalready reconciled human believers.5

3 UddoLechardUllman,Om den kyrkliga psalmboken – Liturgisk-kritisk undersökning med särskild hänsyn till den svenska kyrkans psalmbok af år 1819, (Uppsala,1871),p.20,30andOlophBexell,Liturgins teologi hos U. L. Ullman,Ph.D.diss.,UppsalaUniversity,(Stock-holm,1987),p.140.

4 Ullman,Om den kyrkliga psalmboken,p.34andUddoLechardUllman,Evangelisk-luth-ersk liturgik med särskild hänsyn till den svenska kyrkans förhållanden, I–II:2, (Stock-holm,1874-85),II:1:154f.,198andBexell,Liturgins teologi,p.260,263.

5 “Apologia”,p.349–377,inDie Bekenntnis-Schriften der Evangelisch Lutherischen Kirche, (Berlin,1930).

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Thisintroductionisverymuchinlinewitharecentlyreprinteddoctoralthesis by theNorwegian-Japanese-American theologianNaomichiMasaki. Hestudiesthedistinctionbetweensacramentum and sacrificiumbytheGer-manneo-orthodoxchurchmanTheodorKliefoth(1810−1895)andtheheavyinfluencehehadonSwedishliturgicalthinkingformorethanhalfacentury,untiltheestablishmentofthe1942servicebookwithintheChurchofSweden.Nowadays,Kliefoth’swayofcombiningastrictLutheranconfessionaldogmawithahigh-churchviewonliturgyappealsonlytosmallgroupsoftheologi-ansandinSwedenheisnotawell-knowntheologiananymore.

Masaki’sdissertationcanberecommendedtoeveryonewhowantstoun-derstand Lutheran liturgy from its historical roots. With his global outlook, Masakiisfullyawarethattheneo-orthodoxdistinctionbetweensacramen-tum and sacrificiumisnottheonlywayoftalkingaboutliturgy.Forexample,hereferstoVilmosVajta’simportantstudyLuther on Worship: An Interpre-tation andstatesthatVajtatalkedmoreoftenaboutbeneficium and sacrifici-um.6 MasakiunderlinesthatthetraditionofSwedishLutheranismhasseveralresourcesthatareuniquefromaworld-wideperspective.HeisalsoimpressedbytheskillfulcreativityofSwedishliturgistsduringtheperiod1890–1990,whichhavehelpedthechurchtoadministerthelegacyoftheSwedishRefor-mationinafruitfulwaysothatithasgivenpalpable inspirationtoLutheranliturgiesandaffectedthecontentinmanyservicebooksworldwide.7

Inthischapter,Iwillusethedistinctionbetweensacramentum and sacri-ficiumtostudythreesourceswithinthistraditionofworld-wideimportance.Thethreesourcesrepresentthreeverydifferentepochs,thepre-modern(orearly-modern)period,modernityandthepost-modern(orlate-modern)peri-od.Fromthepre-modernperiod,IwillstudyKyrkoordning 1571, a church or-dinancecomposedbythefirstEvangelicalarchbishopofSweden,LaurentiusPetri,whichstillhasaconfessionalstatusinSwedishchurchtraditionwithregardtoitstheologicalcontent.IwillalsostudyanexamplefromthemodernperiodandtakealookatoneexamplefromthefamousSwedishtheologianGustafAulén(1879–1977).Finally,Iwillinvestigatehowthisheritageisin-terpretedinourowntimeandhighlightsomeexamplesfromarecentprocesswithin theChurchofSwedentocreateanewservicebookforall typesofliturgicalactswithinthechurch.

Mypurposeisnottocomparethethreetexts.Thegenresandepochstheyrepresentaretoodifferentforacomparativeanalysis.Buttheyarerepresent-ativeofthreedifferentagesinSwedishLutheranhistoryofliturgyinawaythatevenhassignificanceforotherfieldsofacademicresearch.

Aspecialfocuswillofcoursebeplacedonmusic,butinordertounder-standthedifferentviewsonmusic,weneedashortintroductiontothemainconcernsofthethreedifferentpositionsasawhole.Attheendofeachsection,

6 VilmosVajta,Luther on Worship: An Interpretation,(Eugene,OR,2004[1958]).7 Naomichi Masaki, He Alone is Worthy! – The Vitality of the Lord’s Supper in Theodor

Kliefoth and in the Swedish Liturgy of the Nineteenth Century,(Gothenburg,2013).

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Iwillsummarizetheapproachstudiedusingthedistinctionbetweensacra-mentum and sacrificium,therebyusingaframeworkthatwillmakecompari-sonsbetweendifferentepochspossible.

Church Ordinance (Kyrkoordning)1571Onthetitlepage,thechurchordinanceofLaurentiusPetrireferstothewordsofPaulin1Cor14:40“Letallthingsbedonedecentlyandinorder”.8 Refer-encestothischapterintheBibleoccurseveraltimesinthetextofLaurentiusPetri.HeusesthisPaulinepassagetounderlinetheaspectof“order”intheserviceandthismeanstwokeythingsforhim.Firstly,heclaimsthatchangestotheliturgyhavetobeproperlypreparedandonlymadeinnecessarycases.Secondly,headvocatesaviewthatmakestheliturgyanaidforthecongrega-tionto“improve”initsChristianfaith.

Theimprovementmeansthatthepersonwhoisprayinghastobepenitentandleavehissinsbehindifhisprayeristobesuccessful(theSwedishwordfruchtsammausediscloserto“fruitful”).ArightfulfaithinJesusChristasa Mediator is also underlined.9This“improvement”hasaclearconnectiontothemusicusedintheliturgy.WithreferencetoCol3:16,LaurentiusPetri claimsthatitisanoldtraditiontosingpsalms,hymnsandsongsofpraisetopracticethewordofGod,andthepeopleinthecongregationimprovemoreifsomeofthesongsusedintheliturgyaresunginSwedish.10Inaddition,thelitanyhasthisrole.Atthesametime,hewantseverythingthatissungtobeinaccordancewiththescripture.Bythishedoesnotmeanthatalltextshavetocomedirectlyfromthescripture,buthestatesthattheoldmalpracticeofsinginginordertogaingraceandforgivenessofsinshasnowbeenputtoanend. Another consequence of the liturgical changes is that the number of sung liturgiesofthedailyofficemighthavetobereduced.11

8 Laurentius Petri, Laurentius Petris Kyrkoordning av år 1571 utgiven av Samfundet Pro fide et christianismo; med historisk inledning av Emil Färnström,(Stockholm,1932),p.1.LaurentiusPetri(1499−1573)wasthefirstLutheranArchbishopinSweden.ConsecratedbytheRomanCatholicbishopPetrusMagni,heemphasizedtheimportanceoftheMinistryandancienttraditionsinthenewEvangelicalchurchthatdevelopedunderhimandhisolderbrother Olaus Petri(1493−1552)whoalsohadanimportantroleintheSwedishReforma-tion. Laurentius Petrihadtodealwiththreedifferentkings(GustavVasa,ErikXIV and JohnIII)withverydifferentservicebooksforthechurchinSweden.Forexample,JohnwantedtoformanEvangelical-CatholicchurchbasedonthefivefirstChristiancenturies.For a further analysis of Laurentius Petri and his liturgical reforms, see Masaki, He Alone is Worthy!,p.45−50and364−367.

9 Laurentius Petri, Laurentius Petris Kyrkoordning av år 1571,p.96.10 Col3:16:”LetthewordofChristdwellinyourichlyinallwisdom;teachingandadmonish-ingoneanotherinpsalmsandhymnsandspiritualsongs,singingwithgraceinyourheartsto the Lord.” When Martin LutherinWADB7:224summarizesthecontentofCol.3,hestatesthatPaulexhortstheChristiansinColossetobe“fruitful”(comparewiththewordused by Laurentius Petri!TheGermanwordusedbyLuther is fruchtbarandthewordusedby Laurentius Petri is fruchtsamma) inpurefaith,doingallsortsofgoodworksforoneanother. LutheralsostatesthatPauldescribestheworksthatbelongtoeachstationinlife.

11 Laurentius Petri, Laurentius Petris Kyrkoordning av år 1571,p.88,102−104.

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Thechurchordinanceclaimsthatthepastoraloffice(German:Predigtamt, Swedish: Predikoämbetet)isanorderofGodandtheLordJesusChrist.Thepastoral office is not created by humans, but something thatGod upholdsandcontinuestoworkthrough.Hesaysthatpeopleinthispositionhavetobe“sensibleandlearnedpersons”andhere,also, themotivation is that thecongregationshallgainasmuchcomfortandimprovementaspossible.Likethepastoraloffice,theLord’sSupperisalsopicturedasaninstitutionofGod.ThisrequiresthatthereceiverknowsthathegetsthetruebodyandbloodofJesusChrist.Asapartofthetrueuseofthisgift,LaurentiusPetri states that the eating and drinking as a remembrance of the Lord shall be made in an honestandobviousunitywithotherChristianbelievers.Thispublicandcom-munalaspectoftheLord’sSuppermeansthatitisagoodthingifmanypeoplecancelebratethemassatthesametime.Itdemandsthatthecongregationasawholereceivesthesacramentin“godliness”andproclaimsthedeathoftheLord.Forthisreason,theremustalwaysbeasermonintheservicewhentheLord’sSupperiscelebrated.TheconsequenceofthisthinkingisthatprivateMassesofdifferentkinds,wherethefocusisonthesacrificemadebyhumans,areputtoanendbythechurchordinance.Theargumentforthisisthattheydonothelppeopletoseetheirsinsandthecomfortthatthesacramentgives.12

Before making an analysis of the church ordinance presented above, IwouldliketohighlightanimportanttextonLutheranliturgythatLaurentiusPetrimostsurelyhadinmindandwantedtoassociatehimselfwithwhenhewrotehis text. In theAugsburg Confession, article24,PhilipMelanchthon explainshowtheLutheransthemselvesviewedthechangesinliturgythathadbeenmadeincongregationsinfluencedbytheLutheranreformagenda.HewritesthatalmostallceremonieshavebeenpreservedandpartssunginLatinhavebeeninterspersedwithafewGermanhymns,whichhavebeenaddedto“teachthepeople”.13

Thearguments in thechurchordinanceareclose topositionsadvocatedby Martin LutherandPhilipMelanchthon. Early Lutheranism had a strong focusontheforgivenessofsinsandwantedtoformliturgiesthatservedthepurposeofdistributingthisforgivenessinwords,sacramentandmusic.Usingtheterminologyusedintheintroductionofthistext,wecansaythatthesac-ramentum playsthemajorrolewhentheliturgyis(re)shaped.WefindaclearexampleofthissacramentalviewinthewaythepastoralofficewasdescribedasapureactofGod.Wordssuchas“comfort”and“forgiveness(ofsins)”playanimportantroleintheargumentfortheLutheranliturgy.

At the same time, we see clear examples of sacrificial thinking in thechurch ordinance. Laurentius Petricombineshisemphasison“improvement”withaviewthatbelieversshallbe“fruitful”,anideathatwealsofoundinatext about liturgical singing by Luther.Inthechurchordinancewesawthat

12 Laurentius Petri, Laurentius Petris Kyrkoordning av år 1571,p.34,85−89.13 “Confessio Augustana”, art. 24, in Die Bekenntnis-Schriften der Evangelisch Lutherischen

Kirche,(Göttingen,1982).

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thepeoplewhoreceivedtheLord’sSuppershouldproclaimthedeathoftheLord.Inthepassagewheretheword“fruitful”isused,thesacrificialcharac-terisdescribedasawillingnesstoconfessandabandonone’ssins,improveone swayoflivingandinvokethenameofGodwitharightfulfaithintheme-diator,JesusChrist.Evenifthesacrificium playsaminorroleintheliturgicalthinking than the sacramentum, weseeveryclearlythatLaurentiusPetriusesbothpartsofthedistinctionwhenheexplainstheearlyLutheranchurchlifeinSweden.Amuchmoredetailedandconcretedescriptionofthesacrificialaspectsoffaithcanbefoundinpartsofthechurchordinancethathavenotbeen analysed in this essay.

GustafAulénonLiturgicalRenewalBishopGustafAulén (1879–1977) is one of themostwell-knownSwedishtheologiansoutsideSweden.HisbookChristus VictoronChristianconceptsof atonement is still being discussed today.14Hewasengagedinecumenicaldiscussionsandalsowrote thebookReformation and Catholicity inwhichhedefines“Catholicity”inawaythatisbothinlinewithLutheranpositionsfromtheReformationeraandcontainsinsightsfromtheecumenicalbreak-throughat thebeginningof the twentiethcentury.Hewanted“renewal”oftheliturgyevenbeforehewasconsecratedbishop.InanarticleaboutAulén, Carl-GustafAndrénstatesthatfewpeoplehavebeenactiveinliturgicalre-newalforsuchalongtimeasAulén.15

Aulénwasalsoacomposerandchairmanofthehymnbookcommitteeof1939.Inthischapter,IwillfocusonAulén’sbookonliturgicalrenewal,Hög-mässans förnyelse liturgiskt och kyrkomusikaliskt(“TherenewaloftheHighMass,liturgicallyandmusically”)from1961.Unfortunately,thisbookhasnotbeen translated into English.16

Aulénpicturestheservicebookof1811astheabsolutelowpointinSwed-ishhistoryof liturgy.The1894servicebook is,according toAulén, much betterthanitsprecursor,intermsofbothmusicandtheology.Hewritesthatthoseworkingwiththe1811servicebookclaimedthatitwasaLutheranone,butwiththis,theymeantthatitwasafurthersteponthepathawayfromthe

14 Forarecentedition,seeGustafAulén,Christus Victor: An Historical Study of the Three Main Types of the Idea of Atonement,(Eugene,OR,2003),cf.thefirstedition,Den kristna försoningstanken: huvudtyper och brytningar,(Stockholm,1930).

15 GustafAulén,Reformation and Catholicity,(Philadelphia,PA,1961),seeespeciallychap-ter4and5,andCarl-GustafAndrén,Renewal – A Central Concept in Gustaf Aulén’s Work with the Liturgy in Theory and Practice, (Lund, 1979), p. 4f., 8.Andrénmentions thatAuléndefines“liturgy”inanarrowsense,asreferringonlytothefixedtextualorderintheritualofthedivineservice.Therebyhedeviatesfromthegeneralopinionthatwasestab-lishedinternationallyduringthetwentiethcentury;thatliturgyshouldbedefinedbroadly,asreferringtothewholeservice.WhenItalkaboutAulén’sviewson“liturgy”,Iusetheconceptinitsinternationaluse,whichmeansthatIuseitinabroaderwaythanAulén him-self advocated.

16 GustafAulén,Högmässans förnyelse liturgiskt och kyrkomusikaliskt,(Stockholm,1961).

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“papistdarkness”thattheservicebooksfromtheReformationwereonlyabletotakethefirststep.Aulén therefore calls the 1811 service book “reduction-ist”andclaimsthatitisheavilyinfluencedbyEnlightenmentideas.Duringthisera,“reformation”wasthoughttobeaboutcuttingoutpartsoftheliturgythatdonotbelongtotheindispensablemessageofthefaith.The1811servicebookwasacompromiseandastrivefor“simplicity”.17

Auléncontraststhemistakesfrom1811againstsomeimportantandinter-nallyconnectedprinciplesfromtheReformationera.Intheconclusionofthischapter,wewillcomebacktotheseprinciplesandcontrastthemwithpresentdayliturgicalthinkingwithintheChurchofSweden.Concerningtheliturgyasawhole,AulénclaimsthatearlyLutheranismpromotedafreedomintheformsofliturgy,butalsoafirmnessintheproclamationoftheGospel.18 When liturgical reforms are discussedwithinLutheran churches, a useful touch-stoneistoinvestigatewhethertheproposalshaveaninternalaffinitywiththepureGospel,thesalvationthatChristfulfilledinhisdeathandresurrection,asproclaimedduringtheReformation.Healsofindsthatthereformsofthe1890sexplicitlyreturnedtothefirstcenturyofLutherantheology.The1894servicebookandthemusicthatwasaddedin1897containedseveralalterna-tivemelodiesforeachpartofthemassduringtheliturgicalyear.Manyofthemelodies originated from the medieval or Reformation eras.19

Theorderof theliturgyisaccordingtoAulénacoherentwholewithitsowndistinctconstitution.WithreferencetoLuke5:36,hewarnsofregardingtheserviceasapatchworkwithdifferentpiecesofdifferentquality.20 This requirementregardstheliturgyasawholeandinhisbook,Aulénappliesitto both the texts and the music that are used in the service. He says that the liturgicalrenewalthathadbeenmadesofar(hisbookisfrom1961)hasbeenfirmlygroundedinboththeReformationandtheAncientchurch.21

A secondReformation principle thatAulén uses as a touchstone in his owntimeisthatthewholecongregationshalltakeactivepartintheservice,

17 GustafAulén,Högmässans förnyelse liturgiskt och kyrkomusikaliskt, p.13f.,31,68.WhatAulénwriteshereisheavilyinfluencedbytheliturgicalworksofYngveBriliothfrom1926andonward.

18 In his bookChristus Victor,Aulén explains in detail this understanding of theGospel,whichheclaimswaschangedintoamore“latin”understandingjustonegenerationafterthe death of Martin Luther.

19 Aulén,Högmässans förnyelse, p. 31−35,87f..This evaluation isverymuch in linewithMasaki’s conclusion. See Masaki, He Alone is worthy!,p.297.InhisarticleaboutAulén, Carl-GustafAndrén states thatAulén often repeated that “renewal” has to have a clearconnectiontothepureGospelthatwaspreachedbytheReformersandusedasagroundforliturgicalrenewalduringtheReformationera.AccordingtoAulén, the church ordinance by Laurentius Petriwasatthesametimemarkedbybothfirmnessandfreedom,sinceitwasdeterminedthroughoutbytheGospel’sownspiritanditwasalsothedemandforfreedombythesamechurch.Andrén,Renewal,p.14.

20 Luke5:36:“Nomanputsapieceofanewgarmentuponanold;ifotherwise,thenboththenewmakesarent,andthepiecethatwastakenoutofthenewagreesnotwiththeold.”

21 Aulén,Högmässans förnyelse,p.33.

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especiallyinconfession,prayerandpraise.Hesaysthisinacontextwherehe refers to Luther,whohighlightedprayer/praiseasoneofthesevenvisiblemarksoftheChurch.ThesevenmarksLutherusestoconvincepeoplethatthechurch,understoodinaLutheranway,canbeseenandexperiencedconcrete-ly.ThebackgroundformakingsongssuchanabsolutesignofthepresenceoftheChristianpeopleisthattheredemptionisthepowerinwhatgoesonintheservice. The believer thereby admits that he has been under the forces of the satanicpowers,buthasalsobeenliberatedbythesalvificdeedofChrist.Thesongofprayerandpraise–thethanksgiving–thatinthiswayisinextricablyconnectedtotheGospelanditsabsolutionisrightlycalledthekeynoteofthewholeliturgy.22

Humananddivineactivitiesarenotopposites,butcomplementeachother.Aulénspecificallypromotesthenotionthatifachoirhasamajorliturgicalresponsibilityintheservice,itwillunderlinethisco-operationbetweenGodandhumans.ItisthereceptionofwhatGodgivesthatconstitutesthemeaningoftheprayers,confessionsandsongsofpraisethatthepeopleinthecongrega-tionoffer.ThechoirwasseenbytheReformersasapartofthecongregation,anditsactivitywasanintegralpartof theservice,notasarival to thelaysongsbutasasupport.Alsomore“artistic”songswereseenasnaturalandgoodforthechoirtoperformintheliturgyinordertomakethesingingofthecongregation stronger.23

Wenow turn to the third ofAulén’s touchstones – the ecumenical one.LutherlovedthemusicofJosquindePresandthisshows,accordingtoAulén, both that Luther had good taste concerning music and that music is an ecu-menical matter. The early Lutherans valued the liturgies from the Ancient churchveryhighlyandAulénbelievedthatsuchanappreciationshouldalsoguide present day liturgical renewal. The music of the undivided churchshould therefore be seen as a resource.24Chantisobjectiveandallowsthetexttocontroltheinterpretation.25Bythis,Aulén is eager to clarify, he does not meanthatthemusicis“neutral”–ofcourseevenobjectivemusicproclaimsthetext.Buttheadvantageofobjectivemusicisthatitdoessowithout“rul-

22 GustafAulén,Högmässans förnyelse liturgiskt och kyrkomusikaliskt,p.117f.23 Ibid.,p.147f.,205–207.24 Auléndoesnotdefine“theundividedchurch”,butfromhistextwecanunderstandthatitisprimarilymusiccomposedbeforethebreakbetweenEasternandWesternChristianityin1054thathewantstopromote.WealsounderstandthatmusicwithaclearconnectiontotheimplementationoftheGregorianreformaroundtheyear800isextrahighlyregardedbyAulén.

25 Aulénisfullyawareofproblemsindifferentiating“objective”music,liketheGregorian,fromthe“subjective”musicthathaditshighpointinthe“Romantic”period.HestillthinksthattheseconceptscanworkasapedagogicaltoolinthediscussionofwhatsortofmusicChristianliturgyshoulduseandexhort.Itwouldbeaninterestingtaskformusicologicalresearchtoevaluateliturgicalmusicfromthelast50yearswiththisdistinction.Thistopiccould alsobe an arena for interdisciplinary studies, since the interpretationof the textswritteninthesameprocessasthemusiccouldbothhelpandcomplicatethediscussionofthenewliturgicalmusic.

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ing”theinterpretationofit.26Inhisconclusion,AulénwritesthatatypicalLu-theranmelodyisjoyful,resilientandwithinternalpower.Atthesametime,italsohastowithstandafight,whichremindsusoftheconditionsofhumanlife, under the tyranny of sin.

Asafourthtouchstone,closelyconnectedtothefirsttwo,Aulénproposesaviewofmusicthatservesbothsacramentum and sacrificium. The service asawholeisboththeproclamationoftheWordandtheresponsefromthecongregationinprayer,confessionandpraise.Thereforethecongregationhastobeaunitedandinterpretativecommunityinordertoformaliturgicalan-swertothemessagegivenbytheWordofGod.Preciselythisinteractioninthedualitybetweenthedivineandthehumanisafruitfulguideforliturgicalrenewalandthemusicshouldserveboththedivineandthehumanacts.Thepraiseshouldbefundamental,butitmustnotbecorrectedandfreefromprob-lems.ThisisespeciallytrueforthemusicthatshoulddescribewhatChristianlifeisabout.Aulénoftencomesbacktothenotionthatthe“Christ-event”issomethingthatcontinuesinwhattakesplaceinthemass.27

Aulénhimselfdoesnotspeakexplicitlyaboutrequisitesortouchstones,butheclearlywantstogivesomespecificandwell-thought-outpiecesofadvicetopeopleworkingwithliturgicalrenewalandchurchmusicingeneral.Thefourtouchstoneswehavehighlightedare1)thedefinitionofGospelasthesal-vationChristfulfilledinhisdeathandresurrection,2)thatthecongregationtakesactivepartinthepraiseasanexpressionofthesalvificactofChrist,3)thatmusicisanecumenicalmatterandGregorianmusic−andearlymusicingeneral−shallbevalued,and4)thatmusicshallservethedualityofthetwoforcesinliturgy,boththeactsofGodandtheactsofthecongregation.28

Asasummary,wehaveveryclearlyseenthatAulén refers to the Lutheran-ismduringtheReformationeraasaresourcethathewantstoaccedeto.Atthesametime,hedevelopsanunderstandingofmusicthattranscendstherathersparseandlooseideaswecouldfindinthetextbyLaurentiusPetri.Aulén givesconcreteexpressionsofmusicasaservanttothetwoforcesofliturgythat form the distinction behind sacramentum and sacrificium. With this, he developsideasthatareofgreatrelevancewhentheroleofmusicinchurchlifeis discussed on a more general level.

Theemphasisonsacramentum,whatGoddoes,isinonesenseevenstrong-erinAulén’stextcomparedtotheconceptwefoundbyLaurentiusPetri. The sacrificeandvictorywonbyGodinChristisverystronglyemphasizedbyAulén.ThisisofcoursefullyinlinewithhistheologicalviewingeneralthathedevelopsinChristus Victor.Wedonotgetanyclearpictureofwhatthe

26 Aulén,Högmässans förnyelse,p.178–180.27 Ibid.,p.126f.,192,223–225.28 Andrénexpresses thisconclusionbyreferringtoadebatearticle thatAulénwrote1937,inwhichhestates thatrenewalalwaysdependsuponfactorsoverwhichpeoplehavenodominion,sinceitisachievedif,andtotheextentthattheSpiritofGodisabletorenewthehumanbeingsthathaveawishforliturgicalrenewal.Andrén,Renewal,p.17.

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sacrificialaspectsoffaithmeansforAulén. The text mentions the need for a“wrestling”,areminderthathumanlifeisalways−atleastpartly−livedunderthetyrannyofsin.Thisshouldcharacterizethemusicandliturgyasawhole.Atthesametime,thequestionremainshowthisaspectshallbeprac-ticedintheeverydaylifeofbelievers.Ofcourse,Aulénwritesaboutthisinothercontexts,butcomparedtotheReformationtextswestudiedpreviously,wehavetoconcludethatAuléndoesnotconnecttheliturgicallifethatisprac-ticedinthechurch-buildingascloselywithChristianeverydaylife.

ContemporaryServiceBookRenewalwithintheChurchofSwedenOurthirdsourceofliturgicalthinkingisfoundinarecentrevisionprocesswithin theChurchofSweden, one of the largestLutheran churches in theworldwithalmostsixmillionmembers.Atthesametime,Swedenisoneofthemostsecularizedcountriesintheworldandmostmembersofthechurchdonot takepart in the liturgical lifeof thechurchonaregularbasis.Thiswillbeclearinsomeoftheideaswemeetinthetextsstudiedbelow.Thetwotextsthatarereferredtoarepartofthebackgroundmaterialforaproposalthatwas–withsomeminorrevisions−acceptedasanewservicebookbytheGeneralChurchAssembly,thehighestorganwithintheChurchofSweden,inNovember2017.Thereasonforstudyingtwobackgroundtextsandnotthefinal resultof theprocess is that thebackground textsexplicitlygive theo-logicalargumentsforthetendencythathasguidedtheworkandthechoicesthathavebeenmadebythegroupbehindtheproposalthatwasacceptedinNovember2017.

Inavolumefrom2012thataimedtogiveexplanationsfortheproposedchangesintheliturgy,thecommitteesaysthatademandforsimplicityismo-tivatedbyatheologicalperspectiveandthatthisisanEvangelical-Lutheranconcern.Inthistext,“simplicity”and“recognizability”areoftenusedtopic-turewhatisregardedastheReformationinsightandtheresultofthechangesinthesixteenthcenturythatmadepeopleactivelyinvolvedintheservice.29

A third conceptwith a clear connection to theuseofmusic in thepro-posal is “liberation”, often called “Evangelical liberation”.As examples ofthisEvangelicalliberation,thetextmentionsoccasionswhenthepatternsthatmakepeopleinvisibleanddiminishedarebroken,andwhenasocialprocessisoccurring,inwhichmarginalizedpeoplecanseetheircircumstancesbeingchanged,alsofromagenderperspective.Asafourthmajorconcept,“partic-ipation”isusedasagoalforliturgicalreforms.Participationismostlyabouthavingtheserviceinavernacularlanguagewithahighfactorofrecogniza-bilitywhichalsomeansthatallpeopleshallfeelthattheyarerespected.30

29 Kyrkohandbok för Svenska kyrkan, Del I. Förklaringar till Förslag, (Uppsala,2012),p.33.30 Ibid.,p.24,42.

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This“Lutheranrecognizability”demandsamusicalbreadthwithafocusoncontemporarymusicandaclaimthattraditionalchurchmusichastotakeonestepback.Inthetheologicalprinciplesbehindtheproposal,itisclaimedthatpeoplehavedifferentpreferences aboutmusic and that also themusichastobein“vernacularlanguage”inordertomakeitpossibleforasmanypeopleaspossibletorecognizetheirownexperiencesandimagesofGodinthe music.31

To summarize,we see that this presentwork in Sweden – at least at asurfacelevel−wantstolinktotheearlyLutheraninsightsatleastasmuchas Laurentius PetriandGustafAulén.Atthesametimewehavetoconcludethat it is impossible touse thedistinctionsacramentum and sacrificium on thismaterial.Ifweaskforthesacramentalaspect,whatGodgives(ordoesinamoregeneralsense)intheliturgy,wedonotgetanyclearanswerfromthestudiedtexts.Theclosestwegettoananswerisinthepassagesthattalkabout“Evangelicalliberation”.Ifwewereabletoposeadditionalquestionstotheauthorsofthesetexts,wemighthavegotanexplanationofthisliberationthattalksaboutGod’sactsinhistoryandliturgy.Breakingpatternsthatmakepeople invisibleandbrokencaneasilybe seenasareas fordivineactivity.But ifwe just read the texts, the focus ismuchmoreonwhathumanscanand ought to achieve, since the only things discussed are the believers’ re-sponsibilitytodesignaliturgythathelpspeoplewithproblemsintheirsocialcircumstances.

When a clear understanding of sacramentumismissing,itisnotpossibletotalkaboutasacrificialaspectoffaithinatraditionalsense.Inamoregen-eralsense,wecanofcourserepeattheexhortationstostrivefor“simplicity”,“recognizability”,“Evangelical liberation”and“participation”as importantpartsofwhatconstitutesChristianlife.SincetheseconceptsareneverputinrelationtoGod’sacts,itisnotasurprisethatthereisnodiscussionabouttherelationbetweentextandmusic.Fromthebackgroundtextsasawhole,wecanunderstand that liturgical textsandmusicare treated in thesameway,since they should both be composed in order to appeal to the preferencesofthepeopleinthecongregation.Thisalsoexplainswhytraditionalchurchmusicisstillaccepted,eventhoughpresent-daymusicbetterservestheneedtoenablepeopletorecognizetheir“ownexperiencesandimagesofGodinthe music”.32

Twomoreshortreflectionscanbemade.First,herewecanlocateapointwheremusicologistscouldcontinuetoevaluatemypreliminaryconclusionsonpresent-daychurchmusic.Fromatheologicalpointofview,itisreason-abletofearthatchurchmusicianswillfindthemselvesinanunmanageablesituationwhentheexpectationofliturgicalmusicistohelppeoplefindGodandrecognizetheirownexperienceswiththehelpofacertainsortofmusic,

31 Kyrkohandbok för Svenska kyrkan, Del I. Förklaringar till Förslag,p.39andTeologiska grundprinciper för arbetet i 2006 års kyrkohandboksgrupp, (Uppsala,2009),p.15–18,28.

32 Kyrkohandbok för Svenska kyrkan, Del I. Förklaringar,p.36.

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especiallywhenthere isnounifyingunderstandingofGod’sactions in thetextsthatplacesthesehighexpectationsonmusic.Rather,wemightfearthatcongregations could become fragmented, both internally and in relation to othercongregations,iftheideasinthetextarebroadlyimplementedinSwed-ishchurchlife.Secondly,wecannoticethatthepresentdaythinkingwithintheChurchofSwedenseemstoalmosttotallycontradictthefourtouchstonesthatAulénexpressedinhisbookontheliturgy.InthelastsectionofthisessayIwillelaborateonthisthemeabitmore.

Conclusion:SwedishLutheranismasaResourcefor Future Church MusicIf we express the development from Pre-modernity to Post-modernity inSwedishliturgicalthinkingwiththehelpofthedistinctionsacramentum and sacrificium,wecansummarizeourfindingslikethis:inPre-modernity−thechurch ordinance of Laurentius Petri − thewhole ofChristian life can beinterpretedwiththehelpofthisdistinction.Also,theChristianeverydaylifeisdeterminedbywhatGodhassaidanddoneandactsof thebelieversareregarded“fruitful”answerstothisinitiativebyGod.Inmodernity–GustafAulén−thedistinctionhasamorepreciseconnectiontotheliturgicalmusic,wherethedistinctioncontinuestoworkaccordingtotheoriginalprinciplesformulated by the Reformers. At the same time, Christian life outside the SundayliturgydoesnotrecievethesameattentionfromAulén.ThisopensupforapossibilityofasecularizationoftheChristianfaith,evenifthisismostprobablynotAulén’sintention.Inpost-modernity,weseethatthedistinctiondoesnotworkanymoreandtheChristianlifeisinterpretedasastrivingforsomething that has its background in societal injustice and no clear distinc-tionbetweendivineandhumanactionsismade.ThiscanbeinterpretedasaconsequenceoftheopennessforsecularizationthatwefoundinAulén–asasecondstepthatalsosecularizestheliturgy.Ifthisisacorrectobservation,itcanexplainwhyonlyaminoritywithintheChurchofSwedenhaveprotestedagainst the theology guiding the principles behind the contemporary litur-gicalrenewal.Whenonlyaminoritywithinachurchtakesactivepartinitsliturgicallife,therearenogroundsfor“renewal”sincetherearenotenough“renewed”personsinthecongregations.33

Ifwewant touseAulén’sdeepunderstandingofmusicand liturgyandavoidtheweaknessinhisargumentthatopensupforadevelopmentliketheonepicturedabove,wecanrecallastatementbyTheodorKliefoth,thattheclearer an understanding of sacramentum you have, the more richer an under-standing of sacrificiumyouwillget.34

33 TheverbalexpressionsforthisthoughtIhaveborrowedfromAulén,seefootnote26.34 Masaki, He Alone is worthy!,p.236,266.Masaki clams that Kliefoth s interpretationinthismatterisreceivedandbroughtintoaSwedishcontextbyUllman.Thatthisviewabout sacramentum and sacrificium is also held and often repeated byUllman is clear in for

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Fromtheperspectiveofasystematictheologian,IwouldliketohighlightthatUllman, thepersonwhobroughtthedistinctionbetweensacramentum and sacrificium toSweden,emphasizedthatthecontentofthesunghymnsshouldnotbeabstract;talkingaboutGod’sessencedisengagedfromtherev-elationofGodinChrist.ThehymnshavetotalkaboutChrist“forus”and“inus”,abouttheobjectivesalvificgraceandthesubjectiveappropriationbyacongregationthatreproducesthewordofGodwhenittakesthewordsandtonesofthehymninitsmouth.ForUllman,thisisaneventwithaestheticsig-nificance.ThehighestpossibleexperienceaccordingtoUllmanoccurswhenafaithfulcongregationlivesinloveandpeacewithGodinChrist,andthisre-quiresan“elevated”melodywhichisdistantfromoureverydayexperiences.35

In his recent book about Lutheran aesthetics, the American theologianMark C. Mattes states that Luther, contrary to the Reformed theologians dur-ingtheReformation,stroveforabalancebetweentheintellectualandaffec-tiveaspectsofChristianart.WheretheReformedtheologyonlyhighlightedtheintellectualaspectoffaithinaPlatonicway,theLutherantheologiansheldtheconvictionthatGod’sWordcomesthroughearthly,physical,andbodilymeans.MattesusesthisinhisowninterpretationofLutherthatplacessignif-icantweightonjustificationbygracealone.MattesclaimsthatLuther’sviewonmusic(andartingeneral)showsaChristologicalapproachthatisalsoex-tremelyusefulinourcontemporarydiscussionsaboutart,sinceLuther thinks thatbodilyandearthlythingscanbechannelsofgracewhenappropriatedbytheword.36Essentially,thisviewwasalsoheldbyLaurentiusPetriandAulén. ItwasalsoheldbyUllmanwhostatedthatthecreationofnewhymnsrequiresacertainstateinthechurch.Ifthisstateisnotathand,asintheChurchofSwedeninthemiddleofthenineteenthcenturywhenUllmanwasyoungandwrotehisdoctoraldissertation,itisnotpossibletowritehymnsthatwillstayin use for several generations ahead.37

ThesketchyexpositionAuléngivesonmusicdeservestobedevelopedininterdisciplinarystudiesby theologiansandmusicologists.TodayweknowmoredetailsabouthowmusicandtheologywastaughtasaunityinLutheranschools from the Reformation until the Enlightenment and that Martin Luther andforexampleJohannSebastianBach had fundamentally the same educa-tioninthisarea.TheLutheranconceptionthatmusicexistedbeforehuman

exampleUllman,Om den kyrkliga psalmboken, p. 20 andUllman,Liturgik, I:28f. andII:1:154f.

35 Ullman,Liturgik,II:1:146–148,157f.36 Mark C. Mattes, Martin Luther’s Theology of Beauty: A Reappraisal,(GrandRapids,MI,2017),p.120,132.

37 Ullman,Om den kyrkliga psalmboken,p.80.HistorycanbesaidtogiveUllman right, at least toacertaindegree,about thestateof theofficialchurchof thenineteenthcentury.Duringtheperiod1820–1900therewereonlyafewhymnswritteninSwedenthatcontin-uedtobeusedforalongtime.TheoneswhichbecamepopularoftenhadtheirbackgroundinthespiritualrevivalistmovementorthefreechurchesthatstartedtoestablishthemselvesinSwedenduringthenineteenthcentury.

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beingsexistedisofcourseaspeculativethought.38Butthewaymusicinteractswithhumanbehaviourandvirtuescanbeinvestigatedwithnormalresearchmethodsandatleastintheoryitispossibletoinvestigatewhatsortofmusicisthemostadequateinordertopromotethelife-viewthattheearlyLutheranswantedtopursue.Methodologically,suchinvestigationswouldofcoursehavetoworkwithcirculararguments,but theseproblemscanbereducedin theinterdisciplinarydialoguebetweentheologiansandmusicologists.

Generally, Iwould like toconclude thatourstudy in thischaptershowsthat thedistinctionbetweensacramentum and sacrificium serves the inter-disciplinaryfieldbetweensystematic,biblicalandpracticaltheologiansandmusicologistswell,sinceitclearlyhelpsustofocusonwhatisactuallyandempiricallydoneintheliturgicallifeoftheChurchandtheimportantrolethatmusichas.ThisrolewasrecognizedbythefirstgenerationofLutheranthe-ologians and clearly used in order to make the Christian life more “fruitful”. Inordertoformulatemoredetailedresultsthantheonesinthisstudy,Iwouldlike tosuggestmuchbroaderempiricalsources,sinceexplicit formulationswithaclearreferencetoourconceptsareoftenveryfew.Nevertheless,Ithinkthis“pilotstudy”showsthatitisbothpossibleandproductivetoinitiatecol-laborativeinterdisciplinarystudiesoftheuseofmusicwiththisframework.Also froma strictlyhistoricalpointofview ithelpsus tounderstandwhycommunal singing is often described as the main reason for the successful spreadofLuther’s Reformation concerns.

Thetendencyfortheologianstodecide,beforesuchcollaborativeworkhasbeendone,whatis“indispensable”inChristianfaithandstarttocutpiecesoutoftheliturgyinordertomakeitmore“simple”,seemstobeaseriousmistake.TheworkwithanewservicebookwithintheChurchofSwedenbreakswithall four touchstones thatAulén highlights and many of his critical remarks on the1811 servicebookcanbe transferred to thematerial inpresent-daySweden.39WhenacleardefinitionoftheGospelislacking,itisimpossibletogetacongregationactivelyinvolvedinthepraiseofGod’sacts.Inonesense,thecommitteeseesmusicasanecumenicalmatterandinfluencesfromotherProtestantchurchesareevidentinthepreparationsforthenewservicebook.

38 Mattias Lundberg, Martin Luthers egna toner och ord om musik,(Skellefteå,2017),p.22–26.

39 InanessayonLutherandJ.C.F.Hæffner(1759−1833),editorofthe1820–21choralbook,Anders DillmardemonstratesthatHæffnerwasdeeplyimpressedbyMartinLuther’sviewsonmusicandhowhewanted to implement these ideas inSweden.SeeAndersDillmar,“LutherochHæffnerskoralarbete”,inHjärtats tillit – Trosförmedlingen i luthersk tradi-tion,(Årsbokförsvensktgudstjänstliv,82),Sven-ÅkeSelander(ed.),(Skellefteå,2007),p.157–187.Anotherargumentforre-readingAulénasacriticagainstthepresentdevelopmentwithintheChurchofSwedenisfoundinOlophBexell’sreadingofU.L.Ullman. Bexell statesthatthecongregationwasregardedasan“audience”duringtheEnlightenment.Typi-calforthisreductionistthinkingisthatthepurposewiththeserviceistogivemoraleduca-tion and that liturgy and hymns are seen only as tools for this goal and not given any intrin-sicvalueoftheirown.Bexell,Liturgins teologi,p.147.Thisreductionist“Enlightenment”viewisalmostliterallyexpressedintherecenttextsfromtheChurchofSweden.

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Auléntalksaboutoldermusic,butofcoursenewlycomposedmusiccanalsoserveecumenicalpurposes.However, theconceptof twodifferent actions,sacramentum and sacrificium, that is typicalfortraditionalLutheranmusicdoesnotexistatallintherecentSwedishprocess.ThisisshowninthefactthatthesalvificactofChristishardlymentionedandthatitisdefinitelynotrelated to the music used in the liturgy.

Thewaymusicisusedtointeractwithperceptionsofsacrificeandthanks-givinghastobeshapedindialoguewithpresent-dayconcerns.40 The drastic re-interpretationsoftraditionalLutheranthemesmadebytheChurchofSwe-denseemtobeprematureandthesocietalconcernsexpressedinthemate-rialshouldhavebeenmoredeeplyanalyzedwithinatheologicalframeworkbeforetheywereallowedtoactasguidelinesforchoicesconcerningmusic.Itiscommonknowledgethatchurchservicebooksalwaysgetmorecriticallyexaminedaftertheyareputintousethanduringthepreparationprocess.41 We candefinitelynotexpectaglobal receptionof theresults frompresentdaySwedishliturgicalrenewalthatcouldbecomparedwiththe1942servicebookinSwedenthatmadesuchimpactonsomanyLutheranliturgiesworldwide.

On the other hand, going back toReformation principles is in itself anecumenical task for Lutheran theologians and musicians, since it is in this traditionthattheyhavetheresourcesthatthechurchasawholecanbenefitfrom.ThewaythefirstgenerationofReformationtheologiansandespeciallyLuther himself exalted music and made it a tool for Christians to serve their neighbourshastoday,perhapsmorethaneverbefore,far-reachingheuristicpotential. It helps us to interpret Christian faithwith a clear focus on thesacramental aspects, thedeath and resurrectionofChrist,with thehelpofhowmusicexpressesGod’sgifts in theirfullness.Furthermore, itmakesitpossibleforthebelieverstomakeuseoftheirownvoices,bothindividuallyandtogetherwithotherChristians,andofferthanksgivingasaresponsetoGod’ssalvation.

40 The Finnish theologian Risto SaarinenhasbrilliantlyshownhowtraditionalLutheranideascanbereshapedandusedinconcretechurchlifeinanecumenicalcontext.SeeRistoSaari-nen, God and the Gift – An Ecumencial Theology of Giving,(Collegeville,MN,2005),p.45–58andchapter4,onsacrificeandthanksgiving.

41 Masaki, He Alone is worthy!,p.297.

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20.ChurchMusicforChildren:Embodied,Formative, Crossgenerational

Sam Eatherton

“Gooutsideandplay.”Mereminuteshadpassedsincegivingthisdirectivetomyfouryoungchildren,whenIbegantoperceivethesoundsofsinging.Peeringoutthewindow,Iobservedfour-year-oldDavidholdingalargestickaloftandparadingaround thebackyard,withhis threesisters following incloseprocession,blocksofwoodinhand.Istrainedmyearstolisten.Itwasthe hymn “Lift High the Cross”, to the tune CruCifer.David,whoactedassuch,ledthemtotheporch,wherethetwooldergirls(bothage9)directedhimandtheirsix-year-oldsistertosit.Theyopeneduptheirblocksofwood(hymnals)andsangMartinFranzmann’s“ThyStrongWord”.Ithadabundant“alleluias”,whichwasaperfectfallbackwordwhentheydidn’tknowalltheactual text.1

Itisnosurprisethatwhatthechurchdoesinworship–itsliturgy–hasbeenlikeneduntotheplayofchildren,especiallywhentheplayofchildrencan, in turn, imitate the liturgy of the church.2 But the bigger question lies inhowthesechildrencame toplayatsucha“serious”matteras“church”,althoughatthetimetheyweresimplyhavingfun.ThemostreadyanswertothisquestionisthattheyhadexperiencedtheritualsofprocessionandsongenactedeverySundayoftheirlivesinworship,andthisrepeatedactionhadworkedtoformtheirowntendenciestowardplay.

Thestudyofhowthefaithofchildren is formedhasbeenof increasinginteresttoscholarssinceBushnell’slandmarkworkinthenineteenthcentu-ry.3Whilethebulkofstudiesonfaithformationresideinthedisciplinesofsociology,education,andtheology,thegoalofthischapteristobringthefieldofchurchmusic–withaspecialemphasisonsinging–intothediscourse,

1 Incidentsofchildrenre-enactingtheliturgyofthechurchwhileplayingaredocumentedevenintheearlycenturiesofChristianity.Awell-knownexampleinvolvestheboyAtha-nasius(laterbishopofAlexandria)andhisfriendsplay-actingtherolesofbishopsanddea-cons,evenbaptizingandcelebratingthe“mysteries”intheirgame.CorneliaB.HornandJohnW.Martens,“Let the Little Children Come to Me”: Childhood and Children in Early Christianity,(Washington,DC,2009),p.205–211.

2 FrankSenndiscussesthisconceptinEmbodied Liturgy: Lessons in Christian Ritual, (Min-neapolis,MN,2016),p.109–111.

3 Bushnellwasoneofthefirsttogiveattentiontothesubjectofchildren’sfaithformation,andsincethenawindfallofliteratureonthetopichasappeared,muchofwhichwillbereferenced in the course of this study. Horace Bushnell, Views of Christian Nurture, and of Subjects Adjacent Thereto (1847),(Delmar,NY,1975).

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arguingthatitpossessesthreecharacteristicsvitaltoourunderstandingofachild’sfaithdevelopment:itisembodied,formative,andcrossgenerational.4

MethodologyFollowinga researchmethodutilizedbyEdwardRobinson this studypro-videsresearchfrominterviewswithsixteenpeople(8men,8women),ages25–42,allofwhomgrewupinLutheranliturgicalcongregationsintheUnit-ed States.5Thoseinterviewedwerechosenasaresultoftheirregularattend-anceatservicesatZionLutheranChurchinDallas,Texasandwereaskedtorecollecttheirchildhoodexperiencesparticularlyintherealmofchurchmu-sic.6Althoughacritiqueofthismethodincludesthepossibilityofselectiveorfaultymemory,Ibelievethatinterviewingyoungeradults–mostofthemstillintheirtwenties–capturesthematatimewhentheyarestillcloseenoughtochildhoodtorememberwithahighdegreeofaccuracywhileatthesametimepossessingmaturitytoreflectuponandexpresstheirexperiencesintel-ligently.7Afocusontheexperiencesthemselvesprovidesawindowintothefoundationsoftheirfaithdevelopmentthroughmusic,andthefactthattheyarenowadultsallowsthemtoreflectupontheimpactofthoseexperiencesontheir current lives.

4 Ratcliffhighlightsthe“importanceofinterdisciplinarystudyinchildren’sspirituality[…]Allaspectsofchildrenareimportantinunderstandingtheirspirituality,includingtheemo-tional,verbal, social,behavioral, andperhapsmost important, the imaginative,creative,andinneraspectsof life.”DonaldRatcliff,“ ‘TheSpiritofChildrenPast’:ACenturyofChildren’sSpiritualityResearch”,inNurturing Children’s Spirituality: Christian Perspec-tives and Best Practices,HollyCattertonAllen(ed.),(Eugene,OR,2008),p.37.

5 EdwardRobinson,The Original Vision: A Study of the Religious Experience of Childhood, (Oxford, 1977).Ratcliff notes that prior toRobinson the majority of research on child-hoodfaithformationfollowedthecognitivedevelopmentstagesofPiaget. The innovation Robinsonintroducedintohisstudywashis interviewingofadultsabouttheirchildhoodreligiousexperiences.Ratcliff,“TheSpiritofChildrenPast”,p.30.Anapproachthattakesintoconsiderationaspectsoffaithformationthatcannotbeeasilydescribedinpurelyin-tellectualtermswasbroughttotheforefrontbytheresearchofHay and Nye, intellectual successors to Robinson. David Hay and Rebecca Nye, The Spirit of the Child, (London, 2006).DianaRaffman further explores the relationbetweenmusical experience and itscognitiveunderstandinginherconceptof“ineffability”.Raffman,Language, Music, and Mind,(Cambridge,MA,1993).

6 AstheMinisterofMusicatZionLutheranChurchandSchool,Dallas,Texas,USA,IwasinapositiontoselectyoungadultswhoIsawattendingchurchregularlyandfullyparticipat-inginthehymnsandsungliturgyoftheservices.Exceptforone,alltheparticipantswereknowntomepersonally,andtheywereaskedquestionsregardingtheirearliestchildhoodmemoriesregardingchurchmusic.Theirresponsesincludedmemoriespriortoage12,withmostfocusingontheearlyelementaryschoolyears(ages5to10).

7 Thisisnottoassumethatchildrenthemselvescannotreflectintelligentlyupontheirmusicalexperiencesinchurch;asaneducatorofelementary-agechildreninLutheranschoolsforal-most20years,Iconsideredtheworthofaskingsomeofmychildstudents’questionsabouttheirchurchmusicexperiences.However,discoveringtheimpactofchildhoodexperiencesuponthelivesofyoungadultsbecamethemoreengagingquestionexploredinthisstudy.AdiscussionofresearchtechniquesforstudiesofchildhoodcanbefoundinAllisonJames,ChrisJenks,andAlanProut,Theorizing Childhood,(NewYork,1998).

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EmbodiedChurchMusic,PartI:Emotion

Musichelpsus connect emotionallywith the truthofwhoGod is,what thegospelis,andwhatourplacewithGodisnow.Itremindsusofthedepthsofourdarknessandsin,itallowsustocryoutwhenwearehurtingoringrieforanger,anditdirectsouremotionstoGod.ItupliftsthespiritandremindsusofthegoodnessandmercyofourGod.AnditproclaimsGod’sloveinmorethanjustwords.8

Faithinvolvesthewholeperson–notjusttheintellect.Hereone’sdefinitionoffaithbecomesessentialtothediscourse.Iffaithhingesuponunderstandingacertainamountofinformation,thenanyonewhohasnotreachedacertainlevelofintellectualabilitycouldnotbesaidtohavefaith.However,iffaithisseenasGod’sactionofgrace,thenthisiscriticaltothediscussionofchildren,sinceachilddoesnothavethecognitivepowersofanadult.ReformedscholarHwarangMoon’s book Engraved Upon the Heart goes a longway towardestablishing theexperientialcomponentasbeingas integral to faithas thecognitive.MoonadoptsYust’sdefinitionoffaithas“notasetofbeliefs;or[…]awell-developedcognitiveunderstandingofallthingsspiritual.Itisanactofgrace,inwhichGodchoosestobeinrelationshipwithhumanity”.9 The fact that faith involves not only intellect but the body is demonstrated in the sing-ing of the hymns and liturgy of the church.10Eachperson’svoiceisuniqueandholdsacentralplaceinone’sconceptofself-identity.Whenoneusesherownvoicetosing,theactionbringstogethermind,spirit,andbodyinawaythatispersonaltoeachindividual.Theinvolvementoftheentirebodythattakesplaceinsinginggivesitthecharacteristicof“embodiment”,thatis,adeeplyfeltphysicalactthatemanatesfrombothcognitiveandemotiverealms.Al-though Moondoesnotelaborateonthespecificitiesofmusic,hisinsistenceonandwelllaidargumentforexperientiallearningasavaluablepartoffaithformationcanbeextrapolatedtoencompasstheexperienceofmusic.

Theclosetiebetweenbodyandspiritinregardtofaithcanbeseeninneu-rologicalstudiesaswell.AndrewNewberg,a leadingscientist in thefieldsof neuropsychology and neurotheology, performed brain imaging tests on

8 Author’semailinterviewwithLeslieRoberts,age25,25March2017.9 HwarangMoon,Engraved Upon the Heart: Children, the Cognitively Challenged, and Lit-

urgy’s Influence on Faith Formation,(Eugene,OR,2015),p.57.MooncitesKarenMarieYust, Real Kids, Real Faith: Practices for Nurturing Children’s Spiritual Lives, (San Fran-cisco,CA,2004).

10 ItwoulddowellheretonotethatLutherhimselfwasawareofmusic’slinktotheemotionsandtheSpirit’sworkoffaith.“Forwhetheryouwishtocomfortthesad,toterrifythehap-py,toencouragethedespairing,tohumbletheproudtocalmthepassionate,ortoappeasethosefullofhate–andwhocouldnumberallthesemastersofthehumanheart,namely,theemotions,inclinations,andaffectionsthatimpelmentoevilorgood?–whatmoreeffectivemeansthanmusiccouldyoufind?TheHolyGhosthimselfhonorsherasaninstrumentforhisproperwork[…].”See“Preface toGeorgRhau’sSymphoniae iucundae”, inLuther’s Works (American Edition),Vol.53,p.323.

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Tibetan Buddhist monks, Franciscan nuns, and Pentecostals, discovering that regularpatternsofbodilyworshipstrengthenneuralpathways.Hisfindingsassertthat“body,brain,andspiritareundeniablyintegrallyinterconnected”.11

NarrowingfromNewberg’smoregeneralritualstudytoonespecificallymusical in nature are the observations of neuroscientist Daniel Levitin. His studieshaveencompassednotonlyscholarlypublicationsbutpopularlywrit-tenbooksweavingtogethertheareasofmusicandscience.Inabriefdiscus-sion of religious music, he states that music is able to “tie an aesthetic knot” betweenemotionalandmotorsystems,bindingourthoughts“tomovement,memory,hopes,anddesires”. 12

In aChristian context, theword “body” also refers to something largerthanoursimpleindividualpersons.ItreferstotheBodyofChristHimself–thatis,Hisownpeople,witheachmemberdoingitsworkonbehalfofandinconjunctionwiththewhole(Ephesians4).Levitinspeaksofthecorporatenature of song as an ancient memory aid for the transmission of oral history, citingepicpoemssuchastheIliadandtheinformationcontainedinthefirstfivebooksoftheOldTestament.13TheBody-of-Christ-songisamacrocosmoftheembodimentmentionedearlier;itisa“bigpicture”songcontainingitsownpowerforthecommunitythatsings,andthisoccurrenceismentionedbyseveralinterviewees.Thefollowingexamplewaschosenasrepresentativebecauseitdescribesboththepersonalembodimentofsinging,oftenseatedintheemotions,andthecorporate“in-Body-ment”.

Throughout Scripture there is this poetic response toGodwhen people areshownorgivengreat things. Just like inScripture, it isa joyful response towhatGodhasdoneforusandsingingisaveryvisceralaction.[…]itachievesauniqueunityinthepresentbodyofChrist.WearecreatingbeautytogetherasacorporateofferingtoGodthroughsong,andweareparticipatinginliterallycenturies-worthofglobaltraditionwhenwesingandmakemusicforGod.14

11 HollyCattertonAllen,RobinHowerton,withWillChesherandHannahBrown,“BodyandSpirit:TheRoleofPhysicalMovementinChildren’sSpiritualDevelopment”,inExploring and Engaging Spirituality for Today’s Children: A Holistic Approach,LaVerneTolbert(ed.),(Eugene,OR,2014),p.202.

12 DanielJ.Levitin,The World in Six Songs: How the Musical Brain Created Human Nature, (London,2009),p.225.

13 Levitinpointsoutthephenomenonof“collectivememory.”Whentheentireassemblyissingingthewords,thelikelihoodthateverypersonwillremembereverywordoftheoralhistoryisslim;however,withmanypeoplesinging,itisequallylikelythatnoteveryonewillforgetthesamewords,andthustheentirestoryremainsintact.Levitin,The World in Six Songs,p.182–183.Fromananthropologicalviewpoint,LynnKelleyhaswrittenontheimportanceofsonglines–thatis,songsthatcorrespondwithmentalorphysicalspaces–inrecollecting vast amounts of information integral to transmission of cultural history and ba-sicsurvivalknowledgeinsocieties.SeeLynneKelly,Knowledge and Power in Prehistoric Societies: Orality, Memory and the Transmission of Culture,(NewYork,NY,2015).

14 Author’semailinterviewwithErinDunk,age25,17March2017.

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ThissacredcharacterthatmusictakesonwhencoupledwithreligiousthoughtorritualisnotedbyLevitinasadeeplyembeddedhumanactivity.15 The very nature ofmusic connotes themystery of a higher power. JosephGelineau describestheabilityofmusictoraisewordsandemotiontoanextraordinarylevel.Hestates,“Thecompleteword, thefullydevelopedword, thesacredword,hasthenatureofsong”.16

EmbodiedChurchMusic,PartII:theWordGelineau alludes to the fact that in addition to the emotion inherent in mu-sic,whenusedinthechurch,musicmostalwaysispairedwithtext,orcon-tent–the“sacredword”.Theresultofthismatchhasoftenbeendescribedasgreaterthanthesumoftheparts,withpoetryandmusiccombiningtotouchand informaperson inaway thatmerewordsormelodyalonecouldnot.Lutheran theologians have typically followedMartinLuther’s thought that musicisagiftofGodthatcanservetoproclaimHisWord.17Indeed,manyofthoseinterviewedspokeofmusicasinseparablefromthewordsconveyed,asrepresentedinthefollowingresponse.

Musicallowsanotherwayforthecongregationtoconsiderandreflectondoc-trine.MusicprovidesmanywithawaytoparticipateandspeakGod’sWord.Thereisapoetrytomusicthatelevatesworshipasanexperienceandresonateswithmany.18

Suchremarkspointouttherealitythattextsinworshipareoftenboundupintimatelywiththemusicitself.Itisnotmerelythemusicthatissignificant;itismusiccoupledwithwords. Aside from music’s emotive quality, the ability of music to assist memory is commonly attested.19Learningthemultiplication

15 Levitin, The World in Six Songs,p.196–199.16 JosephGelineau,Voices and Instruments in Christian Worship,CliffordHowell(transl.),(Collegeville,PA,1964),p.44.Gelineau’scompletestatementprecedingtheoneaboveis,“Thewordwhichismerelyspokenisasomewhatincompleteformofhumanlanguage.Itsufficesforordinaryutilitariancommunications.Butassoonasthewordbecomeschargedwithemotion,assoonasitisfilledwithpower,assoonasittendstoidentifyitselfwiththecontentofitsmessage–when,infine,ithastosignifythesacrednessofactionsbeingper-formed–thenitcallsimperativelyfornumberandmelos,thatis,foramusicalform[…]”.

17 “Afterall,thegiftoflanguagecombinedwiththegiftofsongwasonlygiventomantolethimknowthatheshouldpraiseGodwithbothwordandmusic,namely,byproclaiming[theWordofGod]throughmusicandbyprovidingsweetmelodieswithwords.”,“PrefacetoGeorgRhau’sSymphoniaeiucundae”,inLuther’s Works,Vol.53,p.323–324.

18 Author’semailinterviewwithMatthewBoyer,age26,30March2017.19 “Whenmusicisaddedtowordsofahymnandtothewordsoftheliturgytheimpactisevenmoreprofound.ThememoryweaveswordsandmusictogetherandlinksthemwithexperiencesofGod’scomfort,strengthandgrace.Therepetitionofsuchhymnsonavari-etyofoccasions,linkedtokeylifeevents,insertsthosefeelingsdeeperanddeeperinthememory.” Peter Atkins, Memory and Liturgy: The Place of Memory in the Composition and Practice of Liturgy,(Aldershot,2004),p.122.

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tables,thealphabet,oreventhecatechismbecomesmucheasierwhensettomusic.20Levitincallsthese“knowledgesongs”andsaysthat

[…]wewrite them to encode lessons thatwe’ve learned anddon’twant toforget,oftenusingmetaphorordevices to raise themessageup to the levelatwhichartmeetsscience(ratherthansimpleobservation),makingitatoncemorememorableandmoreinspiring.21

Hedoes not specifically refer to religious songs such as hymnody, but hisremarkscouldeasilybeappliedtothem.Intervieweesinthisstudycitedmul-tiplehymnsandportionsofsungliturgythattheysaidtheylearnedwhentheywerechildren–oftenbeforetheycouldread–thattheystillrecallandsingtoday.Thepowerofsongtoconveyimportantinformationasanancientuseof music is evident in such instances as the chanted transmission of biblical psalmsandtheriseofLatinhymnody.22ThispowerofmusictocommunicateamessagecausesLevitintoregardknowledgesongsas“perhapsthecrown-ingtriumphofart,science,culture,andmind,encodingimportantlifelessonsinanartisticformthatisideallyadaptedtothestructureandfunctionofthehuman brain”.23

Formative Church MusicTheworkofJohnH.Westerhoffwasfoundationalinchildren’sfaithforma-tionstudies.Buildingupontheearlierworkofhisfriendandcolleague,JamesFowler,Westerhoff described four stages in faith development in his 1976book, Will Our Children Have Faith?Notableatthattimewashisinsistencethateducators(andscholars)recognizethenon-cognitivewaysinwhichfaithisnurturedinchildrenandthepoweroftheChristiancommunitytoinculcatethemintothatfaith.Forhim,beingChristiandescribedawayoflife,andin-tentionalformationbythecommunitywasessential.Hiscontentionwasthatchildrenwillbeformedastheygothroughchildhood,whetherbygoodorevilinfluences.AsChristians,itisourjobtoask,“Howwilltheybeformedinourfaithcommunity?”PhilipPfatteicher states that “Christian formation begins

20 ConcordiaPublishingHousehasproducedasettingofLuther’sSmallCatechismtomusiccomposedbyPhilipMagness, titledSing the Faith, 2008.ElizabethHellmuthMargulis cites studies showing that verbatimmemory is significantly betterwhen the text is ex-pressedinsongratherthanasspokensentences.On Repeat: How Music Plays the Mind, (Oxford,2014),p.86.

21 Levitin, The World in Six Songs,p.177.22 The fourth century church father Ambrose is commonly regarded as the Father of Latin Hymnody.Ambrose’sTrinitarianhymnswerereportedlywrittentocounterthedoctrinesinthepopularArianhymnodyalreadybeingsungbyhisadherents.

23 Levitin, The World in Six Songs,p.186.Recognizingthepowerinherentinpairingatextwithmusic,Ingepointstotheimportanceofattendingtothetheologicalimplicationsofthe text itself, something often neglectedwhen overshadowed by itsmusical trappings.JohnInge,“PowerPraise”,inCreative Chords: Studies in Music, Theology and Christian Formation,JeffAstley,TimothyHoneandMarkSavage(eds.),(Leominster,Herefordshire,2000),p.180–181.

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inworship,fortheliturgyisthechurch’sschool”.24Inordertobeformedbyworshipthatoccursonlyonceaweek,itisimperativethatoneexperiencesitonaregularbasis.AllintervieweesindicatedthattheyattendedchurcheverySundayexceptforrareinstancessuchasillness.Asmentionedbefore,mostofthemrecalledlearningmusicalsettingsoftheliturgyatveryyoungages–evenpre-reading.25

Toapproachtheconceptofhowthemusicofliturgyandhymnodyformedthem, theywereasked to reflecton thequestion,“Howdoyourchildhoodchurchmusicexperiencesstillimpactyoutoday?”ResponsesbyMolsberry,Erixon,andDunkallspokeofparticularsungworshiptextsthattheyremem-bered from their elementary school years but did not begin to understand until muchlater.Aschildren,theywereoccasionally“bored”withtherepetition.However, a fuller appreciationof the textualmeaning revealed itselfwhenthey reached adulthood.26Reflectionssuchasthesesupportthepremisethatsometimesitisnotuntillaterinlifethatadultscometounderstandwhattheyhadinternalizedaschildren.

Accordingtoseveralrespondents,onefunctionofmusicistoassistinun-derstanding– or experiencing–Scripture, doctrine, or the nature ofGod.Pfatteicherpointsoutthattheliturgy“rehearsesandrenewsanddeepensourunderstandingof thecontentof the faith, leadingusevermoreprofoundlyintothedepthsandheightsandwidestreachesofitsmysteryandpower”.27 Heemphasizesthat,withrepetition,thepotentialexistsfornewinsightstoberealizedandnewapplicationstobemadewithancientwords.“Whathasbeenmadefamiliarbyroteunexpectedlyopensuponnewandexcitingmeaning,andoldwordsthrobwithnewlifeandvigor.”28 The regular use of sung liturgy andhymnodyintheLutheranchurchesofthoseinterviewedservedtoconveymeaningthroughScripture,29thePsalmsandIntroits,30 the Kyrie Eleison, and the Hymn of Praise.31Indeed,onerespondentremarked,“MuchofmycoretheologyisbasedonthemusicofworshipthatIlearnedgrowingup,which

24 PhilipH.Pfatteicher,The School of the Church: Worship and Christian Formation, (Eu-gene,OR,2007),p.90.

25 “Formanychildren,thepresenceoffamiliarversiclesandresponsessungbythecongrega-tionisanopportunityforparticipation.Forthenon-readingchild,theopportunitytopartic-ipateinliturgyissolelydependentonthepresenceofthosepredictableelements.”ShirleyK.Morgenthaler,PeterM.Becker,andGaryL.Bertels,Children in Worship: Lessons from Research,(RiverForest,IL,1999),p.53.

26 Author’semailinterviewwithKendallMolsberry,age25,15March2017.Author’semailinterviewwithKristenErixon,age27,20March2017.Author’semailinterviewwithErinDunk,age25,17March2017.

27 Pfatteicher, The School of the Church,p.93.28 Ibid.29 Author’semailinterviewwithGeoffreyAdams,age23,13March2017.30 Author’semailinterviewwithSarahSwor,age25,14March2017.31 Author’semailinterviewwithLeslieRoberts,age25,25March2017.

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hasgivenmelastingfaiththathascarriedmethroughmanydifficultiesandtrials.”32

Intervieweesalsocommentedonthewaychurchmusicimpactstheirdai-ly lives.Several remarked that theyhum,whistle, or sing churchmusic atvarioustimesthroughouttheweek.“It’stheonlywaytobringsanitytomyworkdays.”33Onerespondentnotedthathefoundhimselfhummingamelodyandcouldnotdeterminewhat itwasforseveraldays;hefinallyrealized itwaspartoftheVenite(Psalm95)fromtheMatinsservicehehadlearnedasa young child in his Lutheran School.34A26-year-oldmotheroftwochildrenundertheageofthreeremarkedthatsheappreciatesknowingtheliturgybyheart,asshe isable tosing itwhilehavingbothhandsfree tomanageheryoungonesinthepew.35Thefactthatsheissingingwithherfamilyinthepewweekafterweekwillworktoetchthosesoundsandfeelingsofmusicintothesubconsciousofheryoungchildren.ThisiswhatMoon dubs “tacit knowledge”,orknowledgethatisexperiencedandbecomesapartofachild,andthiscultivateswhatKeeleycallsa“landscapeoffaith”,thatis,experienc-esthatovertimehelptoshapeone’srelationshipwithGod.Itisthisconceptofgradualformationwithinthecontextofparentsandothersinthecommunitythatwenowconsider.36

CrossgenerationalChurchMusic,PartI:ParentsMuch has beenmade of the idea of generationalworship in recent times,and it has borne a number of different monikers including “intergeneration-al”, “transgenerational”, and “cross-generational”.37 I have chosen the term“crossgenerational” for the obvious double meaning: the music of the church reachesacrossdifferencesinage,pullingpeopletogetherincorporatesong;anditsultimateworthiscentredinChristhimself.FollowingAllen,thisdefi-nition includes the concept that children learn best in “authentic, complexcommunities”from“moreexperiencedmembersoftheculture”astheyareabletoidentifywiththeworshippingculturebyinclusiveparticipationwith

32 Ibid.33 Author’semailinterviewwithKyleSchemmer,age30,23March2017.Theoccurrenceof“earworms”,thatis,songsthatgothroughaperson’smind,isexploredbyMargulis.Shepointsout that themostfrequentearwormsaresongchorusesandthat themusicpeopleimaginebestisthemusictheycanreproducebodily.On Repeat,p.82.

34 Author’semailinterviewwithTreyKrause,age31,22March2017.HerecallsbeingfiveorsixyearsoldwhenfirstlearningtosingtheMatinsservice.

35 Author’semailinterviewwithSarahJensen,age29,18March2017.36 Moon, Engraved Upon the Heart, 70.See alsoRobert J.Keeley,Helping Our Children

Grow in Faith: How the Church Can Nurture the Spiritual Development of Kids,(GrandRapids,MI,2008).

37 Allengivesa succinctoverviewof this trend.SeeHollyCattertonAllen,“Bringing theGenerations Together: Support from Learning Theory”, Christian Education Journal, Ser.3,Vol.2:2(2005),p.219–333,p.320.

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them.38Myresearchhighlightstwoimportantaspects ofthisdescription:theinfluenceofparentsandtheinfluenceofthecongregation’smusicalcultureonthe embracing of the church’s music by children.39

First,itwillbehelpfultoconsiderchildrenandparentsfromtheviewpointof theology, in this case that of Martin Luther, considering his enormous im-pact onWestern thought and on Lutheran churches in particular. Luther’s praiseofmusicas“nexttotheology”hasbeenwelldocumentedbuthisviewsonchildrenandthefamilyare,perhaps,lessknown.40 Luther states,

Mostcertainlyfatherandmotherareapostles,bishops,andprieststotheirchil-dren,foritistheywhomakethemacquaintedwiththegospel.Inshort,thereisnogreaterornoblerauthorityonearththanthatofparentsovertheirchildren,forthisauthorityisbothspiritualandtemporal.41

Luther points outwhatmay seem obvious to some: parents are the singlegreatestinfluenceinachild’sspiritualformation.42Inhisstudiesonpsycho-socialdevelopment,ErikEriksonnotedthat“thefaithofparents,ortheirlackofit,impactschildren.Theparents’abilitytotrustandtheirsenseofmeaninginfluencethechild’ssenseoftrust,meaning,andworth.”43Theirpositionastheauthorityfiguresinthehouseholdrequiresthemtoexercisetheirspiritualguidancewithcareastheprimarywitnessesofthegospelmessagetotheirchildren.

Asmuch as churches bear a responsibility for creating an environmentforchildrentoparticipateinworship,themainforceofresponsibilityfallstotheirparents.44Nooneelseisinabetterpositiontoencourageandnurture

38 Allen,“BringingtheGenerationsTogether”,p.327.39 Iamusingtheterm“parents”todenotetheprimarycaregiversinachild’slife,notlimitedtobiologicalparents.

40 One of the best studies in English on Luther’s thoughts on music is Carl Schalk’s Luther on Music: Paradigms of Praise,(St.Louis,MO,1988).Luther’sfullcommentreferredtoabove is,“[…]next to theWordofGod,musicdeserves thehighestpraise”.SeeMartinLuther,“PrefacetoGeorgRhau’sSymphoniaeiucundae”,MartinLuther,Luther’s Works (American Edition),Vol.53,p.53,323.

41 Martin Luther, Luther’s Works (American Edition),Vol.45,p.46.Lutheranscholarsandeducatorshaveproducedanumberofwritings in the areaof children’s faith formation.TheworkofShirleyMorgenthalerandhercolleaguesatConcordiaUniversity–Chicagoissignificantinthisregard.SeealsoKennethT.Kosche,“TheRoleofMusicinTeachingtheFaith”, in The Pedagogy of Faith: Essays on Lutheran Education, BernardDeanBull(ed.),(St.Louis,MO,2016),p.146–151.

42 “Thisinfluenceisdue,inpart,tothefactthatchildrencannotseetheinvisibleGod,buttheycanseetheirparentswhotheymayunderstandtoliveinGod’spresence.ChildrenlearntherealityofGodthroughtheirparents’practiceofthepresenceofGod.”SungwonKim,“ParentingStylesandChildren’sSpiritualDevelopment”,inNurturing Children’s Spirit-uality: Christian Perspectives and Best Practices,HollyCattertonAllen (ed.), (Eugene,OR,2008),p.242.

43 Catherine Stonehouse, Joining Children on the Spiritual Journey: Nurturing a Life of Faith, (GrandRapids,MI,1998),p.64.

44 See Morgenthaler, et. al., Children in Worship: Lessons from Research.

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theworshipofchildrenthantheirownprimarycaregiversworshippingsidebysidewith them.Parentsalsohave theopportunity to reinforceattitudesaboutworshipandmusicinthehome.Thisinfluenceisevidentinthevaluethoseinterviewedplacedintheirparents’attitudestowardsingingandmusicinbothplaces.

“CreateinMeaCleanHeart”isoneofmymom’sfavoritepartsoftheliturgy,sothatreallystandsoutasamemoryfrommychildhood.Myparentswereveryfaithfulinattendingworshipandemphasizedtheimportanceofit toallfourofuskids.Neitherwasverymusicallyinclinedbutalwayssanginchurchandencouragedustoaswell.45

Yes,theysang,butIthinklikeIamnow,theyarebothratherself-consciousoftheirsinging.Irememberlisteningtothemsingatchurch.46

TheseresponsesofJensenandHengeveldareremarkableinthatneitherre-gardedtheirparentsas“musical”,yettheysanginworshipandencouragedtheirchildrentodothesame.Hengeveldgoesontonotethathisparentsevenboughtapianofortheirhomefortheirchildrentotakelessonson.Throughtheseactionstheytaughttheirchildrenthatmusicwasimportantinhomeandchurch.

Kimsummarizes theresearchregardingcorrelationsbetweenchurchat-tendance,parenting,andstrongrelationships,withaparticularemphasisonfathers. She cites studies that suggest “a positive relationship between thefathers’religiosityandthehighqualityrelationshipwiththeirchildren”.47 The responsesofthoseinterviewedreflectedtheimportanceparents–andfathersinparticular–placeduponspiritualmatters and singing.The following isrepresentative:

Mymomdidsinghymnsandchurchsongsathome,andmysisterwouldplayhymnsonthepianoaswell.Mydadsanginchurch,too,butnotasloud.Ire-memberafewtimesmydadwouldtellmewhenhereallylikedacertainhymnwesang,andthatmeantalotbecausehedidn’tsharehisopinionsabouttheservicesverymuch.Onetimeheevencopied“EntrustYourDaysandBurdens”fromthehymnalandstuckitinhisworkbriefcase.48

Children are intensely observant, especially regarding the actions of theirprimarycaregivers;theyoftensoakupknowledgeandsensoryexperienceswithoutrealizingit.Theactiveparticipationofparentsinsingingatchurchandinthehomeseemstobeastrongindicatorthattheirchildrenwillalso

45 Author’semailinterviewwithSarahJensen,age28,18March2017.46 Author’semailinterviewwithAdamHengeveld,age30,25March2017.47 Kim,“ParentingStyles”,p.241.48 Author’s email interviewwithKendallMolsberry, age 25, 15March2017.AuthoredbyLutheranhymnwriterPaulGerhardt,“EntrustYourDaysandBurdens”(“BefiehldudeineWege”)haslongheldaplaceinGerman,Scandinavian,andEnglishLutheranhymnals.

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placevalueonsinging;andregularityofworship, in turn,works tomouldtheir children throughwhatever consistent rituals andmusic are practicedtherein.

CrossgenerationalChurchMusic,PartII:CommunityWesterhoff describes the necessity of three generations in a church com-munity: the youngest being the “generation of vision”, the middle being the “generationof thepresent”,and the third,whichhecontends ismostoftenforgotten,beingthe“generationofmemory”.Withoutthethird,theothertwogenerationsare“lockedintotheexistentialpresent”,and“withoutinteractionbetweenandamongthegenerations,eachmakingitsownuniquecontribu-tion,Christiancommunity isdifficult tomaintain”.49 The combination and interactionofthevariousgenerationsinacongregationhelptocreateitsownunique culture.50

Oneimportantaspectofcongregationalcultureisacongregation’smusical culture.Thisculturehastodowiththequestion,“Whatdoesacongregationconsiderasnormalmusicallife?”Congregationalmusicalcultureencompass-es thekindsof instrumentsor choirsheard inworship,whetherornot thechurchutilizessungliturgies,ifandwhathymnodyissungonaregularbasis,andthelike.Achild’simmersioninherchurch’smusicalculture,withpartic-ipationbyawidevarietyofages,assiststhatchild’sfaithformation.51

Attending a Lutheran school, historically an integral extension of its Lu-theranchurch,impactedthemusicalformationofseveralrespondents.52 They describedacultureinwhichmusicservedanimportantrolethroughchapelservices,choirrehearsals,memorizationofhymns,andreligionclasses.Otherintervieweesrememberedtheinstrumentsandmusiciansofthechurch,not-

49 JohnH.WesterhoffIII,Will Our Children Have Faith, 3rd edition, (Harrisburg,PA,2012),p.100.

50 “Eachlocalcongregationhasbuiltaworldofbeliefandvalueofitsown,whicheachhasfashioneditselfoutofaparticularamalgamofpersonalstories,denominationheritages,local communityhistory, and largerculturalhappenings.” JamesP.Wind,“DiscoveringCongregational Culture”, in Exploring Children’s Spiritual Formation: Foundational Is-sues,ShirleyK.Morgenthaler(ed.),(RiverForest,IL,1999),p.203.

51 Atkinsstatesthattheinfluenceofthegroupexertstremendousinfluenceupontheindivid-ualinacorporatesettinglikeworship.Oneofthewaysitdoesthisisthroughmusicandsong:“Eachnewgenerationishelped,byparticipationratherthanbyformalinstruction,tolearnthegroup’sownsongsandwisdomsayings.Songisanespeciallypowerfulmeansofstatingandrestatingagroup’sidentity.”Atkins,Memory and Liturgy,p.70.

52 “He [Luther]sawthefamilyasthenaturallocusofeducation:parentscatechizingtheirchil-drenandhouseholddependents,joiningtheminprayers,teachingthemtheirproperduties,andadministeringdiscipline.”JaneE.Strohl,“TheChild inLuther’sTheology”, inThe Child in Christian Thought,MarciaJ.Bunge(ed.),(GrandRapids,MI,2011),p.145–146.But Lutheralsosawthisresponsibilitytoeducateasresidingintheschools:theyweretoteachtheyoung,especiallysincemanyparentswerenotcompetenttodoso.Lutheradvo-catedtheteachingofsingingandmusicwithacompleteliberalartsprograminschools.AlsoseeLuther’s,“TotheCouncilmenofAllCitiesinGerman[…]”,inMartin Luther’s Basic Theological Writings,TimothyF.Lull(ed.),(Minneapolis,MN,1989),p.726.

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ingtheirspecialfunctionsinworship.Organsandorganists,53 handbell choirs and hymnody,54 and singers and instrumentalists55 all contributed to leaving indeliblemarksuponthemindsofchildren,nowworshipingasadults.Themusicalculturecreatedandlivedbyaworshipingcommunityimpactschil-drenbyworkingitselfintotheirmindsandbodiesevenwithouttheirbeingcognitively aware of it. It becomes a normalway of thinking, acting, and“doing church”. This musical culture contributes to the crossgenerational in-fluenceinfaithformationinwhichprimarycaregiversandothersofvariousagesareinapositiontoactivelyengage.

ConclusionTheveryactofsingingisoneofsignificantembodimentandcanbeinstilledinchildrenfromaveryyoungage.Thisprocessisrealizedthroughtheinflu-enceofparentsandotherswhoareolder,whomakeuptheworshipmilieuofthecongregation.ThesesongsofboththeindividualbodyandthecorporatebodyofChristworktoformchildrenintomaturebelievers,passingonthefaith from one generation to the next.

Thetextanditsaccompanyingmusicareofteninseparableinthemindsofchildren,aidinginrecallandallowingfordeeperreflectionovertime.Thissuggeststoworshipleaderstheimportanceofconsideringcarefullythemusicthey choose to assist in the faith formation of our children. As revealed in this study,partsofsungworshipcanbecomeembeddedinthesingerovertimeand continue to bemeaningful faith expressions into adulthood.Althoughchildrenmaynotcomprehendallthewordstheysing,music’suniqueabilitytoestablishwordsinthemindhelpstopreserveahostofimagesandsensa-tions that canbe recalled later in life.Furthermore,music’sbondwith thehumanbody’semotionalcapacityhelpstonurturefaiththroughpositiveandregularworshipexperiences,quiteapartfromanycloselydefinedcognitivemanifestation.

Lastly, the significance of excellent teaching cannot be ignored.Whilea teacher can teach specific songs in an educational setting,muchmusicalteachingoccursinadvertentlythroughtheworshipexperience.Ifsingingistreatedwithintentionalcareandrespectwithinthechurch’sworship,childrenwilllikelygrowtoadoptasimilarregardforthechurch’smusic.Musicthatispoorlyexecutedornotwell-planned–orsimplyseenasatime-filler–willbeabsorbedbychildrenwhomaycometoseethechurch’smusicastriteorworthless.Those responsible forworshipwilldowell to realize thepowerwithwhichtheyareentrustedinhandlingthechurch’smusicastheyseektoinculcate the faith into the church’s children.

53 Author’semailinterviewwithKristenErixon,age27,20March2017.54 Author’semailinterviewwithDanielJensen,age29,16March2017.55 Author’semailinterviewwithTreyKrause,age31,22March2017.

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21. Brass Ensembles as a Process of CommunityBuilding:ParticipatoryPerformance and the Posaunenchor

Ryoto Akiyama

Thischapterexaminesthestructureandmusic-makingofGermanbrassen-semblesknownasPosaunenchöre (singular Posaunenchor).1Generally,Po-saunenchörecomprisecongregationalbrassensemblesinProtestant(mainlyLutheran)congregationsinGerman-speakingareas.2 Among Lutheran con-gregationsinGermany,theyarethemostpopularandvigorousmusicgroupsapart from choirs.3 According to the latest statistics from the Evangelical ChurchinGermany(Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland),therearecurrent-lyapproximately6,000Posaunenchörecomprisingmorethan90,000brassplayers.4In2016,PosaunenchörewereregisteredbytheGermanCommissionofUNESCO(theUnitedNationsEducational,ScientificandCulturalOrgan-ization)aspartoftheIntangibleCulturalHeritageofGermanyanddescribedas “a trademark of the Protestant Church”.5

BecauseoftheircloserelationshipwiththeProtestantChurch,mostprevi-ous studies on Posaunenchörehavebeenconductedinthefieldoftheology.Inarecentstudy,forexample,basedonherempiricalstudyinnorthernGerma-ny,JuliaKollexaminedthesocio-religiousimplicationsofthecollectivemu-sic-makingofthePosaunenchöreintermsofpracticaltheology.6 Due to the dominance of theological research on the Posaunenchöre, they have received littleattentionanddetailedinvestigationsinthefieldofwindandbrassmusic

1 Thischapterisbasedonthemaster’sthesisoftheauthoracceptedattheGraduateSchoolofLetters,OsakaUniversity(2016).

2 While Protestant congregations other than the Lutheran, namely the Reformed, Method-ist,Seventh-dayAdventist,andevensomeRoman-CatholiccongregationsalsohavePo-saunenchöre,thischapterfocusesontheLutherancase.

3 GunterKennel,“ZurSituationderevangelischenKirchenmusikinDeutschland”,inMusik im Raum der Kirche: Fragen und Perspektiven,WinfriedBönig(ed.),(Stuttgart,2007),p.262–268,p.262f.

4 Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland, Zahlen und Fakten zum kirchlichen Leben 2016, (Hannover,2017),p.17.

5 Deutsche UNESCO-Kommission, “Posaunenchöre”, https://www.unesco.de/kultur-und- natur/immaterielles-kulturerbe/immaterielles-kulturerbe-deutschland/bundesweites-42,(accessed1September2019).

6 JuliaKoll,Kirchenmusik als sozioreligiöse Praxis: Studien zu Religion, Musik, und Gruppe am Beispiel des Posaunenchors,(Leipzig,2016).

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research.7However,theyareoneoftheformsoflocalbrassandwindbandthat originate in the cultural conditions of the nineteenth century,8 and can becharacterizedasaformof localcommunity-basedmusic-making.9 Seen fromthisperspective,ratherthandefiningPosaunenchöre only as a Christian musicalpracticeoratheologicalresearchobject,itissignificanttoconsiderhow these localbands are framing theirmusicalpractice that couldbe in-terpretedasaChristianone,andtoinvestigatehowaparticularformofthebrassensembleispractisedasPosaunenchorinaparticularculturalsetting,namely,inthecurrentsecularandmulti-religiousenvironmentinGermany.10 Thisapproachcancontributetoculturalconsiderationnotonlyofthemusicalpractisesofbrassandwindbands,butalsoofLutheranmusicalpractice.

Fromthisperspective,IapproachthePosaunenchöre froman(ethno)mu-sicologicalperspectiveandinvestigatethemasculturalpractice.11IwillfocusonthemusicalperformanceofthebrassplayersofPosaunenchöre, regarding musicasperformanceandsocialinteraction12, and, in Small’s term, “musick-ing”.13Inordertoobservetheirmusic-makingclosely,withaparticularfocusonthemusicalandsocialactivitiesoftheirbrassplayers,andreferringtoFin-negan’sfieldworkonthecasestudyofamateurmusic-making,whichincludespersonalparticipationintheevents,Ihavebeenconductingethnographicalfieldwork,includingparticipantobservation,since2014.14Myfieldworkhascomprisedmyownmusicalparticipation–mainlyinthreePosaunenchöre in GöttingenasatrombonistandsomeotherPosaunenchöre–semi-structured

7 See Achim Hofer, Blasmusikforschung: Eine kritische Einführung,(Darmstadt,1992).8 SeeWilhelmSchepping,“Germany”,inThe Garland Encyclopedia of World Music,Vol.8Europe,TimothyRice,JamesPorter,andChrisGoertzen(eds.),(NewYork,NY,2000),p.656–657.

9 See Ruth Finnegan, The Hidden Musicians. Music-Making in an English Town, (Middle-town,CT, 2007),KatherineBrucher andSuzelAnaReily, “Introduction:TheWorld ofBrass Bands”, in Brass Bands of the World: Militarism, Colonial Legacies, and Local Mu-sic Making,SuzelAnaReilyandKatherineBrucher(eds.),(Surrey,2013),p.22–27.

10 See Handbuch Christentum und Islam in Deutschland. Grundlagen, Erfahrungen und Per-spektiven des Zusammenlebens,MathiasRoheetal(eds.),(FreiburgimBreisgau,2014).

11 Consideringcurrentmusicologicaldiscourse,theprefix“ethno”maybeunnecessaryinthisresearch.ButIdescribemyresearchperspectiveas“(ethno)musicological”here,becauseIhaveemployedanethnographicfieldwork-orientedmethod,whichhasbeenaconventionalresearchmethodofethnomusicologyandisdifferentfrommusicologyinanarrowsense,orhistoricalmusicologyfocusingoncomposersandcompositionalworks.Forfurtherdis-cussion,see,forexample,NicholasCook,“WeAreAll(Ethno)musicologistsNow”,inThe New (Ethno)musicologies,HenryStobart(ed.),(Plymouth,2008),TimothyRice,Ethnomu-sicology. A Very Short Introduction, (NewYork,NY,2014).

12 See Nicholas Cook, “Music as Performance”, in The Cultural Study of Music. A Critical Introduction, 2ndedition,MartinClayton,TrevorHerbert,RichardMiddleton(eds.),(NewYork,NY,2012),JaneW,Davidson,“MusicasSocialBehavior”,inEmpirical Musicology: Aims, Methods, Prospects,EricClarkeandNicholasCook(eds.),(Oxford,2004),ThomasTurino, Music as Social Life: The Politics of Participation, (Chicago,2008).

13 ChristopherSmall,The Meanings of Performing and Listening,(Hannover,1998).14 Finnegan, Hidden Musicians,p.342–344.

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interviews,andquestionnaires15 among these three Posaunenchöretoexplorethemusical experience of the brass players of the Posaunenchöre in their musicalperformance.16

As Koll’sempiricalstudyshows,IalsofoundthatthespecificcommunalexperienceofthemusicalensembleissignificantamongthebrassplayersinPosaunenchöreinmyfieldobservation.Throughtheirinvolvementinthesegroups, they experience a particular sense of togetherness and belonging, whichisthemostimportantobjectiveoftheirensemblesandconstitutesthespecificcommunalrelationship.Theaimof thischapter is toprovidemoreinsightintothemusic-makingofthePosaunenchöre, focusing on the musical and social interactions between the brass players.Based onmyfieldwork,whichwasmainlyconductedin2014–15,Ifocusonthespecificmodeofin-volvement in Posaunenchor brassensembles,andinvestigatehowtheindi-vidualheterogeneousbrassplayersgeneratetheircommunalrelationshipandbuild theirparticularcommunity, referring to theconceptof“participatoryperformance”,ascoinedbyethnomusicologistThomasTurino. Closer consid-erationofthesepointsmeritsfurtherinvestigationofthebrassplayers’musi-calexperienceandthemusicalmeaningsthatareattributedtotheirensemble.

Inthefollowingsection,IwillfirstintroducegeneralinformationregardingPosaunenchöre, including their historical background and unique ensemble formation.Iwillthendescribethemethodofmusicalinvolvementofthebrassplayers,notingThomasTurino’sconceptof“participatoryperformance”.Fi-nally,basedonmyethnographicalresearch,Iwilldescribethemusic-makingof current Posaunenchöreasacasestudy,anddescribetheirrehearsalpro-cess.Myargumentisthatthebrassensembleisinseparablefromthesocialin-teractionthatoccursinthecommunalrelationshipbetweenthebrassplayers,whilethemusicalformofparticipation,whichisspecifictoPosaunenchöre, makessuchgroupsuniquecommunitiesforthebrassplayerswhoparticipate.

PosaunenchorTheliteralmeaningof“Posaunenchor”isatrombonechoir,buttheconceptgoesbeyondmere instrumentation. Ithasbeenadopted tospecifyamixedbrassensemble in thecontextof theProtestantChurch inGermany.WhilethepracticeofinstrumentaltrombonemusicinthechurchinGerman-speak-ingareascanbetracedbacktothetraditionoftownmusicians(Stadtpfeif-er)fromthesixteenthtotheeighteenthcenturies,thecontemporaryconceptof “Posaunenchor” firstemergedintheMoravianChurch(Herrnhuter Brü-dergemeine)inSaxonyinthemid-eighteenthcentury.17However,themusical

15 IamgratefultoDr.JuliaKollforheradviceontheresearchofPosaunenchöre.Ireferredher questionnaire that she distributed also in my cases of Posaunenchöre, and cited some questionsinordertocomparemycasesandmyownfieldobservationwithherresults.

16 See Davidson, “Music as Social Behavior”.17 BenvandenBosch,“DieEntstehungundEntwicklungderPosaunenarbeitderBrüderge-

meinen in Deutschland und in aller Welt”, in Beiträge zur Geschichte evangelischer Po-

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practiceof thePosaunenchöre as it exists today arguably originated in the Protestantpietisticrevivalmovement(Erweckungsbewbegung)thatoccurredin the early nineteenth century.18Undertheinfluenceofthismovement,Lu-theranworking-classmalesfromChristianyouthclubs(mainlyaroundeast-ernWestphalia)or localcongregations (mainlyaroundHanover)organizedbrass ensembles.19Followingthismovement,manyPosaunenchörewerees-tablishedinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.ItisstillunclearwhysuchbrassensembleswerecalledPosaunenchöre, but it could be that thepreachersoftheMoravianChurchpopularizedthisterm,orthatthemaleyouthoftherevivalmovement,whotendedtobebiblicists,coinedthetermwithreferencetothebiblicaltermforbrassinstrument,whichMartinLuther translated as “Posaune”.20

Theinnovation,production,anddistributionofmodernbrassinstrumentsinGermansocietyduetothedevelopmentofmilitarybandsandtheindustri-alrevolutionenabledLutheranworking-classmaleyouthstoestablishbrassensembles.Military bandsmademusic with brass instruments that incor-poratedinnovativevalvesystems,whichwererelativelypopularduringthenineteenth century. Even non-specialists could play these instruments andtheywerewidelyavailableduetomassproductionandtheattendant lowerprices.Furthermore,thepopularizationofmilitarybandscontributedtothedevelopment of amateur civic brass andwind bands in the late nineteenthcentury,wherethemusicallyeducatedmilitarymusiciansplayedsignificantrolesintheirinstructionandorganization.21ItwasinthisculturalcontextthatPosaunenchöre emerged.

Aswellasthoseestablishedinthelatenineteenthcentury,anumberofPo-saunenchörewereestablishedduringthesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury.Inthisperiod,Posaunenchöre became integral to local Lutheran congrega-tionsinGermany,whichwelcomedfemaleparticipants.22

EarlyleadersstrovetoframethemusicalperformanceofPosaunenchor as aLutheranpractice,differentiatingitfromothervernacularbrassandwindbands.JohannesKuhlo(1856–1941),apastorwhowasborninthevortexoftherevivalmovementineasternWestphalia,remainsoneofthemostinflu-

saunenarbeit (Lieferung 1): Posaunen in der Bibel und bei uns vor 1843, Horst Dietrich Schlemm(ed.),(Gütersloh,1989),p.43–65,p.44–48.

18 Wolfgang Schnabel, Geschichte der evangelischen Posaunenchorbewegung Westfalens 1840–2000,(Bielefeld,2003),p.11–13.

19 Schnabel, Geschichte der evangelischen Posaunenchorbewegung WestfalensandHans-Jür-gen Lange, “Sein Lob tön’ im Posaunenschalle”: Die Geschichte der Posaunenchorarbeit in der Hannoverschen Landeskirche,(Münster,1999).

20 For a historical consideration of the Posaunenchöre, see Wolfgang Schnabel, Die evange-lische Posaunenchorarbeit: Herkunft und Auftrag,(Göttingen,1993)andWolfgangSchna-bel,“Posaunenchöre–einevangelischesPhänomen?”, inMusik im Raum der Kirche,p.474–491.

21 Achim Hofer, Blasmusikforschung,p.158–185,201–204.22 Schnabel,“Phänomen”,p.481–489.

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ential leaders of Posaunenchöre.Heorientedthemusicalpracticeandtheo-logicalideasofthesebrassensemblesand,inspiredbythephrasefromPsalm150 “Lobet denHERRNmit Posaunen” (“Praise the LORDwith trumpetsound”),heformulatedtheobjectiveofthePosaunenchöreasfollows:“tothegloryofGod,totheedificationofthecongregation,andtothejoyofits(i.e.,Posaunenchor’s)companions (zur Ehre Gottes, zur Erbauung der Gemein-de und zur Freunde seiner Mitglieder)”,andenthusiasticallyconductedPo-saunenchöre.23Theleadersandbrassplayersthatcameafterhimexpoundedhisideasthroughtheirmusicalanddevotionalpracticesandeventoday,hisideas are often mentioned and are regarded as the basic tenet of Posaunen-chor’smusicalpractice,particularlyintheecclesiasticalcontext.

Among Kuhlo’s contributions, his notation and ensemble formation con-tinuetoshapetheuniquemusicalpracticeofPosaunenchöre today. Whereas military bands and other popular brass andwind bands usually play fromtransposed parts for each individual instrument, Posaunenchöre use a four-part score,which JohannesKuhlo introduced as “piano-likenotation”(Klavierschreibweise),(seeFigure40).Thus,theinstrumentationofthePo-saunenchöre is not divided by instrument, but into four parts like a vocalchorus(namely,soprano,alto,tenor,andbass)accordingtothetessituraoftheinstruments.Inthecurrentpraxis,thesopranopartisplayedbytrumpets,thealtobytrumpets,flugelhorns,orFrenchhorns,thetenorbytrombones,tenorhorns,orother lowbrass instruments, and thebassby trombonesorotherlowbrass instruments, supportedby the tuba.Severalplayersoccupyeachpartand,whilebrassinstrumentsarepreferred,theinstrumentationisnotsostrictlydefined.Thatistosay,inPosaunenchöre, theparticipantssharethefourchorus-likepartsamongstseveralplayersandeveryonereadsthesamescore.ThisensembleformationcontributestotheparticularmodeofmusicalparticipationthatIwilldescribeinthenextsection.

WhileitisbeyondthescopeofthischaptertodiscusstherepertoireofthePosaunenchöre indetail,insummary,itlargelycomprisesGermanchoraleswiththeirarrangements,includingchoralpreludeswhosecompositionalid-iomsrangefrombaroquetocontemporarypopularmusiclikejazz,pop,orrock. The current trend amongst Posaunenchöreistoperformsecularpopu-lartuneslikethesongsofTheBeatlesorfilmscoressuchas“PiratesoftheCaribbean”.

Posaunenchöre give official musical performances in church and theirperformanceisregardedasanintegralpartofLutheranchurchmusictoday.Theymay also play on occasions related to the local congregation. In theecclesiastical context, they play instrumentalmusic to open and close theservice,aswellasproviding the intonationandaccompaniment tocongre-gationalsinging.Theirperformancesareparticularlyrequiredwhentheser-

23 JohannesKuhlo,Posaunen-Fragen,(Bethel,1909),p.2.SeeWilhelmEhmann,Johannes Kuhlo. Ein Spielmann Gottes,(Bielefeld,1956)andWolfgangSchnabel,Drei große För-derer der evangelischen Posaunenchorbewegung,(Bochum,1994),p.113–172.

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vice is held outdoors. Posaunenchörealsogiveconcertsinthechurch,whichcharacteristicallyincorporateshortprayers,readingsofBiblepassages,andedifyingspeeches.PosaunenchörealsofamouslyperformAdventandChrist-mas songs and hymns, not only in church, but also on the street and at Christ-masmarkets.Theymayalsoplayforcharityinhospitalsorwelfarefacilities(diakonisches Blasen), and for thebirthdaycelebrationsofmembersof thePosaunenchor or the congregation. Posaunenchörealsoperformatlocaltra-ditionaleventsheldbythecongregation,suchastheSt.Martin’sdayproces-sion.24

24 See also Schnabel, Die evangelische Posaunenchorarbeit,p.166–194,FriedelW.Böhler,“Wege und Aufgabenbereiche der Posaunenchorarbeit”, in Praxis Posaunenchor: Hand-buch für Bläserchorleitung, 2ndedition,IrmgardEismannandHans-UlrichNonnenmann(eds.),(Stuttgart,2013),p.317–320,JuliaKoll,Kirchenmusik als sozioreligiöse Praxis: Stu-dien zu Religion, Musik, und Gruppe am Beispiel des Posaunenchors,(Leipzig,2016),p.83f.

Figure 40. Nun freut euch lieben Christen g’mein fromJohannesKuhlo(ed.),Posaunenbuch,6thedition(Bielefeld,1896).

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Posaunenchor asaParticipatoryBrassEnsembleAs such, themusical performance ofPosaunenchöre can be characterizedwithintheframeworkofthechurchserviceandChristianrituals.However,frommyobservation,thewayinwhichPosaunenchorbrassplayerspartakein this brass ensemble is rather unique, and they do not only meet for the performance occasions described above.Asmentioned above, the particu-larensembleformationpromotesaspecificmodeofmusicalparticipationinPosaunenchöre.Thatis,whileinnormalwindorbrassbands,thepartsaredivided by instrument, the Posaunenchöre characteristically comprise fourparts,likeavocalchorus,andusually,severalbrassplayersshareeachpart.Byreducingthetechnicalchallengeofbrassplaying,thisensembleformationmeansthatplayersofvariousmusicalabilitiescanparticipateintheensembleandthispromotes theirexperienceof theparticularsenseofbeingandbe-longing together.

Due to the ambiguous instrumentation (even though it restricted to brass instruments), the size of the ensemble is ratherflexible andopen, and caneasilyaccommodatewhoeverwantstojoin.25Brassplayerscanthusbecomeinvolvedintheensemblewithoutthelimitationoftheseatsineachpart.Sinceseveralplayersshareeachpart,theburdenoftechnicalresponsibilityonindi-vidualplayersislessenedandimmatureplayerscanalsoparticipatewithoutstressorencounteringthehighertechnicalresponsibilityof,forexample,so-loing.MostbrassplayersinPosaunenchöre areamateurmusicianswhohavenothadexpertmusicaltrainingandwholearntoplaytheirbrassinstrumentsduring the musical rehearsals of the Posaunenchortowhichtheybelong.Ingeneral, it is not easy for immatureplayers to produce soundsusingwell-trainedtechniquesofstablebreathingandlipvibrationortoplayphrasesonbrassinstruments,butthesupportoftheotherplayerscanreducethistechni-caldifficultyanduncertainty,andthustheycancomfortablyengageintheen-semble.Theresultofparticipants’varyingmusicalabilitiesis,however,thattheseensemblestendtoberatheroutoftuneandnoisy.Nevertheless,despitethenearimpossibilityofachievingtechnicalperfection,eachparticipantpayskeenattentiontotheotherparticipantsandtotheunityofsoundofthewholeensemble. The particular attention paid to ensemble formationmeans thattheplayerscansoundamazinglygoodtogetherandfostersinthemauniquesenseofbeingandbelongingtogether.Howcanweunderstandthisensemble?Mightitbeamerepoorperformance?

Theconceptof“participatoryperformance”,ascoinedbyethnomusicologistThomas Turino, can facilitate better understanding of Posaunenchöre, al-thoughhisconceptmustbeextendedtoincludethiscase.Hesuggestsfourdifferent fields of distinctive types ofmusical activity: participatory (live)performance, presentational (live) performance, high-fidelity recordedmu-sic,andstudioaudioart,andhearguesthat“eachfieldhasitsownpositive

25 See Koll, Kirchenmusik,p.399–340.

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potentialsandlimitationsforartisticactivityandhumaninteractionandex-perience”,andthatthemusic-makinginafieldshouldnotbeevaluatedbythecriteriaofotherfields.26 With regard to musical form, texture, and timbre, the choral and instrumental music of Posaunenchöre is far from the music that he characterizes as participatory; namely, thatwhich is fuzzily structured,repetitive,andimprovisatory,andhasadensetextureandtimbre.

Rather, the formal, textual, and timbral features of Posaunenchor music maymoresuitablybedescribedas“presentationalperformance”inTurino’sterms.27However,inthecourseofmyfieldresearch,whichfocusedonhowbrass players participate in the ensemble, I found thatPosaunenchöre are ratherparticipatory in regard to theirmusicalobjectives,values,and roles.Theparticipatoryframeisindispensabletotheirmusicalensemblesinwhichthequalityofperformanceisevaluatedbyhowintensively theparticipantscanpartakeinthesoundandmotiontheycreate,andnotbytheirtechnicaloraestheticfinesse.ThegoalofPosaunenchöreisnottechnicalperfectionorestablishedaestheticquality,buttheinclusionofallthebrassplayerspresentinthewholebodyofsound.Fromtheplayers’perspective,thesenseofbeingandbelongingtogetheristheirprimaryconcern,ratherthantechnicalperfec-tionorhigh-classaestheticquality,whereas,accordingtoTurino,presenta-tionalvaluedemandshigher technicalandaestheticquality. In thisaspect,the Posaunenchörearefairlydifferentfrom,forexample,professionalbrassensemblesorsymphonicbands.

Furthermore,IthinkthatthecoreofTurino’s thinking is that he regards participatory performance as a “heightened social interaction” that facil-itates strong “social bonding”. Importantly, in the case ofPosaunenchöre, theparticipatorybrassensembleandsocialinteractionareinseparable,andmusic-makingisinterwoveninthe“socialprocess”ofthebrassplayers.28Inthenextsection,Ifocusonthispoint,anddescribehowbrassplayersinvolvethemselves in their musical and social interaction.

ConstitutionofCommunalRelationshipthroughParticipatoryBrassEnsembleWhile the early Posaunenchörewerecomprisedofthedistinctsocialcohortofworking-classLutheranmales,thisisnolongerthecasetoday.Althoughmost of the brass players belong to the local Lutheran congregation, theirsocialbackgroundwithregardtoage,gender,andoccupationisratherhetero-geneous.29Additionally,theChristianfaithhasbecomeindividualized,sothatitisnotreallyadecisivefactorintightlyconnectingthegroup.AlthoughtheorganizationalstructureofPosaunenchöre is closely related to the Protestant

26 Turino, Music as Social Life,p.89.27 See Turino, Music as Social Life,p.36–48,57–61.28 Ibid.,p.87.29 See Koll, Kirchenmusik,p.73–79.

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Churchandcongregation,somebrassplayersarenotstrictlyanchoredtothisorganizationalstructure.Rather,itistheparticularmannerofmusicalpartic-ipationthatenticesbrassplayerstobecomeinvolvedinthePosaunenchöre, andsignificantly, their involvement isdeeplyembedded in theircommunalrelationship.Moreover, theirparticularmodeofmusicalandcommunal in-volvement makes of the Posaunenchöre a distinct community.

EthnomusicologistGregoryBarz’s notion of community can be relevant to the consideration of community building in the case of the Posaunenchöre. BasedonhisobservationoftheTanzanianLutheranchorus,henotedthatacommunityisnotastaticobjectbutafluidsocialstructure,andthat“itisaprocessbywhichpeoplecometogetherforaparticularcauseorpurpose”.30 Likehiscase,thecommunalrelationshipofthePosaunenchöreisnotpre-es-tablishedorstatic.Rather,brassplayerscometogethertoparticipateinabrassensemble. Posaunenchöre areparticipatorybrassensemblesthatconstituteaparticularkindofcommunalrelationshipamongbrassplayersandaspecificcommunity.Here,Iwilldescribeonecaseoftheprocessofinvolvingthem-selvesintotheparticipatoryensembleofthePosaunenchöre, focusing on the regular rehearsals that the players regard as indispensable to theirmusicalactivities.ThefollowingobservationsarebasedonmyparticipationinPo-saunenchöreinGöttingen,Germany,specificallyinPosaunenchor St. Johan-nis, Posaunenchor Christuskirche, Posaunenchor Groß Ellershausen, and some other PosaunenchöreinGöttingenandsomeotherregions.

RehearsalsAlthough Posaunenchöreofficiallyperformatchurchservicesandotherper-formances related to the activities of the congregation, the musicians deem it ofutmostimportancetoattendthe“Probe”,orregularrehearsal.31Inmyob-servation, such rehearsals are not only an occasion for the musical ensemble topractise,butalsoforsocialinteractionamongthebrassplayers.Manyofthemregardtherehearsalasthemostsignificantactivity,andsomeevenre-garditasmoreimportantthanplayingatservicesorinconcert.Therehearsalisimportantnotsimplybecausetheyenjoyplayingtheirinstruments,butbe-causetheyfosterfamiliarsocialrelationships.

Usually, Posaunenchöre have their regular rehearsals one evening perweekintheparishhall,beginningatapproximatelyat7pmandlastingforoneandahalfhours.Therehearsalbeginswiththewarmwelcomeofeachmember. Whenthebrassplayersarriveattherehearsalspace,theygreeteachotheramicablyandpreparetheirinstruments,chairs,andmusicstandswhile

30 GregoryBarz,“‘WeArefromDifferentEthnicGroups,butWeLiveHereasOneFamily’:TheMusicalPerformanceofCommunityinaTanzanianKwaya”,inChorus and Commu-nity,KarenAhlquist(ed.),(Urbana,ILandChicago,IL,2006),p.19–44,p.25f.

31 According to Koll’ssurvey,morethan80%ofmembersregularlyparticipateintherehears-al. Gemeinsam. Musik. Machen: Ergebnisse der Posaunenchorbefragung 2012,JuliaKoll(ed.),(Uelzen,2013),p.17.

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making conversation. Each time I visited aPosaunenchor, I immediatelyperceived that thespacehadapositiveandharmoniousatmosphere,whichthemembersdescribeasfollows:“Veryharmonious.Afantasticcommunitywhereeveryoneiswelcome.Aretreattoforgetworriesineverydaylife”(K.E.,ayoungmale trumpeter/conductor)and“Relaxed,butat thesame timeconcentrated,andalwaysveryhumorousandaveryfriendlycommunity”(S.T.,anelderlymaletubist).32

As mentioned above, the current Posaunenchörearemadeupofheteroge-neousindividuals.Theagegroup,occupationalcohort,andmusicalabilitiesofthebrassplayersarediverse.Forexample,onePosaunenchoriscomposedofa12-year-oldmalestudentwhoisabeginnerontrumpet,aprofessorwholovesplayingthetrumpetashishobby,amiddle-agedelectricalengineerwholikes toplaychoralsofJ.S.Bachwithhis trumpet,astudentofelectronicswhocanplaythetrumpetskilfully,awomenwhogrewupinthePosaunen-chor andhas justbegunheroccupationalcareer in thecity,an80-year-oldwomanwhohasplayedthetromboneinthePosaunenchorformorethan30years,amiddle-agedwomanfromtheparochialchurchcouncil,whodedi-catesherselftoplayingthetromboneandconductionanotherPosaunenchor, andanothermaleengineer,whoalsoplays the tromboneand loves toplayhisbasepartwiththecolleagues.Amiddle-agedmaletrumpeterwhohasanadministrativepostinacompanyinthecityconductsthegroup.Despitetheirdiverse backgrounds, they gather together like a family.33

Whenthemusicalensemblebeginsandthebrassplayersfocusonthemu-sic,therelaxedandfamiliaratmosphereremains.ThecontentoftherehearsaldiffersslightlybetweenPosaunenchöre, but there are structural similarities betweenthem.Forexample,atthebeginningoftherehearsalinPosaunen-chor Groß Ellershausen,theywarmupbyplayingalongFtoneinunison,whichis,forthem,thebeginningoftheirintensivesonicandemotionalin-volvement in theensemble, followedbyasimplescaleexercise.They thenrehearsethemusicalpiecesthattheywillplayattheserviceorotherperfor-mance occasions.

The conductor directs the rehearsal in a relatively friendly manner. They rehearsetoimprovetheirperformance,but“improvedperformance”doesnotmean technical and aesthetic excellence and achievement. Rather, they strive to sound cohesive, regardless of their level of musical ability. The conductor isnotonlyconcernedwithtechnicalimprovement,butalsowithhowallthebrassplayerscanbewellamalgamatedintheensemble.Duringthepractice,theplayerstrytocontributetotheconstructionofaunifiedbodyofsound.

32 CitationfromtheanswerstoaquestionnaireconductedbytheauthorwiththePosaunen-chor St. Johannis, Christuskirche, and Groß Ellershausen inGöttingen in January andFebruary2015. In the followingcitations from thequestionnaireand interviews, the in-formants’initialsareusedtopreserveanonymity.SeealsoKoll,Kirchenmusik,p.85–87.

33 SeeKarl-HeinzSaretzki,“DerPosaunenchor–einegenerationsübergreifendeGruppeinderGemeinde”,inPraxis Posaunenchor,p.13–17.SeealsoKoll,Kirchenmusik,p.74–82.

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Theypay intenseattention tootherplayers’soundsand to theensembleasawhole.Iftheperformancesucceeds,theyfullyimmersethemselvesinthesound,achievingaparticularsenseoftogethernessandconnectionwiththeotherparticipants.Thebrassplayersdescribethisparticularmomentasfol-lows.34

IfeelIaminthemiddleofthesound.Ienjoymakingmusicwithmanyfriends.Iampleasedtobelongtoit.35(E.R.,middle-agedfemaletrombonist)

IfeelIamconnectedwiththeotherbrassplayers.36(G.H.,youngfemaletrum-peter)

Thefinesoundis［producedwith］the sense of being together.37 (B. S., mid-dle-agedtrumpeter/conductor)

However, thebrassensembledoesnotalwaysworkwell.Sometimes,brassplayerswhohavenotyetacquiredsufficientmusicalskillareunabletoplayparticular passages, and consequently, the ensemble does notwork,whichcausesirritationandfrustrationamongsttheplayers.Nevertheless,theyac-ceptmistakesanderrors,andtheydeliberatelyavoidconflict.Theirconcernisthatallplayersarewellinvolved,andregardlessoftheirindividualmusi-cal skills, that they feel responsible for contributing to sound creation andprioritize the overall sound, rather than personal technical achievement oraestheticexpression.Theywelcomenewparticipants,andemphasizeinclu-sionratherthanexclusion.Therelationshipbetweenmembersisegalitarianone,andthereisnocompetitionorhierarchy,whichTurino considers to be a participatoryvalue.Toachieveconnectionthroughmusic,thememberscare-fullystrivetomaintainthisethosofparticipation,andmaintainaharmoniousmood,whichcorrespondstotheirmodeofsocialinteraction.

While the end of the rehearsal also varies, it is common for Posaunenchöre to conclude by playing a choral or evening song. For example,Posaunen-chor Groß Ellershausenlikestoplaytheirfavouritechoralpiece,“AbidewithMe”(“Bleibbeimir,Herr”).Atthismoment,theyfeelintenselytheparticu-larsenseoftogethernessandsolidconnectionwithotherparticipants.Somebrassplayersdescribethismomentsymbolicallyas“Gemeinschaft”,namely,aprofoundsenseofbeingtogetherandbelongingtogether.

After the rehearsal, it is customary for the musicians to continue their con-versationoverabottleofbeer,sometimeswithfood,ortogotoapuborres-taurantneartheparishhall.38Theyalsoliketohaveseasonalpartiesandoften

34 Koll, Kirchenmusik,p.115–116.35 Citationfromthequestionnaireresponses.36 Citationfromthequestionnaireresponses.37 Author’sinterviewwith“B.S.”,29January2015.38 According to Koll’s survey, most of the Posaunenchöre regard this kind of social activity as anintegralpartoftheactivity.SeeKoll,Gemeinsam. Musik. Machen.,p.18.

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gather together even outside their musical activities. Thus, sociability is an in-tegralpartofthePosaunenchöre. As such, the social communication among membersisdeepandtheykeepinclosecommunicationwitheachother.39

Thus, the musical ensemble of the Posaunenchöreisintertwinedwiththeirsocialinteraction.Thebrassplayersaredistinctivelygratifiedbythismusicalandsocialinvolvement,whichiswhatmotivatesthemtoparticipate.Recentstudieson localwindandbrassbandshavedemonstrated thatmusic-mak-ingandsocialinteractionincommunalrelationshipsarecloselyinterwoven,and that musicians learn both musical ability and sociability through their music-makingasameanstointegrateintothecommunity.40 Posaunenchöre arealsoanexampleofthis,butwhatisspecifictothePosaunenchöre is the particularformoftheparticipatorybrassensemble.MostofthebrassplayersplayinstrumentsforthefirsttimeintheirPosaunenchöre, and usually learn instrumental andmusical skills there aswell. This does not simplymean,however,thattheyaccomplishindividualinstrumentalandmusicalskills,butthattheylearnhowtoparticipateinabrassensemble;namely,howtolistento thesoundofotherbrassplayers,howtoaccept them,andhowtosoundwelltogether.Inthisprocess,theylearntheskillsofsocialinteraction,whichareinseparablefromthemusicalensemble,asdescribedabove.BecomingabrassplayerinaPosaunenchorisaprocessofacquiringthisspecificmodeofparticipation.

In addition, this participatory brass ensemble also has a huge capacityformassparticipationandalargePosaunenchor,madeupofvarioussmall-ergroups, canbeformed.Insuchmassparticipation,thebrassplayersfeela sense of belonging to the larger community of the Posaunenchor beyond theirownlocalensemble.AtPosaunenchor festivals, called Posaunentag or Posaunenfest,whichareregularlyheldattheregionallevel,severalthousandbrassplayersplay together, thusexperiencingsolidarityandastrongsenseofcommunity.Moreover,nationallevelfestivalswereheldin2008inLeip-zigandin2016inDresden.InDresden,approximately18000brassplayersplayedtogetherandcelebratedtheserviceinafootballstadium.Atrombon-istfromGöttingenwhoparticipatedinthiseventwasveryimpressedthataspacenormallyusedforacompetitiveandaggressivesportwasfilledwiththeveryfriendlyatmosphereofthePosaunenchorthroughtheirparticipatorymass brass ensemble.

39 Koll, Kirchenmusik,p.117f.40 See Finnegan, The Hidden Musicians,VincentDubois,Jean-MatthieuMéonandEmma-

nuel Pierru, The Sociology of Wind Bands: Amateur Music Between Cultural Domination and Autonomy,Jean-YvesBart(trans.),(Farnham,Surrey,2013),KatherineBrucher,“Com-posing IdentityandTransportingValues inPortugueseAmateurWindBands”, inBrass Band of the World,p.155–176.

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Concluding RemarksTheparticipatorynatureofthebrassensembleisjustoneofseveralfactorsthatframethepracticeofthePosaunenchöre, but it is a crucial one. Although the current PosaunenchörehaveacloseorganizationalconnectionwiththeProtestantChurchandcongregation,itistheinseparabilityofthebrassen-semblefromfamiliarsocialinteractionthatmotivatesparticipants’engage-ment,andthisprocessrendersthePosaunenchoraspecificcommunity.Thisinvestigationof thisensemble formationofferskey insights intowhybrassplayers participate inPosaunenchöre – not simply to belong to a specificsocialcohortordue to their solidChristian faith,butbecauseofhow theyascribemusicalmeaningtotheirbrassmusic.WhilenoteverybrassplayerparticipatesinPosaunenchöre for religious reasons andsomeprefertoplaysecular pieces, it is notable that these specific types of participatory brassensemblecanmakespaceforbrassplayerstointerpretthemusic-makingandmusicalexperienceasaChristianoneand toascribeChristianmeaning tothem.Forexample,somereligiousbrassplayersdescribetheirexperienceasbeingneartoGodorfeelingtheexistenceofGod,whileothersunderstandtheinclusionandacceptanceofdiverseparticipantsastheChristiansenseofcharity,inreferencetothebiblicalphrase“Acceptoneanother,then,justasChristacceptedyou,inordertobringpraisetoGod”(Rom15:7).41

In this chapter, I focused on describing the particularmode ofmusicalandcommunalinvolvementofthebrassplayers,focusingonthecasestudy.Furtherdetailed research is required to examinehowparticipantsdescribetheirparticipatoryperformanceandthemusicalexperiencethereof,aswellastomorecomprehensivelycompareotherformsofbrassandwindensem-bles.Furthermore,asmanyofthebrassplayersemphasized,andTurinoalsosuggests inhis thinkingonparticipatoryperformance, theemotionalexpe-rience of taking part in this participatory brass ensemble is very intense,anditisasignificantfactorinforgingplayers’emotionalengagementinthe Posaunenchöre.Furtherresearchrequiresmorecloseanalysisandphenom-enologicalconsiderationofthebodilyandemotionalexperiencesthatoccurthroughthesoundandmotionexperiencedduringparticipationinthispar-ticular brass ensemble.

41 Cf.Saretzki,“DerPosaunenchor”,p.16,Koll,Kirchenmusik,p.339.

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22.LutheranMusicalCultureanditsInfluenceon South African Liturgical Organ Music

Theo van Wyk

Theaimof this chapter is to answerpertinent questionspertaining toLu-theranmusicalcultureinrelationtoSouthAfricanliturgicalorganmusic.IstheresuchaconceptasaLutheranmusicalinfluenceonSouthAfricanlitur-gicalorganmusic?Ifso,towhatextentisthisevidentinthisgenreofmusic?InwhatmannerdidthiscultureinfluenceselectedSouthAfricancomposersofliturgicalorganmusic–RichardBehrens,Jacobus(Kobie)Kloppers and WinfriedLüdemann–whoalignedthemselveswith thisparticularstyleofwriting?Inaddition,Iwillfocusbrieflyonaconcisehistoryofthedevelop-mentandinfluenceofLutheranismanditsmusicinSouthAfrica,particularlyin theCape area. Iwill succinctly present historically relevant organs andsignificantorganbuilders,inordertohighlighttheirimpactontheexpansionofliturgicalorganmusicinSouthAfrica.Moreover,Iwilldeterminehowtheworksofthethreeselectedcomposers,whicharemainlybasedonexistingchorales,exhibitLutheranmusicalinfluencesandtrends.Shortbiographiesofthesecomposerswillenhancethisresearchandservetoillustratetheinflu-ence of Lutheran musical culture on liturgical organ music in South Africa.

A Brief History of Lutheranism in South AfricaMartin Luther(1483–1546)wasanaccomplishedmusicianinhisownright,usingmusictoinformhissoundunderstandingofitsrolewithinatheologicalframeworkandexaminingwaysinwhichtospreadChristianbelief.Hismes-sage eventually reached the southern shores of the African continent, albeit acenturyafterEurope.Luther,recognisingtheimpactofmusicasaninflu-entialtooltospreadtheGospelofChristanditstheologicalmeaning,afford-edtheconceptofcommunitysinginganewandfunctionalpurpose,therebyallowinghiscongregationnotonlytogatherasspectatorstotheliturgy,buttoparticipateasmusicallycognisantbelievers.1 Robin A. Leaveremphasizesthat through this visionary strategy, Lutherinessencehada“positive,theo-logical understanding of music”.2Ferventlyendeavouringtomakethispos-siblespiritualexperiencearealityforhisfellowbelieversandtoenablethem

1 TheovanWyk,“MartinLutherandthePipeOrgan.Histruesentimentsaffirmed”,Vir die Musiekleier,vol.37(2017),p.127–138,p.128.

2 Robin A. Leaver, “Luther, Martin”, in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, StanleySadieandJohnTyrell(eds.),(London,2001),p.364–369,p.366.

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to sing in their mother tongue, Luthercollectedhymnsforthispurpose.3 This uniqueinitiativewasalreadymanifestduringtheearlyperiodofsettlementin theCape in themid-seventeenth century and later had an influence onhowindigenousAfricansocietiesincorporatedcommunalsingingintotheirChristianwayofworship.4

There were two divergent trajectories in the growth of Lutheranism inSouthAfrica,i.e.,thesettlerstrandandthemissionstrand.Therewereper-ceptibledifferencesbetweenthem,buttherewerealsotwocommonalitiesbe-tweenthetwogroups.Thefirstgroupofbelieversconsistedofaratherdispa-ratechurchofGermanandScandinavianLutheranmissionariesfromEuropeandAmerica,atraitthatisstillevidenttothisday.Inthesecondgrouprealis-ticindependenceandindigenisationinSouthAfricawereextremelyslowandonlymanifestedhereinthelatterpartofthetwentiethcentury.5

Thearrivalat theCapeofJanvanRiebeeck(1619–1677)andhisentou-rage ofmainlyDutch- andGerman-origin settlers, under the commandoftheVereenigdeOost-IndischeCompagnie(orVOC),in1652heraldedanewerainthehistoryofSouthAfrica.MostoftheGermanswhocamewithvanRiebeeckwerebornintotheLutherantradition.DuringthisperiodLutheranpreachersfrompassingshipswouldoccasionallydeliversermonsintheCapeandtheypreferredthathymnswouldbesunginGermanduringtheGottes-dienst.In1779,afteryearsofrelentlesseffort,theadministrativecommitteeof theVOC in theNetherlandsofficiallydeclared that theLutherans in theCapehadapproval to formtheirowncongregations.6 By this time they al-ready had a church building in Strand Street, a structure converted from a barn in 1774.7Thisbuildingisconsideredtobeoneofthebestexamplesofeighteenth-centurySouthAfricanstructuralandarchitecturaldesignanditwasofficiallydeclaredanationalheritagemonumentin1949.8

On10December1780,theLutheransintheCapecelebratedtheirfirstin-auguralservice,givenbytheirnewly-appointedpastor.Archivaldocumenta-tionprovesthatthiscelebratoryoccurrencehadbothvocalandinstrumentalmusicatthecommencementandattheendoftheservice,interspersedwithcongregationalhymnsingingandperformancesoftheGermanTe Deum by

3 RantoaS.LetŝosaandBenJ.DeKlerk,“ARelevantLiturgyforReformedChurchesofAfrican Origin Concerning Liturgical Music”, Practical Theology in South Africa, 22:1 (2007),p.64–82,p.69.

4 Claudio Steinert and Madge Karecki, “Lutheran Mission in South Africa. The Role of Mu-sic in Liturgy”, Missionalia,32(2004),p.472–484,p.472and473.

5 Reino Ottermann, History of Strand Street Lutheran Congregation and the early Lutherans at the Cape,(CapeTown,2012),p.1–7,http://www.safrika.org/Articles/Strand%20Street %20History.html,(accessed6June2018.)

6 JohannesCorneliusAdonis, “Kerkgeskiedskrywing in Suid-Afrika: ’nKritiese evaluer-ing”, Nederduitse Gereformeerde Teologiese Tydskrif,43(2002),PieterCoertzen(ed.),p.7–21,p.9.

7 Ottermann, History,p.2–3.8 Albert Troskie, The Pipe Organ Heritage of South Africa,(Humewood,2010),p.2.

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aboys’choir,accompaniedbytheorganandotherinstruments.Atthisser-vicethemembersofthecongregationsangfromspecifichymnalsthatwereusedintherespectivechurchesoftheirownneighbouringcitiesandtownsinSouthAfrica,includinghymnbooksthatwerepublished,amongothers,inHannover(1712),Darmstadt(1718),Leipzig(1726)andRostock(1728).Theissue of different hymnals being used in combined services ultimately created confusionandpromptedtheideaofintroducingauniformhymnalforsimilarfuture gatherings.Thefinal decisionwasmade to adopt the hymnbook ofBremen Cathedral (Bremen Dom)forthispurposeanditwasusedinservicesfor over a century, until 1908.9However, in1830 thenewDutchLutheranhymnal,published in1826,was introduced tobeused inconjunctionwiththe Bremen Domhymnbook.Itwasmadecleartotheaccompanyingorganistthattheyshouldperformexclusivelyfromthecorrespondingorganbook for bothGermanandDutchhymnsduringtheseservices.Thiseventuallyledtoconfusiononthepartofboththeorganistandthecongregationastowhatthecorrectversionsoftunestobeplayedandsungwere.However,theleadershipcorpsofthechurchstoodfirmintheirdecision,andthisperplexingscenariolasted 129 years until 1959.10

Theearlysettlers fromtheNetherlandsweremainlyCalvinistic in theirbelief.OnlypsalmsandcanticlesfromGenevawereutilisedinthesedivineservices until the nineteenth century. As a result of discord between theAfrikaners and the British authorities, the Afrikaners began to trek to the northernpartsofSouthAfrica,amovementthatlaterbecameknownastheGreatTrek.Twoseparatechurcheswereformedduringthisperiod,i.e.,theNederduitschHervormdeKerkin1853andtheGereformeerdeKerkin1859.11 TheHervormdeKerk in theNetherlandsbegan incorporatinganumberofLutheranchorales in theirhymnbook,which induecourse led toaschismin the South African Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk. Only the Hervormde Kerk in South Africa continued to make use of these additional Lutheran hymns,whichwerelatertranslatedintoAfrikaans,alocallanguagederivedfromDutchandstillspokentodaybytheAfrikaanssectionofthepopulation.Nonetheless, the rearrangedhymns found in the nineteenth-centuryDutchhymnbookdifferedsignificantlyfromtheoriginalGermanversionsintermsofmeterandwereoccasionallyappliedtoacompletelydifferenttextthantheoriginal.ThisisthereasonwhynumerousGermanhymntuneswerecoupledwithatotallydifferenttextinAfrikaans.ItfollowsthereforethatmanyoftheLutheranchoraleswell-knowninEuropewerenotfamiliartocongregantsintheSouthAfricanDutchReformedChurch,resultinginanuninformedper-ceptionoftraditionalLutheranchorales.12

9 Ottermann, History,p.4.10 Ibid.11 Adonis, Kerkgeskiedskrywing in Suid-Afrika,p.9.12 Author’semailcorrespondencewithJacobusKloppersontheinfluenceofLutheranhymnsandhymnsettingsonSouthAfricanchoralepreludes,10April2018.

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LutheranismanditsrelatedmusicalprinciplesspreadtotherestofSouthAfrica in theearlynineteenthcentury,particularly tosome indigenousna-tionswhocombined theseprincipleswith their own traditional rituals andceremonies.AnAfrican-LutherancultureensuedwhichremainstruetobothLutheran theology and African culture to this day.13

A Brief History of Organs in South AfricaThefirstattempt tobuildanorgan inSouthAfricawas the futileeffort tobuildaDutchorganfortheGrooteKerk inCapeTownin1720.Nonetheless,asadirectresultofthecomplexitiesandimpactoftheReformationinEurope,therewerenoorgans inSouthAfricabefore1735.14Thefirstknownorganbuilderwas Johann JacobPosse (Poosen) fromEisleben inGermany,wholandedintheCapein1735.HewascommissionedtobuildasmallorganoftentotwentyregistersforamusicallygifteddaughterofgovernorJandelaFontaine(1684–1743).15Itwasinallprobabilityatypeofcabinetorgan,butitisdefinitelytheveryfirstorganthatwaseversuccessfullybuiltinSouthAf-rica.ThisinstrumentalsolaterbecamethefirstchurchorganinthecountrywhenthegovernorsoldittotheStellenboschChurchCouncilin1737.16

TheEnglishcolonisationoftheCapefrom1795to1803promptedanin-flowofmissionariesfromvarioussocieties,includingtheLondonMissionarySociety(LMS)in1799,andtheRhenishMissionarySocietyin1829.17 This periodalsowitnessedthearrivalofScottishPresbyterianpreachersinSouthAfrica,aftertheassociationwiththeNetherlandshadbeendiscontinuedbytheBritish.SeveralScottishmissionarieswerealsomembersoftheLMS.18 InitiallytheEnglishcolonialistsintheCapemainlyconsistedofthearmedforceswhosepresencehadnoinfluenceonorgandevelopmentinSouthAfri-ca.19However,from1806untiltheestablishmentoftheUnionofSouthAfricain1912andtheAnglicizationofsociety,therewasaplethoraoforgansthatwerebuiltbyEnglishfirms,bringingabouttheproliferationandinstallationof these instruments in South Africa.20

The oldest extant functional organ in South Africa is the instrument in the WesleyanMethodistChurchinGrahamstown(EasternCapeProvince),built

13 Steinert and Karecki, Lutheran Mission in SOUTH AFRICA,p.482.14 The Organ. An Encyclopedia,DouglasBuschandRichardKassel(eds.),(NewYork,NY,2006),p.527.

15 Busch and Kassel, The Organ,p.527.16 DonaldG.McIntyre,Early Organs and Organists at the Cape,(CapeTown,1934),p.11.17 HermannGiliomee,The Afrikaners. Biography of a People,(CapeTown,2009),p.97–98.18 AndrewWalls,The Cross-Cultural Process in Christian History. Studies in the Transmis-

sion and Appropriation of Faith,(NewYork,NY,2002),p.260.19 Busch and Kassel, The Organ,p.527.20 Troskie, The Pipe Organ Heritage,p.ix–x.

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byW.Hill&Sonsca.1832.Ithasonemanualwith7registers,andpedal.(Thestopnamesaregivenpreciselyastheyappearontheorganconsole):21

Manual-Treble(GG-f3) OpenDiapas.[8]–58 pipes (bottom 16 stopped wood) Stop.DiapasonTreble.[8]–Only 30 pipes (stopped wood) Flute4ft–Only 42 pipes (stopped wood) Hautboy[8]–Only 30 open metal pipes (no reed) Manual-Bass(GG-f3) Stop.Diapas.[8]–Only 42 pipes (stopped wood) Princ.[4]–58 pipes (open metal) CornetSw[2]–58 pipes (open metal) Pedals Pedals–coupled to activate bottom 16 notes of the Open Diapason 8 Mechanicalkeyandstopaction Slider chest

ThisinstrumentistheoldestunalteredHillorganintheworldandwasde-claredanationalmonumentin1960.ItwasthefirstmovableobjectinSouthAfricatobeacknowledgedinthisway.22

The largest church organ in South Africa is found in the Dutch Reformed ChurchortheGroteKerkinCapeTown.23ItwasbuiltbythefirmPels&ZoonfromAlkmaar (Holland) andwas installed in the building in 1957 by thecompanyR.Müller(Pty)Ltd.RichardMüllerSr(1853–1937),thefounderofthefirm,originallyactedasanagentinSouthAfricaforinternationalorganbuildingcompaniessuchasSchlag,Walcker,Ladegast,RiegerandLaukhuff.TheGroteKerkorganconsistsoffourmanuals,electro-pneumaticaction,74registersandatotalof5,426pipes.AnoteworthyfeatureisthePedalBom-barde32ftstopthatismadeofcopper.In1973thechurch’sgallerywasalteredandthefirmCapeOrganBuilderswerecommissionedtomovetheRugposi-tief in front of the Hoofwerk to almost function as a Kroonpositief.24

The biggest English Romantic organ is housed in St Mary’s Cathedral in Johannesburg(GautengProvince).ThefirstinstrumentforthisAnglicanca-thedralwasbuilt in1894by theBritishfirmBrindley&Foster. Itwas lat-erreplacedwithamuchlargerorganbyanotherBritishfirm,Rushworth&Dreaper,in1929.Thisorganisconsideredtobethelatterfirm’smosticonicandimportantinstrumentinSouthAfrica.TheorganitselfwasinstalledinthecathedralbyCooper,Gill&Tomkinsanditbecametheveryfirstorgantoutiliseelectro-pneumaticactioninthiscountry.Thefamouscityorganist

21 Troskie, The Pipe Organ Heritage,p.53.22 Ibid.,p.53.23 Busch and Kassel, The Organ,p.527.24 Albert Troskie, Pyporrels in Suid-Afrika,(Pretoria,1992),p.49–52.

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of Johannesburg, JohnConnell (1891–1955), servedasadvisor.Since1929,theorganhasbeenenlargedfourtimes.In1969afourthmanual(aChoirdi-vision),anewLaukhuffmobileconsoleandextraregisterswereadded.Theorgancurrentlyhas103drawstopsand4,606pipes.25

TheDutchReformedChurch inSummerstrand,PortElizabeth (EasternCapeProvince) ishometo thelargest tracker-actionchurchorganinSouthAfrica.ItwasdesignedbyProf.AlbertTroskie and built by the South Afri-canorgan-buildingfirmZielman&DeBruynein1988.TheintonationwascarriedoutbytheFrenchmanJean-PascalVillard.ItcomprisesthreemanualsandPedal,52registersand3,591pipes.NotablefeaturesofthisuniqueSouthAfrican organ include a Trompet en chamade, Simbelstêr, and Glockenspiel.26

The organs of the Strand Street Lutheran Church (Cape)VeryscantevidenceexistsoftheStrandStreetLutheranChurch’sfirsttwoor-gans.Thefirstmentionmadeofa“klijnorgel”(smallorgan)inthechurchwasasearlyas1776.However,soonalargerorganwasrequiredfortheGottes-dienst.Itwaspurchasedin1778fromawidow,acertainMslaFebreandwasinstalledinthebuildingbyGregoriusPentz(bornca. 1747),whowasproba-blyahandymanfortheVOC.Itisnotclearwhothebuilderofthisparticularorganwas.27ThefirstorganintheStrandStreetchurchincludedafaçadebuiltbythesculptorAntonAnreith(1754–1822),datingto1783/4.28Thesewoodcarvingsaretheonlyextantpartsoftheoriginalinstrument.29

Duringtheyears1787to1793,theinstrumentwasmaintainedbyacarpen-ternamedJoachemPieterLeopold.30Remarkably,theorganwaslaterenlargedandmaintainedbyasoldierandorganbuildernamedJohannesLudewigHod-dersonwhoarrivedintheCapein1779.ArchivalevidencerevealsthatthelasttimethatHoddersonwaspaidforworkperformedontheinstrumentintheStrandStreetchurchbeforereturningtoEurope,wason31July1809.31 The churchhadabrandneworganinstalledin1814.Theorgan-buildingcontractwasawardedtotheLondon-basedfirmofThomasSimpson&Co.ItbecamethefirstBritishorgantobeinstalledinSouthAfrica.

TheactualstructureoftheorganwaserectedbyEdwardKnollesGreen (1787–1828)whohadarrivedwiththeorganbyboaton16April1814.Itiscu-rioustonotethatthechurchcouncilrequestedtobeexemptedfromhavingtopayfortheimportcustomsdutyontheorgan,arequestthatwasdeclinedby

25 Albert Troskie, Pyporrels in Suid-Afrika,p.14and25–26.26 Ibid.,p.89–90.27 Ibid.,p.2.28 Ottermann, History,p.5.29 Troskie, The Pipe Organ Heritage,p.1.30 Ibid.,p.2.31 Ibid.

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the authorities.32Anorganbuilder,J.G.Reich,wasresponsibleforthetuningandmaintenanceoftheStrandStreetorganfromabout1842.In1859,ReichwasreplacedbyanotherbuildernamedAdamBredell(1821–1893),theownerofthefamousCapeTownfirm,AdamBredell&Sons,PianoWarehousemen,Organ Builders and Tuners.33 The organwas eventually replacedwith thecurrentRushworth&Dreaper instrument in1936.Numerousorganistsap-pointedtothiscongregationwhoplayedprominentrolesinthemusicallifeofCapeTownincludeperformerssuchasC.F.Lemming(from1814to1817),Wilhelm Brandt(from1820to1838),FrederickLogier(from1838to1847)andLudwigBeil(from1839to1847).34

The influence of the OrgelbewegungThe genesis of the Organ Reform Movement or Orgelbewegung (a movement thatfocusedontheidealofreturningtoBaroqueprinciplesoforganbuild-inganddesigninGermanyfromthemid-1920stoabout1980),hadadirectinfluence on the construction of organs inSouthAfrica. From about 1806untilthe1950sSouthAfricanorganswerelargelybuiltinEnglishRomanticstyle.However, the impact of theOrgelbewegung was soon evident in thedispositions of newly-constructed instruments, favouredbymany compos-ersandorganistswhopursuedtheNeo-Baroqueideals.LiturgicalmusicoftheReformationhas alwaysplayed an essential anddefining role inSouthAfricanworshipandliturgy.Thishasevidentlybeeninspirationfornumer-ousprominentSouthAfricanmusiciansinfluencedbytheOrgelbewegung. A numberoforganistswentabroadtostudyinFrankfurtunderHelmutWalcha (1907–1991)inthe1960s.Duringtheirstudies,theywerealldeeplyabsorbedintherevivalofProtestantmusicinGermanyandsubsequentlyploughedthisknowledgeandexperienceback into theirworkupon their return toSouthAfrica.These includepersonalities suchasChrisSwanepoel,ReinoOtter-mann,JacobusKloppersandLeonoreKloppers.Theywerealsoregardedassought-afteradvisorsfornewly-builtchurchorgansbasedontheidealsoftheOrgelbewegung in South Africa.35

Paul Ott(1903–1991),anavidexponentoftheOrgelbewegung,wasoneoftheprominentorganbuildersintherevitalizationandrenewaloftracker-ac-tionorgansinGermanyandSouthAfrica.Heisspecificallyknownforthereassessmentandimplementationofthesliderchestwithmechanicaltraction.Ott’s impacton theSouthAfricanorgan-building industrycannotbeover-estimated.His instruments,with their typical bright sound, formapivotal

32 Reino Ottermann, Die kerkmusiek in die Evangeliese Lutherse Kerk in Strandstraat, Kaap-stad, tussen 1780 en 1880,(Stellenbosch,1963),p.41.

33 Ernst Conradie, Die geskiedenis van pyporrels in die Wes- en Suid-Kaap voor 1914, (Bloemfontein,1978),p.210.

34 Ottermann, History,p.5.35 Author’semailcorrespondencewithWinfriedLüdemannontheinfluenceofLutheranMu-sicCultureonSouthAfricanOrganMusic,6June2018.

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partoftheSouthAfricanorganscene.Between1960and1980,Ott built 14 tracker-actionorgansinSouthAfrica,rangingfromasmallone-manualin-strument to the largethree-manual in theDutchReformedChurchStellen-bosch-Welgelegenbuiltin1973.36Anoteworthyaspectofthelatterinstrumentis the fact that it has an extra manual built underneath the Rugpositief,whichcan be used to play continuo parts. Ott, interestingly enough, also built a house organ for Hugo Distler (1908–1942),whowasheld inhighregard inSouth Africa, in 1938.37

SelectedSouthAfricanComposersofLiturgicalOrgan MusicTheOrganReformMovementinstruments’clarity,transparencyofsoundandtimbre,andindependentmanualandpedaldivisionsforpolyphoniccomposi-tions,amongotherfeatures,directlyinfluencedthecompositionalmethodol-ogyofSouthAfricanchoralepreludes.38Arguably,thethreemostimportantSouthAfricanorgancomposersintheLutheranstyleinfluencedbythistrendare Richard Behrens,JacobusKloppersandWinfriedLüdemann.

Richard Behrens (1925–2014)Richard Hermann BehrenswasborninKroondal,asmallGerman-speakingsettlementnearRustenburginthenorthernpartofSouthAfrica,whereso-cietal activities revolved around the local Evangelical Lutheran Church. His parentsweredescendantsofGermanHermannsburgermissionarieswhoem-igratedtoSouthAfricainthenineteenthcentury.AftercompletingaBMusdegreeattheUniversityofStellenbosch,hestartedteachingattheverysameuniversity.Hesubsequentlyspenttheyear1960onsabbaticalinGermanytostudy under Walcha and Kurt Hessenberg(1908–1994)attheHochschulefürMusik inFrankfurt-am-Main.DuringthistimehealsodeputisedforWalcha inateachingandassistantorganistcapacity,absorbingWalcha’sapproachtoLutheranmusic,particularlytheorganworksofJohannSebastianBach.

UponhisreturntoSouthAfricain1948,whenhebecamepartofthepro-fessoriateattheUniversityofStellenbosch,Behrenswasappointedasorgan-istoftheEvangelisch-LutherischeKircheinthesametown.39

Behrens’s style of composition was mostly influenced by Walcha and Hessenberg,composerswhowerecloselylinkedtotherevivalofProtestantsacredmusic in the twentieth century. Behrens experienced this influencemainlyfromtheperspectiveofaperformingartist.Hiscompositionsarebasi-callyanexpressionofhisphilosophyofteachingtonalharmonyinthetypical

36 Troskie, Pyporrels, p.130.37 Ibid.,p.38.38 Ibid.,p.124.39 AntonyMelck,“RichardBehrens(1925–2014).Aucœurdel’AfriqueduSud”,Orgue Nou-

velles,55(2017),p.36–38,p.36.

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EnglishtraditiontohisundergraduatestudentsattheUniversityofStellen-bosch.However,theorganaschoiceofinstrumentandcompositionalgenrewasentirelyinformedbyhisassociationwithLutheranmusicalculture.HeischieflyknownasacomposerofchoralepreludesfortheorganandtheseworkswerenotgenerallyperformedintheAfrikaanschurchesatthetime.Theywerenormallyheardinthecontextofconcerts,outsidetheenvironsofthe traditional Dutch Reformed Church service.40

AccordingtotheprinciplesoftheOrgelbewegung, the organ is best suited fortheperformanceofpolyphonicmusic,oftenevidentintheorganworksofJ.S.Bach.Beingexposedtothisschoolofthought,Behrens’s visible meth-odologyofchoralepreludecomposition isakin to thisapproach,anaspectthatperformersofhisworksshouldbecognisantofintermsofregistration,articulationand tempi.Byselecting thebest registrationcombination foraspecificwork,perfectclarityisrealised.ThesearerulesthatBehrens actively implementedinhisownchoralepreludes.Oneofhisimportantruleswastochoosestopsfromwithinoneofthedifferentfamiliesofstops,ratherthanacombinationofstopsfromdissimilarfamilies.41 This exact system of regis-trationunderpinnedmanyofBehrens’choralepreludesand,asorganadvisor,informednumerousspecificationsfornewinstrumentsintheOrgelbewegung style that are to be found in many Lutheran Churches across South Africa.42

Behrens never considered himself to be a composer, yet he had a deepunderstandingof theLutheranchorale.Hismother’sdeathin1980wasthecatalyst that inspiredhim tocompose fororganby setting threeofher fa-vouritehymnsinthegenreofchoralepreludes.Behrenswroteatotalof106choralepreludes,47settingsfortheaccompanimentofhymns,aswellasanumberofintroductions.Theyhaveneverformallybeenpublished,sincehedidnotmakethempublicuntilshortlybeforehisdeath.Theseworksarecur-rentlyavailableindigitalmanuscriptformonthewebsiteoftheUniversityofPretoria.43TheinfluenceofJ.S.Bach’sstyleasfoundintheOrgelbüchlein (BWV599−644)isunmistakableintheworksofBehrens. Whatever form of choralepreludeBehrens selected as a basis, all of them endeavour to render the inherent essence of the original Lutheran hymn text.44

Behrenswas theadvisor for theonlyorgan(II/P/13) inSouthAfricabyEmilHammerOrgelbau(Hannover,Germany),builtin1965fortheLutheranChurchinStellenboschwherehebecameorganistinthesameyear.45Itisin-terestingtonoteherethat,followingthetraditionoftheLutheranChurch,heplayedaminimumoffivechoralepreludesbeforeeachhymnperservice,anduptoeightforacommunionservice.Hewasawareofhowtheorgancould

40 Author’semailcorrespondencewithLüdemann,2018.41 Melck, Richard Behrens,p.37–38.42 Troskie, Pyporrels,p.106.43 https://repository.up.ac.za/handle/2263/17226.44 Melck, Richard Behrens,p.37.45 Troskie, Pyporrels,p.39.

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complementandaddanadditionaldimensiontotheconceptualisationofre-ligious texts. Like Bach, Behrenswrotehispreludesasvisceralillustrationsofthetextthathechoseforparticularpersonsorevents.Thecompositionaltechnique isdecisivelyconventional to identifywith theoldchorale tunes,aswellastomaketheseworkspragmaticallybeneficialforuseinachurch.46

Jacobus Kloppers (1937–)Jacobus (Kobie) Kloppers was born in Krugersdorp, South Africa. From1979,hewasProfessorofOrganandMusicology,andChairoftheMusicDe-partmentatKing’sUniversityCollegeinEdmonton,Alberta,Canada(until2008).47Hiscompositions,amountingtoalmost70,includesoloorganworksfor both liturgical and concert use.48

Aftercompletinghisundergraduate studiesand licentiates inSouthAf-rica, Kloppers subsequentlywent on to studyOrganwithHelmutWalcha attheHochschulefürMusikinFrankfurt-am-Main from1961–1965.UnderthesupervisionofWilhelmStauder(1903–1981),hecompletedhisdoctoraldissertationatthesameinstitution,whichwaspublishedanddistributedbyBärenreiterAntiquariat,andfocusedontheperformancepracticeideologyofJ.S.Bach’sorganmusic.Duringthisperiodofstudy,Kloppers’s involvement withtheGermanLutheranliturgywasquiterestricted,sincehewasmostlyactiveasorganistintheGermanReformedChurchwhereonlyaselectnum-berofLutheranchoralesweresungbythecongregation.However,aspartofhispersonaldevelopment,heoftenattendedGermanVespersintheLutheranDreikönigskirche whereWalchahimselfwasorganist.LikeRichardBehrens, Kloppers also had to substitute for Walcha on numerous occasions, thereby beingevenmoreexposedtotheLutheranmusictradition.Inaddition,hewasdirectlyinfluencedbythismusicalcultureinimplementingitinhisimprov-isations andwritten-out arrangements and preludes to the chorales. Theseearly chorale-based compositions for organ later lead to his compositionalworkasorganistintheDutchReformedChurch,UniversitasinBloemfontein,SouthAfrica.Kloppers’scompositionofchoralepreludes,inparticularthosebasedonmelodiesfoundintheAfrikaanspsalmsandhymnsofwhichtherewereadearth,wasmerelyapragmaticapproach.Hethereforeregardshimselfmoreasanarrangerofchoralemelodiesratherthanasacomposerinthetruesenseoftheword.InthishecreditsJ.S.Bach’sOrgelbüchlein as his main prototypeandinspiration.49

Kloppers’scompositionaltechniquesweremainlyinfluencedbyhisorganteachers Willem Mathlener (1909–1996)andWalcha. The latter’s colourful employmentoforganregistration,uniquecounterpoint,ostinatopatternsand

46 Melck, Richard Behrens,p.37.47 JohnHenderson,A Directory of Composers for the Organ,(Swindon,1999),p.326.48 JacobusKloppers,Jacobus Kloppers – Musicologist, Composer, Organist, Teacher, https://jacobuskloppers.ca/biography/,(accessed7June2018).

49 Author’semailcorrespondencewithKloppers,2018.

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neo-classic idiomhadaparticularseminal influenceonKloppers’s manner ofwriting, especiallyduring theperiod1969–1976.Anotherprominent in-fluenceonhischoralepreludecompositionswasthelegendaryBelgianFlorPeeters(1903–1986).Aroundtheyear1974,Kloppers’ creativity began esca-latingthroughhisencounterswiththeneo-classicalchoralepreludesofDutchcomposerslikeCorKee(1900–1997)andWillemMudde(1909–1984),whichhaveatypicalharmoniclanguageidiomaticallywrittenfortheorgan.Atthesametime, themetricallyfreewritingstyleofIgorStravinsky(1882–1971)alsohadanimpactonKloppers’sstyleof liturgicalorgancompositionthatisprincipallyapparentinthelatter’sToccata on Psalm 84.Kloppers’s even-tualemigrationtoCanadaexpandedhisorganidiomundertheinfluenceofneo-classicalcomposerssuchasPaulHindemith(1895–1963)andBélaBartók (1881–1945).Thesetwocomposers’influenceisacutelyevidentinKlopper’sPartita on Psalm 116.50

InSouthAfrica,Kloppers served on the Committee for the Revision of the Afrikaans Hymnal, Psalm- en Gesangboek, from1969 to1978. It con-sistedof representativesofboth theNederduitschGereformeerdeKerkandthe Hervormde Kerk of South Africa. One of the suggestions from his side wastoincludeanumberofGermanchoralesintheenvisagednewcollectionofhymns,ofwhichmanywereagreedupon.AsizeablenumberofLuther-an hymnswere eventually included,mainly taken from theEvangelisches Kirchengesanbuch.However,proposalstoadoptthesechoralestotherevisedAfrikaanshymnbookintheiroriginalformandrhythm,aswellaswithtrans-lations,weremetwithresistancebysomecommitteemembers.Thisopposi-tionbysaidcommitteemembersisinitselfopposedtooneofthecriteriasetout by Luther himself, i.e., that chorales chosen should have attractiveness, whichappealstoboththesingerandlistenerinanaccessibleformatthrough“melodicrhymes,theartofwordpaintingandtheinterplaybetweenstressedand unstressed syllables”, traits that form the foundation of most Lutheran chorales.51 Ina later revisionof theAfrikaansLiedboek in2006 (ofwhichKlopperswasnotpart),numerousoftheseLutheranchoraleswereultimatelyomitted again.52 It isnoteworthythat themissionof“Africanisation”oftheliturgy and music of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa has beenexpressedbytheAllAfricaConferenceofChurches(AACC)sincethe1970s.53

KloppershasalwaysbeenattractedtotheFrenchRomanticSchoolofor-gancomposition,especiallytotheworkofLouisVierne(1870–1937),MarcelDupré(1886–1971)andOlivierMessiaen(1908–1992).ForKloppers, the uti-lisationofGregorianchant,thesenseoftranscendenceandthemysticismofCatholicismthatplayedanimportantroleintheorganworksofthesecompos-

50 Author’semailcorrespondencewithKloppers,2018.51 Steinert and Karecki, Lutheran Mission in SOUTH AFRICA,p.474.52 Author’semailcorrespondencewithKloppers,2018.53 Steinert and Karecki, Lutheran Mission in SOUTH AFRICA,p.481.

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ershadanindelibleinfluenceonhisownwritingstyle.Dupré’sappreciationoftheGermanchorale,manifestedinhis79 Chorales for the Organ (Op.28),amalgamatedthestructuralstyleofJ.S.Bach’sOrgelbüchlein withhisownuniqueFrenchneo-classicalidiom.Similarly,Kloppers’s style became a blend ofGerman-LutheranformaldisciplinewithameasureofFrenchtonepalettesthatincludedemployingtoneclusters.Thischaracteristicofhisorganworksis particularlypoignant in compositions likeDialectic Fantasy,whichwas writtenasacommissionedworkin1992.Inthispiece,Kloppersjuxtaposestwowell-knownLutheranhymns,“AustieferNotschreiichzudir”and“MitmeinemGottgehichzurRuhe”, to form a coherent unity.54InCanada,hislat-ercompositionsfororganwerewrittenmoreinlinewiththeAnglicanstyle,influenced by RalphVaughanWilliams (1872–1958) andGregorian chant.However,numerousofthesenewworkswerestillbasedonLutheranhymns,particularlythoseknowninCanadaandSouthAfrica.ExamplesarePraise to the Lord, the Almighty,thepartitaon“DerTaghatsichgeneiget”,andPsalm 100.AnumberofthesechoralepreludeswereincorporatedintoSouthAfri-canliturgicalorganmusicpublications.55

Winfried Lüdemann (1951–)WinfriedLüdemann is an Emeritus Professor of Musicology and former Chair of theMusicDepartmentat theUniversityofStellenbosch.56 He succeeded Richard BehrensasHeadoftheDepartmentofMusic.Hecompletedhisun-dergraduate studies at theUniversity of theFreeState,where his teachersincludedJacobusKloppers.LüdemannfurtherpursuedhisstudiesundertheauspicesoftheUniversityofHamburg.UnlikeKloppers,forexample,Lüde-mann does not regard himself as a concert organist. He also did not study the organoverseas.Hisexperienceasaperformingorganistisbasicallylimitedtothatofachurchmusician.However,allhisteachersstudiedinGermanyandhewas therefore influencedbyrepertoire that theywerefamiliarwith.HisteachersincludedRolfRohwer,astudentofWernerImmelmann in Hannover, Germany,andWaltherDehnhardt.57

Initially,Lüdemann’scompositionalorientationwastowardstheatonalandserial school of PierreBoulez (1925–2016),KarlheinzStockhausen (1928–2007)andBrunoMaderna(1920–1973),andhisfirstattemptsatcompositionwereinthisstyle.Helaterrealisedthathewasmoreconfidentwritinginthestyletowhichhewasexposedtobyhisorganteachers.Distler, Hindemith and ErnestPepping(1901–1981)playedprominentrolesinthisnewfoundrouteofcomposition.His comprehension of this type ofmusic grew exponentially

54 LuzanneEigelaar,“‘nOndersoeknadietoepassingvandiekonsep‘Dialektiek’indieDia-lektieseFantasievanJacobusKloppers”,Vir die Musiekleier,37(2017),p.51–67,p.62.

55 Author’semailcorrespondencewithKloppers,2018.56 WinfriedLüdemann,“RoelofTemmingh’smusicfororgan”,Vir die Musiekleier,37(2017),p.68–99,p.68.

57 Author’semailcorrespondencewithLüdemann,2018.

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whenhestarteddoinganalysesofDistler’sworksforhis twopostgraduatequalifications.Heeventuallywenton towrite thebookHugo Distler. Eine musikalische Biographie.58Hence,Lüdemann’searliestworksfororganarebasicallycopiesofDistler’sstyle,notonlyintermsofstylisticandharmoniclanguage, but also in the chosengenres, such as chorale partita, bicinium,trio,fugue,andchoraleharmonisation.HeisthefirstSouthAfricancompos-erfororgantohavewrittenpartitasandnotmerelysetsofvariations.OnlyafterhisdiscoveryoftheoeuvreoftheSouthAfricancomposerRoelofTem-mingh(1946–2012)didLüdemann eventuallymoveawayfromtheinfluenceofDistlerandhiscircle.LüdemannwasalsoenthusedbytheOrgelbewegung, notonlybyvirtueofhisownLutheranbackground,butbytheexistenceofNeo-BaroqueorgansbuiltbyPaulOtt inplaces suchasBloemfonteinandStellenboschinSouthAfrica.Theseinstrumentshadalastingimpactonhischoralecompositionsfororgan.59

ConclusionThearrivalofthesettlersattheCapeinthemid-seventeenthcenturywastohaveanindelibleimpactonthereligiousmilieuofSouthAfrica.Byestablish-ing Lutheran congregations, among other denominations, they brought about adifferentwayofworshipintheoccupiedsocietywithitsassociatedtradi-tions,includingitsmusicalculture.ThissubsequentlyledtoadirectinfluenceonthereligiouslifeofmanySouthAfricanmusicians,composersandevenorganbuilders.Thismusicalculturecertainlyhadanimpactonhowcompos-ersofliturgicalorganmusicapproachedtheirstyleofwritingforthisinstru-ment,especiallyonthegenesisofthechoralepreludeasgenrewhereintheLutheranchoraleformedthebasis for individualcompositional techniques.Byfocusingontheirformativeyears, influences, teachersandinstruments,thethreeSouthAfricancomposersselecteddemonstratedhowLutheranmu-sicalculturebecameanindisputablepartoftheircompositionalideologyanditsfunctionalityinareligiousandconcertenvironment.Theirparticularcol-lectionsofchorale-basedworksaremanifestationsofanembeddedLutherantraditionthatcontinuestoprovideexcellentmodelsofcraftsmanshipthatin-spireinnumerabledevoteesofthisculturetothisday.

58 WinfriedLüdemann, Hugo Distler. Eine musikalische Biographie,(Augsburg,2002).59 Author’semailcorrespondencewithLüdemann,2018.

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23.“Come,AllYouPeople”:LutheranInfluencesontheSpreadofGlobalHymnody

Martin V. Clarke

TheincreaseduseofglobalhymnodyisamongthemanywaysinwhichthediversificationofcongregationalmusicinnumerousChristiantraditionshasburgeoned in recent decades. This chapter adopts the definition of globalhymnody given byMichael Hawn in theCanterbury Dictionary of Hym-nology: “Christian songs originating beyondEuro-NorthAmerican cultur-al contexts”.1Inthatarticle,Hawnacknowledgesthatthisterm,likeothersassociated with the same repertoire, is problematic.While global hymno-dy consciously attempts to avoid the judgmental pitfalls of ethnocentrism,Hawn’sdefinitionshowsthatitisnonethelessatermwithsomegeographicalandgeopoliticalboundaries,contrarytotheliteralmeaningofglobal.TheseboundariesemphasizethatitisaWesternconstructionforthedescriptionofhymnodyfromothercultures.Thegeographicalboundariesalsocreateim-plicittemporalboundaries.AsHawnnotes,

thefirstwaveofglobalsonginrecentcenturieswasfromEuropeandNorthAmericaduringthemissionarymovementofthe19thand20thcenturies.Mission hymnody during this era became the global musical currency. Late inthe20thcentury,EuropeanandNorthAmericanchurcheshavebecomeawareofmusicproducedbyChristiansfromnon-westerncultures.2

Heisalsocarefultoseparatethetermfromtheconceptofglobalisation,oftenunderstoodasthespreadofWesterneconomicideasandculturalvaluestootherpartsoftheworld,insteadarguingthatthegrowthofinterestinglobalhymnody is founded on a desire for diversity rather than homogeneity. This chapterexplores therepertoireandassociatedpracticescoveredbyHawn’sdefinition.Itproblematizesthegrowthof interest insuchrepertoireamongWesternProtestantchurches,usingLutherantheologicalprinciplesaboutthenatureandpurposesofmusicinthecontextofworshiptoexploreissuesoflinguistic plurality, rhythmand the embodiednatureof performanceprac-tice,andmusic’sliturgicalfunctions.ItarguesthatLutheranprinciplesandthoughtaboutcongregationalparticipation,divineandhumancreativity,and

1 C. Michael Hawn, “Global hymnody”, inThe Canterbury Dictionary of Hymnology, J. R. Watson and Emma Hornby (eds.),http://www.hymnology.co.uk/g/global-hymnody, (ac-cessed24August2017).

2 Hawn,“Globalhymnody”.

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music’saffectivepotentialprovideaframeworkforinterpretingtheadvocacyof global hymnody in Protestantism.However, acknowledging that such aframeworkhaslimitations,italsoexaminesdifferencesbetweeninstitutionalandindividualattitudes,andtherelationshipsbetweentheoriginatingandre-ceivingreligiouscultures.Thechapterdoesnotattempttoaddressexamplesofwesternhymnodybeingadopted innon-westerncountries; the liturgicalandsocio-politicalframeworksforassessingsuchinstancesinbothhistoricalandcontemporarycontextsaresubstantiallydifferentfromthoseconsideredhere, and have been addressed by other scholars.3

GlobalandEcumenicalThischapterconsidersglobalhymnodyasbeingexplicitlyecumenicalinna-ture,bothintermsoftheoriginsanddestinationsoftherepertoireitselfandthe impetus behind its dissemination inWestern contexts. The concept ofglobalhymnodyrepresentsarecognitionofchurchesfromaroundtheworldasecumenicalpartners,withtheirownliturgicalandculturalpracticesandpointsof reference.While thisdevelopmenthasparticular resonanceswithLutherannotionsofcongregationalmusic,italsoreflectstheecumenicalim-pactoftheliturgicalreformsoftheSecondVaticanCouncil.

ErikRoutleywasamongthefirsttoarticulateaclearconceptualchange;in his Ecumenical Hymnody,hechallengedthedistinctionbetweenecumen-ismasaninstitutionalendeavourbetweenWesternchurchesandmissionasengagementbetweenWesternandnon-Westerncultures.Withparticularref-erence to hymnody, he argued that the church should

attendtotheneedforatrulyecumenicalhymnodywhichwillhavelittletodo,perhaps,withtheprocessesofmissionarywork,butwillprovideavehicleforthegrowingpraisesofagrowingworld-church.4

Routley’scommentsrepresentabroadershift inattitudetowardsglobalre-lations that gathered momentum in Western churches in the second half of the twentieth century. The language of “partnership” and “world church”graduallyreplacedoldertermslike“mission”and“overseas”inaperiodalsomarked by significant geopolitical upheaval and challenge, and changes intermsofattitudestorace,history,andculturalexpression.Routleyarguesthatin terms of hymnody:

3 See,forexample,CharlesEdwardMcGuire,“Christianity,CivilizationandMusic:Nine-teenth-CenturyBritishMissionariesandtheControlofMalagasyHymnology”,inMusic and Theology in Nineteenth-Century Britain,MartinV.Clarke (ed.), (Farnham,Surrey,2013), p. 79–96, and The Spirit of Praise: Music and Worship in Global Pentecostal- Charismatic Christianity,MoniqueM.IngallsandAmosYong(eds.),(Pennsylvania,2015).

4 Erik Routley, Ecumenical Hymnody, (London,1959),p.17.SeealsoC.MichaelHawn,New Songs of Celebration Render: Congregational Song in the Twenty-First Century, (Chicago, IL,2013),p.210–11.

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churchesshouldbegintodiscardwhateverseemstocontradictthenotionofpartnership;andalthoughpartnershipisyetathingofthefutureinmanyplaces,andhymnsofconquestandachievementarestillinplace,ifwein-sistonalargevision,astrictlybiblicalandscripturaldoctrineinourhymnsasnowchosenandsung,wecannotbegintooearlytosettherighttone.5

AttemptstochangeChristianthoughtandpracticeweretheologicallyunder-pinned by emphasis on the universality of theBody ofChrist, and on thechurch’s commitment to social justice.

Inliturgicalterms,theSecondVaticanCouncil,anditsSacrosanctum Con-cilium (1963)inparticular,radicallyalterednotonlyRomanCatholicpracticebutalsotheshapeandcontentofworshipinmanyProtestanttraditions.Theuse of vernacular languages and cultural expression is fundamental to thedocumentasawhole,foundedontheimperativeofactiveliturgicalpartici-pationbythefaithful:“Intherestorationandpromotionofthesacredliturgy,thisfullandactiveparticipationbyallthepeopleistheaimtobeconsideredbefore all else.”6ThisstatementhasbeenseizeduponinmanydifferentwaysasthepracticalimplicationsofSacrosanctum Concilium havebeenexploredwithinandbeyondRomanCatholicism.TheproductivityofCatholiccompos-ersinprovidingnewcongregationalmusicinarangeofstylesinfluencedbypopularandfolkmusictraditions,andthedeliberatereinvestmentinplain-chantasacongregationalmediumarebuttwoofthemanyandvariedwaysinwhichthisphrasehasbornefruitwithinRomanCatholicchurches.

Thepermissiontouseacongregation’s“mothertongue”intheliturgyex-tends beyond texts to other forms of cultural expression, includingmusic,whichisdealtwithinchapterVIofSacrosanctum Concilium.Afteraffirm-ingtheartisticpre-eminenceofmusicinliturgicalterms,andupholdingtheuniqueroleandvalueofGregorianchant,paragraph119explicitlyaddressestheuseofmusicalstylesandrepertoiresfromlocalcultures:

In certain parts of theworld […] there are peopleswhohave their ownmusicaltraditions,andtheseplayagreatpartintheirreligiousandsociallife.Forthisreasondueimportanceistobeattachedtotheirmusic,andasuitableplaceistobegiventoit,notonlyinformingtheirattitudetowardreligion,butalsoinadaptingworshiptotheirnativegenius[…].

Therefore,whenmissionariesarebeinggiventraininginmusic,everyef-fortshouldbemadetoseethattheybecomecompetentinpromotingthetraditionalmusicofthesepeoples,bothinschoolsandinsacredservices,asfarasmaybepracticable.7

5 Routley, Ecumenical Hymnody,p.17.6 Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy Sacrosanctum Concilium,paragraph14,http://www.

vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ii_vatican_council/documents/vat-ii_const_19631204_sacrosanctum-concilium_en.html,(accessed1March2018).

7 Sacrosanctum Concilium,paragraph119.

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Intermsofthegrowthofglobalhymnody,twokeypointsemergefromthisparagraph.First,theemphasisisonliturgicalinculturation,thatis,theuseoflocalmusicalstylesinRomanCatholicworshipinaparticularculturalcon-text.Exportingthismusictootherculturesisnotastatedconcern.However,theaffirmationofthecontinuedroleofmissionariesindevelopingliturgicalpractice implicitlyencourages thewiderdisseminationof localisedmusicalexpression,notleastthroughtheacquisitionofknowledgeandskillsincum-bentuponmissionaries.Althoughthiswouldinevitablyleadtowiderknowl-edgeanduseofglobalhymnodyinRomanCatholiccontexts,itisimportanttonotethatthiswasnottheintentionofSacrosanctum Concilium, unlike the publicationofglobalhymnodyinhymnalsdiscussedhereafter.Thus,whileVaticanIIisundoubtedlyanimportantfactorinexplainingthespreadofglob-alhymnody,itdoesnotprovideatheologicalrationaleforitsspreadamongWesternchurches,particularlywithinProtestantism.Nonetheless,someim-portantpoints thathaveawiderecumenicaldimensioncanbeobserved inthestatementsconcerningtheuseofindigenousmusics.First,music’spowerinaffectingworshippersisclearlyacknowledged,alongwithitspotentialtoconnectreligiousdevotionwithotheraspectsoflife.Secondly,thereferenceto“nativegenius”implicitlyrecogniseshumancreativityirrespectiveofcul-turalorigins,whichiscloselyalignedwiththewiderpurposeofencouragingliturgical inculturation.

Theperiod since theSecondVaticanCouncilhascoincidedwithglobalmigrationpatternsthathaveresultedinconsiderablygreaterethnicdiversi-tywithinmanyWesternchurches,bothCatholicandProtestant, comparedwiththeearliertwentiethcentury.ThishasundoubtedlyplayedapartintheincreasedpresenceofglobalhymnodyinrecentWesternhymnals,aspartofbroadereffortstoshowawarenessofandresponsivenesstothemulticulturalnatureofcongregations.However,asapracticalresponse,theincreasedpres-ence of global hymnody is necessarily limited, as a single hymnal could never cater for the almost limitless variety of cultures and languages that might be found in local congregations. The total number of global hymns in most de-nominationalhymnalsremainssmall,andwhilethereisalargegeographicalandlinguisticspread,itisbynomeanscomprehensive;eventhoseculturesand languages that do feature are usually represented by only one or twoitems.Thisisalsotrueofbookswhollydedicatedtoglobalhymnody,manyofwhichaimtorepresentasmanydifferentculturesaspossible.Itisapparentthat the selections of global hymnody in both mainstream hymnals and more specialistcollectionsarepredominantlyaimedatcongregationsforwhomthematerialisculturallyunfamiliar,ratherthanthoseforwhomthesongsrep-resentpartoftheirheritage.Whilesuchendeavourscanberegardedasges-tures in recognition of multicultural congregations, if this is considered their primaryaim,theycanneverbeconsideredasmorethanatokenisticgesture,albeitwell-intentioned.

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Ifthepresenceofglobalhymnodyinsuchhymnalsisthereforeregardedasbeingaimedatindividualsandcongregationsforwhomthelinguisticandmusicalqualitiesofthehymnsareconspicuouslydifferentfromtherepertoiretheyregardasnormative,othermotivationsneedtobeconsidered.Thischap-tercontendsthatthreeaspectsofLutherantheologyandliturgicalprinciplesofferprofitablewaysofinterpretingtheaimsandrationalebehindthespreadof global hymnody. First, Luther’sunderstandingofmusicasanexpressionofGod’sworkascreatorisconnectedtotheembodiednatureofperformanceinmuchglobal hymnody through its emphasis on rhythm.WhileWesternhymnodyisalsogovernedbyrhythmicdevices,thecloseassociationbetweenmusicanddanceinmanyoftheculturesmostprominentlyrepresentedinse-lectionsofglobalhymnodymayheightenWesterncongregations’awarenessoftherhythmicelementsofthisrepertoire.Second,therelationshipbetweenmusic’scapacitytoengenderemotionalresponsesandtheLutheranempha-sisontheproclamationoftheGospelisconsideredinrelationtostructuralaspects ofmuchglobal hymnody that has gainedpopularity.Third, globalhymnody’sroleinencouragingthesingingofliturgicaltextsisalignedwithLuther’semphasisonthebenefitsofmusicalparticipationintheliturgybythewholecongregation.

Creativity, Embodiment and RhythmThephysicalityofsomeglobalhymnody,especiallyfrompartsofAfricaandSouth America, is commonly highlighted by advocates of its use in Western contexts. Inhispreface toFreedom is in your hand: Songs of Protest and Praise from South Africa,AndersNybergstressestheimportanceofwhole-ness in understanding songs from South Africa:

Incontrast to theWesternworld,wherewe love todivide life intobodyandsoul,politicsandreligion,songanddanceetc.,theAfricansseetheseentities as united. Ngoma inSwahilinotonlymeansdrumbutalsomusic,dance and culture.8

Similarly, in the “Notes on the Songs” in Agape: Songs of Hope and Reconcil-iation,compiledfortheLutherWorldFederationAssemblyof2003,MaggieHamiltonandPäiviJussilaindicatethat“TherhythmicimpetusofsongsfromAfricaandLatinAmericaespeciallymeansthatthesingingofthemiscom-monlyaccompaniedbydanceandotherbodymovements.”9 Both statements aremadeaspartofprefatoryremarkstocollectionsofglobalhymnody,andattempttoarticulateessentialcharacteristicsoftherepertoireanditsperfor-mance.Nybergespeciallyemphasizestheunityofmusicandmovementand

8 Anders Nyberg, Freedom is in your hand: Songs of Protest and Praise from South Africa, ([Chicago,IL,],2003),p.[2].

9 MaggieHamiltonandPäiviJussila,Agape: Songs of Hope and Reconciliation, (Oxford, 2003),p.viii.

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establishesthisasapointofcontrastwithWesternhymnody.Thereisaclearsense,sharedbyHamiltonandJussila,thatrhythmandmovementarekeytounderstandingglobalhymnodyasacreativeexpressionofworshiporiginat-inginaparticularculture.Inheroverviewoftwentieth-centuryinterpreta-tions of Luther’sviewsonmusic,JoyceIrwinexploresthenotionofmusicasa “gift of creation”, as argued by Friedhelm Krummacher.10Inthisinterpreta-tion,faithfullivingexpressesGod’sgiftofmusicalcreativity:

Theability torecognizemusicasagiftofcreationcomesfromthefaiththatitismadepossiblethroughthepersonandworkofJesusChrist.Ac-cordingly,anindividualoffaithwillmakeuseofthegiftsofcreationinamannerthanhonorstheCreator,whereasapersonwithoutfaithwillabusethose gifts.11

Theemphasisthatproponentsofglobalhymnodyplaceonitasanexpressionofculturalcreativityandtheguidancetheyprovideforreceivingcongrega-tionstoembraceandembodythiscreativitythusaffirmsit,and,byimplica-tion,itscreatorsandpractitioners,asutilisingGod-givengiftsinwaysthatbefitChristianworship.InkeepingwithSacrosanctum Concilium’s focus on liturgicalinculturation,storiessuchasthatrecountedbyJohnBellconcern-ingtheXhosasong“AmenSiakudumisa”indicatethatsuchaffirmationhasbeennecessaryata localaswellasaglobal level.Bell reportsanaccountsharedwithhimbySouthAfricanchoralconductorGeorgeMxadana:

thissongwassungat theenthronementofDesmondTutuasArchbishopofCapetown.Whenthesong[…]wastakenupbythecongregation,Tutubegantomoveintimetothemusic.This,forblackSouthAfricans,wasagreatsignthattheirmusicandculturewasbeingrecognisedasintegraltotheworshipofGod.12

RhythmandmovementalsoplayanimportantpartinattemptstointroduceglobalhymnodytoWesterncongregations.Theseaspectsareoftenpositivelyaccentuatedinanefforttopromoteglobalhymnodyasawayofrevitalisingworship,andfreeingitfromingrainedculturalpracticesthatsomemayre-gardas inhibiting.Syncopationoften features inglobalhymns included inWestern hymnals, and stands as an obvious audible marker of difference. As a rhythmicdevice,itdrawsattentiontothepulseofthemusic,itselftheprimaryimpetus forbodilymovement.TheemphasisplacedonsuchfeatureshelpsadvocatessuchasBellchampionglobalhymnodyasawayofchallengingthe

10 JoyceIrwin,“‘SoFaithComesfromWhatIsHeard’:TheRelationshipbetweenMusicandGod’sWord in theFirstTwoCenturies ofGermanLutheranism”, inResonant Witness: Conversations between Music and Theology, Jeremy S. Begbie and Steven R. Guthrie(eds.),(GrandRapids,MI,2011),p.65–82,p.67.

11 Irwin,“‘SoFaithComesfromWhatIsHeard’”,p.67.12 Many and Great: Songs of the World Church,JohnL.BellandGrahamMaule(eds.),(Glas-gow,1990),p.49.

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culturalnormsofWesternchurchesandtore-invigoratethemasworshippingcommunities, as he argues in Many and Great: Songs of the World Church:

Itwillbeevidentthatnotallthesesongscouldbesubstitutedforthethirdorfourthhymnata‘normal’morningservice.Thatisnotadisadvantage;itisagift.Theworshippatternsofnon-Europeanchurcheschallengeustobreakwithourtooconvenientmoulds.13

CongregationsandindividualworshippersarethusencouragedtorecognisethecreativityofChristiansfromotherculturesandtoembodyitaspartoftheirownofferingofworshiptoGod.Itaffirmsthatcreativityisagiftofferedtoallhumankind,andnotrestrictedtoaparticularformofculturalexpres-sion.ThisiscogentlyexpressedbyHawninanextendedexplorationofthenature of global hymnody:

itisthealterityor‘otherness’ofecumenicalglobalhymnodythatdisplaysthe manifold face of Christ not bound by one culture or one age, but for all cultures and ages.14

Hawn’s emphasis on such hymnody as both global and ecumenical is im-portanthere,asitindicatesthatdespitethestylisticfeaturesthatemphasizediversity, the sharing and advocacy of such hymns through recent Western hymnalsisunderpinnedbyarecognitionoftheplacethattheyandtheircre-ators have in the universal church.

Emotion, Proclamation and Musical StructureMusic’sabilitytoengenderemotionalresponsesiscentraltothechampioningofcongregationalhymnodybymanyofitspractitionersandadvocates,andalso to itspopularitywith individuals andcongregations.Westernhymno-dy, including inLutheran-influenced traditions,has tended toprioritise thethrough-composedhymntextconsistingofmultiplestanzas;insuchhymns,emotional reaction is often encouraged through the intensification of thethemeormessageasthestanzasprogresstowardsapointofculmination.Bycontrast,manyoftheselectionsofglobalhymnodymostwidelydisseminatedinWesternhymnalsutilise cyclical structures, inwhicha short text,oftenconsistingofasinglestanza,issungrepeatedly.Call-and-responsestructuresalsofeatureprominently,sometimesinconjunctionwithcyclicalstructures,inanothermarkedpointofdifference.Inkeepingwiththecommonaimofus-ingglobalhymnodytore-enlivenworship,theprominenceofcyclicalstruc-turesandcall-and-responsedeliberatelyemphasizeadifferenttypeofemo-tionalengagementfromthatencounteredinthrough-composedhymntextsofmultiplestanzas.

13 Bell and Maule, Many and Great,p.8.14 Hawn,New Songs, p.214.

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Hawnlinksthenatureoftheformtothemodeofengagement,drawingoutafurthercontrastwiththetraditionalrelianceontextandprint inWesternhymnody:

Books are not necessary for the performance of cyclic structures in thesamewaythattheyfacilitatesequentialmusicalforms.Infact,booksmayimpede theembodimentofcyclicsong. […]Regardlessofmood,cyclicstructuresencourageaphysicalresponse,eithertowardtheecstaticorto-wardthemeditative,andtheuseofbooksultimatelyhampersthesuccess-fulperformanceofthesesongs.15

Thepromotionofglobalsongwithcyclicalstructuresmayencourageanim-mersiveandaffectiveexperienceofworship, inwhichparticipantsembodythemeaningofthesongsbysingingand,inlinewiththerhythmicemphasisdescribedabove,movingtogether,thusshapingtheirwholeattitudetowardstheenvironmentandliturgicalcontextinwhichtheyfindthemselves.IrwinnotesthatwhileLuther’sattitudetomusicasameansofpreachingisopentodifferinginterpretations,“therecanbenodoubtthathebelievedmusiccouldpreparethehearttoreceivetheWord”.16Thisview,setoutinLuther’s Table Talk,acknowledgesandaffirmsmusic’scapacitytoevokeanemotionalre-sponse;Irwinreferstothewaysinwhichseventeenth-centuryLutherantheo-logiansexpandeduponthisunderstandingbydrawingattentiontotheprocessofsharingincongregationalmusicaswellasthetextualcontentofhymns:

Musicdoesnot simplycommunicatedoctrinal truths in away that rein-forcesmemoryofthem,asifitaffectedonlythementalfaculties;nordoesmusicsimplyappealtothesenses,whichwouldleadtoaninsistencethatthehearerriseabovetheauralappeal.Rather,musiccombinestheemotion-alpowerofsoundwiththespiritualpowerofGod’sWordinsuchawayastoaffectthesoul.Formusictoconveythispower,boththesingerandthelistenermustbeintunewithGod.17

MarkWynn’sarticulationoftherelationshipbetweenartisticobjects,includ-ingmusicalworks,andreligiousemotionindicatesthecomplexinterdepend-encyofexperienceandmeaning:

Anartworkmayrepresentanobjectbyengenderingfeelingsof thekindthatbefittheobject;anditmayprojecta‘world’whichwemaycometoin-habitbytakingonacorrelativepropensityforaffectivelytonedperceptionandbodilyresponsiveness.18

15 C.MichaelHawn,Gather into one: praying and singing globally, (Chicago, IL, 2003),p.232–33.

16 Irwin,“‘SoFaithComesfromWhatIsHeard’”,p.68–69.17 Ibid.,p.71.18 Mark Wynn, Emotional experience and religious understanding: integrating perception,

conception and feeling,(Cambridge,2005),p.156.

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InthecontextofaLutheranunderstandingofcongregationalhymnody,the“object”mayberegardedastheproclaimedWordofGod,socentraltoLu-ther’sunderstandingofcorporateworship.Hymns,includingglobalsong,asparticipative elements of liturgy alignedwith the scriptures, stimulate en-gagementandthusmaybecomecloselyassociatedwithanindividual’sunder-standingandownershipoftheobjectitself,althoughattitudeswillinevitablybe different according to cultural and liturgical contexts.

The song “Stand Firm” from Cameroon, included in many British and NorthAmericanhymnals,exemplifiesthecall-and-responsestructureanditsrelationshiptotheproclamationoftheWord.ItisasongofsolidarityintendedtoinspireconfidenceinGod’sfaithfulness;thecantoraddresseseachiterationofthesongtoaparticularconstituencywithinthecongregationorsocietyatlarge,forexample,“brothers”,“sisters”,“children”,or“elders”,encouragingthem to “standveryfirm”.The congregation respondsby echoing this en-couragementinasimpleandunchangingrefrain.Thebrevity,structureandcontentofthetextprecludeitsuseinthemannerofanarrativehymnwithmultiplestanzas,and it isobviouslynotadidactichymn. Instead, itmightbeusedasaresponsetoscriptureorasermon,inthecontextofprayer,ortocommissionacongregation.Assuch, ithasthepotential toconsolidatethemessageproclaimedthroughreadingandpreaching,andtoemboldenacon-gregationbyemphasisingtheirconnectednessasacommunityoffaith.Suchfeelingsarisefromthecombinationofwordsandmusic;thecantor’sphrasecombines challenge and encouragement, and ends with implied dominantharmony,demandingresolutionthatarrivesbothmusicallywiththerefrain’sfirmfinalperfectcadence,andemotionallythroughtherefrain’sstatementoftrustinGod.

Similarly,AlexanderGondo’sShonahymn“Uyaimose”(“Come,allyoupeople”, fromwhich the titleof this chapter isborrowed), is intendedas acalltoworship.Throughrepetition,itsinsistentrhythm,purposefulmelodyand thecantor’sdeclamations, it seeks tobuilda senseof anticipationandunity among the congregation at the opening of aworship gathering. ThemusicalsettinganditsperformancehavethepotentialtotransformthesimpletextintoaheartfeltexpressionofcommunalemotionandopennesstoGod’sWord.Suchuseofmusic,combinedwithtextscontainingappropriatesenti-mentsandexpressions,canbeseentoalignwiththeunderstandingofmusic’semotionalpowerfoundinmanyreligiouscultures,especiallyinLutheranism,andinparticularitseffectivenessinreadying,assisting,anddeepeningindi-vidualandcommunalreceptionoftheGospel.

Congregational Music in the LiturgyWhile much attention has been given to the Lutheran legacy of congregational hymn singing in Protestant churches, Luther’s advocacy of congregational participation in liturgicalchant, though limited inpracticeuntil theseven-teenth century, has sometimes been overlooked. Robin A. Leaver describes

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howmusicalprovisionwasmadeforthecongregationtoparticipateinvar-ious elements of the Deutsche Messe,andpointsoutparticularconnectionsthroughtheuseofversionsofToneIfortheIntroit,thethreefoldKyrie,andtheGermanAgnusDei,“Christe,duLammGottes”.19 He argues that,

Insingingthe“German”KyrieandtheGermanAgnusDeimembersofthesingingcongregationwouldquickly recognize thatbothmelodic incipitsareidentical,thusmakinganaurallinkbetweenthetwoliturgicalprayersfor mercy.20

Despitethissophisticateduseofmusictoreinforcethemeaningsandemo-tional states associatedwith particular parts of the liturgy, the practice ofcongregational singing beyond hymns, althoughfirmly embedded in sometraditionssuchastheNordichymnservicesthattypicallyincludecongrega-tionalsingingoftheordinary,hasnotbeenuniformlyadoptedormaintainedin many Western Protestant traditions. While in some traditions, liturgical musichascontinued toflourish throughchoral services,as in traditions inwhich choirs have not played a significant role, congregational music haslargelybeenconfinedtohymnody.21 Free Church denominations in Britain, forinstance,despitechampioningcongregationalhymnodyintheLutherantradition,haveofteneschewedtheuseofchantedliturgicalmusic,whethercongregationalorchoral,inwhatmayhistoricallyhavebeenamarkerofdis-tinction from the Church of England’s Catholic and Reformed heritage.22

BoththeecumenicalimpactoftheSecondVaticanCouncilandthespreadof global hymnody have contributed to changes in this regard in recent dec-ades. Many Methodist churches, for instance, moved to more regular and frequentcelebrationsofHolyCommunioninthedecadesfollowingVaticanII,typicallysettlingonamonthlycelebrationinplaceofthepreviouslycom-mon quarterly eucharistic services. This trend can also be observed in the liturgicalbooksusedbydenominations;inBritishMethodism,theMethodist Service Book (1975)includedjusttwoordersforHolyCommunion,whereasits successor, the Methodist Worship Book (1999) contained three servicesforuse inOrdinary timeplusfullservicesspecifictoeachof themajor li-turgicalseasons.Significantly,oneoftheordersforOrdinarytimeincludedcongregationalmusicalsettingsforseveralpartsof theservice, includingaPeruvianGloriaandpartofatranslatedUrduhymnsettoaresponsewithin

19 Robin A. Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications, (GrandRapids,MI,2007),p.196–98.

20 Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music,p.198.21 Thehistoryofthesedivergenttraditionsismorecomplexthancanbeproperlyaddressedhere.InfluencesoftheLutheranReformedtraditionhavecoexistedalongsideothersignifi-canthistoricpractices,forexampleinchoralfoundationssuchasChurchofEnglandcathe-drals,whichhavebeenprofoundlyshapedbymonasticliturgicalandmusicaltraditions.

22 Exceptionstothistrendhavealwaysexisted,suchastheprovisionofpointedpsalmsandcanticlessettoAnglicanchantsinseveralBritishMethodisthymnals.Thepresenceofsuchrepertoirecannot,however,beinterpretedasevidenceforitswidespreaduse.

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theeucharisticprayer.Theformerutilisesacall-and-responsestructure,andhasgainedconsiderableecumenicalpopularity.Manymorerecenthymnalshave also included a version of the Sanctus of Argentinian origin, commonly withbothSpanishandEnglishlyrics.ThetextsofboththePeruvianGloriaand the Argentinian Sanctus vary from the versions agreed by the English LanguageLiturgicalConsultation;theGloriaissignificantlyabridged,whiletheSanctusinterpolatesanexpressionofthesinger’sdevotionwiththecus-tomary recitation of “Holy, holy, holy”.

Settingssuchasthesedrawonthemusicalcharacteristicsoutlinedintheprevioussectionsofthischapter,andadditionallyprovidedifferentwaysforworshippers to engage with the liturgical texts that might customarily bespoken.SuchpracticeclearlyalignswithLuther’sadvocacyofsungliturgy;Leavernoteshow, indevising theDeutsche Messe, “Luther concluded that musicwasfundamentaltothenewliturgyandthatitshouldthereforeincludemusical notation.”23ThelevelsofmusicalsophisticationandintegrationLu-thersoughtarenotreplicatedbythecompilationofindividualpiecesfromdif-ferentplacesandcontextsintoacompositewhole.However,theydoreopenpossibilitiesfordeeperspiritualengagementthroughsungliturgy,whichcannonethelessbeinterpretedasareclamationofpartof thebroaderLutheranmusical heritage.

ChallengingPerspectives:Language,RepresentationandReceptionWhiletheaspectsconsideredaboveestablishconnectionsbetweenLutheranprinciplesandpracticesconcerningliturgicalmusicandthegrowthofglobalhymnody, threeelementsassociatedwith itsspreadpresentchallenges toafullalignmentwithLutheranvalues.Theseconcerntheuseofnon-vernac-ularlanguagesinworship,theriskofstereotypingandmisrepresentationintheselectionanddisseminationofglobalhymnody,anditsreceptionamongWestern congregations.

Advocatesofglobalsongtypicallypromotetheuseoforiginallanguagesratherthantranslations,arguingthatthisdeepenstheawarenessofculturaldi-versitythatitselfemphasizestheuniversalityoftheecumenicalchurch.SuchanapproachalignswithHawn’sargumentthat“ThetransculturalmessageofthegospelandthehistoricalshapeofChristianliturgyrequiremyriadcultur-almeanstoexpresstherealityoflogos madefleshforallpeople.”24Howev-er, an insistence on the use of unfamiliar languages does seem to contradict thehighpremiumLutherplacedonvernacularliturgy.ThosewhoobjecttosingingglobalhymnodybecausetheycannotunderstandthewordstheyaresingingmightthereforebeequallydrawingonLutheranheritage.However,inanageofincreasedglobalawareness,facilitatedbytheonlineavailability

23 Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music,p.181.24 Hawn,Gather into one,p.15

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ofrepertoireandrecordingsofworshipmusicfromaroundtheworld,othersmay regard such linguistic plurality as an affirmation of the interconnect-edness of the global church. Leaver’s insistence that multiculturalism must embracebothtemporalandgeographicaldiversitymaybeusefulhere.Whilehis argument focuses on the spiritual andpedagogical value of preservinghistoricalLutheranhymns,hisappealtocongregationstosing“suchexpres-sionsoftheologicalpraisethataremoreconcernedwiththetimelessnessofthesubstanceofwhatwebelieve”providesausefulbasisfortheincorporationofglobalhymnodyaswellashistoricalrepertoire.25 Nonetheless, linguistic pluralityrepresentsatensionthat,whilenotnecessarilycontrarytoaLuther-an-influencedunderstandingofthepresentcontextofWesternChristianity,cannotbestraightforwardlyreconciledwithaLutheranapproachtoincultur-atedworship.

While some hymnals devoted solely to global hymnody, such as Agape, makeadeliberateattempttorepresentasmanydifferentplacesandculturesaspossible,thistendsnottobethecaseintheselectionsmadebythecompil-ers of denominational hymnals. The origins of Agape in the Lutheran World FederationAssemblydemandedaconsciousattemptatglobalrepresentative-ness;thisisdemonstratedthroughtheselectionofhymns,drawnfromeverycontinentandwithnodiscernibleprioritisationofparticularculturesorge-ographicallocations,theprovisionofseveraltranslationsalongsideoriginallanguages,andtranscriptionsandinterpretativenotestoassistthoselearningthe hymns. Denominational hymnals, by contrast, are naturally dominated by hymnsoftheculturesandplacestowhichtheybelong.Selectionsofglobalhymnodyaremadewithdifferentparameters,andwhileaimingtorepresentothercultures,approachabilityandusefulnessforthereceivingcommunityarenaturallyforegroundedindecision-makingprocesses.Thishassometimesledtoanarrowrangeofplacesandculturesbeingrepresented,withmusicalstylesthatbearmostsimilaritytoWesternhymnody,suchasfrompartsofAfrica, theCaribbeanandSouthAmerica,beingprioritisedoverhymnodyfrom many Asian cultures, for instance. Primarily, this seems to indicate a cautiousorconservativeattitudeonthepartsofcompilers,althoughthehis-toricaldepthofWesterninfluencesonChristianworshipandmusicalpracticeinsomeofthosecountriesmostpopularlyrepresentedmayalsobeanindirectfactor.

Whilesuchdecisionsaremadeonpragmaticgrounds,theyriskreinforcingculturalstereotypesaswellasmarginalisingsomeculturesandtheirexpres-sionsofworship, thusmaking themseem insignificant toWesterncongre-gations.GerardoMartiobservesthatBlackGospelmusicisoftengivenanelevatedstatus,which iscommonlyconnected topreconceived ideasaboutBlackspirituality:“Theexperienceof‘trueworship’isconsistentlyviewedas

25 Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music,p.127.

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oneofthedistinctivemarkersoftheBlackChurchexperience.”26 While this appearstoindicateapositiveattitudetowardsBlackChristianity,itcaneasilyassumeadominancethatdeniesthecomplexitiesofreligiousexperienceandits relationship to daily life thatBlackworshippers share in commonwithbelieversofallcultures.Martigoesontoarguethatsuchstereotypingcanac-tuallyaffectthewaysinwhichbelieversfromparticularculturalbackgroundsexperienceandengageinworship,especiallyinmulticulturalcontexts:

Presumed racial distinctions are essentialized such that supposed differ-ences affect the actual experience ofworship.Blacks andHispanics arepassionate;whitesandAsiansarecalmerandquieter.BlacksandHispan-icsrequire louder,deeplyrhythmicmusicwhilewhitesandAsiansfavorsmoothmelodiesandmomentsofquiet.Inotherwords,theassumeddiffer-encesbetweenracesarebelievedtohaverealimplicationsforhowracialandethnicgroupsexperienceworship.27

Marti’scritiquechallengesthewayinwhichtheconnectionsbetweenrhyth-micvitality,globalhymnody,andtheLutheranemphasisonembodiedwor-ship, outlined above, are understood.While the possibilities they offer forencouragingdifferentmodesofengagementinworshipthroughmusicarenotinvalidated,Marti’sobservationsindicatetheimportanceofcontextualisationintheuseofglobalhymnody.IfLutheranideasabouthymnody’spotentialforenablingembodiedworshipanditsusefulnessinshapingemotionalresponsestoworshipand thescripturesare tobe takenseriously, it isvital thatmis-representationofanyculture’shymnodyisavoided.Suchmisrepresentationdeniesthatculture’sabilitytousehymnstorespondtoortoencouragethegamutofemotionsexpressedwithinthescriptures.Furthermore,aLutheranapproachtoglobalhymnodymustseekoutrepertoirethatreflectstheemo-tionaldiversityofanyparticularculture’shymnody.ThisapproachhasbeenattemptedinspecialistcollectionssuchasAgape, but in the denominational hymnals throughwhichmostworshipperswill encounter global hymnody,there remains a need for further careful consideration of the intentions behind itsinclusion,aswellasamoresystematicprocessofevaluationanddissem-ination.

Assessingtheeffectivenessofglobalhymnodyinenliveningtheworshipof Western congregations on the basis of selections made by hymnal commit-teesorpresented inspecialistvolumes risksgivinganuncriticallypositiveimpressionof its adoption and reception.Given the emotional significancemany believers attach to hymns and the practice of hymn-singing, globalhymnody, likeallothergenres, canprovoke strongopinions,bothpositiveandnegative.Whilesomecongregationsandindividualsmayappreciatethegreatermusicaldiversityinworship,perhapsbecauseofsensitivecontextual

26 GerardoMarti,Worship across the Racial Divide: Religious Music and the Multiracial Congregation,(NewYork,NY,2012),p.52.

27 Marti, Worship across the Racial Divide,p.78.

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workdonebychurchmusiciansorworshipleaders,othersfindthestylisticdifferencesorlinguisticchallengesunappealingorevenalienating.28Intermsofglobalhymnody’sability toexpressaspectsofLutheranmusicalcultureandtheology,itmustthereforebeacknowledgedthattheopportunitiespre-sentedbytheinterpretationsexploredabovemaynotberealised,dependinguponthereactionofparticipants.Suchalimitation,however,isbynomeansconfinedtoglobalhymnody,butisabroadersourceofpossibledivergencebetweenintentionandrealisation,orprinciplesandpractices.

ConclusionAlthoughthechallengesoutlinedintheprevioussectionhaverealimplica-tionsconcerningthedisseminationandpracticeofglobalhymnody,aframe-workdrawingonLutheranprinciplesforcongregationalsongisstillausefuland important tool for evaluating the growth of interest in this repertoire.Although global hymnody has been used in Western contexts for several dec-ades,itremainsaverysmallpartoftherepertoirecontainedinmainstreamdenominational hymnals, and may therefore be infrequently encountered by manyworshippers.As participants and advocates continue to engagewithglobalhymnodyanditsplaceintheworshipofWesternchurches,consider-ationofitsalignmentwiththeareasexploredaboveoffersafruitfulwayforinterpretingitsintentions,findingpossibilitiesforitsuse,devisingmethodsforintegratingitintoworship,andpromptingbroaderreflectionontheroleofcongregationalsinginginencouraging,shapingandsharingfaith,especiallyinthecontextofcorporateworship.

GlobalhymnodyoffersworshippersaccustomedtoWesternhymnodytheopportunitytoengagewithtextandmusicinwaysthataffirmtheglobalna-tureofthechurchandthatencourageandinstilemotionsandconceptscon-sistentwiththescriptures,andtoexploredifferentwaysinwhichmusiccanilluminate both the scriptures and the liturgy.While noneof these factorsassociatedwithglobalhymnodyshouldbeaccepteduncritically,engagementwithrepertoirethatmaybelinguistically,musicallyandculturallyunfamiliaroffersaclearopportunityforindividualbelievers,congregationsandchurch-esinthebroadLutheran-influencedtraditiontorenewtheirengagementwiththeprinciplesthatliebehindtheirrichheritageofcongregationalsinging.

28 AdiscussionthreadonaFacebookgroupforMethodistsintheUKprovidesoneinsightintothediversityofviewsonthismatter;somecontributorsunderstoodandappreciatedboththerepertoireandtheintentionbehindit,whileothersweremorecritical,arguingthattheologicalstandardswere less rigorouslyapplied toglobalhymnody thanothergenres.Some found pronunciation challenges off-putting, while others acknowledged concernsaboutculturalmisrepresentation.Whilesucha forumcannotbe regardedas representa-tiveofviewswithinBritishMethodismatlarge,letaloneothertraditions, itnonethelessreveals that this is amatter of interest and concern toworshippers.SeeUK Methodists Facebook Group,2February2014(https://www.facebook.com/groups/2211562545/perma-link/10151905339497546/,(accessed1March2018).

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24. Luther’s Musical Thought Through Time andSpace:NegotiatingTraditionAcrosstheTraditional/ContemporaryDivide

Marcell Silva Steuernagel

AKaleidoscopeofChurchMusicThe music of the church has never been as diverse and interconnected as it istoday.Diasporas,migration,virtualandmasscommunicationchannelsallcontributetoacomplexnetworkofrepertories,influences,andnegotiationsof increasing order and intensity.1Howcanthetheologicalandaestheticgene-alogicalthreadsoftheserepertoiresbetraced?Thetaskbecomesevenmorechallengingwhenoneseekstounderstandthedynamicsthatregulatewhatmusicsareusedinlocalcontexts,especiallyamidstthegenerousofferofmu-sicspreviouslynotaccessibletolocalcurators.

Thischapterseekstotracealinewithinthislabyrinth:themusicalthoughtof Luther,asitcrossesthedividebetweenhistoricalandcontemporaryrep-ertoires, in the context of the Evangelical Church of the Lutheran Confession inBrazil (ECLCB).2 I try to tease out how traces ofLuther’s thoughts on musicarepreserved,modified,oreliminatedinthemusicoftheECLCBto-day.Thischaptercouplesliteraturewithethnographicresearchthatfocusesonmusicmakersworkingwithin thedenomination, inorder tounderstandcertaindynamicsthatregulatethedevelopmentoftheserepertoires.Thegoalistocontributetowardsinterdisciplinaryinvestigationsofhowchurchmusicisexperiencedbyparticipantsinaworldinwhichboundariesofmanykindsarechallengedandcomplicatedbydemographic,cultural,andreligiousflows.

Many scholars have done comprehensivework in concentrating specifi-cally on Luther’swritingsonmusic.3 Therefore, my considerations here are generalinnature,becauseIamprimarilyinterestedinthemannerinwhichgeneral consensus about Lutherhasshapedmusic-makingenvironments in

1 ArjunAppadurai,Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization,(Minneapo-lis,MN,1996),p.27.

2 Iwritefromaparticipant-observerstandpoint,anddonotofferanexhaustivehistoriogra-phyofBrazilianLutheranhymnody.Thistaskwouldrequireabroaderperspective,encom-passingtheworkofotherLutherandenominationsinBrazil.

3 Such as Carl Schalk, Luther on Music: Paradigms of Praise, (St.Louis,MO,1988),andRobin A. Leaver, Luther’s Liturgical Music: Principles and Implications,(GrandRapids,MI,2007).

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thechurch.Furthermore,customaryapproachestothestudyofchurchmusicrepertoireshavefocusedeitheronmusicalobjects(musicology)oronhymntexts(theology/hymnology).4Iproposeanethnographicapproachthat,inask-ingquestionsrelatedtoperformancecontexts,seekstointeractwiththebib-liographyonLuther’slifeandthoughtsonmusic.Iarguethatrecognizingthemultiplicityoftextsinvolvedinmusic-makingisimperative;whilelyricsandmusicalformarecrucial,itisimpossibletoreducetheexperienceofmusictothesetwocomponents.Thus,thecasestudiesserveasfloodlightsintopar-ticularrealities,emphasizingtheconvergenceand/ordivergenceofthesetextsastheycoalesceintoLutheranmusicalculturesinBrazil.Eachcasestudyislikeasnapshot,acutoutofreality,thatrepresentsalatticeofintertwinedtextsinagivenplaceandtime.Nooneportraitcanbeconsideredafinalverdicton Luther’sideasaboutmusicintheECLCB;buttakentogether,theseimag-esformabroaderpicturethatfurthersourcomprehensionofchurchmusicthroughtimeandinspace.

Luther’s Thoughts on Music: Musical and Theological LegacyLutherwasmusicallyeducated,andcountedanumberofmusiciansasperson-alfriends.Morethanthirtyhymnsareattributedtohimand,whilethisnum-bermaypalewhencomparedtohistheologicaloutput,ithasbeenarguedthatthesehymnshavehadanevenbroaderimpactthanhiswritings.5Inanycase,theferociousnesswithwhichLutherdefendsmusicandencouragescomposi-tion(especiallyinconnectionwithhisdefenseofthevernacular),pointstohisinterest in using it to further the goals of the Reformation. The basic directives Lutherproposesconcerningmusiccanbefoundindifferentsources:textsonliturgy, such as theWittenberg liturgyof 1523, hymnal prefaces, passagesin texts thatdealwithadjacent topics suchasbaptismsandmatrimony, aswellashisvastcorrespondencewithcollaborators.6 His interest in music goes beyondpropaganda,evenifLutherdidrecognize,fromearlyintheReforma-tion,thepotentialofmusicindefendingtheologicalpositions.7

ItisimportanttoemphasizeaswellthatLutherwasnotanenemyofmu-sicaltradition;neitherCatholicnorsecular.Hisemphasislayontheissueofthe vernacular. Music should be available as a means of devotion and ministry

4 Foracompletediscussionofthiscritique,seeMarkPorter,“TheDevelopingFieldofChris-tian Congregational Music Studies”, Ecclesial Practices,1:2(2014),p.149–166.

5 HansSchwarz,True Faith in the True God: An Introduction to Luther’s Life and Thought, Revised and Expanded,(Minneapolis,MN,2015),p.265.

6 Themajorityof thesetextscanbefoundgroupedtogether inLuther’seditedworks.Mysource is Luther s Works, vol. 53, Liturgy and Hymns,UlrichS.Leupold(ed.),(Philadel-phia,PA,1965).Throughoutthischapter,Ihavechosentogrouptheseissuesintotopicsinsteadofreferencingeachoneseparately.

7 Rebecca Wagner Oettinger, Music as Propaganda in the German Reformation. St. Andrews studies in Reformation history,(Aldershot,2001).

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inone’snativelanguage.Inotherwords,Luther did not think in the binary termsof“traditional”or“contemporary”adoptedbymorerecentadvocatesofthechurch.Furthermore,thisavailabilityshouldnotberestrictedtosimplemusical forms. LutheraskedJohannWalter,forinstance,tosupplyacoun-terpoint-basedrepertoirefortheWittenbergchurch,andwasanenthusiastoftheworkofJosquindesPrez.Inthissense,anothercommonbinaryinchurchmusictoday,thatsetscomplexityandsimplicityinoppositiontoeachother,wouldmakelittlesenseforLuther.

Thesedivisionsbetweenoldornew,simpleorsophisticated,arecommoninrecentchurchmusicliterature,andwouldhavebeenconsideredartificialby Luther.8Whileheencouragedthecompositionofnewvernacularcompo-sitions, Lutherappreciatedchantandthechurchmusicrepertoireofhistime.Forhim,creationisagiftofGod;therefore,itmakeslittlesensetoconsideronlyaminusculeportionof themusic in thatcreationasworthyofusebyChristians and/or the church. Thematter-of-factness (but not lack of care)withwhichLutherandhiscohortdealtwithmusicalmaterialsisanimportantcharacteristic.Revision,adaptation,andeditingofmusicalmaterials(contra-facta)werecommonpracticeinLuther’stime,andauthorshipwasnotdealtwithintermswewouldrecognizetoday.Luther’s agenda in relation to music isdiverseandhybrid:preservingsomeaspectswhilereformingothers.Thegoalwastointegraterepertoireintothelifeofthechurch,evenifthismeantalteringimpropermaterials.ImplicitinthisstanceistheprincipleofChristianfreedom, essential to Luther’sthought.Inmusic,thisprincipleopenspossibil-itiesofexperimentationthatmightbelessvehementlyregulatedthaninothertraditions.

For Luther,music–andart,inabroadersense–doesnotstandinopposi-tiontoscripture.Onthecontrary,artispartofGod’screationandisavailableforthefurtheringofGod’skingdom.Itisagift,tobeembracedonthepathto a full life.9Inaddition,theconnectionbetweenlyricandmelody,betweenwordandmusic, iscentral toLuther’s understanding of music. This gift of Godexistssothathumanitymayworshipwithwordandsound.Thegiftofthewordisgiventoarticulatemelodies,andiswhatdistinguisheshumankindfromtherestofcreation.Theword,itself,isnotenough,becauseitismusicthat confers life to the text.10Thisconnectionbetweenwordandmusiciscen-tral to Luther’sdefinitionofworship.Infact,speakingofJosquindesPrez, Lutherclaimsthathismusicisthepreachingofthegospelinmusicalform.11

Another fundamentalaspectofLuther’s thoughts on music refers to the implementationofchangesintheliturgicallifeofthechurch.Luther system-aticallyemphasizedhispreferenceforgradualchange,andworkedtoavoidconflicts caused by over-eager liturgical reforms. The aggressivenesswith

8 See, for instance, Terry W York, America’s Worship Wars,(Peabody,MA,2003).9 Schwarz,True Faith,p.274–275.10 On the dedication of the church at Torgay, 1544.11 Schwarz,True Faith,p.276.

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whichAndreasKarlstadt, Luther’s colleague at the university of Wittenberg, implementedliturgicalreformsduringLuther’s stay at Wartburg, caused the reformerconsiderableagony,andwasoneofthereasonswhyhereturnedtoWittenbergearlierthanoriginallyintended.Infact,Lutherwascriticizedbyotherreformersbecauseofthispreferenceforgradualchange:

Comparedtootherreformers,Luther innovated little in terms of the service. TheLutheranservicepreservedmanyaspectsofCatholicmass,andMaxwell[…]criticizeshim,sayingthat,inhisFormula Missae of 1523, Lutherpresent-ed‘amereversionoftheRomanmass’asasubstitute.12

Inanycase,Luther’sthoughtsonmusiccanbebroadlysummarizedasfol-lows: reformwhennecessary,avoidpolarization,andbewareofaggressiveoversimplification.Itisapositionthatrecognizestheroleofmusic-makinginGod’screationwithfreedom,celebratespossibilities,andstrivesforinclusionthrough the vernacular aided by the combination of tradition and innovation. Lutherdid,ofcourse,enterintoconflictwiththeCatholicliturgyofhistime,butitisimportanttoreiteratethatitwasnottheliturgyitselfthatsparkedhisconcern. While Luther’s central disagreementswithCatholic tradition andtheologywerenotprimarilyrelatedtomusic,theconsequencesofhowthesenewtheologiesdevelopedalsoshapedanewenvironmentformakingmusic.The foundation for a Lutheran musical legacy lies at this intersection.

TheContemporaryHymnodyoftheLutheranChurchinBrazilThismusicalandtheologicallegacywasbroughttoBrazilbyLutheranim-migrantsinthefirsthalfofthenineteenthcentury.Atfirst,immigrantmusi-calpracticeswerefocusedtowardscommunitylife.Synodscoalescedslowlyovertime,andtheSynodalFederation–whichlaterbecametheEvangelicalChurchoftheLutheranConfessioninBrazil(ECLCB)–waseventuallyes-tablished.Althoughinitiallyalmostfortyhymnals(allinGerman)wereusedin these congregations, use of the Hinário Evangélico Alemão(GermanEvan-gelicalHymnal)becamecommon.Around the time theFederationwases-tablishedin1950,theHinos da Igreja Evangélica (Hymns of the Evangelical Church)editedbyHansMüller,wasafrequentsourceofhymnody. Finally, in

12 Jacqueline ZiroldoDolghie, “Por uma sociologia da produção e reproduçãomusical dopresbiterianismobrasileiro:atendênciagospelesuainfluêncianoculto”[ForasociologyofthemusicalproductionandreproductionoftheBrazilianpresbyterianism:thetendencygospelandtheinfluenceinthecult.],Ph.D.diss.,UniversidadeMetodistadeSãoPaulo,SãoBernardodoCampo,(2007),p.92,availableonline:http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/427,(accessed1February2017).OriginalinPortuguese–alltranslationintoEnglishfrom Portuguese sources are mine.

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1981, Hinos do Povo de Deus(HymnsofthePeopleofGod,hereafter HPG),thedenomination’sownhymnal,wasreleased.13

When HPGwasreleased,signsofchangeinthehymnodyoftheECLCBwerealreadyapparent.If,ontheonehand,theHPGdoesincludeworksbyLatinAmerican composers and youngLutheran pastors, the vastmajorityof itsmore than threehundredhymnsaresourcedfromtheGerman tradi-tion.14 But during the seventies a number of factors, such as the rise of revival movementsinsidetheECLCB,Lutheranengagementwithstudentministriesandpara-ecclesiasticalorganizations,suchasAliança Bíblia Universitária,15 and the visibility of other denominational ministries, such as Vencedores Por Cristo,16werealreadyinfluencingthehymnologicaldietofLutherans.Later,withtheriseofthegospel market and the availability of virtual offerings on platformssuchasYoutube,thisdietbecameevenmorevaried.17

Thesemovementsreflected,withsomedelay,developments inChristianmusicintheUnitedStates.Sincetheendofthesixties,theNorthAmericanchurch sawanexplosionofwhathas come tobeknownasContemporaryChristian Music, or CCM.18Thisphenomenongaveriseto“worshipwars”:disputesbetweentraditionalistsandcontemporanists,eachdefendingtheuseofacertainrepertoire.19InBrazil,theriseoftheserepertoiresledtotheorgan-izationofworshipbandsinlocalcongregations.20Thesegroupswouldoftenmixrearrangementsofoldermaterialsintotheirsetlists,andwouldincludetheirowncompositionsaswell.AnexampleofthisstrategyintheLutherancontextwasagroupcalledAtalaia,aministrydevelopedatSãoJoãocongre-gationinPelotas,inRioGrandedoSulstate,duringtheearlynineties.Inad-dition,othergroupsbasedtheirownprojectsonoutreachministriesthatwere

13 Evidently,otherhymnalswerealsousedandeditedduringtheseyearsthatarenotmen-tioned here. An excellent source for a historical account of all these materials is, Leonhard Creutzberg,Estou Pronto Para Cantar: Subsídios Para a Hinariologia Da IECLB, (SãoLeopoldo,RS2001).

14 Steuernagel,Marcell,“HistoryandStructureofHymnsofthePeopleofGod,Vol.1.”Vox Scripturae, XXIV:1 (2016), available online: http://vox.flt.edu.br/edicao/29/volume-xx-iv-numero-1--,(accessed17June2017.)

15 “UniversityBiblicalAlliance,theBrazilianbranchofIFES”.16 “Winners in Christ”.17 It is important tonote that the term“gospel” isnotused, inBrazilianChristianculture,in thesamesense that it isused inAmericanmusichistory. It isnotconnected toAfri-can-Americanmusics,andissimplyamarketlabel.Iwillusethetermitalicizedthroughout(gospel)whenreferringtothisphenomenon.

18 BobGersztyn,Jesus Rocks the World: The Definitive History of Contemporary Christian Music,(SantaBarbara,CA,2012).

19 Ihaveadoptedtheterm“contemporanist”fromtheworkofHaroldM.BestinUnceasing Worship: Biblical Perspective on Worship and the Arts, (DownersGrove,IL.,2003).

20 SorayaHeinrichEberle,“Cantar,Contar,Tocar...AexperiênciadeumGrupodeLouvorcomo possibilidade para a formação teológico-musical de jovens”, Ph.D. diss., EscolaSuperior de Teologia, São Leopoldo, (2012), available online: http://tede.est.edu.br/tede/tde_arquivos/1/TDE-2012-05-22T133805Z-344/Publico/eberle_sh_td109.pdf, (accessed 4June2017).Eberle’sdoctoraldissertationisanexhaustiveinvestigationoftheconnectionbetweenworshipministryandtheologicalformationforyouth.

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beginningtogainvisibilitythankstothepublicrelationsworkoflabelssuchas Renascer and Gospel Records.21InfluencedbygroupslikeKatsbarnéiaandKadosh,bandsemergedwithintheLutherancontext,leadingcongregationalmusicaswellasfocusingonthecompositionandperformanceoftheirownmaterial; inmanycongregations,writingsongs forcongregationalusewasalsoencouraged.Attemptsweremadetocompilethisnewhymnody,whichmixedsourcesfromoutsidetheECLCBwithtraditionalhymnsandmaterialthatdevelopedindigenouslywithinthecontextofthemovement’sgatherings,givingbirthtoavarietyofunofficialhymnals.

TheGap:TracesofLutherCrosstheDivideEvenifthe“worshipwars”strategymentionedhere,thatpitstraditionalistsandcontemporanistsagainsteachother,mightbeconsideredoutdated,therearecornersofthechurchinwhichitpersists.22Itisimportanttoidentifythisgapwhereitexists,andunderstandhowithasimpactedtheflowoftraditionsbetweenopposingcamps.Thisconfigurationbegsthequestion:amidsttheseshifts,andespeciallywithinthecomplexwebofinfluencesthatconfigurethecongregationalmusicpracticesofECLCBcongregationstoday,whattracesof Luther’s thoughts on music are to be found?

Itmustbeemphasizedthatthisgaphasrarelybeenabsolute.Hymnologicalmixture isan inherentfeatureofchurchmusic. InmostECLCBcongrega-tions,contemporaryrepertoiresandhistoricalmaterialscoexist.Twoethno-graphiccase studiesareexaminedhere inorder to traceLuther’s thoughts onmusicacross thesedivides.One is theworkof tworockbands,CasteloForteandGolgotha.23TheotheristheworkoftheWorshipandArtsMinistry(WAM)atRedeemerLutheranChurch,acongregationoftheECLCBinCu-ritiba,capitalofParanástate.

CasteloForteandGolgothastartedinthemid-ninetiesinthesouthofBra-zil,wheretheECLCBisdeeplyingrainedintheimmigrantculture.24 Both

21 GoodhistoricalaccountsoftheriseofgospelmusicinBrazilareMagalidoN.Cunha,Vin-ho novo em odres velhos. Um olhar comunica-cional sobre a explosão gospel no cenário religioso evangélico no Brasil,Ph.D.diss.,UniversidadedeSãoPaulo,(2004),JacquelineDolghie, Por uma sociologia da produção e reprodução musical do presbiterianismo bra-sileiro: a tendência gospel e sua influência no culto,Ph.D.diss.,UniversidadeMetodis-tadeSãoPaulo,SãoBernardodoCampo,(2007),andNinaRosas,Cultura evangélica e “dominação” do Brasil: música, mídia e gênero no caso do Diante do Trono, Ph.D. diss., UniversidadeFederaldeMinasGerais,BeloHorizonte(2015).

22 Morerecentscholarship,especiallythatwhichhasbeendevelopedduringthelasttenyearsorsointhefieldofcongregationalmusicstudiesbyauthorssuchasMoniqueM.Ingalls, Anna Nekola, Mark Porter, Tom Wagner,andothers,recognizesthatthesepolarizationsarecounterproductivetounderstandingthetensionsthatcharacterizethesedisputesaftertheturnofthecentury,andthattheydonotaptlydescribethecontemporarysceneofglobalChristian musics.

23 “Strong Castle”, a direct reference to Luther’s most famous hymn.24 Thesetwobandswerechosenfortworeasons.Ifunctionasaparticipant-observerinthecaseofGolgotha,abandIhelpedfoundin1996.Thisgivesmeaccesstotheband’smateri-

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bandsare fromECLCBcongregations:Golgotha fromRedeemerLutheranChurchinCuritiba(PR),andCasteloFortefromHolySpirit,acongregationinNovoHamburgo (RS).Over twodecades, thesebands released albums,touredmanypartsofBrazil,andinfluencedagenerationofLutheranyouthandmusicians. In the work of both groups, Lutheran identity is a centraltheme.Golgotha recordedaversionof “AMightyFortress”on their debutalbum, ID(2003),andCasteloForterearrangedthesamehymnonCastelo Forte(1999).Inlaterwork,bothgroupsdealwiththemainthemesofLuther-antheology,suchastheissueofgrace,evenastheydevelopuniquestyles.

OneoftheministriesthatdevelopedundertheWAMumbrellaatRedeem-erwas theRedeemerComposer’sNucleus (RCN).25Thegroup still exists,anditsaimsaretwofold:writingnewmusicforliturgicalandconcertuse,andwritingmusicforcongregationaluse.Thegroup’scomposerswroteapprox-imatelytwentysongsthatareinuse;someatRedeemer,andothers,suchas“TuaVontade”and“ReinaSobreNós,”thatareplayedincongregationsandgatherings throughout the ECLCB.26

Thesetwocasestudieswerechosenfortheethnographyforseveralrea-sons. First, their focus on developing newmaterialwas tempered by theirinvolvementwiththepracticalworkofleadingworshiponacongregationallevel,abalancethatpushedtheseministriestowardsthecenterofLutheranconversations about the relationship between traditional and contemporaryrepertoires.Moreover, these groups are “contemporary” inmore than onesenseoftheword;whileinchurchmusicthistermusuallyreferstopop-rockstyles,inthiscaseitalsoreferstohighlyelaboratecompositionsthatusecon-temporary compositional techniques such as spectralismand atonalism (inthecaseoftheRCN).

IninterviewswithbandmembersandRCNparticipants,Luther’sperspec-tives onmusic are a central theme.Members of all groupsmentioned theLutheranpracticeofconfirmationclasses,aswellastheinfluenceofmentorsandpastorsasformativeintheirlives.OneofthemembersoftheRCN,Fer-nandoBerwigSilva,describeshow“ourprocessesofformation,aswellasourexperienceintheLutheranenvironment,gaveusimportant theologicaltoolsforthedevelopmentofourconcertsandcompositions,inwhichwehave

al,aswellasadeepunderstandingoftheformativecomponentsofourproject.Thesecondisthat,accordingtomyresearch,thesetwobandsarethefirsttwoinitiativestorespondtothemusicalprojectpervasiveintheBrazilianEvangelicalmilieuatthetime,ofdevelopingoriginalpop-rockmaterial,togainsomesortofrecognitiononaregionalandnationallevel.

25 Thegroupwas establishedbymealongwithMárcioSteuernagel andLucasFrühauf in2005. AsinthecaseoftheWMA,Iamaparticipant-observer;IwasworshipandartspastoratRedeemerbetween2005and2015.

26 ThisinitiativeatRedeemerwasnottheonlyonetodevelopinthedenomination.AnotherexamplewastheantiphonprojectledbyLouisMarceloIlenseer,alsogearedtowardscon-gregationalmaterials,andtheresearchworkofthedenomination’sNewHymnalCommit-tee,thatsentoutacallforcompositionstobeincludedinthedenomination’snewhymnal,Livro de Canto (2017).

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always prioritized central themes of Lutheran theology”.27 Other members recognizedthispatternaswell.Takingintoaccounttheseinfluences,formalaswellasinformal,consciousandunconscious,aseriesofcharacteristiccon-figurationscometothefore.Itistothesethatwenowturn.

Resonances:Encounters,(Dis)encounters,and(Re)combinationsAnanalysisoftheethnographydisplaystracesofLuther’s thoughts on mu-sic.Thesetraceswillbegroupedhereintothreesets.“Encounters”refertoconvergencesbetweenLuther’sideas,musicalartifacts,andnarratives.“(Dis)encounters”refertoconflicts,disintegrations,orinstancesinwhichLuther’s thoughtsareresisted,deflected,orotherwiserejected.Finally,“(Re)combina-tions”refertoinstancesinwhichtheintegrationofoneormoreofLuther’s directiveswithspecificsituationsand/orartifactsgivesbirthtodevelopmentsthatintegratetraditionintonewmusicalmanifestations.Thesesetsstemfromthe following perspectives (in order): the importance of the vernacular forLutheranmusic-making,arrangementsandrearrangementsthatmakeuseoftraditional repertoires,newcompositions,andfinally, the lyricalcontentofthesematerialsthroughtheperspectiveofLuther’s theology.

Theemphasisofscholarshipabouttheuseofthevernacularinliturgicalmusic has customarily been the lyrics. More recently, Lester RuthandSweeHong Lim have identifiedhow, in the literature surrounding churchmusicsincethesixties,thisrelationshipbetweencontemporarylanguageandcon-temporarytimemightpointtoconcerninchurchesfiftyyearsagowithastyleofmusicand lyrics that“fit”with its timeandplace.28 In theethnography,this preference forwhat is “contemporary” appears in differentways.ThemusicofGolgothaandCasteloFortedemonstrateshowthesegroupswroteusingcolloquiallanguage,avoidingthemoreformalstyleoftraditionalrep-ertoires.FilipeMüllerofCasteloForteremembers:“wechosetowritesongsfocusingonpeopleoutsidethechurch,andwetriedtousealanguagewithlessecclesiasticaljargon.IthinkthisconvergeswithLuther’s idea of a lan-guagethatisclosertothepublic,thatallowscomprehension,identification,andparticipation.”29TarsodeBiasidescribeshow“Golgothawasapioneer,atleastinCuritibaoreventhesouth,withoursongsthatavoidedjargons,fewer“alleluias”,thinkingmoreoftheworldaroundus!”30Inbothcommentaries,thispreferenceforcolloquiallanguageisequatedwithbeingmoreattunedtothesurroundingworld.

27 Author’sinterviewwithFernandoBerwigSilva,16June2017.28 SweeHongLim,andRuthLester,Lovin’ on Jesus: A Concise History of Contemporary

Worship,(Nashville,TN,2017),p.25.29 Author’sinterviewwithFilipeMüller,16June2017.30 Author’sinterviewwithTarsodeBiasi,28May2017

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InthecaseofRCN,otherconsiderationssurfaceinconnectiontothelyr-ics, among them the issue of language appropriate for congregationalmu-sic-making,insteadoflanguagefor“outsidethechurch.”Thus,citationsfromscripture,poeticversionsofJesus’parables,andlyricsthatdealwithissuesencounteredinthecontextofcongregationallife,areaddressedandrespond-edtointhelyrics.Examplesof thiswouldbe“Salmo23,”aparaphraseofPsalm23;“VidaEterna,”writtenafteradeathinthefamilyofonecomposer;and“FilhoPródigo,”basedonJesus’parableoftheprodigalsoninLuke11.31

Furthermore,Iarguethattheprincipleofthevernacularmustbeexpand-ed to includequestionsof style. If thisprinciple constitutes the adaptationofcontenttocontext, it isnot limitedtolyrics(althoughthiswascertainlythe focus of Lutherandhiscollaborators).Itcanbeconnectedtothemusicalstylechosenforcongregationalsongandforcomposition,asthecommentsofMülleranddeBiasidemonstrate.Therefore,ifintheoeuvre of Castelo Forte andGolgothapop,rock,andmetalareamplyutilized,theworkoftheRNCdemonstratestheuseofstylisticformulascharacteristicofinternationalpopandBrazilianmusics(especiallyinrelationtorhythmicsyncopations).32

Theprincipleofthevernacularunfoldsintovariousiterations.Ifthereischange,slowalbeitcontinuous,towardsahymnodythatusescontemporarylanguageandstyles,insteadofwhatcanbebroadlydescribedasGermanicmusictraditionallyconsidered“Lutheran,”thisshiftrepresentsanencounterbetweentheprincipleofthevernacularandthecontextinwhichittakesroot.In this sense, instead of speaking of “replacing” one repertoire for anoth-er, integrationbetweenhistorical legacyandnewcompositionsmightbeamoreadequatedescriptionofthecasesexaminedhere.Ontheotherhand,thedifficultiesfacedbyatraditionallyGermanicchurchindealingwithcertainelementsofBrazilianmusics(especiallythoseassociatedwiththemusicofAfrican-Brazilianandindigenousnativecults),createsresistances–or(dis)

31 Thisissueofthevernacularalsoappliestothetranslationofforeignrepertoiresforcon-gregationaluse.Withtheriseofworshipministrieswithtransnationalprojectsthataimat“creatingglobalcommunitiesofworshipers”,(Hillsong’sownwebsitedescription)suchastheHillsongMusiclabelbasedinAustralia,thispracticebecamemorecommonandlesssubject todenominationalcuration.Inthissense, if inthepast translationswereusuallymadeby committees appointedby church leadership,with the riseofdigital communi-cationmediumsandthefacilityoftranslationtoolssuchasGoogleTranslator,grassrootstranslationsbecamepossibleandfrequent.Inothercontexts,thesesongsarebeingplayedintheiroriginallanguages;aphenomenonthatmeritsfurtherscholarship,duetothechal-lenges inherent to translation in relation to theology, phonetics, andprosody,which arerarelyconsideredinconnectionwiththispracticebutwhichareintimatelyconnectedtotheprincipleofthevernacularforcongregationalsinging.Inotherwords,onceotherlanguagesbecomepartofacongregation’s“vocabularyofworship”,howisthevernaculartobede-fined?

32 Iamawareofthecomplexitiesinherenttousingtypologiessuchasthis.Inanycase,Ibe-lievethebasicpremiseisnotdevaluedbythesecomplexities.Moreover,Iresistequating“popularBrazilianmusic”exclusivelywithstylestraditionallyconsidered“Brazilian”,suchassambaandxote,forexample,toincludeelementslikeBrazilianrock,funk,andothercultural manifestations.

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encounters–totheuseofthesevernacularexpressions.Inanycase,(re)com-binationsarecontinuouslycreatedatthisintersection/tensionbetweenlegacyand context.

AssociatedwiththevernacularisthemannerinwhichtheBrazilianLu-theranchurch“arranges”or “rearranges” its repertoire at this intersection,tracing a parallelwith the practice, common inLuther’s time, of adaptingknownmaterialstospreadideasandopinions.Thus,ifeveryarrangementisarearrangementthatnegotiatesthetensionbetweentraditionandcontext,thisisnotaself-exhaustingprocess;rather,theveryexistenceofthesetensionsdemandsconstantmusicalnegotiations.Thisisdescribedindifferentwaysintheethnography.CarlosEduardodaCostadescribesthegoalsofGolgotha’smusic:“tomaketheoldnew.Adaptwhatdoesnotseemadaptabletoapublic,andvalue lyricsandsongs thathadimpact,andhavenot lost their impact;theywerejustnotsuitedtocontemporaryears.Thismakesusabridge,re-claiming the essence”.33Itsufficestosaythatinallthesecases,thisisanim-portantcomponentofpractice.Intheuseof“AMightyFortress”,thecentralhymnoftheLutherantradition,byGolgothaandCasteloForte,thisintentionbecomesclear.InthecaseoftheRCN,musicalreferencestoclassicLuther-anhymnody,theinsertionofmelodicfragmentsbyfamedcomposerswithinthistradition,suchasJ.S.Bach,pointtoasimilarintention.Newflavours,(re)combinations,arecreatedbythesenegotiations,andserveasevidenceofthevitalitybehindtheprinciplethatthechurchmustbeconstantlyreforming.

Thisideaofrearrangingleadstotwointersections.Thefirstistheinter-sectionbetweentheGermanLutheranheritageandBrazilianEvangelicalism.While it might be more convenient to look at different Christian traditions as “islands”thatdonotcommunicateamongstthemselves,Iarguethatitismorerealistic toviewthesegroupsas livingorganismswithporousmembranes,engagedinaconstantprocessofappropriationof(andresistanceto)musicalmaterialsfromotherecclesiologicalandtheologicalsources.Inmanycases,theseinteractionsgivebirthtomaterialsthatcelebratetheologicalconfluenc-es, help to articulate the local reality in song form, and speak to the localand regional context of these congregations. On the other hand, resistances to these integrations are common and are frequently based on the idea of “dilut-ing”Lutherantheologies.Besidestheproblemsinherent inthisaffirmation–among them, theveryproposition that theremightbea“pure”Lutherantheologytobeinherited–reservationssuchasthisdonoteffectivelycoun-tertheporousnessoftheseinteractions.ItisimportanttoacknowledgethiscomplexformulaofconnectionswiththetheologicalandculturalLutheranlegacy,ontheonehand,andtheneedtorevitalizetheseprincipleswithinthe

33 Author’sinterviewwithCarlosEduardodaCosta,28May2017.BasedonthepracticesatRedeemerLutheran,Ispecificallyexaminethepracticaldevelopmentsthatariseinthepro-cessofadapting“traditional”materials,updatingthemusicallanguageforacontemporarymembership(Steuernagel,2020,forthcoming).

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life of the church.34Inthiscontext,rearrangingandcomposingarewaysoftalkingaboutthesethemes,of“theologizing”–performingtheology–asalivingprocessofthoughtandsurvivalinthelifeofthechurch.

ThisprocessofreflectionexpandsbeyondBrazil’sborders,especiallyinrelationtothestronginfluencethatCCMhasonaglobalstageinwhichcul-turalflowsareconstant.35 If theserepertoiressproutfromdifferentsourcesandconvergewiththefacilityofaccessofferedbyvirtualplatforms,thiscon-vergence leaks into local congregations. 36Theinfluencesaretrulymultifocal.Thereisno“pointoforigin”fortheseinfluences,becausetheyarekaleido-scopicand range from the influenceof labelsand radiostationsassociatedwithgospel, to thework of para-ecclesiastical organizations, studentmin-istries, and international conferences such as Passion.37 At the convergence betweentheseinfluencesandLutheranmusicalpracticesinBrazil,betweenthe(dis)encountersandtensionsthatariseduetoecclesiologicalandtheolog-icaldivergences,tracesoftheseinteractionscanbefound.Atleastpartoftheproductionofthesegroupsisrelatedtothesenegotiations.Inotherwords,oneisdealingwithJoachimNeander, Katy Perry, Pablo Sosa,andColdplayinthesamebrew.

Moreover,thisisaprocessthatmovestowardsnewcompositions.Whileitisimportanttorecognizethatthelinebetweenrearrangementandoriginalcompositionisdiffuse,ananalysisofthemusicalproductionofthesegroupssuppliesavarietyofmusicalartifactsonthisspectrum:adaptationsofclassicslike“AMightyFortress”, theuseofmelodic fragmentsandharmonicpro-gressionsfromLutheranchoralesmergedwithnewmaterials,theadaptationofthesematerialstoBrazilianrhythms,andusingtechniquessuchastwelve-tonerowsandotherstrategiestocreatemusicfortheliturgyaswellassacredmusicforconcertsettings.Alloftheseexamplesattesttothecreationofnewmusicalflavours.Whileitmightbedifficulttoestablishstylisticparallelsbe-tweenallofthesematerials,itispossibletopointtotwoofLuther’s stances in thisregard:thefirstrelatingtoChristianfreedom,andthesecondconnectedto the issue of quality.

In the ethnography, the issue of freedom appears in connection tomu-sic-making.MárcioSteuernageldescribes this ethic as “liturgy as creativeform: a readingof liturgymadeflexible by aLutheranviewof theworld;a reading that leverages thecreativeand transgressivepossibilities thatare

34 Evenwhenchallengessuchasthatofprosperitytheology,widespreadbythemasscommu-nicationmediaoutletsofNeopentecostaldenominations,clashwiththistheology.

35 Ibasethisclaimontwoscholarlyanalysesofthisphenomenon:Appadurai,Modernity at Large, and Transnational Transcendence: Essays on Religion and Globalization, Thomas J.Csordas,(ed.),(Berkeley,CA,2009).

36 FromCalvaryChapelCostaMesa, inCalifornia, to different Pentecostal groups in theUnitedStates;LimandRuthdescribehowthereisnooneorigin,butmany:Lovin’ on Jesus, p.16–23.

37 Therearenewerdevelopments,suchastheestablishmentofaHillsongchurchinSãoPaulo(2016).

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embedded in the DNA of the Lutheran tradition”.38Isuggestthat,inaway,Luther’s thoughts on music as connected to Christian freedom give rise to whatapproachesa“punkethic”(thetermitselfappearsinmorethanonein-terview).Thereisaresonancebetweencertaintenetsofpunkideology,suchasaDIY(do-it-yourself)mentalityandthehorizontalityofartisticproduc-tion, and the environment described by the groups examined here.At thesametime,thislibertywouldbetemperedpreciselybyLuther’spreferenceforgradualchange,insteadofopenconflictorrupture.Theenvironmentcreatedbytheapplicationoftheseprinciplesisdescribedbyinterviewees.GuilhermeStummbelievesthat“Lutherantheologyinspiresustofreedom.Itopensthehorizonforourlyricsandsoundtospeakaboutourlives,feelings,andemo-tions”.39 Carlos Eduardo says that

thequestionofGolgotha’sindependenceisalsotheresultofachain...first,thatwewerebornintoaProtestantchurch;thatwehaveanappreciationforLuther andhispostureinrelationtoissueshedidnotdeeminconcordancewiththeconcepthehadofwhatwasright(really,apunkattitude...grunge).40

TheparallelbetweenLuther’sposture, thesedescriptions,and theenviron-mentinwhichthesegroupsdevelopedisuniqueinthisregard:

JustasLutherdid,“secular”musicwasneverprohibited inourmidst.Theynevermadeusburncassettesorcompactdiscs.Onthecontrary,wewouldbringtheseinfluencesintochurch.41

Today I realize that this “creative freedom” that comes fromLutheranprin-ciplesimpelledusall[...];wehadthisimpulseandwehadsupportfromthecommunity,evenifourelders thoughtourmusicwasabitnoisyforregularservicestandards.[...]Inanutshell,ourmusicalposturewasinfluencedalotmorebythemusicsceneatthetime(veryrockn’roll)thanbythefactthatwewereLutherans,Ibelieve.42

Nevertheless,thiscelebrationoffreedomappearstobeconnectedtoasecondprinciple:thatofexcellenceinmakingmusic.AsurveyofLuther’s ideas on musicmakesclearhispreoccupationwithquality.Isuggestthatthisinclina-tionisreinforcedbythe“hagiography”ofLutheranmusichistory,inwhichcomposersofthecaliberofJ.S.BachandpoetslikePaulGerhardt are quality benchmarks. Implicit in the ethnography is the suggestion that this legacyneedstobestewardedintonewmusic(consciouslyorunconsciously).IntheworkofCasteloForteandGolgotha,thisexpectationisfurtherqualifiedbytheproductionvalueoftheinfluencescitedbybandmembers:groupsasvar-

38 Author’sinterviewwithMárcioSteuernagel,16June2017.39 Author’sinterviewwithGuilhermeStumm,27May2017.40 Author’sinterviewwithCarlosEduardo,28May2017.41 Author’sinterviewwithTarsodeBiasi,28May2017.42 Author’sinterviewwithAlexandreRamos(Xandão),15June,2017.

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iedasVanHalen,RedHotChilliPeppers,andU2,andBrazilianartistslikeOficinaG3.Thedrivetoproducequalitymusicdemandsaspecificengage-mentwithrecordingandproductionprocesses.

ThesamepatternappearsintheworkofRCN.Itsmembersfrequentlyre-inforcetheneedtocompose“qualitymusic”thatcanserveasaviablechoicefor congregational use. Márcio Steuernagel traces a narrative that stems from thecentralityofscripture(sola scriptura).Inhisopinion,music-makingre-quirestheologicalreflection,“beitinthecontentofthelyricsorintheaes-theticreflectionaboutwhatoneisdoing”.43FernandoBerwigsaysthat“deepresearchhasalwaysseemedtomeacharacteristicoftheRCNthatbringsitsworkclosetoLuther’sthoughts, independentofthesethoughtsbeingaboutmusic or theology”.44

Finally,theissueofthetheologicalcontentofthesenewrepertoiresneedstobeinvestigated.Tothisend,Iproposetheconceptoflyricalcontentasaplatformforproposition,contestation,andothertheologicalandideologicalnegotiations.Ifthespaceofartisticcreativityisopentothesenegotiations,itbecomesnecessarytoidentifythewaysinwhichLuther’sprincipleshavebeenpreserved,contested,ormodifiedinrelationtolyrics,especiallywhenfacedwiththechallengeofadaptationfordifferentcontexts.OnepossibilityistoapproachthisissuefromtheReformationsolas: sola fide, sola gratia, sola scriptura.45Inwhichwaydothesetheologicalprinciplesappearintheworkofthegroupsexaminedhere?

Acursory readingof the lyrics from theworkof thesegroupspresentscleartracesofallthree.Evenso,itispossibletocategorizethesetracesintwoclusters: direct references and tangential, or indirect, references. Overall, di-rect references are found more frequently in material designed for congrega-tional use. Possibly, functional requirements seem to favor direct references. Inthecaseofthetwobands,theoppositeseemstobethecase,withprefer-encebeinggiventolanguagelessassociatedwithChristianworship.46 Both GolgothaandCasteloFortedecidedtofocustheireffortsoutsidethechurch,playinginschools,cityparks,andotherpublicplacesinwhichliturgicalre-quirementsarediluted.Inthesecontexts,languagethatavoidsatonetimethejargonofworshipmusicandapreferenceforpop-rockstylisticchoices(poeticdescriptions,personalnarratives,suggestionversusdescription)facilitatetheuse of indirect references.

43 Author’sinterviewwithMárcioSteuernagel,16June2017.44 Author’sinterviewwithFernandoBerwig,16June2017.45 The number of solas diverges between traditions.While a broad selection of five solas wouldrepresentReformedtheologyasawhole,includingtheperspectivesofCalvinandZwingli,IconstrainmyselftothethreesolasmorecommonlyassociatedwithLuther: sola gratia, sola fide, sola scriptura.Theothertwowouldbesola Christus and soli deo Gloria, not addressed here.

46 Especiallylaterintheircareers.

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Basedonthisanalysis,whatencounters,(dis)encounters,and(re)combina-tionscometothefore?Thefirstencounterappearsinanacknowledgementoftheimportanceofmusicasatoolfortheologicalbroadcasting.Ifthiswasclearfor Lutherinhistime,todaythiscontinuestobeimportant.Inanycase,thereisnopretenseofsuggestingthat“thelyricsarethemostimportant.”Musicalartifactsareatapestryoflyrics,style,performancechoices,andcontext,andthisbroadconfigurationisalwayscomplex.Asongis,inotherwords,abun-dle of texts.47Ifsingingandcomposingaroundthesolasmeans,inpracticalterms,continueddigestionofthesetheologiesintocontext,thispracticewillalwaysmirrortheshock–intheBraziliancase–betweentypicallyReformedideas, such as the primacy of scripture, and aCatholic-synchretic culture.Inanycase, themomentwhen themuseological instinct tocrystallize thistradition as something immutable is legitimized, this theology is removedfrom the mouth of the congregation. The via mediabetweenencountersand(dis)encountersismorethananissueofcuration.Itisanissueofcreation,anditisfromthisprocessthatthenewflavoursof(re)combinationsareborn.Itbecomesnecessary,therefore,tocreateinordertopreserve.ThisisoneofthetenetsofthisethnographythatresonateswithLuther’s theology.

Semper Reformanda: A Call to CreativityAnexhaustiveanalysisofthecongregationalmusicoftheBrazilianchurch,evenifonlyinitsLutheraniterations,isacomplexanddauntingtask.Itisnotthegoalofthisessaytoexploreallthepossibilities(andconflicts)raisedin this brief attempt to trace Luther’s thoughts on music in the trajectory oftheserepertoiresthatmixtogether,change,andfindnewlifeastheyareadoptedandperformedbycongregationsthatareinconstanttransformation.Furthermore,theinterdisciplinarynatureofthisanalysis,thatrecognizesthemultimodalnatureofcongregationalrepertoires,atteststothegapbetweentheoretical categories and the messiness of church musics. Even so, this in-vestigationdoespoint to the fact that if thechurch isconstantlychanging,it must be constantly reforming. The idea of ecclesia semper reformanda, specificallyinrelationtocongregationalmusics,holdsaplaceinthisinves-tigationpreciselybecauseitreflectsthisconstanttransformationaldynamicinherent to the church. The concluding remarks of this essay are given in this spiritofconstantreform,andconnecttheethnographywithbroaderaspectsof Luther’sworkethicandtheologicalperspectives.

The first remark emphasizes the essentially collaborative nature of Lu-ther’senterpriseand,byproxy,oftheReformation.48 Lutherwasacollabo-

47 For engaging discussions on this idea of song as a bundle of texts, see, Simon Frith, “Why Do Songs Have Words?”, Contemporary Music Review,5:1(1989),p.77–96,andAllanF.Moore, Song Means: Analysing and Interpreting Recorded Popular Song,(Ashgatepopularandfolkmusicseries),(Farnham,Surrey,2012).

48 Anumberofscholarsemphasizethiscollaborativeethos,amongthemTimothyF.LullandDerek R. Nelson, Resilient Reformer: The Life and Thought of Martin Luther,(Minneapo-

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rator,andhedrewenergyfrominteractionswithcolleaguesandfriends.Hiscorrespondencewas frequent and extensive, and attests to his understand-ingof thegregariousnatureofcreation (Godcreatesus foreachother),aswell ashis relianceon thisother toaccomplishchange.49 This need to see theotherremainsimportantasnewhymnodiesdevelop.Intheethnography,thiscommunaltraceappearsclearly.CasteloForte,whileborninaLutherancongregation,featuredonememberof theAssembliesofGod,oneBaptist,one Lutheran. Golgotha, composed exclusively of Lutherans, collaboratedsystematicallywithpara-ecclesiasticalorganizations,studentministries,andplayedregularlyateventsorganizedbyotherdenominations.TheRCN,to-day,createsaspacefordialoguebetween, tonameoneexample,Catholicsand Lutherans.

Second, Luther’stheologyofincarnationisessentialtounderstandthisflowofLutherantracesacrossthetraditional/contemporarygap.TheReformationhappenedamidstasocialandpoliticalmaelstrom.Luther’sEuropeappearsinhiswritings.HeisnegotiatingtensionsbetweenPopeandking;Muslim,Jew,andChristian;localjurisprudence(thatoftheprinces)andimperiallordship.AllthesenegotiationsappearatWorms,Augsburg,Marburg,Wartburg,andotherplacesandpeoplewithwhomLutherinteracted,andwhoseliveswereimpactedbytheReformation.Insimilarways,churchmusictodayisnegoti-atedamidstamultiplicityofglobalandlocalculturalflowsandpeformancesofsocial,political,andreligiousidentity.

Luther’stheologyofcreation,andtheplaceofhumanitywithincreation,isalsoreflectedintheseethnographies.Ifnotnecessarilyinthetextsorsoundsofhymns,certainlyintheethosthatdrivesthemusic-makingofthesegroupsand initiatives. In this sense, theLutheran tradition isverymuchalivenotonly “across the divide,” or in hymn texts from the Lutheran tradition, but inthewayLuther’sideasabouttheplaceofmusicincreation,incombina-tionwiththetraditionalnarrativeoftheLutheran“saga”itself,influenceandjustifycertainaspectsofbehaviorandperformanceinmusic-makinginthecontextofSouthBrazilianLutheranism.

lis,MN,2015),Oettinger,Music as Propaganda,andSchwarz,True Faith in the True God.49 Luther’sperspectiveontheEucharist,forinstance,isverticaltotheextentinwhichitisessentiallyanoperationofGod,butitishorizontalaswell,tothedegreeinwhichitempha-sizescongregationalparticipation–therecognitionoftheother–intheliturgyofthetable.

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Authors’andEditors’Biographies

Ryoto Akiyama graduated as Ph.D. (Letters) from Osaka University inMarch2019.Hehasworkedaspostdoctoral fellowof theJapaneseSocietyfor thePromotionofScience at the Institute ofResearch inHumanities atKyotoUniversity.SinceOctober2019hehasworkedasguestresearcherattheMuseumofMusicalInstrumentsoftheInstituteforMusicologyintheGrassiMuseumoftheUniversityofLeipzig.

Tomas Appelqvist is a lecturer at theUniversityofKarlstad,Sweden.Heholds a bachelor’s degree in church music, and for 25 years he has served as apart-timeorganistinseveralLutherancongregations.HisresearchfocusesmainlyonsystematictheologyandespeciallyLutherandearlyLutheranism.HisdoctoraldissertationfromLundUniversityconcernsanthropologyandecclesiologyinLuther’stheologyofprayer(especiallycommentariesonthePsalmsandLord’sPrayer).HehaspublishedarticlesaboutLutheranpastoraltheology,liturgyandthetheoryofeducation.Hispost-doctoralprojectcon-cernspoliticaldimensionswithinearlyLutheranism.

Eliška Baťová graduated fromCharlesUniversity in Prague as Ph.Dr. inmusicologyin2011.HerchiefresearchinterestsincludehymnologyandtheliturgyoftheBohemianBrethrenandtheUtraquistChurchofthefifteenthandsixteenthcenturies.Hermostrecentproject(2015–2017)dealtwiththeconceptionofthehymnologyofJanBlahoslavandJanAugusta(TheCzechScienceFoundation,theprojectholderwastheAssociationforCentralEuro-peanCulturalStudies).Sheworksaseditorandhymnologistat theCentralChurchOfficeoftheEvangelicalChurchofCzechBrethrenandteachesfluteandrecorderattheelementarymusicschoolinPříbram.

Martin BerntsonisprofessorinReligiousStudiesandTheology,especiallyChurchHistory,at theDepartmentofLiterature,HistoryofIdeas,andRe-ligionat theUniversityofGothenburg.He receivedhisdoctorate from theUniversityofGothenburgin2003withadissertationonthedissolutionofthemonasteriesinSwedenduringthesixteenthcentury.Heistheauthorofstud-iesonreformationandrebellionsinSwedenduringthesixteenthcentury,andhaspublishedabookabouttheSwedishReformationforgeneralreadership.Since2012,hehasdirectedaprojectfundedbytheSwedishResearchCouncilon “Reformation as theatre”.

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Martin V. Clarke is a SeniorLecturer inMusic at TheOpenUniversity,UnitedKingdom.Hisresearchinterestslieintheinteractionofmusic,theolo-gyandreligiouspractice,especiallyinrelationtoBritain,andfromtheeight-eenthcenturytothepresent.HeistheauthorofBritish Methodist Hymnody: Theology, Heritage and Experience(Routledge).HewasaCo-InvestigatorontheAHRC-fundedproject“ListeningandBritishcultures:listeners’respons-estomusicinBritain,c.1700–2018”.HeisaFellowoftheRoyalCollegeofOrganistsandaSeniorFellowoftheHigherEducationAcademy.

Esther Criscuola de LaixisamemberoftheeditorialstaffofA-REditionsinMiddleton,Wisconsin,USA.Sheholds aPh.D. inmusicology from theUniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley(awarded2009),aswellasaB.Mus.inor-ganperformancefromtheOberlinConservatoryofMusic.Herresearchcon-cernstheintersectionsofmusic,print,anddevotionalcultureinearlymod-ernNorthGermanyfromtheReformationerathroughtheearlyseventeenthcentury,andshehaspublishedandpresentedwidelyonthesetopics.SheiscurrentlycollaboratingwithFrederickK.Gableonhiseditionof thevocalworksofHieronymusPraetorius, forthcomingfromtheAmericanInstituteof Musicology.

Otfried CzaikaisProfessorattheNorwegianSchoolofTheology,ReligionandSociety(MF),inOslo.HereceivedhisPh.D.inTheologyfromtheUni-versity of Helsinki. His research interests include Lutheranism, Pietism, the relationshipbetweenchurchandstate,andisinterestedinbookhistoryandSwedishhymnbooksfromthesixteenthcentury.HisbooksincludestudiesofSvenoJacobi(2013),ElisabethVasa(2009),andaneditionandcommen-taryontheSwedishhymnbookThen Swenska Psalmeboken of 1582(2016).His latest contribution is an edition of Någhra Wijsor om Antikristum[1536],a collectionof polemical, anti-papal songs from theSwedishReformation(2019).

Teresia Derlén has been a doctoral student at King’s College, London, since 2012,workingonaprojectentitled“AMostLutheranNation?–OnPopularReligionandEucharisticBeliefinpost-ReformationSweden”.ThisexploreslayreligiosityandEucharisticunderstandinginseventeenth-centurySwedenby studying the spiritual tools in apre-literate society:prayers, catechism,hymnsandthevisualoftheecclesialspace.ShereceivedherMAinTheology(2002)fromLundUniversity.

Anders DillmarworksasanorganistintheChurchofSwedeninUppsala.Hisdissertation(2001)dealtwithJohannChristianFriedrichHæffner’searlynineteenth-centurychoralebook.DillmarwasfundedbyTheSwedishFoun-dation for Humanities and Social Sciences (Riksbankens Jubileumsfond) to

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author a studyof themusic in the currentSwedish ecumenical hymnbook(2015).Thiswork grew to a comprehensive four-volume study of Swedishchurchmusichistoryinthesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury,aswellasanumberofarticlesaboutchurchmusicinSweden.Morerecently,DillmarhasresearchedthehistoryofUppsalaCathedralBoys’Choir,tobepublishedin2020,attheyearofthechoir’scentenary.

Hanna Drakengren holds a master’s degree in organ and related keyboard instrumentsfromtheUniversityofGothenburg,havingpreviouslystudiedatStoraSköndal(1995)andtheUniversityofGothenburg(2000).Since2008shehasworkedasanorganistinArboga,inthedioceseofVästerås.ShehasalsoheldpositionsatSträngnäsCathedral(2005–2008),andÅhusförsamlinginthedioceseofLund(2000–2005).HerstudiesfocusonchoralesettingsoftheearlyLutheranperiod.SheworksfortheGothenburgInternationalOrganAcademy.SheisalsoactiveintheInternationalOrganAcademy,Lövstabruk,and in the Klaverens hus museum.

Samuel Eatherton is the Minister of Music at Zion Lutheran Church and SchoolinDallas,Texas,USA,wherehedirectsthechoirsandinstrumental-ists of the church and school, and assists in leading the liturgy and hymns for weeklychapelandSundayservices.HerecentlycompletedhisdoctorateinchurchmusicatBaylorUniversity,Texas,USA.ResearchinterestsincludetheroleofchildreninLutheranchurchmusicandthedevelopmentofaLutheranmusicalidentityinnineteenth-centuryAmerica.EathertonenjoyscomposingforchoirandorganandhashadseveralworkspublishedbyConcordiaPub-lishing House.

Christina EkströmholdsaPh.D. inMusicologyandcurrentlyworksasasinger,assistantprofessorofmusicandasthedirectorofthebachelor’spro-grammeinChurchMusic,themagisterprogrammeinchoralconducting,andthemaster’s programme in organ and related keyboard instruments at theAcademyofMusicandDrama,UniversityofGothenburg.Herresearchinter-estsareprimarilyrelatedtoaspectsoftheMoravianchurchanditstheologysuchasaestheticsofmusic,musicalperformance,hymnology,emotionalcul-tureandmusicalpedagogy.

Olga GerograduatedfromMoscow’sTchaikovskyConservatoryin2008.In2009–2010sheheldaDAADresearchscholarshipattheTechnicalUniversityinBerlin,andin2014shefinishedherPh.D.withthetitle“DietrichBuxte-hudesgeistlicheVokalwerke–Texte,Formen,Gattungen”.Gero’s researchinterests touch uponGermanfiguralmusic of theBaroque era, devotionalbooks of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, chamber music of the nine-teenth century, and Russian music of the nineteenth century.

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Eva Heleniusisaresearcherandarchivist.Shehasstudiedpianoandviolada gamba, and music theory and musicology at the universities of Stockholm andUppsala.Shedefendedherdoctoral thesisonSwedishclavichordmak-ing,1720–1820,atUppsalaUniversityin1986.HerresearchinterestsincludeSwedish music history, especially the eighteenth-century composer JohanHelmichRoman(1694–1758),organologyandSwedishkeyboardinstrumentmaking. Helenius is currently the curator of the keyboard instrument collec-tion Klaverens Hus.

Anne HemingerisVisitingAssistantProfessorofMusicattheUniversityofTampa,wheresheteachesmusichistoryandtheory.SheholdsaB.A.inmusicfromtheUniversityofChicago,anM.Phil.inmusicologyfromtheUniversityofCambridge,andaPh.D.inmusicologyfromtheUniversityofMichigan.Asascholar,sheisinterestedintherolemusicplaysinenhancingliturgyandritual,forgingcommunalidentity,andshapingpoliticaldiscourse.Hercur-rentresearchinvestigatestherelationshipbetweentheshiftingreligiousor-thodoxiesofmid-TudorEnglandandnation-buildingeffortsinEnglishcities,highlightingthekeyrolereligiousmusicplayedinfuelingcompetingbutalsohistorically rooted notions of Englishness for those across the confessional spectrum.

Árni Heimir IngólfssonholdsaPh.D.inmusicologyfromHarvardUniversi-ty,andB.M.degreesinpianoperformanceandmusichistoryfromtheOber-linConservatoryofMusic.HeiscurrentlyVisitingProfessorofMusicologyattheIcelandUniversityoftheArts,andArtisticAdvisorfortheIcelandicSymphonyOrchestra.Ingólfssonhasdevotedmuchofhiscareertoresearch-ingIcelandicmusichistory,oldandnew.HisbiographyofJónLeifswasnom-inatedfortheIcelandicBookAwardin2009andanEnglishversion,Jón Leifs and the Musical Invention of Iceland,waspublishedin2019.HehaslecturedonIcelandicmusicinEurope,Asia,andtheUnitedStates,andhasheldvisit-ingfellowshipsatOxfordUniversity,YaleUniversity,andatHarvard.

Anders Jarlert hasbeenProfessorofChurchHistory atLundUniversitysince 1999, and Senior Professor since 2019. His research concerns earlymodern andmodern church history, lately focusing on biography, churchandnationalsocialism,andLutheranpreachingintheearlymodernperiod.He is President of the Commission Internationale d’Histoire et d’Études du Christianisme (CIHEC),and2015–2018Chairmanof theRoyalSocietyofHumanities inLund.Since 2001he has been the editor ofKyrkohistorisk årsskrift.In2011hewasawardedanhonorarydoctorateinTheologyattheÅboAkademiUniversity,andin2013receivedtheAxelHirschPrizefromtheSwedishAcademy.

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Daniel JohanssonisLecturerintheNewTestamentattheLutheranSchoolofTheologyinGothenburg.HeholdsthedegreesofMasterofArtsinChurchMusicfromtheUniversityofGothenburg,MasterofSacredTheologyfromConcordiaTheologicalSeminary,FtWayne,IN,USA,andaPh.D.intheNewTestamentfromtheUniversityofEdinburghwiththedissertation”JesusandGodintheGospelofMark:UnityandDistinction”.InadditiontoteachingNewTestamentandsystematictheology,healsoteachesorganattheLuther-anHighSchool,Gothenburg.

Torbjörn Johansson,Th.D.1999(UniversityofLund,SystematicTheolo-gy),isRectoratTheLutheranSchoolofTheologyinGothenburg.Hisareasof research include the Reformation, Lutheran Orthodoxy, and the Lutheran Renaissance in the twentiethcentury.Amonghispublications is“DasLei-denChristi vomAltenTestament her gedeutet.Beobachtungen zur frühenevangelisch-lutherischenPassionsauslegung”,inHermenutica Sacra. Studies of the Interpretation of Holy Scripture in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Cen-turies(Berlin/NewYork:DeGruyter,2010),eds.T.Johansson,R.Kolb,J.A.Steiger.

Samuli Korkalainen holds a Master’s degree in Music and Theology, and is currentlyadoctoralstudentattheSibeliusAcademy,UniversityoftheArtsHelsinki.KorkalainenisalsoaLutheranchurchmusicianandapastor,aswellas a member of the board of The Finnish Society for Hymnology and Liturgy.

Mattias LundbergisprofessorofmusicologyatUppsalaUniversity.Hefin-ishedhisPh.D.attheUniversityofLiverpoolin2007,becameassociatepro-fessoratUppsalaUniversityin2013,andfullprofessorin2015.From2006to2015,hewasHeadofRareCollectionsattheSwedishNationalCollectionsof Music. His research mainly concerns music and music theory from the late Middle Ages and the sixteenth century, but he has also made major contribu-tionstodifferentaspectsofmusicfromlaterperiods.

Jonas Lundblad pursuesadualcareerinmusicandscholarship.Havingfirsttakenvariousdegrees inchurchmusic,organperformance,andsystematictheology,hecontinues toworkat intersectionsbetweensystematicaesthet-ics and art.He recentlyfinished an artistic project on conceptions of timeandperformance in theworksofOlivierMessiaen, fundedby theSwedish Research Council. Previous work concerns aesthetics in the thought ofFriedrich Schleiermacher. He is currently engaged as a research fellow atUppsala University, working within a major historiographical project onchurchmusichistoryinSweden.

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Maria SchildtisaseniorlecturerattheDepartmentofMusicology,UppsalaUniversity.SheholdsanMFAinchoralconductingfromtheRoyalCollegeofMusic,Stockholm.ShefinishedherPh.D.atUppsalaUniversityin2014.Between 2014 and 2016, sheworked in a research projectwith the aimofcataloguinganddigitisingthecollectionofeighteenth-centuryFrenchstagemusicintheUppsalaUniversityLibrary.From2019,shehasbeenundertak-ingresearchwithinaproject focussingonmusical transferandmanuscriptcirculationinearlymodernEurope.

Marcell Silva Steuernagel is Assistant Professor of Church Music and Direc-toroftheMasterofSacredMusicProgramatSouthernMethodistUniversi-ty’s Perkins School of Theology. He holds a Ph.D. in Church Music from Bay-lorUniversity,anM.A.inMusicCompositionfromUniversidadeFederaldoParaná,Brazil,andaB.A.inConductingandCompositionfromtheSchoolofMusicandFineArtsofParaná,Brazil.Hehaswrittenontheintersectionofchurchmusic,theology,andperformancetheory,andhaspublishedbothinPortugueseandEnglishongestureinmusicalcomposition,Lutheranmusi-cal culture, and liturgical identity in Latin American religious music, among othertopics.

Joel Speerstra has a Ph.D. in musicology, and teaches and researches the organ and related keyboard instruments at the Academy of Music and Drama attheUniversityofGothenburg.Heisactiveasaninstrumentbuilder,per-former,andmusicologist.Hiscurrentresearchprojectstudiestheaffordancesofnewlydesignedkeyboardinstrumentsbasedonhistoricalmodels,aswellasexploringthelargerepertoireofmusicforclavichordandvoicewiththescholar and singer Christina Ekström.

Erkki Tuppurainen,Mu.D.,hasworkedasanorganistandlecturer,and,un-til2009,asProfessorofChurchMusicattheKuopiodepartmentoftheSibe-liusAcademy.Hehaspublishedseveralarticlesandeditions,especiallycon-cerning church music in Finland in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Kim-Eric Williams is curator at Augustana Museum and archivist at the LutheranArchivesCenter inPhiladelphia,PA.He isHistorianandHonor-aryGovernoroftheSwedishColonialSociety,aneleventh-generationSwed-ish-American, and editor of themulti-volume series “Colonial Records ofSwedishChurchesinPennsylvania”.HeisaretiredLutheranpastorandre-tiredProfessorofSwedishattheUniversityofPennsylvania.

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Theo van WykcompletedhisB.MusdegreeandlaterobtainedtheUniversityPerformer’sLicentiate at theUniversity ofSouthAfrica in 1998.He com-pletedhisBMus(Hons)andMMusdegreesattheUniversityofPretoriain1999 and2001, respectively, cum laude. In 2005, he completed hisD.Muswithathesisentitled“Die Harmonische Seelenlust(1733)byG.F.Kauffmann(1679–1735): acritical studyofhis registration indications”. In this regard,TheobecamethefirstpersoninSouthAfricatoreceivethisdegreeinperfor-mance.HeiscurrentlyAssociateProfessorofMusicandtheHeadofDepart-mentofUPArtsattheUniversityofPretoria.

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AdolphFrederick,Swedishking192,196,200–201

Aertssens, Hendrik 151Agricola,Michael73,79–80,119Albertini, Michele [Momoletto] 198AlexanderII,Russianemperor239Allen,HollyCatterton304Ambrose302Andersdatter, Elle 187Anderson,Benedict236Andreas Olavi 43Andrén,Carl-Gustaf286–287Angermannus,AbrahamPetri120Anreith, Anton 328Anselm of Canterbury 143Aquinas, Thomas 29Arason,Jón49,65Arndt,Johann172Arrhenius,Jacob181,189Arvastson, Allan 122Arvidsson,Mats225–226Assmann,Aleida127–128Atwood,Craig210Augusta,Jan97–101,103–105,107Augustine147–148,171Aulén,Gustaf283,286–295Aurén,Jonas180–182Austin,JohnLangshaw212

Bach,CarlPhilippEmanuel219–222,228

Bach,JohannSebastian155–158,160–165,173–174,187,228,230–231,267,293,330,362

Bader,Günter277Baelter, Sven 195Bartók,Béla333Barz,Gregory317Behrens,Richard323,330–334Beil,Ludwig329Bellère,Balthazar151–152

Bellère,Jean148–149,152Bengtsson, Britta 192Bengtsson,Ingmar192,258BernardofClairvaux142–143,186Bexell,Oloph282,294Björck,Erik180,182Björck,EvaEmerentia202Blahoslav,Jan97–98,100Blankenfeld,Johannes85Boccaccio,Giovanni32Böhm,Georg230Bonnus,Hermann18–19,28–32,72Boulez,Pierre334Bradford, William 185Brahms,Johannes175Brandt, Wilhelm 329Brant,Per200–201,204Bredell, Adam 329Briesmann,Johannes86,88–90,92–93Brown,ChristopherBoyd32,118Brydges,James197Buxtehude,Dietrich143–153

Cahman,JohanNiclas225Caldenbach,Christoph187Calvin,John270Campanius,Johan177–178Capricornus,SamuelFriedrich143Carelius,SimonJohannis130Casati,Gasparo145Chafe,Eric161,165CharlesIX,Swedishking116,120CharlesV,Germanemperor194–195CharlesXI,Swedishking179ChristianIII,Danishking50Cicero, Marcus Tullius 32Collijn,Isak125–127,129,131,133,137Collin, Nils 189Connell,John328Crüger,Johann187

Index

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David,ZdenžkV.97delaFontaine,Jan326Decius, Nicolaus 188Dietz,Ludwich86Dillmar, Anders 231, 294Distler,Hugo330,334–335Dixon, C. Scott 117DuMont,Henry150Düben,Andersvon201Düben,Gustav143,146,152Dufberg, Olof 227Dupré,Marcel333–334Dürr,Alfred158–161

Ehrenstrahl, David Klöcker 185Einarsson,Marteinn50,61,64Einarsson,Oddur50–52Ek, Sverker 117Eler,Franz17,25–26,32,78Elferen,Isabellavan150Elfving, Anders 173Emporagrius,Erik171,228Erasmus of Rotterdam 148Erben,JohannBalthasar143,150Erici, Einar 223ErikXIV,Swedishking284Eriksson, Erik 135Eusebius 171

Faber[Fabri],Johann148Finno,Jaakko130,135Fjellstedt, Peter 173Forkel,JohannNicolaus230Förster,Kaspar143,145–146,150Fowler,James302Franck,Johann187Frandsen,MaryE.30,141,153,207,

212Franzmann,Martin297Fredenhagen, Thomas 152FrederickI,Swedishking192,195,

198–200FrederickII,Danishking51,53Fux,JohannJoseph196Galle,Peder169Geist,Christian143Gelineau,Joseph301Gerhardt,Paul267,362

Gezelius,Johannes(theelder)73Gnesell,Ignatiovon150Göransson,Harald183,251–264Gottskálksson,Oddur61Gradin,Arvid214Graziani,Bonifazio144–145,147Green,EdwardKnolles328Gregor,ChristianFriedrich260Gren,Jonas223,225GuðbrandurÞorláksson’s58Gunnærus,MichaelBartholdi68–69GustavVasa,Swedishking39–40,48,

119, 172, 284GustavusAdolphus,Swedishking171,

177GustavusIII,Swedishking192,200

Haarberg,Jon118Hæffner,JohannChristianFriedrich

251–257,259–260,262–264,294Hafenreffer, Matthias 171Handel,GeorgeFrideric174,197–198,

204Hannikainen,Jorma63,68Hassler,HansLeo261Hay, David 298Hedlinger,JohannCarl195Hedlund, Olof 225Helenius-Öberg,Eva225Hemming of Masku 72Herberger,Valerius174Herbertsson,Johan172Herder,JohannGottfriedvon236,238,

249Hessenberg,Kurt330Hindemith,Paul333–334Hjaltason,Ólafur50,64Hjort, Ericus Svenonis 43Hodderson,JohannesLudewig328Hofmann,Melchior84,86Horst, Petrus 148HugodeStVictor143Hulan,Richard186Hülphers,Abraham197,199,217,225Humbla,Eric223–224Hus,Jan21,97Hutter,Leonhard158,170

413

Immelmann,Werner334Ingalls,Monique356Ingebrand,Sven110,117,122

Jansen,Reinier[Reynier]185,187Jensen,Alexander270Jerome171Jesperssøn,Niels54JohanIII,Swedishking48,116,263,

284JohannFriedrich,ElectorofSaxony107JohannGeorgI,ElectorofSaxony188Jónsson,Gísli50–51,53–56,64Jönsson,Henrik43–44Jónsson,Sigurður65JosquindesPrez58,353

Kalm, Pehr [Peter] 184Karlsson, Katarina A. 211Karlstadt, Andreas 354Kauffman,Georg231Keeley,RobertJ.304Keerberghen,Janvan142Keimann, Christian 188Kelley,Lynn300Kellner,David227–228Kelpius,Johannes181,187Keuchenthal,Johann17Kingo, Thomas 52Kliefoth, Theodor 283, 292Kloppers,Jacobus[Kobie]323,329–

330,332–334Knopken,Andreas82,85–86,88–90,

94Kolb,Robert268Koll,Julia309,311,317,319Kolmodin,Olof213–214,222Koski,Suvi-Päivi130Kraus,JosephMartin232Kress,JohannAlbrecht143Krieger,JohannPhilipp143–144Kuhles,Joachim82Kuhlo,Johannes312–313

Lämmerhirt,Tobias155Lange,Johannes85Laurelius, Olof 171

LaurentiusPetri47,80,110,119,122,171,283–285,287,289,291–293

Leaver,RobinA.88–89,230,267,278,323,345,347–348

Lejonmark,GustafAdolf217–218,222Lemming, C. F. 329Lempiäinen,Pentti68Leon,Johann157Leopold,JoachemPieter328Levitin,Daniel300Libin,Laurence210Liedgren, Emil 132Lim,SweeHong358Lind,Jenny190Lindgärde,Valborg121Lindholm,Pehr209Lock,LarsCarlsson178–179Logier, Frederick 329Lohmüller,Johann84Lohse,Bernhard169–170Londée,Jonas227Londicer,ErnstJohan227Londicer,Georg227–228Lossius,Lucas17,28,31,55–56,71–72Lotscher,JohanGeorg218LouiseUlrike,Swedishqueen192Ludecus, Matthaeus 17, 28Lüdemann,Winfried323,329–330,

334–335Ludvigsson, Rasmus 45LukeofPrague97–98,100–101,210Luther,Martin17–18,20–21,25,28–29,

31,41,63,68,73,80,84–85,88–89,94,97–98,104,110–121,157–158,160–162,166,169–170,178,184,188,195,207,210,251–253,255–264,267–280,284–285,287–288,293–295,299,301,305,307,312,323–324,333,341–342,344–345,347,351–365

Luzvic,Étienne151

Maderna, Bruno 334Malm, Henricus 72, 78Mannström, Oscar 213Månsson,Peder40Marciani,Giovanni145Margulis,ElisabethHellmuth302Marissen, Michael 174

414

Martini,Georgius75Martini,Olaus115–117Masaki, Naomichi 283, 287, 292Mathesius,Johann119Mathlener, Willem 332Mattheson,Johann165,276Mayer, Sebald 148Meder,JohannValentin143Meijer,CarlJohan200Melanchthon,Philip119,194,270,

273–274,278,282,285Messenius,Johannes34Messiaen, Olivier 333Miklin,Johan197,225Minuit, Peter 177Moberg,Carl-Allan258Moller, Martin 148Moon,Hwarang299,304Morin,Gösta208Müller,Heinrich172Müntzer,Thomas68Musculus,Andreas143,147,149,150Mustonen,Juuso239

Nadal,Gerónimo143Neander,Joachim186,361Nejedl_,Zdenžk20Nekola,Anna356Newberg,Andrew299–300Nicolai,Philipp186NielsJesperssøn’s55Nilsén,Anna120Nisser,Per-Olof127Norman,Georg44Nyberg, Lars 214Nye, Rebecca 298Nyman,Helge263

Odhelius,Thore216–217Odhelius, Thore Larsson 214Ólafsson,Guðmundur57ÓlafurHjaltason61,64OlausPetri34–36,38–42,44,110,117,

119,122,169–171,184,188,284Olavi, Andreas 43Olearius,Johann159–163,166Österling,CarlGustaf183Ott,Paul329–330,335

Ovidius Naso, Publius 32

Pachelbel,Johann230Palladius,Peder43,61Pape,ErnstFerdinand199Peeters, Flor 333Pepping,Ernest334Pepusch,JohannChristoph197Peranda,Guiseppe150Pergolesi,GiovanniBattista218Perry,Katy361PetertheGreat,Russianemperor236Petri, Laurentius 42Petri, Olaus. Se Olaus PetriPettegree,Andrew120–121Petzoldt,Martin157,161Pfatteicher,Philip302–303Pfleger,Augustin143Phalèse,Pierre152Piaget,Jean298Piispanen,A.J.241Planck, Brita 212Pleijel,Hilding208Polhem,Christopher225–226Polhem,Gabriel225Porter,Mark356Posse,JohannJacob326Praetorius,Michael261Printz,Johan178Prytz,Anders179Pseudo-Augustine143,147–148,150Putro,Mooses241–242,244–245,247

Ragazzi,Angelo204Räikkönen,Paavo247Raski,Jaakko239–240Ratcliff, Donald 298Rathey, Markus 155Raumannus,Jonas78Reddy,William212–213Reger, Max 254Reich,J.G.329Renstrom, Arthur 184Reorus, Torkil 177Reusner, Adam 157Rhau,Johannes186Rhegius,Urbanus30Robinson,Edward298

415

Rodigast, Samuel 188Rohwer,Rolf334Roman,JohanHelmich191–193,195–

197,199–200,202–205,216–218,222

Roman,JohanHelmich(Jr)192Roos, Magnus Friedrich 172Rosenwein,Barbara212Rubens, Peter Paul 185Rudman,Andreas180–190Ruth, Lester 358

Saarinen, Risto 295Sachse,JuliusFriedrich187Sackelius, Thomas 78Sahlstedt, Abraham Magnusson 197Savioni, Mario 145Schalin,OlavD.67–68,71,78Schmedeman,Johan187Schmezer,Georg145Schmidt,Christoph82Schmolck, Benjamin 213Schröder,Sophie197Schütz,Heinrich149–150,173Scribner, Robert 18, 117Snellman,JohanVilhelm239Sommar,Magnus40Sosa,Pablo361Speerstra,Joel209Spegel,Haquin109,183Ståhle,Stephan198Steiger, Renate 159Stockhausen,Karlheinz334Stråhle,Daniel225–226Stråhle, Petter 223, 225Stravinsky,Igor255Strecker,Adolph156Suso, Henry [Seuse, Heinrich] 24Svedberg,Jesper172,180,182,186–

187, 189

Taitto,Ilkka69Tausen,Hans61,72Tegel,ErnstJöransson45Tegetmeyer,Sylvester85–86Temmingh, Roelof 335Thelin,Johan179–180

Tischer,Johann197Tischer,Judith197Toikka, Pietari 239Topelius,Zacharias(jr)239Troskie, Albert 328Tuppurainen,Erkki63Turino,Thomas311,315–316,319Tynni,Kaapre249

Ullman,UddoLechard281–282,292–294

Ulrich,Johann189UlrikaEleonora(theyounger),Swedish

queen 192

Vajta,Vilmos283vanRiebeeck,Jan324Verrepaeus[Verrept],Simon148–150Vierne,Louis333Villard,Jean-Pascal328vonZinzendorf,Nicolaus210Vos,Maartende143Vulpius,Melchior261

Wagner,Richard164Wagner,Tom356Walcha,Helmut329–330,332Waldis,Burchard84–85,91Wallin,Georg[Jöran]196Wallin,JohanOlof188,251Walter,Johann353Westbladh, Tobias 197, 199Westerhoff,JohnH.302White, William 183Wierix, family of Dutch engravers 143,

150Williams,RalphVaughan334Wollny,Peter144–145Wrangel, Carl Magnus 189

Yust, Karen Marie 299

Þorláksson,Guðbrandur50–52,65Þorláksson,Þórður52–53

Zellbell, Ferdinand 231Zeutschner, Tobias 143

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Studia Musicologica Upsaliensia

NOVA SERIES

Editor: Lars Berglund 1. Åke Davidsson: Bibliographie zur Geschichte des Musikdrucks. 1965. 2. Hans Eppstein: Studien über J.S. Bachs Sonaten für ein Melodieinstrument und obli-

gates Cembalo. 1966. 3. Johan Sundberg: Mensurens betydelse i öppna labialpipor. Studier av resonansegen-

skaper, insvängningsförlopp och stationärt spektrum. 1966. (Summary) 4. Carl-Allan Moberg: Från kyrko- och hovmusik till offentlig konsert. Facsimiletryck av

1942 års upplaga. 1970. 5. Carl-Allan Moberg: Studien zur schwedischen Volksmusik. 1971. 6. James Rhea Massengale: The Musical-Poetic Method of Carl Michael Bellman. 1979. 7. Greger Andersson: Bildning och nöje. Bidrag till studiet av de civila svenska blås-

musikkårerna under 1800-talets senare hälft. 1982. (Summary) 8. Anders Edling: Franskt i svensk musik 1880–1920. Stilpåverkan hos parisstuderande

tonsättare och särskilt hos Emil Sjögren. 1982. (Résumé) 9. Bengt Edlund: Performance and Perception of Notational Variants. A Study of Rhyth-

mic Patterning in Music. 1985. 10. Analytica. Studies in the description and analysis of music in honour of Ingmar

Bengtsson. Edited by Anders Lönn and Erik Kjellberg. 1985. 11. Leif Jonsson: Ljusets riddarvakt. 1800-talets studentsång utövad som offentlig sam-

hällskonst. 1990. (Zusammenfassung) 12. Viveca Servatius: Cantus sororum. Musik- und liturgiegeschichtliche Studien zu den

Antiphonen des birgittinichen Eigenrepertoires. 1990. 13:1–2. Carl-Allan Moberg und Ann-Marie Nilsson: Die liturgischen Hymnen in Schweden

II. 1. Die Singweisen und ihre Varianten. – 2. Abbildungen ausgewählter Quellen-handschriften. 1991.

14. Peter Reinholdsson: Making Music Together. An Interactionist Perspective on Small-Group Performance in Jazz. 1998.

15. Klaes-Göran Jernhake: Schuberts ”stora C-dursymfoni” – kommunikationen med ett musikaliskt konstverk. En tillämpning av Paul Ricoeurs tolkningsbegrepp. 1999.

16. Per Olov Broman: Kakofont storhetsvansinne eller uttryck för det djupaste liv? Om ny musik och musikåskådning i svenskt 1920-tal, med särskild tonvikt på Hilding Rosenberg. 2000.

17. Karin Hallgren: Borgerlighetens teater. Om verksamhet, musiker och repertoar vid Mindre Teatern i Stockholm 1842–63. 2000.

18. Eyolf Østrem: The office of Saint Olav. A Study in Chant Transmission. 2001. 19. Sigurlaug Regina Lamm: Musik und Gemeinschaft einer Nation im Werden. Die

Einführung der Kunstmusik in Island in der Zeit von ca. 1800 bis 1920. 2001. 20. Kia Hedell: Musiklivet vid de svenska Vasahoven med fokus på Erik XIV:s hov

(1560–68). 2001. 21. Lars Berglund: Studier i Christian Geists vokalmusik. 2002. 22. Martina Sperling: Glucks Reformopern in der Gustavianischen Epoche. Eine Reper-

toirestudie im Kontext europäischer Hoftheater in der zweiter Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts. 2004.

23. Per-Henning Olsson: En symfonisk särling. En studie i Allan Petterssons symfonikom-ponerande. 2013.

24. Anne Reese Willén: I huvudstaden, musiklivets härd. Den struktuella omvandlingen av Stockholms offentliga konstmusikliv ca 1840–1890. 2014.

25. Peter van Tour: Counterpoint and Partimento. Methods of Teaching Composition in Late Eighteenth-Century Naples. 2015.

26. Olga Gero: Dietrich Buxtehudes geistliche Vokalwerke. Texte, Formen, Gattungen. 2016.

27:1–3. The 189 Partimenti of Nicola Sala. Complete Edition with Critical Commentary. Volume 1–3. 2017. Edited by Peter van Tour. 2017.

28. Karin Eriksson: Sensing Traditional Music Through Sweden’s Zorn Badge. Precarious Musical Value and Ritual Orientation. 2017.

29. Celebrating Lutheran Music. Scholarly Perspectives at the Quincentenary. Edited by Maria Schildt, Mattias Lundberg and Jonas Lundblad. 2019.