a uniÞed theory of movementmeaning 1: each person ate their own apple for every person x, there is...
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![Page 1: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/1.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
A Unified Theory of Movement
![Page 2: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/2.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
The model of Grammar
we've developed in
this class so far
![Page 3: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/3.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
The Lexicon
The model of Grammar
we've developed in
this class so far
![Page 4: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/4.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
The Lexicon X-Bar Rules
The model of Grammar
we've developed in
this class so far
![Page 5: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/5.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
The Lexicon
D-StructureTheta Criterion, Binding Conditions
X-Bar Rules
The model of Grammar
we've developed in
this class so far
![Page 6: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/6.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
The Lexicon
D-StructureTheta Criterion, Binding Conditions
Transformational RulesDP Movement
Head MovementWh-movement
Expletive InsertionDo-insertion
X-Bar Rules
The model of Grammar
we've developed in
this class so far
![Page 7: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/7.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
The Lexicon
D-StructureTheta Criterion, Binding Conditions
S-StructureEPP, Case Filter, MLC
Transformational RulesDP Movement
Head MovementWh-movement
Expletive InsertionDo-insertion
X-Bar Rules
The model of Grammar
we've developed in
this class so far
![Page 8: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/8.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
The Lexicon
D-StructureTheta Criterion, Binding Conditions
S-StructureEPP, Case Filter, MLC
Transformational RulesDP Movement
Head MovementWh-movement
Expletive InsertionDo-insertion
X-Bar Rules
Grammaticality Judgments
The model of Grammar
we've developed in
this class so far
![Page 9: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/9.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Evaluating the grammar
![Page 10: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/10.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Evaluating the grammar✦ Observational?
![Page 11: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/11.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Evaluating the grammar✦ Observational?
✦ Partly, it certainly accounts for much of the data you might run across in a corpus (although not all).
![Page 12: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/12.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Evaluating the grammar✦ Observational?
✦ Partly, it certainly accounts for much of the data you might run across in a corpus (although not all).
✦ Descriptive?
![Page 13: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/13.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Evaluating the grammar✦ Observational?
✦ Partly, it certainly accounts for much of the data you might run across in a corpus (although not all).
✦ Descriptive?✦ Partly, it does account for many grammaticality
judgments (although not all)
![Page 14: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/14.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Evaluating the grammar✦ Observational?
✦ Partly, it certainly accounts for much of the data you might run across in a corpus (although not all).
✦ Descriptive?✦ Partly, it does account for many grammaticality
judgments (although not all)✦ Explanatory?
![Page 15: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/15.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Evaluating the grammar✦ Observational?
✦ Partly, it certainly accounts for much of the data you might run across in a corpus (although not all).
✦ Descriptive?✦ Partly, it does account for many grammaticality
judgments (although not all)✦ Explanatory?
✦ Since much of the grammar is innate, and the rest is parameterized, yes.
![Page 16: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/16.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
But could it be simpler?
Unifying the three types of movement
![Page 17: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/17.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Wh-featuresCP
C'
C TP[+wh]
VP
DP
[+wh]
Before movement
In order for the derivation to "converge", the two [+wh]
features must "check" against each other. But in order to do
so they must be local. Here there are too far apart.
![Page 18: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/18.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Wh-featuresCP
C'
C TP[+wh]
VP
DP
[+wh]
Before movement
In order for the derivation to "converge", the two [+wh]
features must "check" against each other. But in order to do
so they must be local. Here there are too far apart.
After movement, the [wh] features are
close to one another, so can they can check
After movement
CPC'
C TP[+wh]
VP
DP[+wh]
twh
![Page 19: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/19.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
[NOM] Case-featuresTP
T'
T VP[NOM]
CP
DP
[NOM]
Before movement
In order for the derivation to "converge", the two [NOM] features must "check"
against each other. But in order to do so they must be local. Here there are too far
apart.
![Page 20: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/20.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
[NOM] Case-featuresTP
T'
T VP[NOM]
CP
DP
[NOM]
Before movement
In order for the derivation to "converge", the two [NOM] features must "check"
against each other. But in order to do so they must be local. Here there are too far
apart.
TP
T'
T VP[NOM]
CP
DP
[NOM]
After movement
tDP
After movement, the [NOM] features are close to one another, so can they can
check
![Page 21: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/21.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Tense-features, [Q] features etc.
TP
T'
T VP[PAST]
V'
V[PAST]
Before movement
In order for the derivation to "converge", the two [Past] features must "check" against each other. But in order to do so they must be local. Here there
are too far apart.
![Page 22: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/22.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Tense-features, [Q] features etc.
TP
T'
T VP[PAST]
V'
V[PAST]
Before movement
In order for the derivation to "converge", the two [Past] features must "check" against each other. But in order to do so they must be local. Here there
are too far apart.
TP
T'
T+V VP[PAST][PAST]
CP
After movement
tV
After movement, the [PAST] features are close to one another, so can they can
check
![Page 23: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/23.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Local Configuration
✦ Principle of Full Interpretation: Features must be checked in a local configuration
✦ Local Configuration
✦ [ACC] features: Head/Complement configuration✦ [PAST], etc., [Q] features: Head-head configuration✦ [WH]: Specifier/Head configuration.
![Page 24: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/24.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Move
✦ With this in place we can simplify our movement rules down to one rule:
✦ Move: Move stuff around.
✦ This is filtered by FI: movement happens only to get features close to one another.
![Page 25: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/25.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Merge
✦ There is an equivalent single rule that replaces the three X-bar rules. This is MERGE. We’re not going to spend any time on this rule. But roughly it’s “stick stuff together” and then it is filtered by FI. The X-bar rules can be viewed as constraints that hold over the output.
![Page 26: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/26.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Explaining Cross Linguistic Variation
![Page 27: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/27.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Giving a more uniform explanation to cross-linguistic variation
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Giving a more uniform explanation to cross-linguistic variation
✦ How do we account for the fact that English lowers its T and French raises its V etc.?
![Page 29: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/29.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Giving a more uniform explanation to cross-linguistic variation
✦ How do we account for the fact that English lowers its T and French raises its V etc.?
![Page 30: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/30.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Giving a more uniform explanation to cross-linguistic variation
✦ How do we account for the fact that English lowers its T and French raises its V etc.?
✦ To answer this question we need to take a little detour into semantics:
![Page 31: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/31.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers
✦ Universal Quantifier (∀): Every, All,
![Page 33: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/33.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers
✦ Universal Quantifier (∀): Every, All, ✦ Existential Quantifier (∃): Some, A, One
![Page 34: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/34.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers
✦ Universal Quantifier (∀): Every, All, ✦ Existential Quantifier (∃): Some, A, One✦ Notice that the following sentence is ambiguous
✦ Everyone ate an apple.
✦ Meaning 1: Each person ate their own apple✦ Meaning 2: There was a single apple that
everyone had a piece of.
![Page 35: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/35.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers
![Page 36: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/36.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers✦ Everyone ate an apple.
![Page 37: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/37.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers✦ Everyone ate an apple.
✦ Meaning 1: Each person ate their own apple
![Page 38: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/38.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers✦ Everyone ate an apple.
✦ Meaning 1: Each person ate their own apple✦ For every person x, there is some apple y, such
that x ate y:
![Page 39: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/39.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers✦ Everyone ate an apple.
✦ Meaning 1: Each person ate their own apple✦ For every person x, there is some apple y, such
that x ate y:✦ ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has "wide scope")
![Page 40: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/40.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers✦ Everyone ate an apple.
✦ Meaning 1: Each person ate their own apple✦ For every person x, there is some apple y, such
that x ate y:✦ ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has "wide scope")
✦ Meaning 2: There was a single apple that everyone had a piece of.
![Page 41: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/41.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers✦ Everyone ate an apple.
✦ Meaning 1: Each person ate their own apple✦ For every person x, there is some apple y, such
that x ate y:✦ ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has "wide scope")
✦ Meaning 2: There was a single apple that everyone had a piece of.✦ For some apple y, and every person x ate y.
![Page 42: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/42.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers✦ Everyone ate an apple.
✦ Meaning 1: Each person ate their own apple✦ For every person x, there is some apple y, such
that x ate y:✦ ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has "wide scope")
✦ Meaning 2: There was a single apple that everyone had a piece of.✦ For some apple y, and every person x ate y.
✦ ∃x(∀y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has "narrow scope")
![Page 43: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/43.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Two kinds of Quantifiers✦ Everyone ate an apple.
✦ Meaning 1: Each person ate their own apple✦ For every person x, there is some apple y, such
that x ate y:✦ ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has "wide scope")
✦ Meaning 2: There was a single apple that everyone had a piece of.✦ For some apple y, and every person x ate y.
✦ ∃x(∀y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has "narrow scope")
Let's translate into syntax: With wide scope the universal quantifier c-commands the existential quantifier, with narrow
scope the c-command relationships are reversed.
![Page 44: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/44.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
![Page 45: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/45.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Ambiguity
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Ambiguity✦ Remember: Ambiguity is supposed to be
structural -- appear in the tree.
![Page 47: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/47.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Ambiguity✦ Remember: Ambiguity is supposed to be
structural -- appear in the tree.
✦ How do we get the narrow scope reading, where some c-commands every?
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Ambiguity✦ Remember: Ambiguity is supposed to be
structural -- appear in the tree.
✦ How do we get the narrow scope reading, where some c-commands every?
✦ Movement:✦ An applei everyone ate ti
![Page 49: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/49.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Ambiguity✦ Remember: Ambiguity is supposed to be
structural -- appear in the tree.
✦ How do we get the narrow scope reading, where some c-commands every?
✦ Movement:✦ An applei everyone ate ti
✦ But hold on a minute! This is the wrong order for the sentence.
![Page 50: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/50.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Ambiguity✦ Remember: Ambiguity is supposed to be
structural -- appear in the tree.
✦ How do we get the narrow scope reading, where some c-commands every?
✦ Movement:✦ An applei everyone ate ti
✦ But hold on a minute! This is the wrong order for the sentence.
✦ Uhm, maybe there is a kind of movement you can't hear? This is called COVERT movement.
![Page 51: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/51.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Saussurian Signs✦ Every Linguistic expression consists of two
linked parts: a signifier (sound) and a signified (meaning). Let’s built on that concept and assume that there are really two parts to every sentence:
✦ A Phonetic Form (PF) (signifier)✦ A Logical Form (LF) (signified)
✦ We call these “interface levels” because they are the interface between the syntax and the phonology/semantics.
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
A Minimalist Model
X-bar or merge
Lexicon
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
D-Structure
A Minimalist Model
X-bar or merge
Lexicon
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
D-Structure
A Minimalist Model
Move & Insertion
X-bar or merge
Lexicon
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
D-Structure
A Minimalist Model
Logical Form (LF) Phonetic Form (PF)
Move & Insertion
X-bar or merge
Lexicon
![Page 56: A UniÞed Theory of MovementMeaning 1: Each person ate their own apple For every person x, there is some apple y, such that x ate y: ∀x(∃y[x ate y]) (Universal quantifier has](https://reader034.vdocuments.mx/reader034/viewer/2022050312/5f73e256eebc0a04f900e1a3/html5/thumbnails/56.jpg)
©Andrew Carnie, 2006
D-Structure
A Minimalist Model
Logical Form (LF) Phonetic Form (PF)
Move & Insertion
Overt
movement youcan hear
X-bar or merge
Lexicon
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
D-Structure
A Minimalist Model
Logical Form (LF) Phonetic Form (PF)
Move & Insertion
Overt
movement youcan hear
"Spellout"
X-bar or merge
Lexicon
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
D-Structure
A Minimalist Model
Logical Form (LF) Phonetic Form (PF)
Move & Insertion
Overt
movement youcan hear
CovertMovement you
can’t hear because it happens
after the Split to PF
"Spellout"
X-bar or merge
Lexicon
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Covert Quantifier Movement
[CP [TP Everyone ate an apple]] "Spellout" (and PF)
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Covert Quantifier Movement
[CP [TP Everyone ate an apple]] "Spellout" (and PF)
[CP an applei [TP Everyone ate ti]] LF
Covert Movement
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
The cross-linguistic claim
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
The cross-linguistic claim
✦ All languages have exactly the same movements. (i.e. English has verb raising).
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
The cross-linguistic claim
✦ All languages have exactly the same movements. (i.e. English has verb raising).
✦ BUT languages vary in whether the movement is overt or covert. This is encoded in parameters.
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Head MovementENGLISH
Head Movement Covert (main verbs)
FRENCHHead Movement Overt
Je T[pres] souvent mange[pres] des pommes I T[pres] often eat[pres] apples
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Head MovementENGLISH
Head Movement Covert (main verbs)
FRENCHHead Movement Overt
Je T[pres] souvent mange[pres] des pommes I T[pres] often eat[pres] apples
Overt Move
Je T[pres]+mange[pres] souvent tV des pommes I T[pres] often eat[pres] apples SO
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Head MovementENGLISH
Head Movement Covert (main verbs)
FRENCHHead Movement Overt
Je T[pres] souvent mange[pres] des pommes I T[pres] often eat[pres] apples
Covert MoveI T[pres]+eat[pres] often tV apples LFJe T[pres]+mange[pres] souvent tV des pommes
Overt Move
Je T[pres]+mange[pres] souvent tV des pommes I T[pres] often eat[pres] apples SO
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Wh-movement in Chinesea) Ni kanjian-le shei? You saw who
"Who did you see?"
b) *Shei ni kanjian-le t? Who you saw
"Who did you see?"
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Wh-movementCHINESE
Covert Wh-movement
ENGLISH
Overt Wh-movement
[CP C[+wh] [TP You did see what[+wh]]] [CP C[+wh] [TP Ni kanjian-le shei[+wh]]]
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Wh-movementCHINESE
Covert Wh-movement
ENGLISH
Overt Wh-movement
[CP C[+wh] [TP You did see what[+wh]]] [CP C[+wh] [TP Ni kanjian-le shei[+wh]]]
[CP whati did+C[+wh] [TP You tT see ti]] [CP C[+wh] [TP Ni kanjian-le shei[+wh]]]SO
Overt Move
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Wh-movementCHINESE
Covert Wh-movement
ENGLISH
Overt Wh-movement
[CP C[+wh] [TP You did see what[+wh]]] [CP C[+wh] [TP Ni kanjian-le shei[+wh]]]
[CP whati did+C[+wh] [TP You tT see ti]] [CP C[+wh] [TP Ni kanjian-le shei[+wh]]]SO
Overt Move
Covert Move
[CP Shei C[+wh] [TP Ni kanjian-le ti]] LF
[CP whati did+C[+wh] [TP You tT see ti]]
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
DP-movement
IRISH
Covert DP movement
FRENCH
Overt DP movement
[TP T[pres] [VP il mange[pres] des pommes]] [TP T[pres ][VP sé itheann[pres] úill]]
Assumption VP-internal Subjects
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
DP-movement
IRISH
Covert DP movement
FRENCH
Overt DP movement
[TP T[pres] [VP il mange[pres] des pommes]] [TP T[pres ][VP sé itheann[pres] úill]]
Assumption VP-internal Subjects
il T[pres]+mange[pres][VP tDP tV des pommes] T[pres]+Itheann [VP sé tV úill ] SOOvert Move
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
DP-movement
IRISH
Covert DP movement
FRENCH
Overt DP movement
[TP T[pres] [VP il mange[pres] des pommes]] [TP T[pres ][VP sé itheann[pres] úill]]
Assumption VP-internal Subjects
il T[pres]+mange[pres][VP tDP tV des pommes] T[pres]+Itheann [VP sé tV úill ] SOOvert Move
Sé T[pres]+Itheann [VP tDP tV úill ] LF
Covert Move
il T[pres]+mange[pres][VP tDP tV des pommes]
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Is there any further evidence for covert movement?
✦ Note there are two kinds of wh-in-situ
✦ English Echo Questions
✦ Japanese/Chinese Wh-questions
✦ The latter kind involve movement, the first kind do not.
✦ Movement should trigger MLC effects -- you shouldn’t be able to escape out of a wh-island.
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
MLC violations in Japanese
*Nani-o doko-de katta ka oboete-iru no?
What-acc where-at bought Q remember Q
“What do you remember where we bought?”
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©Andrew Carnie, 2006
Summary
✦ Simplified Theory of movement:
✦ 1 rule (move)✦ 1 principle (FI)✦ Move to get local
✦ Cross-linguistic variation is accounted for using timing. All movement types are universal, but whether that movement is overt or covert (silent) is parameterized