a. badescu - roman-bizantine pottery in scythia (end of 4th-begining of 7th c.). the study of...

7/25/2019 A. Badescu - Roman-bizantine Pottery in Scythia (End of 4th-Begining of 7th C.). the Study of Pottery as a Source

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INSTITUT DARCHOLOGIE VASILE PRVAN DE LACADMIE ROUMAINEFACULT DHISTOIRE DE LUNIVERSIT DE BUCAREST

ANTIQUITASISTRO-PONTICA

MLANGES DARCHOLOGIE ET DHISTOIRE ANCIENNE

OFFERTS

ALEXANDRU SUCEVEANU

diteurs:

MIRCEAVICTORANGELESCUIRINAACHIM

ADELABLTCVIORICARUSU-BOLINDE

VALENTINBOTTEZ

M E G A D I T I O N SCluj-Napoca

2010


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Illustrations, maquette :ADELABLTC

Rvision de textes anglais :

VIORICARUSU-BOLINDE

Rvision de textes allemands :LIGIARUSCU

Couverture :ROMEOCRJAN

2010, les auteurs

Description CIP de la Bibliothque Nationale de Roumanie

Antiquitas istro-pontica : Mlanges d'archologie et d'histoire ancienne

offerts Alexandru Suceveanu / sous la direction de : Mircea Victor Angelescu,Irina Achim, Adela Bltc... - Cluj-Napoca : Mega, 2010ISBN 978-606-543-106-5

I. Angelescu, Mircea (d.)II. Achim, Irina (d.)III. Bltc, Adela (d.)

902(498)94(498)

M E G A D I T I O N S | www.edituramega.roe-mail: [email protected]


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ROMAN-BYZANTINE POTTERY INSCYTHIA(END OF 4thBEGINNING OF THE 7thC.).

THE STUDY OF POTTERY AS A SOURCE OF KNOWLEDGE

FOR THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DYNAMICS

ALEXANDRU BDESCU

Abstract: The present paper represents the abstract of one chapter of the PhD thesis wedefended in public in February 2010 at the Faculty of History, University of Bucharest. This chapter,that concentrated the essence of the analysis, contains over 3 000 Late Roman pottery objects1publishedstarting with 19142and up to the summer of 2009.

Keywords: Late Roman Empire;Scythia Minor; pottery; statistic analyses.

In their quest to better understand the realities of the ancient world historians try and

some succeed to create credible scenarios. But it is very hard to complete this immense

puzzle when only so few pieces are available. We will surely never have a complete picture, but

it is important for archaeologists to use every piece of information that was preserved and to

make the most of the data the earth has to offer. As pottery represents approximately 9o% of

archaeological discoveries, it should receive the appropriate attention.We often found ourselves in the unpleasant situation of barely being able to study all

the pottery published for a certain site, due to the non-standardized and dispersed manner the

material was published in. As it surely is a common situation for many of us, we decided to solve

this problem by choosing the much-needed synthesis as our PhD theme. The present paper is

a focused presentation of the method we applied and of the main results we obtained for the

provinceScythia.

For an analysis that inventories the Roman-Byzantine pottery discovered and published

inScythiaup to the present moment3, amphoraerepresent the most important category, as they

provide information on trade with other provinces of the Roman Empire. The data obtained from

them, doubled by literary sources, permit us to obtain well-delimited regional and chronological

X-rays that can be connected to historic events. In this context the survival of models fromthe Greek period in the Roman and even Roman-Byzantine period is an advantage.

Statistic analyses can at least establish the main trade axes in a certain period, for a

certain site or a larger area. It all depends on the quantity of analyzed material and the

territory it comes from. Of course, other factors besides quantity must always be taken into

consideration in order to avoid deformed results. For example a double quantity of a certain

type of amphorae from a period of time during which the population also doubled does not

necessarily mean trade with the area the merchandize was produced in increased by the same

amount. If this extra quantity of amphoraeis not present in rural settlements too, it is difficult to

1 The exact period under scrutiny is the end of the 3rdand beginning of the 7thc.

2 The contributions of Vasile Prvan.3 2009.


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argue in favor of an increase of their total number. It is possible, and in the case ofScythiait has

already been demonstrated, that starting with the second half of the 5 thc. the urban population

increased due to the transfer from the rural area.

The continuous and preponderant use of the percentage in an analysis can also be

misleading, as it is a strictly theoretical element4and represents the total number of objects

discovered in a stratigraphical context and not the total number of objects that really existedon the site during a specific period. If we add the fact that usually only a very small a part of the

discovered material is published, then it is clear that the picture we create can sometimes be

very far from the truth. This is why we stress the fact that the present study represents the state

of the publishing and not of the research.

One of the disadvantages in the study of Roman-Byzantine amphorae, in comparison to

Greek and Early Roman ones, is the fact that the relation between the transported merchandize

and the shape of the amphora does not exist anymore. As the recipients could be used in

several transports, in many cases the same type of amphorawas used for transporting different

products. The analysis of organic material collected on the walls of Late Roman recipients has

confirmed this fact.

Another criterion for the analysis of amphoraeis the production centre, especially usefulfor the Greek ones. The typological and chronological criteria become much more difficult in the

case of Roman and Roman-Byzantine amphorae, as they were produced in a large variety of

shapes. And, to make things even more complicated, discovering that the same type of amphora

was produced in several centers is a common situation.

In these conditions, when the disadvantages are clearly very important for the study of

Roman-Byzantine pottery, a lot of effort was put in the discovery of kilns and analysis of the

fabric. This is surely the right direction for a serious analysis and in several decades we will

have answers for many to the questions we ask today. Many of the questions we asked yesterday

have already been answered and it would be enough to mention in this context the discovery of

over 200 workshops in the Eastern Mediterranean that produced amphoraeduring the Roman

period. Their analysis lead to the publishing of many works on the characteristics of the fabric,which gradually solved the attribution of certain types of amphoraeto certain production centers.

There are, of course, significant differences usually connected to financial reasons

between this type of research in the Mediterranean area and the one in the Black Sea area,

but they will probably be eliminated in the future. Therefore, for now we are condemned to

deal with the absence of information or with fragmentary information that cannot form a

complete picture.

Western, Oriental and North-African amphoraecan easily be identified because of the

discovery of their production centers and of the information on the recipients fabric, a situation

that does not apply to Black Sea amphorae. Most types of Pontic amphoraewere attributed

to this area based on the fact that they were discovered only or mostly in this area, as very few

workshops were researched and fabric analyses were done only on insignificant lots.

In order to obtain information as viable as possible we need to correlate such data with

the results of epigraphic, numismatic and demographic studies5. It is important that statistics be

done on lots gathered from exhaustive excavations, even if from smaller sites, such as in the case

of the material discovered at Babadag6. There it was discovered that, statistical ly, amphorae

represented the most common type of pottery and that at the end of the 4th beginning of the 5th

c. there were difficulties in the supply of import goods. This corresponds to the period the Huns

started to attack the Lower Danube area7.

4 OPAI1996, 160.5 PANELLA 1983, 612.

6 OPAI1991a.7 OPAI1996, 160.


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Amphoraealso predominate atHalmyris, their percentage declining only between 450

586. In the same site we noticed again, statistically a decline in the numbers of table ware

at the end of the 6thc., which indicates a decrease of the buying capacity8. These fluctuations are

rarer in the case of amphoraethat transported basic aliments, whose flow was a matter of direct

interest for the central power.

Another perspective that must be considered is the re-use of amphoraebecause of theirsolidity in comparison to normal table ware. This is the motive small numbers of amphoraeare

not a certain dating element, as they could have been in use for decades and in many cases

re-used for a different product. As a matter of fact the same thing is still going on in our times:

the packaging is created for a certain type of product but is later re-used for a different one.

But table ware was much more fragile and was changed even if it was not broken after a

few years at most due to the fact that the surface got impregnated by grease that gave the food

unpleasant smells.

AtHalmyrisNorth African table ware was discovered on the same archaeological layers

where African amphoraewere discovered. It is a known fact that, in many cases, apart from

food products, pottery products were also transported from the respective areas and, due to

the value of the main cargo, their price was competitive. This is probably the explanation forthe decrease of the local production of certain types of pottery that could be transported over

long distances and did not occupy a lot of space. The fluctuations seen at Babadag demonstrate

nothing else than that the principle of supply and demand functioned and when, for different

reasons, import products did not reach the market, the gap was quickly filled by local products.

The situation is also attested atHalmyris, where Oriental products were very popular from the

4thto the beginning of the 7thc.; the peak was reached in the second half of the 5 thc. when they

represented half of the total number of pottery products discovered9.

At Tomis the provinces largest port were discovered amphorae from the Syro-

Palestinian area, from Somalia or the western coast of Asia Minor10. Many of the amphorae

discovered in the Building with mosaic, which were dated to the end of the 6th c. and the

beginning of the next, contained vegetal resins11imported from the areas mentioned above. Thisis not surprising, as Tomis registered the largest quantity and typological variety of pottery.

With the exception of imperial subsidies and the revenue of the bishopric, most of the products

must have reached Tomisthrough trade.

In comparison to the Early Roman period, the number of types of amphoraeis much

larger also due to the process of redistribution12. But there were still several East Mediterranean

and Pontic types that predominated and were surely used for transporting basic aliments that

most of the population could afford. Rare types, such as those from Tomis, carried products that

only a small part of the population could afford or were gifts from church authorities from the

Mediterranean area or fromAsia Minor.

The small quantity of North African products in comparison to Oriental and Pontic

products must be connected to social and economic differences at Tomis, which must have existed

in the rest of the province too, even if they are harder to distinguish at an archaeological level.

The study of kilns and the analysis of the fabric should be performed on all sites where

archaeological excavations were undertaken and the pottery was at least partially published.

A. Opainoticed important differences between sites located in the provinces interior and thoselocated along the Danube or the coastline. Other differences can be noticed between urban and

rural settlements.

8 OPAI1996, 161.9 OPAI1996, 162.10 RDULESCU 1976, 1978; BARNEA 1991, 2425.11 Rosin, turpentine and mastic.12 TOMBER 1993, 143.


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One category of sites includes the fortifications along the Danube:Halmyris,Aegyssus,

Noviodunum,Dinogetia, Troesmis,Beroe,Sacidavaand Capidava. Unfortunately we cannot

obtain a general picture, because significant lots of pottery were published only atHalmyris

and Capidava. Even so we notice the high quantity of imported goods and their typological

variety. Quantitatively, LR 1 and LR 2 amphorae were the most numerous. Then came

Phocean table ware and, at the end of the 6th

and first decade of the 7th

c. table ware fromAsiaMinor. The supply of basic aliments to the fortifications along the Danube must have surely

represented a priority for the authorities, but we cannot know in fact how active was the free

trade. The North African products did not represent a significant percentage in comparison

to the Oriental and Pontic ones13. The absence or small quantities of certain types of North

African pottery discovered here as opposed to the sites on the coastline can suggest social

and economic differences between the two areas of the province. As in the eastern part of

the province, Tomisdifferentiated itself (quantity, as well as quality-wise). For the Danubian

limesit would be expected to find the same situation atNoviodunum, the main imperial naval

base on the Lower Danube14.

A second category includes the cities in the provinces interior. Even if not much

material was published for this area, we can attempt to draw several preliminary conclusions. AtTropaeumTraiani15the main types of Oriental amphoraeare LR 1, LR 2 and LR 4 and among the

Pontic ones the most common is type OpaiB-I. The table ware is predominantly Phocean, evenif local products continue to be attested up to the middle of the 5thc.16AtLibida17and Ulmetum

the situation is similar to the one at TropaeumTraiani, a possible explanation for this being the

high prices of products transported over land18, even if in this context the distances were not too

long. Because the above-mentioned amphoraewere also discovered in rural settlements, the

products they contained must have been subsistence goods at affordable prices. The discovery

of this type of packaging in small settlements constitutes a further argument for the existence of

trade relations betweenScythiaand the Oriental provinces, but also between urban and rural

centres between the Danube and the Black Sea.

African at Telia-La pod19, Niculiel20 and Slava Rus Fntna lui Bujor21 orPalestinian amphorae at Telia were discovered in the provinces interior. Their discoverycould indicate a certain economic prosperity for a segment probably not a significant one of

the rural population.

The provisional general situation concerning the pottery discovered in Scythia, also

reflected by the statistics, shows that the state managed to supply and maintain the border

army up to the moment when the frontier finally and definitively collapsed22. This supply surely

fluctuated according to the political and military situation in this border area.

Trade in the Danubian provinces was marked by the transfer of the Empires political

and administrative centre to Constantinopolis, which represented itself a giant economic

and commercial centre. The logical consequence was a shift of the economy and trade from

the Aegean and provinces of Asia Minortowards the new main economic partner. The direct

access to the sea or by the Danube and to the road network leading southwards supported

13 OPAI1996, 175.14 OPAI1996, 175.15 BOGDAN-CTNICIU/BARNEA 1979.16 BOGDAN-CTNICIU/BARNEA 1979, fig. 156.2(7), 2(3), 2(5); 158.2(2); 161.2(17).17 OPAI1991b.18 JONES 1964, 8213 (it seems that they were six times bigger than for those transported on sea and ten times

bigger than for those transported on rivers).19 OPAI19971998, 69/cat. no. 58, Pl. 17; OPAI1996, 83, Pl. 28/3; PARASCHIV 2006, 13040, cat. no. 19,

Pl. 33/19.20 BAUMANN 1991, Pl. 5/10; OPAI1996, 823, Pl. 27/6; OPAI19971998, 70, cat. no. 59, Pl. 17.21 OPAI1991b, 37, cat. no. 86, fig. 10; OPAI1996, 789, Pl. 24/2.22 OPAI1996, 177.


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the relations with the southern urban centers. During the reign of Iustinianus for economical

and commercial reasons, but also because of the need to supply the border garrisons, Moesia

SecundaandScythia Minordeveloped trade relations with distant areas the Cyclades, Caria,

Cyprus with which only sea-trade was an option.

The 4th 6th c. were very troubled, both militarily and politically, by the invasions

or revolts of the Goths, Huns, Bulgarians, Sclavines and Avars, which lead to the decline ofcoin circulation and the disturbance of economic activities. On the other hand this period

was marked by the states intervention for the restoration of the Danubian frontier through

construction activities and military operations which lead to a massive flow of money on the

Danubian markets.

The main trade routes in province Scythia can be drawn by the study of the pottery

discovered there, complemented of course by the epigraphic, numismatic23and demographic

data. Certain aspects remain un-deciphered, but what remains to be done is to continue

completing the huge puzzle we have mentioned before, as important monuments can be

recovered from under the piles of pottery forgotten in museum depots.

CONCLUSIONS

For the analysis of the Roman-Byzantine in Scythiawe collected most of the relevant

material published since V. Prvan and up to 2009. Even if the catalog contains approx. 3 000

entries, unfortunately the final result reflects only the present state of the publication and not

that of the research.

Starting from this reality and stressing the fact that in the absence of fabric analyses

conclusions cannot be definitive and will surely undergo changes as we obtain new information,

we will draw the conclusions on the available data.

Based on the published material and according to the place of origin, the Late Roman

pottery discovered inScythia Minorand published up to 2009 can be divided as follows: 48% are Oriental products;

over 31% are Pontic products;

over 9% are provincial and local products;

over 11% are North African products;

approximately 0.3% are western products.

It comes as no surprise that the Oriental products represent almost half of all the pottery

discovered inScythiaand published, as this provinces economic orientation towards the eastern

part of the Empire in the Roman-Byzantine period is well known.

Unfortunately, due to the problems we mentioned before, not all discoveries can

be separated into Pontic and provincial ware, as there is an important difference between

archaeological research in the western and North African parts of the Empire and the East

European one. Even so, we obtained useful information in the fact that over 40% of the total

quantity of pottery is made up of Pontic products (which, in this case, include West and North

Pontic ware).

The around 11% of North African pottery are very important, as the presence of certain

categories of products proves the important economic relationsScythiahad with their area

of origin.

As far as the western pottery is concerned, products from this category are so rare in

comparison to the Early Roman period, that they cannot but stress the massive shift inScythias

economy towards the eastern part of the Empire.

23 Coin circulation represents the fundamental element of the economic activity in any area.


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The separation of pottery products on functional criteria and according to their

production areas lead to the following situation:

1.AMPHORAE: 976 (31.3%);

Oriental amphorae: 525 (26 types; 53.79% of the total number of amphorae);

North African amphorae: 97 (19 types; 9.93%);Pontic amphorae: 243 (26 types; 24.89%);

Local amphorae: 6 (one type; 0.6%);

Un-attributed amphorae: 95 (9.73%).

2.OPERCULA: 50 (1.6%);

Oriental opercula: 39 (78%);

Pontic opercula: 11 (22%).

3.DOLIA: 39 (1.25%).

4.VASA CONQUINATORIA: 484 (15.5%);

Oriental: 49 (18 types; 10.12%);

Local: 165 (over 15 types; 34.09%);Pontic: 255 (over 20 types; 52.68%);

Un-attributed: 15 (3.09%);

5.VASA POTATORIA: 346 (11.1%);


North African: 4 (3 types; 1.15%);

Pontic: 212 (over 30 de types; 61.27%);

Un-attributed: 84 (24.27%).

6.VASA ESCARIA: 787 (25.22%);

Oriental: 618 (24 types; 78.52%);

North African: 89 (over 20 types; 11.3%);Local or un-attributed: 37 (2 types; 4.70%);

Pontic: 43 (9 types; 5.46%).

7.LITURGICAL AND DEVOTIONAL POTTERY: 17 (0.54%).

8.LUCERNAE: 380 (12.18%);


North African: 127 (7 types; 33.42%);

Local: 18 (one type; 4.73%);

Pontic: 96 (11 types; 25.26%);

Un-attributed: 43 (11.31%).

Amphoraerepresent almost a third of the published material, and almost 54 % of it are

Oriental, approx. 25.5% are Pontic and almost 10% are North African.

Almost 52% of all the pottery is made up of table ware, which can be divided as follows:

vasa conquinatoria 15.5% of the published pottery, vasa potatoria 11.1% and vasa escaria

25.22%.

The kitchen ware vasa conquinatoria is divided according to the production area,

thus almost 87% is Pontic and provincial ware (which, in this case, was produced locally), over

10 % is Oriental ware, and approximately 3% could not be attributed to a production area.

The pottery used for serving liquids vasa potatoria represents 11.1% of all the

Late Roman pottery in Scythiaand is divided as follows: over 61% of it is Pontic and local

pottery, 5.2% is Oriental, 1.15% is North African and over 24% is represented by the products


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that could not be integrated in any of the above. We must stress the fact that objects from

this category were usually found in a bad state of preservation, which prevented their clear

identification. In this category we must mention a group of 32 pitchers discovered in the

Roman-Byzantine necropolis at Callatis, which surely played a funerary role. It seems these

products were specific for the area of the old Greek cities on the western coast of the Black

Sea and for all the Scythian settlements where Greek influence existed; an interesting aspectis that they had a much earlier variant at Isthmia, in the Peloponnesus. An argument for

this cultural-geographic attribution is the absence of this type of pitcher in other parts of the

Empire and the Greek graffitidiscovered on some of them. The use of this type of pitchers in

graves probably indicates the persistence of religious traditions among the Greek population

after the Roman conquest. The strictly funerary destination is suggested by its peculiar shape

and the graffiti, which contain typical funerary formulas. Also, the few pitchers of this type

were not discovered in settlements, but strictly in graves. C. Preda, who discovered the most

important lot of pitchers in the Roman-Byzantine necropolis of Callatis, also agrees to their

funerary character based on the formulas used by the Greek graffitiincised in the un-burnt

clay: Good luck, Happiness or Life24.

The table ware is a special category because 78.5% of all its shapes are either Orientalor provincial imitations of Oriental shapes, which cannot be clearly attributed for now; over

11% is made up of North African products and slightly over 10% is made up of provincial or un-

attributed pottery. Surely part of the Oriental pottery was produced in the west Pontic area,

but separating the two categories cannot achieved other than by analyzing the fabric. Even so,

the percentage of Oriental table ware is much more important than in other categories due to

the fact that they were easy to transport they occupied little space because they fitted one in

another and therefore could become a secondary cargo in a transport of aliments. In this case

the cost of transport was covered by the price of the main cargo and the table ware was sold at a

price that discouraged the competition. The quality-price ratio must have been the best on the

market and thus the local producers must have been forced to turn to other shapes for examplelarge products, that could not be transported over great distances. Such types were primarily the

pottery used for serving liquids and the kitchen ware, categories in which provincial products

represent around 90% of the discoveries.

Liturgical and devotional pottery does not make up for more than 0.5% of all the

published pottery. Of the 17 pieces listed, 11 are unguentaria, a shape of pottery known from the

Hellenistic period, but which was all but replaced by the glass counterparts during the 2ndc. We

must mention that during the Roman-Byzantine period such pottery objects were used in the

necropolises at Callatisand Capidava.

The 380 lamps represent over 12% of all the pottery discovered and published and about

one third of them came from North Africa, over 25% are Oriental, 30% are Pontic (here we also

included the local production, which represents approx. 5% of all the lamps) and over 10% couldnot be attributed to one of the groups mentioned above.

When speaking of the criteria used in the selection of pottery we must mention the

specialists temptation to invent new types of pottery. Without neglecting the importance of the

shape and fabric, nevertheless we should focus on the products functionality that influenced

both the shape and the fabrics composition especially because we are dealing with Roman

pottery, even if from the late period.

As far as the Late Roman handmade pottery is concerned, our analysis aims to

demonstrate its importance in the structure of Roman civilization at the mouth of the Danube.

Even if, for good reasons, our study was limited toScythia Minor, many of the conclusions can

also be applied for other provinces, first of allMoesia Inferior.

24 IGLR 56, 96.


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As it was considered by modern scholars unfit for the Roman world, hand-made

pottery was usually connected to the Getaeor any other barbarian population. The Roman

Empire passed through profound changes during the late period, which left visible traces even

in the case of this category of pottery. The presence of hand-made pottery in Roman milieus

should primarily be connected to the barbarism of the Roman army and not necessarily to

other populations dwelling in the Empires border areas. The main argument for this theory isthat pottery could not be part of the small list of objects that made up the luggage attackers

carried with them, as it was unfit for long distance travel and definitely for conditions as those

offered by a military campaign. Such a context required a minimum of comfort that excludes the

transport of breakable objects such as pottery. All types of pottery are associated with sedentary

even if temporary dwelling. In this case we consider that hand-made pottery was produced

by Transdanubian populations that settled in the Empire or, why not, even by the Roman

soldiers stationed at the periphery of the Roman world. This artifacts barbarism should not

be necessarily connected to barbarian populations, but rather to the penetration of elements

of such populations in the Roman army. I personally believe that the latter variant is the correct

one for urban settlements that housed military garrisons. The pottery discovered in the guards

block at Capidavademonstrates that the hand-made pottery so often attributed to the besiegersactually belonged to the besieged.

Rural discoveries of hand-made pottery, especially from the 4th c., should rather be

connected to the Transdanubian populations that moved toScythia, and not to the persistence

of Dacian pottery shapes, as can be done for the Early Roman period.

The study of imported Roman pottery also enlightens us on the economic relations

Scythia Minor developed with other parts of the Empire, while the analysis of hand-made

pottery can offer clues regarding the ethnic composition of a specific Roman army unit at a

specific time or at a regional scale for a longer period. The information provided by such a study

can be correlated to written sources in order to avoid the trap of imagining a correct reality.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BARNEA 1991 Al. BARNEA, La Dobroudja aux IVeVIIe sicles n.. In:Al. SUCEVEANU/Al. BARNEA, La Dobroudja romaine, Bucureti1991, 154317.

BAUMANN 1991 V. H. BAUMANN, Cercetri recente la bazilica paleocretin dinsatul Niculiel (judeul Tulcea), Peuce, X, 1991, I, 1215; II, 14556.

BOGDAN-CTNICIU/BARNEA 1979 I. BOGDAN-CTNICIU/Al. BARNEA, Ceramica i descoperirimrunte, In: I. BARNEA (coord.), TROPAEUM TRAIANI I, Bucureti1979, 177266.

JONES 1964 A. H. M. JONES, The Late Roman Empire AD, 284602, Oxford 1964.

OPAI1991 A. OPAI, Ceramica. In: A. OPAIET ALII, Fortificaia i aezarearoman trzie de la BabadagTopraichioi. V. Ceramica, Peuce, X,1991, I, 21169; II, 21983.

OPAI1991b A. OPAI, O spturde salvare n oraul antic Ibida, StCercIstorV,42, 1991, 12, 2156.

OPAI1996 A. OPAI, Aspecte ale vieii economice din provincia Scythia (secoleleIVVI p. Chr.). Producia ceramicii locale i de import, Bucureti1996.

OPAI19971998 A. OPAI,North African and Spanish Amphorae in Scythia Minor, IlMar Nero, Annali di archeologia e storia III, RomaParis 19971998,4795.

PANELLA 1983 C. PANELLA, Le anfore di Carthage: nuovi elementi per la reconstru-zioni dei flussi commerciali del mediterraneo in eta imperiale roma-

na, Opus, II, 1983, 5372.


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PARASCHIV 2006 D. PARASCHIV, Amfore romane i romano-bizantine n zona Dunriide Jos (sec. IVII), Iai 2006.

RDULESCU 1976 A. RDULESCU, Amfore romane i romano-bizantine din SchytiaMinor, Pontica, IX, 1976, 99114.

TOMBER 1993 R. TOMBER, Quantitatives approaches to the investigation of longdistance exchange, JRA, 6, 1993, 14265.

Alexandru Bdescu

National History Museum of RomaniaCalea Victoriei street, 030026, district 3, Bucharest, Romania

[email protected]


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