70 eric g.e. zuelow, towards an understanding of scottish ethnic nationalism：the 'watch'...

Towards an Understanding of Scottish EthnicNationalism:

The 'Watch' Groups and 'Anti-Englishness' inLate Twentieth Century Scotland

by Eric G.E. Zuelow (1/25/98)

AUTHOR'S NOTE: An edited version of this paper was delivered at the ThirdAnnual Conference of the Upper Great Lakes Consortium for European Studies,University of Wisconsin-Madison, February 20, 1998. The version publishedhere contains further background information and slightly more detail on therhetoric used by the 'Watch Groups'. No changes have been made to theargument presented.

Over the past year in Scotland, anti-English vandalism, warning shots,and other forms of intimidation have become increasingly frequent.On 3 December 1997, the British government moved to stop this tideof violence by announcing a new Crime and Disorder Bill whichwould make anti-English activity illegal in Scotland. While there hadbeen a certain amount of anti-English feeling dating as far back as thethirteenth century, it had always been directed at the ruling elite asopposed to the English people generally. It was in the fall of 1993 thatanti-English "ethnic-nationalism" materialized in Scotland for the firsttime with the appearance of a small radical nationalist group calledScottish Watch following the 1992 general election. While theappearance of this and another quasi-organization known as "SettlerWatch" produced a media storm and caused many Scottishintellectuals to ask for a clearer collective understanding of"Scottishness" to my knowledge nobody has attempted to place the"Watch Groups" in a broader understanding of Scottish nationalism.There has been no attempt to explain the development of thesegroups.

I will argue that the Watch Groups are the product of the evolution ofmodern Scottish nationalism and the influx of an increasing numberof English "white settlers" into Scottish villages. This argument willbe divided into three parts. First, the case will be made for viewingthe evolution of Scottish nationalism in three distinct phases. Second,the problems evolving from relatively large-scale urban-ruralmigration will be discussed. Finally, these two separate discussionswill be drawn together to explain the appearance of ethnic nationalismin Scotland.

The Three Phases of Scottish National Development

Three assumptions have traditionally been made regarding the

The Nationalism Project: Scottish Ethnic Nationalism by Eric G.E. Zuelow

http://nationalismproject.org/articles/zuelow1.htm (1 of 21) [11/30/2001 6:53:40 PM]

development of Scottish nationalism. The first is that nationalism isnecessarily seperatist, that nations always seek to be coterminous withstates. While there should be little doubt that nations frequently dostrive to have their own state boundaries, this is not always the case. Itis far more productive to realize that national leaders will take thenation in the direction viewed as being in the nation's "best interest" -they are, to a greater or lesser degree, rational actors. The secondassumption is that nationalism existed in Scotland during the Wars ofIndependence between 1296 and 1328. Over the past 30 years,Scottish medievalists have largely proven this to be incorrect. Alreadyhaving made the first two assumptions, one is left trying to explainhow supposidly nationalist Scots voluntarily signed away theirindependence in 1707. To solve this paradox, commentators havetraditionally made a third assumption: Scottish nationalismdisappeared at the beginning of the eighteenth century only toreemerge in the 1920s in the form of the Scottish National Party.While I cannot expand on this further for lack of space, this "heretoday, gone tomorrow" understanding of Scottish national identity iswholing inadequate. Further, it cannot explain the issue at hand - whatcaused the development of an ethnic breed of nationalism after nosuch form had existed in the previous 800 years of Scottish historyand why now?

To answer these questions, one should view the evolution of Scottishnationalism has having occured in three phases. The first began in thelate eighteenth century and culminated in 1820 with George IV's visitto Scotland and the royal party thrown for him by Sir Walter Scott.While Scotland continued to suffer economically in the wake of the1707 Treaty of Union, by the beginning of the nineteenth century,Scotland was rapidly becoming an economic cornerstone of theBritish Empire. The realization that Scotland was benefiting fromUnion was not lost on the country's economic and political elite and aWhiggish view of history which painted Union as the evolutionaryzenith quickly developed. At the same time, changing perceptions ofaesthetics, an aggressive road building campaign following theJacobite up-rising of 1745 and the need to integrate Highlandersdisplaced by "the Clearances" made a reconstruction of the ScottishHighlands necessary. Where once had stood brutal, slavish savages, aprocess of "improvement and romance" left a noble, strong andalmost Rousseauian "natural man." These twin developments madeit possible for the Scottish elites to enshrine the Union while adoptingHighland imagery to create an image of "difference" from England.While a part of the Union, Scotland was unique and so deservedspecial privilages and demographically disproportiate power. Scottishcultural nationalism was born.



As long as Scotland benefitted from Union, "phase I" nationalismremained hugely successful. With the coming of the twentiethcentury, however, Scotland began an economic tailspin. Scottishindustry failed to modernize and rapidly Scotland could not competewith products from Asia and the United States. Though the FirstWorld War temporaily stemmed the malaise, war's end left Scotlandspinning relentless toward economic dispair. With the benefits ofUnion removed, British leadership was made the scapegoat by a smallnumber of Scottish students and intellectuals. Phase II, orressentiment, nationalism was the result. Initially, the ScottishNational Party attained little support. This was primarily the result ofwidespread incompetance within Nationalist circles. At few points inthe Party's history have they had more than a handfull of individualswho were capable of attaining popular support or leading a partywhich, at best, could serve as opposition. Even so, continued declineled to SNP success in the 1967 Hamilton bi-election and subsequentsuccesses in the 1970s, late 1980s and the 1990s.

Unfortunately for the Scottish nationalists, the Scottish National Partyhas never proved itself to be a potential ruling party. When anorganization has, at best, five individuals capable of instillingconfidence in the electorate, it is difficult to imagine voting for them.To their credit, the SNP proved capable of steering debate, especiallywithin the Labour Party, but this has not been enough for moreextreme nationalists. This was never more clear than after the 1992General Election where a majority of Scots, according to one opinionpoll, wanted outright independence. When the vote actually occured,the status quo remained firmly in place. More extreme nationalistswere outraged and began looking for a cause of Scotland's "failure ofnerve" - they found it in English "white settlers."Radical-ressentiment (ethnic nationalism) had come to Scotland.

The roots of radical-ressentiment

During the late 1960s and 1970s, at the same time that the ScottishNational Party was demonstrating the electoral draw of ressentiment,increasingly large numbers of English moved north to small Scottishcommunities. Traditionally, "[a] declining and aging population hasbeen regarded as the classic symptom of economic and social malaisein Northern Scotland..."(Jones, 1982, 5); the influx of English "whitesettlers" reversed this trend. Between 1951 and 1961, the number ofEnglish in Scotland increased by 14,582. Similarly, the next ten yearperiod saw 13,621 English immigrants make the move. After this, thenumbers increased markedly with 47,389 English moving intoScotland between 1971 and 1981 and an additional 56,484 enteringbetween 1981 and 1991 (1961, 1971, 1981 & 1991: Census ofScotland). These migrants are predominantly "[d]issafected city



dwellers" (Forsythe, 1980, 287). The reason for the increase is thesurge of ecological-environmental concern in the late 1960's. Whatseems to have transformed this sympathy into an internationalcounter-urban phenomenon has been the unparalleled expansion ofaffluence in the 1960's, providing the material conditions for a largersegment of the population to indulge its residential preferences(Jones, 1984, 442).

One survey of non-Scot migrant families showed that "anenvironmentally-motivated retirement population" comprised 25% ofthe migrants, "an environmentally-motivated, economically activegroup" comprised 50% and the remaining 25% was comprised of "anemployment motivated, economically active group" (Ibid, 439).Contrary to some early assumptions, very few of the incomers areassociated with North Sea oil. While the immigrants' "age profile issomewhat younger than Great Britain's population as a whole, andappreciably younger than in the indigenous population of the surveyareas" (Jones, 1985, 27), the net result has been to superimpose "ayoung, fertile, and largely middle class sector onto" the existingcommunities (Forsythe, 1983, 235). Incomers "invariably explaintheir move from city to country by asserting the superiority of ruralover urban life. Rural life is described as peaceful, quiet, friendly,safe, and natural, in contrast to the noise, dirt, anonymity, danger andpressure of urban life" (Forsythe, 1980, 290).

Not surprisingly, the large increase of English people into small ruralcommunities - whose population had been decreasing, aging and hada death rate far exceeding the birth rate - could not go unnoticed; twoprincipal areas of concern arose. The first was economic and centeredon the rapid increase in land and house prices. The second includedwhat will be referred to as cultural problems and included problemsof social interaction, politics and the disappearance of traditionalways of life.

On the economic side, the immigrants have "had a significant effecton boosting land prices to the extent that the local farmers who mayhave been contemplating expansion have had to shelve their plans asland prices have risen beyond their means" (Dallas, 1990, 3). "InStormay, Orkney, property was sold by a system of closed bids...Urban migrants were richer than local people, had access to moresources of credit, and obviously expected to pay more for property.As a result, they submitted bids far exceeding those made byislanders, and thus won in competitive sales" (Forsythe, 1980, 293).

The net result was that 15 acres which had sold for <£>400 in 1972,increased in value to <£>12,000 in six years. By 1980, it was on themarket again and the market price was said to be <£>24,000 (Ibid.).



One study covering a number of rural areas listed the average resalevalue of property in 1984 at <£>24,602 - by 1991, this had increasedto <£>47,611 (Twine & Nicholson, 1993, 29). Still, only 9% of thepurchasers of resale housing were non-Scots (Ibid). "Three quarters ofthe purchasers of the dwellings were locals, only in Berwickshire, andin Skye and Lochalsh, did the proportion of local buyers fall below50%"(Ibid., v). While there was a housing crisis in rural Scotland,Twine and Nicholson, who completed a major study of Scottishhousing in 1993, argued that it was due to problems not related toEnglish incomers:

Housing supply...faces particular constraints in rural areas. Landavailability is often problematic because of planning constraintsand servicing difficulties; building costs are high due to transportcosts and site conditions, and sometimes higher than the marketvalue of the completed property; and in most of rural Scotlandthere is a shortage of supplying agents (notably buildingcompanies and housing associations). In consequence, there are inmany rural areas acute shortages of both rented properties anddwellings to buy, and these shortages are particularly severe forthose on low to moderate incomes (Ibid, 1).

For some, the rising house costs were actually beneficial and"provided an opportunity for some Scottish farmers to leave theindustry with some dignity" (Dallas, 1990, 3). Geographer DianaForsythe points out that "[t]he inflation [was] favorable for Stormayfolk who wish[ed] to sell their land and leave the island. But it [was]frustrating for Orcadians wishing to buy a first house or farm of theirown" (Forsythe, 1980, 293). The perception was that incomers wereraising house prices and forcing locals out and it is perception, farmore than fact, which drives politics.

The second major concern brought by the incomers was cultural.According to Forsythe: Stormay's incomers are behavingparadoxically: their self-presentation and their behavior are at odds.Having ostensibly moved to the countryside to enjoy the character ofrural life, they immediately set about trying to reproduce manyaspects of the environment they left behind in the city. Thus, theconsequences of their actions are inconsistent with their ownexpressed goals (Forsythe, 1983, 241). They did this by ignoring therecreation activities that existed and replacing them with cinemaclubs, libraries, diving clubs, and so forth:

Few migrants actively take part in the traditional contests andcelebrations which continue to be held on the island. As the locallyborn population ages and declines in size, these events areincreasingly difficult for the community to carry on: severaltraditional events have died out during the seventies because of alack of participants, despite the overall rise in population ... Theincomers are thus instrumental in the replacement of elements



from an old and distinctive local culture with elements of a newer,much less distinctive general urban culture. In effect, they arehelping destroy the rural way of life to which they have tried toescape (Forsythe, 1980, 298-9).

On another level, interaction works differently in a "face to facecommunity." Instead of being confrontational, negotiations are donein a slow, low-key fashion. The incomers often see this as inefficient:

But in perceiving the islanders' slow deliberations as inefficient,the migrants are misunderstanding the nature of social interactionsin a small face-to-face community. Coming from the city, theyare used to 'single interest relationships'.... In an urban setting, oneperson may relate to another as a work-mate, a relative, aneighbor, or a fellow committee-member, but the two will rarelyshare more than one of these relationships at the same time. InStormay, on the other hand, fellow committee-members are quitelikely to be relatives, at least occasional work-mates, and possiblyneighbors as well... social interactions between individuals involvemaintaining relationships along several dimensions at once. Theislanders cautious style of public interaction incorporates thediplomacy necessary to maintain such complicated relationshipswithout causing offense (Forsythe, 1983, 240).

The end result has been conflict. Locals resent the incomers who theysee as trying to take over the local institutions and clubs. In 1983,Forsythe predicted "self perpetuating conflicts between incomers andlocals..." and that "friction between incomers and local people inStormay will be especially divisive" (Ibid, 242). She found that"Some Stormay folk have suggested that the appropriate label for thetype of change now taking place on the island is not development butcolonialism. As one islander said, 'A new way of life is being imposedon Orcadians. It's just like the English in India'" (Ibid., 243) Asidefrom Forsythe's work, little research has been done on this issue and,as a result, Stormay has had to serve as representative of Scotland as awhole. The labels "incomer" and "local" have developed potentmetaphoric value which has fueled the current situation. "In short, thevocabulary of 'locals' and 'incomers' is a complex and deeplyembedded metaphor providing the terms through which peopleexpress and give meaning to the experiences which constitute theirlives" (Jedrej & Nuttall, 1995, 116). These terms create a mythic past(implied by local) and an explanation for the change away from theold ideal. The metaphors "can be appealed to in order to interpret andbring meaning to events and experiences" (Ibid, 117).

While large numbers of Irish had entered Scotland as a subordinateclass in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and inspired aracial, though not nationalist, backlash, the English were not only on ahigher economic level, but were also in control. The Thatchergovernment enjoyed little popularity in Scotland throughout the



1980s. Scotland consistently voted Labour, yet repeatedly got a Torygovernment which exercised policies that couldn't have been lesspopular. Making the situation worse "[m]odern Conservatism spokeoverwhelmingly with a southern English voice" (McCrone, 1992,173) - the same voice that was cropping up in small ruralcommunities. The mixture of "minority" government (in Scotland),immigration and the "Englishness" of British government combinedto increase the feeling that Scotland was an internal colony ofEngland. The "white settler issue" now took on a new dimension:

The use of the expression "white settlers" to describe usurpingincomers is also an ironic but pointed self-reference by those whodeliberately identify themselves not just as "locals" but particularlyas "black natives", all of which is part of the imaging of a Scotlandwhose traditions and identity are threatened by a colonialrelationship to a metropolitan England, or cosmopolitan Britain...(Jedrej & Nuttall, 1995, 118).

The idea of internal colonialism has led to increased dialogue aboutthe "Englishing" of Scotland and includes claims that some ofScotland's "unique" heritage is being destroyed: particularly itslanguages (Scots and Gaelic) and educational system.

While Gaelic culture receives significant exposure and tends to beforemost in people's minds when thinking of Scottish culture, theScots language has suffered equally and has been the source of atleast as much frustration. One letter writer complained: At schoolin - - - - - - - we had to learn English and were taught that Doric(local language) was common and improper language. As we allknow ridicule is the strongest form of oppression and this is howthe Scots are cowed by the English. They believe theirs is the onlyproper language... The English here in Scotland are like a form ofmafia and if we don't like it we have to shut up... (letter #2)

Meanwhile, through the 1980s, an increasingly larger number ofEnglish students have made their way to Scotland for university.According to prominante Scottish sociologist David McCrone:

Scots guard jealously what they regard as their heritage, one of thefew remaining distinctive institutions which marks them off fromtheir more powerful southern neighbour. Scottish education hastended to attract potent mythology about its content and its socialappeal. . . By the 1980's, the issue of the ?englishing" of theScottish universities had attracted media attention (McCrone,1990).

Again, many Scots have been frustrated and argue that there is somesort of plot to undermine "Scottishness". Of course, the increasednumber of English coming to Scottish universities is actually theresult of increased numbers of people seeking higher education. Morepeople are going to University than in the days when higher educationwas the domain of the elites. Scottish universities have a strong



reputation and it is not surprising that many middle class parentsshould want to send their children to them.

It would be incorrect to claim that it was English immigration thatled to the striking poll results of 1992, but immigration became anissue afterwards. 1992 opinion polls were the result of a growingresentment towards Thatcherite policies. The JanuaryScotsman/ITN poll which showed that 50% of Scottish voterswanted independence caused the Scottish political and mediascene...[to go]...briefly berserk. Camera crews poured up fromLondon, constitutional speculation sprawled across thecommentary pages; and in the Great Debate at Usher Hall, AlexSalmond wiped the floor with his opponents, and was cheered tothe echo of what seemed like an auditorium full of Scots on thebrink of what the SNP calls "freedom" (SoS, 16/01/94).Meanwhile, the media "effectively ceased to gauge publicopinion.... Constitutional change became fact, if only becauseeveryone thought it must be; not because it was" (Smith, 1994,18).

When the 1992 General Election results were in, there was a "bitterdisappointment for the Scottish National Party" (Butler & Kavanagh,1992, 341), instead of the predicted constitutional change. Theelection saw the SNP's support "increased by an average of 7.4%...leaving its share of the total Scottish vote just 0.4% short of the levelachieved in February 1974, the first election at which it secured asubstantial presence at Westminster. Yet it only held on to three of theseats it won in 1987..." (Ibid., 341-2).

This disappointment gave rise, shortly thereafter, to the "Watchgroups". While "freedom" had seemed within view, it slipped awayand the defeat had to be explained. Rather than looking to tacticalfailings, or a simple desire by the majority to remain in the Union,more radical Nationalists explained it by referencing the "Englishing"of Scotland and the white settlers. The only "true" anti-Englishorganization, Scottish Watch, argued that:

The rural areas with high English-born populations are Tory andLiberal heartlands into which the Scottish National Party has beenmaking some headway. This is an indication that Scots areresentful of English dominance and marks an increased resistanceto English takeover of property and business. It is not surprisingthat the Conservative Party welcomes English settlement inScotland. Most settlers vote Tory for it is against their interests todo otherwise. As a foreign ethnic group with the right to vote, theyare forming a political barrier to Independence. With the greed andcunning of true colonialists the English know they will beculturally isolated and financially depleted by a return to Scottishself-government. Would an independent Scotland really toleratethe presence of a wealthy and powerful nonnative ethnic-groupwithin its borders? (New Scottish Clearances, 1993, 8-9)

The 1992 Election put into place the final straw of the



radical-ressentiment house. Freedom would have happened in 1992,but the English settlers had taken it away. Indeed, Scottish Watchbegan to argue, the English had taken everything away - wealth,homes, culture, Scotland, freedom - everything. It wasn't long beforethe first moves were made towards forming the hitherto unknownanti-English organizations. Radical-ressentiment had come toScotland.

Settler Watch

The first "anti-English group" to gain notoriety in Scotland, SettlerWatch, wasn't a "group" at all, nor was it particularly anti-English.Settler Watch was simply a poster campaign invented at some pointafter the 1992 election by Louis Mair from the Bridge of Don area ofAberdeen. Mair wanted to raise awareness of what he perceived as thedeclining traditional culture of the North-east. He planned to do thisby making posters and sending them to various people with a noteasking the recipient to put them up. He claims that "Settler Watch wasdeliberately misinterpreted.... It was an attempt to show that theproblems of the Central Belt and the North-east are quite different"(Aberdeen Independent, June 1994). He expands that he wanted toincrease awareness that the North-east's language and culture wasbeing destroyed by "white settlers." (Ibid.) The posters were verysimple with the words "Settler Watch" prominently placed at the top,several Pictish symbols, taken from prehistoric standing stones, in themiddle, and the name of the town in which the poster was to beplaced at the bottom.

There were never any "members" of Settler Watch and never astructure of "chieftains"(P&J, 10/12/93) - it was just a postercampaign which was "supposed to be funny" (Cameron interview).As the only "member," Louis Mair never received much pressconnecting him to his creation, even though he was arrested inAugust, 1993 - in connection with the Andrew McIntoshterrorism/conspiracy trial - with 800-900 Settler Watch posters in hispossession (P&J, 30/3/94). Because there was no group and no clearset of issues being presented [some even believed that the postersadvertised a folk-art group (P&J, 5/8/93)], it was up to eachindividual, and the media, to interpret what was being said. This, inturn, made it easy to paint the group as radical and dangerous.

Indeed, Settler Watch would probably not have become the mediadraw that it was had it not been that one of two people arrested forputting up posters was a German immigrant named Sonja Vathjunker.Vathjunker first arrived in Scotland in 1985 as a student and laterimmigrated, changing her name to Sonja Cameron at the same time.She earned a Ph.D. in Scottish history from Aberdeen University, in



the process achieving fluency in Gaelic. Her German birth madestereotyping her as a Nazi and linking Settler Watch with Nazismpossible. Yet, for Cameron, white settlers were not racially defined.She says "white settlers are [p]eople who come into Scotland, live inScotland, who basically make no effort to accept the Scottish culture,the Scottish way of life... and try to run things their own way...Basically people that have no respect of the culture and, therefore, area danger to the culture... which is in danger anyway" (Cameroninterview). Cameron steadfastly denies that, in her mind at least, theposters were anti-English in any way.

The Settler Watch incident began when Cameron and a Scot namedLynn Conway were arrested in Banchory (about 10 miles west ofAberdeen) on 2 May 1993. A little over two months later, on 23 July1993, The Aberdeen Press and Journal ran its first Settler Watcharticle. Over the subsequent eleven months no fewer than 160articles/letters appeared in the P&J and no less than 52 in TheScotsman. The public response was noted by one letter, saying that ithad "stirred up a hornet's nest. Even ministers in pulpits are finding itworth preaching about..." (P&J, 8/9/93).

While there was very little known about the nature of Settler Watch,the Press and Journal assumed the worst and headlined their firstarticle "Sinister anti-English signs appear in North, North East/SettlerWatch poster riddle" (MacDonald, 23/7/93). The article painted thegroup as intelligent and "extremely sinister" creating an air ofhysteria. The terms "sinister," "racism," and "xenophobia" continuedto be the adjectives of choice throughout the episode.

Having set this tone, when Cameron's case finally came to trial on 11September, Settler Watch was widely viewed as the next mosthorrible thing next to Nazis and Serbian ethnic cleansers. It fit verynicely that the "Kick English out of Scotland campaign [was] led by aGerman" (The Sun, 11/9/93).

Cameron was included in nearly every article on Settler Watch. Evena rectorial election campaign at Aberdeen University was not immuneto her "sinister" influence. The Nationalist candidate, and eventualwinner, was Ian Hamilton who had become famous by removing theStone of Destiny from Westminster in 1950. As a result of the presscoverage, Cameron voluntarily resigned her translation job at a Gaelictelevision station and was suspended from the Scottish National Party.

In spite of public fascination with Cameron's German place of birth,the Settler Watch story could not go on forever. Still, it must havebeen clear to the press that the anti-English story had hit a Scottishnerve.13 The immense press coverage meant that



radical-ressentiment arguments would automatically get space inevery Scottish newspaper - paving the way for Scottish Watch toclaim the headlines.

The Evil Eye

The "real" anti-English group, Scottish Watch, began receiving newscoverage as the Settler Watch/Cameron story was breathing its last,yet Scottish Watch had been active throughout the episode. In theircoverage, the Scottish press reported that Scottish Watch was "theless extreme of the organizations..."(Scotland on Sunday, 17/10/93).They could not have been more wrong, but Scottish Watch had theadvantage of an actual membership which could respond to attacks,refute accusations of racism and attack the "sinister" tactics of SettlerWatch. It is much harder to write about a real opponent than animaginary one.

According to the group's treasurer, Iain Sutherland, Scottish Watchwas founded in urban Dumfries "as a reaction to the 1992 [general]election" (Sutherland interview). They adopted a manifesto and set ofobjectives on 9 April 1993 and began a membership drive soonafterwards. Scottish Watch declared themselves a nationalist groupbecause "only nationalism can unite a social or cultural group in thewar against imperialism of economic theories and dogma" (NewScottish Clearances, 1993, 2).14 By September 1993, theorganization had 120 members (Scotland on Sunday, 19/9/93) and hadgrown to 250 members by March 1995 (Scotsman, 3/3/95). ScottishWatch was run by an "eleven member executive" with six "arearepresentatives" (P&J, 13/10/93).

Scottish Watch outlined the following eight "objects":

1) We adopt the principle of non-violence in all our activities. 2)We believe in the absolute sovereignty of the Scottish people. Wewill have no part in the Westminster-imposed Party politicalsystem. 3) We will assist the Scots in the defense of housing andemployment for our people. 4) We will monitor the activities ofthe British colonialist State in Scotland. 5) We will alert theScottish people to any dangers to their survival posed by economicor political colonialism. 6) We seek to prevent the destruction ofScottish institutions and to reassert indigenous control over these.7) We reject any form of racism or ethnic imperialism. We are ananti-colonialist organization. 8) We will resist the continuedEnglish settlement of Scotland and the presence of an ethnic elitein positions of power and influence. These are by-products ofBritish Imperialism. (New Scottish Clearances, 15).

The group's definition of "white settler" is clearly defined - whitesettlers are English. Scottish Watch defines racism differently thanothers in main-stream politics. For Scottish Watch, racism is not



something perpetrated by the Scots, it is something suffered by them -and others who have had the misfortune to suffer Englishimperialism. Racism is uniquely English:

Scotland as a nation has 1.2% of its population as non-white. Thedistribution of its non-white population is uniform with its whitepopulation except in the areas with high percentages ofEnglish-born peoples. In these English born areas, non-whites arevery few in number. This suggests a negative attitude towardsracial integration by English-born settlers. Throughout historyScots have been the victims of English racism. In common withother nations subjected to English Colonialism, the Scots havebeen the victims of war crimes, genocide, ethnic cleansing andcultural persecution. Many peoples throughout the world havebeen on the receiving end of English imperialism and racism. Wein Scottish Watch recognize as fact the existence of English racismand its vehement direction against Scots, Welsh, Indians, Africans,Asians, and all those subjected and ruled by England. In Scotlanda centuries-long holocaust of persecution and evil can becompared with the most barbaric outrages of the Nazis. Historiansshy away from such interpretations but Scottish Watch will nothesitate to speak out. We owe it to our own people to redress thesituation in a peaceful and civilized manner. Scottish Watchadopts a firm anti-racist stand (Ibid. 14).

The above is symbolic of Scottish Watch's position on all subjects andis classic radical-ressentiment - neither socialist nor capitalist, theyare simply anti-English; England and the English are responsible forall that is wrong in Scotland and is the result of a uniquely Englishdesire to suppress others. In an attempt to compare the English to thegreat twentieth century villains (The Nazis), Sutherland has evencalled the English immigration into Scotland "The Final Solution tothe Scottish Question" (A Different Country).

Scottish Watch argues that "The Scots are most likely to be found indecaying urban labor camps - our cities and industrial towns. TheEnglish are most likely to be found enjoying the good life in thecountry - our country. Scotland is divided along ethnic lines - theScots are getting the leftovers" (Ibid. 6). According to Scottish Watch,"An English incomer from this area [South-east England] willcurrently be better off by <£>64,000 by selling their detached housethere and buying the equivalent in Scotland" (Ibid, 7). Yet, they say,this is not the result of the realities of capitalism or similar trends seenthe world over; instead it is caused by "an essentially Anglo-Saxonmercantilism" (Ibid., 2) - capitalism! It does not matter what the evilis, Scottish Watch blames it on the English. Indeed, even the claimsthat Scottish Watch is racist for making its anti-English claims aredismissed as being "political correctness" which "is a by-product ofmiddle-income liberalism" - in turn, a product of the English state(Ibid.). There can be no clearer example of radical-ressentiment.



The majority of their activities have been in the form of regionalmeetings, in which they frantically wave their hands to help get acrosstheir point (as demonstrated in A Different Country), and leafletting.They have threatened "civil disobedience," warning that they "maystorm regional and district council chambers and disrupt committeemeetings in a bid to replace authorities" English employees withScots" (P&J, 18/10/93). In spite of one newspaper's claim to thecontrary, I find no evidence that Scottish Watch carried out theirthreats.

For the first time, ethnic nationalism has entered Scotland, though itmust be emphasized that membership of Scottish Watch is not even aslarge as that enjoyed by the SNP in its most disorganized early days.Simply put, conditions in Scotland aren't yet bad enough that amajority will turn to radical-ressentiment. The amount of coveragereceived is unwarranted and probably counterproductive. Rather thandeterring ethnic nationalism, press coverage actually encouragesmore. One visible example were actions taken by the ScottishNational Liberation Army in 1993 - a small group of extremists whohave been involved in terrorist actions since the late 1970s. Until1993, the SNLA had justified its activities by using the SNP'sarguements, but tactics deplored by the mainstream nationalists. Afterthe "success" of the Watch groups, however, the SNLA began acampaign called "Flame" which involved bomb threats and themailing of fake letter bombs to estate agents and government officeswhich helped immigrants find/buy homes in Scotland. The presscoverage had, in effect, made radical-ressentiment the most successfulmeans of getting press in Scotland - what fringe nationalist couldresist?

In 1995 at the Perth and Kinross bi-election, Scottish Watch opted tosupport the SNP candidate, Rossanna Cunningham QC. Afraid ofbeing associated with anti-English nationalism, Cunningham filed arestraining order against the the group to prevent further any ScottishWatch activities during the campaign. Scottish Watch largelydisappeared after this. Since that time, anti-Englishness has far fromdisappeared, however. In fact, in recent months, anti-Englishleafletting has reappeared, this time in Perthshire, suggesting that anew radical-ressentiment organization may be opperating in the area.Though it would be wholey incorrect to claim thatradical-ressentiment ideas are held by more than a tiny minority,ethnic-nationalism will not likely disappear from Scotland any timesoon.

This paper has attempted to show how the larger development ofnationalism in Scotland created an environment ripe for the



appearence of groups like Scottish Watch. It has been argued thatwith the failure of cultural or ressentiment nationalisms to assuage theproblems of the last years of the Twentieth century, ethnicnationalism is a logical, if frightening, replacement.

-Sources-

A Different Country with Michael Ignatieff (13/6/95) BBC 2.

A Short History of the Scottish National Party. Edinburgh: SNPResearch Department, June 1993.

Agnew, John. The Geography of Scottish Nationalism (discussionpaper # 78). Syracuse: Department of Geography of SyracuseUniversity, 1982.

Ahmed, Kamal. "Sinister group targets English." Scotland on Sunday,1/8/93.

Ahmed, Kamal. "SNP inquiry." Scotland on Sunday, 19/9/93.

Alba, Carlos. "Rector defends activist." The Aberdeen Press andJournal, 3/2/94. page 9.

Andrew Welsh interview, March 1995.

A People Without Prejudice?: The experience of racism in Scotland.ed. Armstrong, Bruce. London: Runnymede Trust, 1989.

Barrow, Geoffrey W.S.. Robert Bruce & The Community of the Realmof Scotland. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1988.

Bell, Ian. "Scots must cleanse their souls on issue of Englishethnicity." The Observer, 16/5/93.

Beveridge, Craig & Turnbull, Ronald. The Eclipse of ScottishCulture. Edinburgh: Polygon, 1989.

Bews, Helen. "Racism thriving - letter." The Scotsman (11/5/93).

Blain, Neil & Burnett, Kathryn. "Otherness as Englishness: TheWhite Settler Phenomenon in the Scottish Media. Department ofLanguage and Media, Glasgow Caledonian University." Presented toTurbulent Europe: Conflict, Identity and Culture EFTSC 1994.Unpublished.

Brand, Jack. The National Movement in Scotland. London: Routledge& Kegan Paul. 1978.



Brown M.A., Oliver. Hitlerism in the Highlands. Glasgow: R.Thompson, 1942 (?).

Butler, David & Kavanagh, Dennis. The British General Election of1992. London: St. Martin"s Press, 1992.

"Campaigner suspended." The Aberdeen Press and Journal, 16/9/93.

Carrell, Severin & Rougvie, James. "Cunningham gags ScottishWatch." The Scotsman, 18/3/95, page 9.

Census of Scotland. Edinburgh: HMSS, 1991.

Census of Scotland. Edinburgh: HMSS, 1981



Chyrstal, Robin. "Racist views ?not welcome in SNP"." The AberdeenPress and Journal, 22/9/93.

Clackson, Dr. Stephen G.. "Until your paper...". The Aberdeen Pressand Journal, 5/8/93.

Cusick, Linda. "Scottish Inferiority." Scottish Affairs, no. 9, Autumn1994, pp.143-70.

"Cunningham angry over Scottish Watch." The Scotsman, 17/3/95,page 10.

Dallas, James L.. White Settlers: Social and Financial Implications ofinvolved in the migration to the North-east of Scotland. DiplomaFBOM Project 1990, University of Aberdeen. Unpublished.

Duncan, A A M. The Nation of the Scots and the Declaration ofArbroath. Glasgow: Historical Association pamphlet G75, 1970.

Election results in The Aberdeen Press and Journal, 14/6/94.

Farquharson, Kenny. "SNP demands a test of loyalty to purge itself ofracists." Scotland on Sunday, 17/10/93.

Floggem, Colin L.. "The White Settler Issue." Scottish WorkersRepublic, Vol II, No. VII, 1994.

Forsythe, Diana. "Urban incomers and rural change: the impact ofmigrants fromthe city on in an Orkney community." SociologiaRuralis, 20, 1980, pp.287-307.

Forsythe, Diana. "Urban-rural migration and local development: An



Orkney case." Center-Periphery: Theory and Practice. ed. JensChristian Hansen, Jon Naustdalslid, John Sewel. Sogndal: Sogn ogFjordane Regional College: 1983.

Foster, John. "Nationality, Social Change and Class: Transformationsof National Identity in Scotland" in The Making of Scotland: Nation,Culture and Social Change. ed. McCrone, David, Kendrick, Stephen& Shaw, Pat. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press in conjunctionwith the British Sociology Association, 1989.

Fry, Michael. Patronage and Principle; A Political History ofModern Scotland. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1991.

Fry, Michael. "The Whig Interpretation of Scottish History". TheManufacture of Scottish History. edited by Donnachie, Ian &Whatley, Christopher. Edinburgh: Polygon, 1992. 72-89

Gallo, Matthew Mark. The Politics of Nationalism in Scotland (Ph.D.Thesis for Univ. of Connecticut Political Science Department). AnnArbor: Univerisity Microfilms, 1974.

Gellner, Ernest. Nations and Nationalism. Oxford: Basil Blackwell,1983.

Gorman, David. "Population Change." The Aberdeen Press andJournal, 8/9/93.

Hanham, H.J.. Scottish Nationalism. Massachusetts: HarvardUniversity Press, 1969.

Harvie, Christopher. No Gods and Precious Few Heros; ScotlandSince 1914 (New Edition). Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press,1993.

Harvie, Christopher. Scotland and Nationalism: Scottish Society andPolitics 1707-1977. London: Routledge, 1977, 1994.

Hobsbawm, Eric. "Introduction: Inventing Traditions."(1-14) TheInvention of Tradition, ed. Hobsbawm, Eric & Ranger, Terence.Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 1986.

Iain Sutherland Interview, March 1995.

Itinerary for the December 1993 Scottish National Party NationalCouncil Meeting.

Jedrej, M.C. & Nuttall, Mark. "Incomers and Locals: Metaphors andReality in the Repopulation of Rural Scotland." Scottish Affairs,no.10, Winter 1995, pp. 112-126.



Jones, Huw, Ford, Nicholas, Caird, James, & Berry, William."Counter-urbanization in societal context: long distance migration tothe Highlands and Islands of Scotland." Professional Geographer,36(4), 1984, pp. 437-444

Jones, Huw. Recent Migration in Northern Scotland: Pattern,Process, Impact. ed. Huw Jones. Socials Science Research Council,1982.

Jones, Huw. "White Settlers Mark 2?" Radical Scotland,Feburary/March 1985, pp 27-28.

Kidd, Colin. Subverting Scotland's Past: Scottish whig historians andthe creation of an Anglo-British identity, 1689 - 1830. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1993.

"KRAUT OF ORDER." The Sun, 11/9/93.

Letter #1 to Sonja Cameron, supplied by Sonja Cameron. Theauthor"s name was given, but is being withheld here by request.

Letter #2 to Sonja Cameron, supplied by Sonja Cameron. Theauthor"s name was given, but is being withheld here by request.

"Life after the death of our political vitality." The Scotsman, 16/01/94.

Lloyd, T.O. The British Empire 1558-1983. Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1985.

Love, David & Jones, Peter. "Fears grow of offensive against 'whitesettlers.'" The Scotsman, 18/10/93.

Lythe, S.G.E. & Butt, F.. An Economic History of Scotland:1100-1939. Glasgow: Blackie and Son Ltd., 1975.

MacDonald, John. "Group targets English farmer." The AberdeenPress and Journal, 25/8/93. page 1.

MacDonald, John. "Picts brand posters 'stupid and racist.'" TheAberdeen Press and Journal, 28/7/93. page 2.

MacDondald, John. "Settler Watch poster riddle." The AberdeenPress and Journal, 23/7/93

Margaret Ewing interview, March 1995.

Marr, Andrew. The Battle For Scotland. London: Penguin Books,1992.

McClure, J. Derrick. Why Scots Matters. Edinburgh: Saltire Society,



1988.

McCrone, David. "Anglicising Scotland: Univeristy Admissions."Scottish Government Yearbook, 1990, pp.195-207.

McCrone, David. Understanding Scotland, The Sociology of aStateless Nation. London: Routledge, 1992.

McCrone, David. "Who do we think we are?" Scottish Affairs, no. 6,Winter 1994, 1-4.

McIntosh, John. "Settler Watch support is 'widespread.'" TheAberdeen Press and Journal, 10/12/93.

McIntosh, John. "'Racist' slur denied." The Aberdeen Press andJournal, 6/9/93.

McWhirr, Fiona. "Source of anti-English posters still a mystery." TheAberdeen Press and Journal, 6/8/93. page 10.

Mitchison, Rosalind. A History of Scotland. London: Methuen & COLTD, 1970.

Mosse, Geogre L., "Racism and nationalism." Nations andNationalism, Vol. 1, Part 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,July 2, 1995, 163-174.

Nairn, Tom. The Break-up of Britain; Crisis of Neo-Nationalism.London: NLB. 1981.

"Nationalist Stands for top student job." The Aberdeen Press andJournal, 22/2/94.

Nicholson, Ranald. "Magna Carta and the Declaration of Arbroath",Edinburgh University Journal, xxii, 1965.

Norton, Philip. The British Polity (2nd Edition). London: LongmanPublishing Group, 1991.

Paterson, Michael. "Scottish Watch to support SNP in bi-election."The Scotsman, 3/3/95, page 3

"Police pay up as Settler Watch man wins battle." The AberdeenPress and Journal, 30/3/94.

Prebble, John. The King's Jaunt; George IV in Scotland, 1822.Glasgow: Collins Publishers, 1988.

"SCOTLAND SUFFERING TWENTIETH CENTRYCLEARANCES; 1.2 MILLION LEAVE SCOTLAND SINCE MID



SEVENTIES," Edinburgh: SNP Press Release, 9/2/93.

Scott, Andrew Murray & Macleay, Iain. Britain's Secret War.Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 1990.

"Scottish Emigration." Forward Scotland, Vol. 1, No. 43, October1962, p.2.

"Scottish Watch in new threat." The Aberdeen Press and Journal,18/10/93, page 6.

"Scottish Watch network set up." The Aberdeen Press and Journal,13/10/93, page 3.

"Settler Watch Sonja helped in rector bid." The Aberdeen Press andJournal, 6/11/93.

"Shocker as BNP triumphs." The Aberdeen Press and Journal,17/9/93.

Simpson, Grant G.. "The Declaration of Arbroath Revitalized",Scottish Historical Review, Ivi. 1977.

Smith, Anthony D., "Gastronomy or geology? The role of nationalismin the reconstruction of nations," Nations and Nationalism, 1 (1),March 1995, 3-23.

Smith, Maurice. Paper Lions: The Scottish Press and NationalIdentity. Edinburgh: Polygon, 1994.

"SNP moves to ban Settler Watch." The Aberdeen Press and Journal,11/10/93.

Sonja Cameron interview, 2/23/95

Stewart, Steve and Cooper, Gary. "German behind racial posters."The Aberdeen Press and Journal, 11/9/93, page 1.

Stewart, Steve. "Anti-English group warns estate agents." TheAberdeen Press and Journal, 7/3/94.

Stewart, Steve. "Ashdown gets tough on racism." The Aberdeen Pressand Journal, 18/9/93.

Stewart, Steve. "Charter to keep out 'incomers.'" The Aberdeen Pressand Journal, 23/11/93. page 5.

Stewart, Steve. "Scottish Watch plans offensive." The Aberdeen Pressand Journal, 12/10/93. page 1.

Stewart, Steve. "SNP branded racist for its Scots' exodus claim." The



Aberdeen Press and Journal, 3/9/93.

Stewart, Steve. "SNP to probe claims of racism in party." TheAberdeen Press and Journal, 25/9/93.

Sutherland, Ian. "NEEP rooted in North-East?" The AberdeenIndependent, Vol. 1, June, 1994.

The New Scottish Clearance. Dumfries: Scottish Watch, 1994

"The Scottish Diaspora." Edinburgh: SNP Research Department,September 1993.

"The Scottish National Party Constitution and Rule." Edinburgh:SNP, 24 September 1993.

The Wordsworth Companion to Literature in English. ed. Ousby, Ian.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

Twine, Fred & Williams, Nicholas J.. Resale of Public Sector Housesin Rural Scotland: a report. Edinburgh: Scottish Homes, 1993.

"Topical resolutions" from the SNP's 1993 National Conference.

Trevor-Roper, Hugh. "The Invention of Tradition: The HighlandTradition of Scotland." (15-42) The Invention of Tradition, ed.Hobsbawm, Eric & Ranger, Terence. Cambridge: University ofCambridge Press, 1986.

Urquhart, Frank. "German fined for anti-Settler campaign." TheScotsman, 11/9/93.

"Vathjunker decision next week." The Aberdeen Press and Journal,17/9/93.

"Vathjunker resigns TV job." The Aberdeen Press and Journal,21/9/93

Webb, Keith. The Growth of Nationalism in Scotland. Glasgow: TheMolendinar Press, 1977.

Withers, Charles. "The Historical Creation of the Scottish Highlands".The Manufacture of Scottish History. edited by Donnachie, Ian &Whatley, Christopher. Edinburgh: Polygon, 1992. 143-156.

Womack, Peter. Improvement and Romance, Constructing the Mythof the Highlands. London: The Macmillion Press LTD., 1989.

Copyright © Eric G.E. Zuelow



mailto: [email protected]

Published by The Nationalism Project, Madison, WI. 1999.The Nationalism Project: Scottish Ethnic Nationalism by Eric G.E. Zuelow


70 eric g.e. zuelow, towards an understanding of scottish ethnic nationalism：the 'watch'...

Documents

scottish watch

scottish intellectuals

scottish villages

scottish medievalists

nationalism project

scottish national party

ethnic breed of nationalism

scottish national identity