5th year barch dissertation: hong kong - sky city
DESCRIPTION
The dissertation aims to look at the issues of high-density living in Hong Kong. High-density has generally been viewed as a problem, but the purpose is to re-examine and redefine this interpretation in order to give a more accurate and holistic interpretation of the way density is perceived and experienced.TRANSCRIPT
High-Density Living in
Sky CityHONG KONG香
港
May TsangMay 2011
Sky CityHONG KONG
旺角
九龍塘
沙田
銅鑼灣
香港
大埔墟仔
北角
Architecture of DensityAnonymous, (2011) Available at: <https://lh3.googleusercontent.com/-oS-WAxtrGtQ/TXHvFOZhW8I/AAAAAAAAASI/t6lF8sB21iE/5445334748_a10c73cf22_b.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION 3
CHAPTER ONE
Density 9
The Case in Hong Kong 13
The Emergence of High-Density Living 15
From Village to Estate 17
Density Control in Hong Kong 21
CHAPTER TWO
Private & Public Housing 27
Tai Koo Shing Estate (Private) 31
Kwai Chung Estate (Public) 35
Living Conditions 38
Inhabitation 43
Environmental Conditions 46
Communal Areas 47
Social Conditions 51
CONCLUSION 55
BIBLIOGRAPHY 62
Architecture of DensityWolf, M. (2006) Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/hongkongarchitecture/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]
United Nations Population Fund: Population dayBhaskar, D. (2010) Available at: <http://adsoftheworld.com/files/images/Population_Day.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
INTRODUCTIONSince the dawn of human history, many have been striving to build high in order
to make their mark on the world. Towers, pyramids, steeples and obelisks were
some of the earliest architectural statements to reach the sky (Naz, 2007).
From the 18th century, the Industrial Revolution caused drastic improvements
in construction and iron manufacturing due to the invention of new materials
and technology. An American engineer and architect named William Le Baron
Jenney, developed the load-bearing steel frame, which made possible to build
wider and higher than ever before (Naz, 2007). This form of construction made
skyscrapers possible in later years and revolutionised urban life, as high-rise
buildings were able to accommodate a larger number of people, particularly
within cities of land shortages.
It has been estimated that there will be 7 billion people on Earth by the end of
2011, and 9 billion by 2050 (Population Reference Bureau, 2011). How will cities
across the globe accommodate for the expanding population?
Philip Hauser (1968), a leading sociologist and a pioneer in the fields of urban
studies described how contemporary society had undergone what he called
“social morphological revolution”. This revolution involved the increase in the
rate of world population growth, the increasing concentration of the world’s
population in urban areas and the increasing heterogeneity of populations
sharing the same geographical area and life space (Hauser, 1968).
By 2050, it is predicted that 70% of the worlds’ population will be in urban
areas (United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects, 2007). This population
explosion will result in mixed-use high-rise buildings and high-density living,
creating diversity of urban populations in language, cultural traditions, ethnicity
and social organisations. High-rise buildings and compact cities seem to be
the current solution towards the issue of population explosion. One of the
first high-rise buildings was constructed to take care of housing problems in
the city. As more apartments were built to solve the problem of housing, more
functions were required to satisfy the needs of people. High-rise buildings then
began to accommodate various complex functions. The centralisation of various
functions to one place within the city can solve population problems.
4 | Introduction
Fig. 1New York The Most Populous City In United States
Anonymous, no date. Available at: <http://www.allfamouswonders.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/08/new-york-city.jpgBerlin36-2.jpg> [Accessed May 2011]
Fig. 2Midtown Manhattan Empire State Building In New York
Anonymous, no date. Available at: <http://www.allfamouswonders.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/08/midtown-manhattan.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
The 102-storey Empire State Building in New York, built in the 1920’s was a
good example of how high-rise buildings could control city expansion and create
many other value-added functions (Ng, 2009). Due to regular migration of
people to the city, New York reflects ethnic diversity around every street corner.
Being one of the largest cities in the world, the 2005 census revealed that the
city boasts an extremely high population of 8,143,197, with a regular increase
in population density as a result of the population influx (Population Reference
Bureau, 2005).
As the world’s population becomes increasingly urbanised, the pressure for
high-density living is enormous in many parts of the globe. Some cities have
a scarce supply of land in urban areas; therefore densification has become an
important agenda as well as a major planning policy.
Hong Kong – Asia’s Manhattan, as Willis (2008) described is similar to New
York. A city that has evolved from a colonial port into a dominant centre of
international finance and commerce through skyscrapers. Manhattan had
established the urban dynamic of vertical density that has been reproduced
in Hong Kong since the 1970’s, but “today, Hong Kong surpasses New York in
the number of high-rises, hyper-dense habitation, and efficient mass transit”
(Willis, 2008). Apartments rise fifty to sixty stories taller due to Hong Kong’s
continuous land scarcity problems and vast population pressure. Less than 25%
of Hong Kong territory is built upon, therefore high-rise living is a fact of life
for the majority of the 7 million inhabitants. What implications does the dense
living environment have on the citizens of Hong Kong? A population growth rate
of approximately 1 million was observed every 10 years in the last decade and
the population forecast for 2030 is 9 million (Fung, 2001). The small amount of
geographical landmass of Hong Kong built-up imposes an enormous amount
of pressure on the constant need to house increasing number of residents.
The city contains densities of 90,000 or more people per square mile, this is
well above Manhattan’s average of 70,000. Certain districts including Mong
Kok and Kwun Tong that exhibit extreme density rank among the most densely
populated places in the world (Habitat International, 2002).
Statistics show that over 50% of its 7 million population live and work in the
urban centres (United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects, 2009). Hong
Kong Island and Kowloon are best known for convenience and efficiency that
5 | Introduction
6 | Introduction
Fig. 3Residential buildings on Hong Kong Island
Wood, D. (2005) Available at: <http://www.serenitybay.com/travel/hk/P1010077.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
thrive the intensification of human activities. In 2001, the government census
revealed that approximately 3 million people live in self-owned private homes in
high-rise apartment blocks. This has been translated into a total of one million
private homes. The rest of the population similarly lives in high-rise and high-
density rented homes in new towns of suburban Hong Kong known as the New
Territories. Hui (2000) described that high-density in a land limited country like
Hong Kong is the norm. “The city often responded to development pressure by
setting targets for increased urban densities and the establishment of high-rise
cityscape and compact urban settings are unavoidable” (Hui, 2000).
This dissertation aims to examine the issues of high-density living in Hong Kong,
one of the most densely occupied cities in the world. High-rise developments
have often been despised and generally viewed as a problem in Western
culture. They have been accused of causing many unpleasant outcomes such
as stress, behaviour problems and poor social relations (Conway, 1977). At the
societal level, they are faulted for burdening existing services and infrastructure,
worsening traffic problems, and damaging the character of neighbourhoods
(Broyer, 2002). The purpose of this study is to re-examine and redefine this
interpretation in order to give a more accurate and holistic interpretation of the
way density is perceived and experienced.
Planning is essential in compact cities, but what makes good planning for living
at high densities? Some believe that the level of density may reduce the design
scope but it does not totally negate the potential for the design of small spaces.
The study will examine the impact of density control on the quality of the
compact living environment based on of the Hong Kong government policy. By
analysing case studies of housing within the private and public sector, a review
will be made to establish how successful design strategies were concerning
high-density developments. This will lead to an understanding of how citizens
of Hong Kong have adapted to urban living through exploration of context and
experience of high-density living. An evaluation of the overall findings will lead
to a concise summary, looking at how successful the high-rise strategy was and
whether Hong Kong can inform future models in the densification of world
cities. How successful are high-rise buildings used to solve population problems
originating in the city? By looking at architectural implementation through to
human inhabitation, we can determine whether compact cities can become the
key growth engines for the city and nation.
7 | Introduction
Architecture of DensityWolf, M. (2006) Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/hongkongarchitecture/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]
CHAPTER ONE | DensityDensity influences virtually every aspect of public housing and many qualities
of urban planning. The concept of density may be familiar at first glance, but
upon closer examination is a complex theory. There had previously been various
interpretations around the concept of density. In the past, it was often used to
normatively categorise an area. Too high of a density indicated an undesirable
situation, whereas areas of density that contained villa style housing was not
considered at all (Meta Berghauser Pont, 2004). A more practical need was
required for expressing density in terms of scale and units. This need first arose
from engineers whose capacities were determined by the population numbers,
the number of houses and the street surface area within an urban district for
laying service lines and other infrastructures (Per Haupt, 2004). Population
density was also essential to provide a suitable number of amenities in the city.
Arithmetic density is the most common way of measuring population density,
which has now been recognised internationally. It is the total number of people
divided by area of land, measured in square kilometres or square miles (Martin,
2008).
Determining density, also acts as an aid to obtain an overall indication of the
character of buildings. Alexander (1993) explained three concepts used to
address the issue of building density and how densities affect the way people
live. These include physical density, perceived density, and crowding.
“Density is a term that represents the relationship between a given physical
area and the number of people who inhabit or use that area. It is expressed as
a ratio of population size or number of dwelling units (the numerator) to area
units (the denominator)” (Churchman, 1999).
Physical density is an objective and quantitative term. It is also neutral in the
sense that it is not possible to directly determine whether a given density level
is positive or negative. However, psychologists distinguished that spatial and
social density are experienced differently. Based on research, McClelland and
Auslander, (1978) stated that the influence of social density is much more
significant than spatial density.
The concept of perceived density and crowding are based on the principle that
10 | Density
Fig. 4Crowding in Hong Kong
Lockne, P. (2007) Available at: <http://farm2.static.flickr.com/1237/942039518_ec12d5ad74_o.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
11 | Density
various people can perceive and evaluate the same density very differently.
This is based under different countries, circumstances and their cultural
background (Churchman, 1999). Rapoport (1975) explained that perceived
density is defined as an individual’s perception and estimation of the number
of people present in a given area, the space available and the organisation of
that space. Within the environment, indications that characterise people and
their activities play critical roles in this perception of density. Perceived density
is therefore subjective as it relies on individual apprehension, however it does
not involve any personal evaluation or judgment. This concept of density is
typically measured by questionnaires surveys carried out by means of face-to-
face interviews in order to obtain comparable data about their vision across
urban areas (Travers, 1977).
Crowding is stated by Churchman (1999) as “the subjective evaluation of
an individual that a given density and perceived density is negative”. It is
also defined as a state of psychological stress, where the experience of an
individual associates with the negative aspects of density through evaluation
of situational variables, personal characteristics and coping assets (Evans and
Cohen, 1987; Sundstrom, 1978). Stokols (1972) cited that although density is a
necessary antecedent of crowding, it is not an adequate condition for causing
the experience of crowding. However, a consequence of limited space would
exaggerate the experience of crowding as the freedom of adjusting the physical
proximity to others is reduced (Makintosh, 1975).
There is no one accepted measure of density between or within countries or
even within urban districts. A report by Lehman and Associates (1995) pointed
out that even between towns in the greater Toronto, Canada area, there was
no consistency in the definition of density. Generally, measures of density
vary in several ways. Firstly, different numerators and denominators are used
across different countries. Some countries define density through population,
according to the number of people per given area, but others define density
according to the number of dwelling units per given area through residential
density. Secondly, a variation of land units, including acre, hectare, square mile,
and square kilometer are used as the denominator (Churchman, 1999).
12 | Density
Fig. 5Hong Kong: Compact City
Anonymous, no date. Available at: <http://emywinchester.files.wordpress.com/2009/12/hong_kong_clear.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
13 | Density
Tremendous pressure has been exerted on urban development across the globe.
Various Asian cities such as Singapore, Tokyo and Shanghai, are famous for their
compactness and high-density living. While high density is a phenomenon
increasingly associated with major cities, Hong Kong is a city of extreme density,
comprising of terrain that is largely made up of steep mountainous rock,
resulting in difficult or expensive to develop land (Willis, 2008).
Geographically, Hong Kong comprises of three main areas, Hong Kong Island,
the New Territories and Kowloon Peninsula, which adjoins to Shenzhen, China.
The core urban area is formed by the northern part of Hong Kong Island and
the Kowloon Peninsula with almost half of the population residing there (Hong
Kong Planning department, 2005).
The city consists of only 21.8% of land that is level, easily developable and can
be used for building (Wang & Lau, 2002). Under these conditions, Hong Kong
has adopted vertical developments, with a vast majority of its population living
in high-rise apartments. Affordable spaces tend to be small throughout the
Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). From these environments,
it seems that the people of Hong Kong have learnt to seize their opportunities
to make the most of space and, by breaking widely accepted rules of spatial
convention, they are able to transform almost any kind of space into a space of
use (Rooney, 2009).
In the Western context, high-density development is often considered to be
“over-crowded, causing excessive congestion and possible pathological effects
on society” (Chan, 2002). This is an example of perceived density. Nonetheless,
the findings of Chau (1983) have confirmed that high-density development of
Hong Kong has not been accompanied by many of the social illnesses expected
in the Western experience.
Individuals of diverse backgrounds have different definitions of high density.
“Just about every travel writer who has ever visited Hong Kong writes about the
frenetic energy, buzz, unremitting pace and sheer density of city life” (Rooney,
2009). In Hong Kong, urban planning is embedded in the verticality of society and
into the way of life. Density is experienced everyday, in crowded street markets,
The Case in Hong Kong
14 | Density
Fig. 6Crowding in Mong Kok
Bloom, A. no date. Available at: <http://www.plantsciences.ucdavis.edu/plantsciences_Faculty/Bloom/CAMEL/Art/CrowdLg.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
Fig. 7Hong Kong Street Market
Harvey, J. (2006) Available at: <http://www.johnharveyphoto.com/HongKong/StreetMarketNearHelensGrandparents_800W.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
Fig. 8Hong Kong Street Scene
Anonymous. no date. Available at: <http://www.britannica.com/bps/media-view/115776/1/0/0>[Accessed May 2011]
looking across to rooms in other buildings, looking down rooftops and elevated
walkways. Citizens of Hong Kong appear to be stimulated by noise and crowds in
a way that many Westerners cannot comprehend. Rooney (2009) explained that
the citizens have shown they have the competence to handle with what is a very
difficult spatial design problem. Practically any space is viewed as usable space
in this city. The shortage of space has essentially brought people closer together
visually, aurally, mentally and physically. This has made it part of the place, the
space and the experience of Hong Kong, a vibrant, exciting and dynamic aspect
of city life.
Pryor (1973) explained how there had repeatedly been public recommendations
made to reduce overcrowding and improve sanitation in the past. However,
the provision of housing and development of a new housing typology did not
emerge until the occurrence of a disastrous fire that left 53,000 people homeless
in the Shek Kip Mei squatter settlement during 1953 (Fig. 9). Such spontaneous
settlements multiplied with the arrival of refugees after World War II and the
establishment of the People’s Republic of China. The population of the territory
increased to over 2 million in 1952 (Chan 1993). At the time, Hong Kong was
a free port, serving as an entrepôt of the British Empire where merchandise
was imported and exported. Most of the establishments and activities were
therefore located near Victoria Harbour, which was the more developed part
of the city. The government who had control over the sale of land was criticised
about the high land price policy and restriction of development land. As a result,
a large number of citizens were living in overcrowded environments with poor
sanitation.
The colony was already at crisis point for housing; with virtually the whole
population reduced to living in totally inadequate and desperately overcrowded
accommodation. The Department of Resettlement (1954) stated “This is not
high-grade housing: it was emergency accommodation built to meet a grave
emergency. A family of five adults was housed in one room measuring 120 square
feet and smaller families were required to share a room. Thirty or forty such
rooms were required to share one communal water tap and three communal
flush latrines. The decision to accept this type of sub-standard housing as the
answer to the overall squatter problem was not lightly taken.”
The Emergence of High-Density Living
15 | Density
16 | Density
Fig. 10Overcrowded Environment with Poor Sanitation
Anonymous. no date. Available at: <http://favelaissues.files.wordpress.com/2010/11/img_2444.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
Fig. 9Disastrous Shek Kip Mei Fire
Anonymous. no date. Available at: <http://favelaissues.files.wordpress.com/2010/11/img_2448.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
17 | Density
Over a third of Hong Kong’s population at the time of the fire was squatting
on Crown land in huts of discarded materials, with no water supplies, sanitary
facilities or waste disposal (Fig. 10). They were scattered around Hong Kong
Island and Kowloon in settlements ranging in size from a few thousand to over
one hundred thousand inhabitants (Pryor, 1973).
Up until 1953, the Hong Kong Annual Report (1957) described how the
government assumed that those who found it difficult to earn a living would
return to China when conditions there ‘returned to normal’. Secondly, they
delayed making any decisive moves to solve the problem in the hope that other
countries would intervene to assist with the refugee problem. The government
admitted they were daunted by the immensity of the problem, particularly by
the prospect of accommodating so many people in permanent homes, when it
had always been their policy to not get involved with the provision of housing
(Chiu, 2006).
Finally, there was already the insistent need to rehouse people, which were
nearly six times more crowded than they were before. Until more permanent
action could be undertaken, there was little that the colonial government felt
they could do but to provide areas where squatting could be tolerated (Crisman,
1999). Following the fire, the Government had no choice but to improvise with
mass housing schemes by means of economical and land resources within
the shortest possible time. During the selection process for housing sites,
the government insisted that the only available land on the Island were to be
squatter areas cleared to accommodate the original inhabitants at even higher
net densities (Crisman, 1999). This resolution set the stage for a compact,
vertical, high-density residential city form that has given Hong Kong its unique
characteristics.
Construction began in 1954 on the first government funded relocation
structure. This has set the precedent for high-rise mass housing construction
for the next forty years; public, private, low, middle or high income. In 1956,
height maximums were eased to allow construction of high-rise blocks of 25
to 45 storeys (Chiu, 2006). Consequently, this led to the birth of the high-rise
housing that has come to dominate the Hong Kong skyline.
From Village to Estate
Like many cities, it began with the fusion of trade and residential activities, with
the typical shop layout on ground floor and residence in the rear or on the
first floor. In the early days of Southeast Asia, this type of development was
named ‘Shop House’, with most of which were designed and constructed for
climatic responsiveness (Xu and Yu, 2002). As the city expanded, the two-storey
shop houses rapidly transformed into multi-storey residences on top of multi-
storey shop houses. This first major deployment of the multiple use of space
was found in a mass private housing development in the early seventies (Wang
and Lau, 2002).
In the following forty years, there was a major rush to meet the housing demand
of the million populations that increased every decade (Yu, 2002). It soon
became clear that low cost public housing alone was insufficient to cope with
the continuous demand for housing, therefore the private sector shortly began
to construct speculative high-rise housing consisting of saleable flats within
residential towers, which were targeted for mid-income families (Crisman,
1999). The Government responded with an authoritarian land sales policy,
which in no time also became an inexpensive and effective tool to generate
revenue.
The Mei Fu Sun Chuen was the first conceptualisation of high-density and high-
rise urban design through modulated housing for Hong Kong (Fig. 11). It was
a phased private project, which started from 1969, completed in 1970, and
followed by successive phases of expansion over the years until 1989 (Wang and
Yu, 2002). Today, Mei Fu has 117 towers of fifteen storey tall apartment buildings
crowding on four connecting sites. They constitute a self-contained community
for 46,245 mid-income groups of residents or 13,068 households, living on a
small but compacted urban site, close to business and finance centres on both
sides of the Harbour (Wang and Lau, 2002). This development was a large scale
version of the shop on ground and residence on floors above, made practical by
a combination of land use functions on the ground and upper levels such as bus
terminus, food markets, gardens, sports ground, cinema and shops, therefore
making it a self-sufficient community. Over a period of almost two decades, the
former seaward petroleum fuel storage yard and jetty site of Mobil Company
was transformed into a livable development by the sea (Lau, 2002). The Mei
Fu (Chinese name translation of Mobil) model soon became a model for many
more to come in the following years.
18 | Density
19 | Density
The Mei Fu experiment has had major impact on the acceptance of high-rise
and concentrated living by the population as well as government planners
and developers. Lau (2002) stated “What followed and flourished over the
next decades were not a repetitive copy of the Mei Fu Model but instead a
gradual advancement of a highly sophisticated self-sufficient and mixed land
use concept that became a driving force for the next generation of multiple use
of space”. This became the driving force for the next generation of high-rise
multiple use of space within the city. In areas of site that were more restrictive,
designers had no hesitation but to stack up the living and non-living activities
in a vertical layout (Wang, 2002). What evolved were towers of multi-storey
residential apartments sitting on top of a relatively large podium in which all
ancillary facilities were found (Yu, 2002).
Fig. 11Mei Fu Sun Chuen
Anonymous, no dateAvailable at: <http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c6/Mei_foo_sun_chuen07.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
20 | Density
Fig. 13a The table below sets out the statutory maximum percentage site coverage and domestic plot ratio in relation to buildings of various heights.
Fig. 12 Projected Population Growth to 2050
Population in 2010Population in 2050
Source: Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003
Source: United Nations, 2009
Height of Building(Metres)
up to 15
up to 18
up to 21
up to 24
up to 27
up to 30
up to 36
up to 43
up to 49
up to 55
up to 61
over 61
Class A Site
66.6
60
56
52
49
46
42
39
37
35
34
33.33
Class A Site
3.3
3.6
3.9
4.2
4.4
4.6
5.0
5.4
5.9
6.3
6.8
8.0
Class B Site
75
67
62
58
55
52
47.5
44
41
39
38
37.5
Class B Site
3.75
4.0
4.3
4.6
4.9
5.2
5.7
6.1
6.5
7.0
7.6
9.0
Class C Site
80
72
67
63
59
55
50
47
44
42
41
40
Class C Site
4.0
4.3
4.7
5.0
5.3
5.5
6.0
6.5
7.0
7.5
8.0
10.0
Maximum Site Coverage(%)
Maximum Domestic Plot Ratio
ASIA4,157m5,424m
Africa1,030m2,084m
Europe739m720mN. America
344m471m
Latin America & Caribbean344m471m
21 | Density
DENSITY CONTROL IN HONG KONGAsia has continued to dominate other regions in terms of the total population,
the level of urbanisation and the number of mega cities (Fig. 12) (United
Nations, 2007). According to the United Nations, by 2030, over 53% of the
Asian population will be urban dwellers. This has led to the provision of
satisfactory living environments and affordable housing for the rapidly growing
urban masses, which has become an important policy issue not only for Hong
Kong, but most Asian governments (Yeung, 1998). Like other Asian cities, Hong
Kong has been significant in relying upon private capital to provide housing for
approximately half of the population. Chan (2002) described, “This ‘success’
has been achieved at tremendous social costs in the form of incredibly high
property prices and congested living space.”
“Acknowledging the reality of a short land supply and the benefits of high
density development and also its potential pitfalls, Hong Kong has developed
its own approach to high density development” (Fung, 2001). As described by
Fung, the planning and land systems of Hong Kong have developed appropriate
density controls. These are significantly different from other cities. Both
statutory and non-statutory means of control are used through the imposition
of plot ratios. This is defined as:
Plot ratio = Gross Floor Area (GFA)
Site Area
(Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003)
Statutory Control of Density
The Laws of Hong Kong (2003) state that the statutory side is regulated by
the Building Ordinance and associated with Building (Planning) Regulations
(B(P)R). The First Schedule of the B(P)R set the maximum domestic plot ratios
permissible in Hong Kong (Fig. 13a). It also specifies the percentage of site
coverage in relation to the building height, which can control the intensity of
the buildings so as to ensure that natural lighting and ventilation are adequate
for the external environment. The Second Schedule of the B(P)R specifies the
requirements of open spaces for domestic buildings, ensuring sufficient lighting
22 | Density
Fig. 13b Table of Five Bands According to Population Density and Plot Ratio
Fig. 14 Table of Five Bands According to Population Density and Plot Ratio
Source: Hong Kong Planning Department, 1991
Source: Hong Kong Planning Department, 2005
Density Band
Population Density(2001)p.p. ha
Population Density(2011)p.p. ha
Resultant Plot Ratio
2410 2090 1310 580 - 1160 290 - 580
2200 1910 1190 530 - 1060 260 - 530
6.5 5.5 3.5 4 - 8 2 - 4
Band 1Sites with good accessibility to
rail station
Band 2Sites with moderate
accessibility to rail station
Band 3Sites relatively
remote from rail station
Band 4Medium density
sites
Band 5Low density sites
TSUEN WAN
KWAI TSING
NEWKOWLOON
KOWLOON
HONG KONG ISLAND
23 | Density
and ventilation is provided for the internal environments of residential units
(Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003).
Although the maximum plot ratios are stated in the B(P)R, the Hong Kong
Planning Department (2003) stated that a lower plot ratio may be specified and
enforced by other means if the site places major constraints on development
capacity, such as transport or infrastructure limitations, environmental,
topographical, and geotechnical conditions or special design considerations.
If there is non-domestic floor space, the maximum domestic plot ratio will be
reduced according to the provisions of the B(P)R composite building formula.
For example, the plot ratios, which are below their maximum limits, may be
specified in the Outline Zoning Plans (OZPs), so as to suit the conditions of
that site (Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003). Other restrictions include
building height restrictions designed to avoid the obstruction of flight paths,
development conditions imposed by the government under modified land
leases, and conditions attached to the planning permissions granted to
developers (Chan, 2000).
Non-statutory Controls of Density
Hong Kong Planning Standards and Guidelines
All land in Hong Kong is owned by the government and is rented to land users on
long-term leases (Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003). Land ownership puts
the government at a fairly strong position in influencing built form and densities
through lease and planning control. The Hong Kong Planning Department
(2003) explains how the incorporation of plot ratios into the land leases when
land is granted or an existing lease is modified enforces density control. If the
lease of some sites are not restricted by density, density controls can only rely
on statutory plans and ordinances. The Metroplan also classifies the sites into
five bands according to population density and plot ratio (Fig. 13b).
Apart from statutory controls, the Hong Kong Planning Standards and
Guidelines (2010) also provide a clear and broad framework for density controls
by classifying urbanised territory into different areas of density of control. It lists
a number of tables showing the maximum domestic plot ratios that are allowed
for the main urban areas, new towns and rural areas. The main urban areas
24 | Density
Residential Zone 1
- Covers the highest density of residential development
- Applies to districts well served by high capacity public
transport systems
- Incorporates a significant component of commercial floor
space on the first three floors
- Covers development at a medium density
- Applies to locations less well served by high capacity
public transport systems
- Usually has no commercial floor space component
- Covers the lowest density of residential development
- Applies to districts with very limited public transport
capacity or is subject to special constraints for urban
design traffic or environmental reasons.
Residential Zone 2
Residential Zone 3
Fig. 15 Table of Five Bands According to Population Density and Plot Ratio
Fig. 16 The Maximum Domestic Plot Ratios - Main Urban Areas
Source: Hong Kong Planning Standards and Guidelines, 2010
Source: Hong Kong Planning Department, 2003
DensityZone
R1
R1
R2
R3
Existing Development Area
New Development Areas and Comprehensive Development Areas
8/9/106/7.5
8
6.5
5
3
Hong Kong IslandKowloon & New KowloonTsuen Wan, Kwai Chung & Tsing Yi
Type of Area Location Maximum Domestic Plot Ratio
25 | Density
consist of Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, New Kowloon, Tsuen Wan, Kwai Chung
and Tsing Yi (Fig. 14). These urban areas are separated into three residential
density zones (R1, R2 and R3). The three residential density zones are divided
according to the degree of intensity of developments, their proximity to transport
and environmental constraints. Characteristics of the three residential density
zones are summarised in table (Fig.15). Apart form the three Residential Density
Zones, R1 to R3, a very low-density zone, R4, is designated in the New Towns.
R4 is justified by severe geotechnical/infrastructure constraints or compatibility
with adjacent rural low-density developments. The maximum domestic plot
ratio for R4 is stated as 0.4 (Hong Kong Planning department, 2010).
In Hong Kong, the urban land administration system serves the developers
and landowners through the political structure, which is dominated by the
representatives of the higher class (Poon, 2011). Research results show that
the clustering of residential locations of different classes were very similar to
the distribution of density zones (Ng, 2001). Residential stratification exists
as a matter of fact. Wealthy people buy larger homes in better localities,
whereas the lower income residents are more sensitive to transportation
and employment opportunities in the vicinity of their home. Researches on
residential differentiation by Johnston (1971) showed that the socioeconomic
status of neighbourhoods is a crucial element in determining the social status.
However in Hong Kong, how significant it is in the private residential sector is
not fully known.
Controlling the intensity of residential land use is one of the most important
areas of density control. Ng (1991) described “broad brush density zones, density
cap of individual planning units, minimum flat size, bed number and number
of flats per development, lot size control and set-back, frontages and height
control are all different methods in controlling residential density”. Collectively
and individually, these measures perform differently in the culturally distinct
and historical background of Hong Kong. Due to the topographic constraints,
historical development and land policies, the Hong Kong government and
planners have adopted a vertical development, resulting in a dense and mixed-
use urban environment packed with closely built high-rise residences and
commercial buildings. Density control has become an important urban planning
issue in Hong Kong and building compactly has been one of the widely accepted
solutions used to satisfy the intense demand of urban activities in the city.
Architecture of DensityAnonymous, (2007) Available at: <http://mw2.google.com/mw-panoramio/photos/medium/842051.jpg/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]
CHAPTER TWO | The Hong Kong Home
Private Housing
Public Housing
Whether luxury, middle class, or public, Hong Kong housing has always been
seen to be high-rise. The housing supply in Hong Kong comes from two main
sources: firstly, private sector developments driven by commercial incentive;
and secondly, the public provision of welfare housing (Tsou, 2004). Currently,
the legislative controls on density, development, and building processes are
applicable to the private sector only (Chan 2002). The Hong Kong government
has been key in monitoring the supply side of the private housing market
through its dominating control of land sales and its development control
mechanisms (Schiffer, 1991). The government leases land for development and
keeps the value of land high by encouraging residential density in conjunction
with mass transit. Major real estate companies, working in cooperation with
the mass-transit rail company, the MTR, build these housing estates (Willis,
2008). Rail stations form the hub for multi-level shopping centres and also
serve as the podium base for high-rise apartments. These often comprise of a
cluster of identical towers up to 60 storeys in height. Integrated management
is provided throughout the whole estate, attracting more affluent residents. In
2007, the Census and Statistics Department identified that the private housing
stock amounted to approximately 1,143,000 units, accommodating 51.4% of
the population (Fig. 18).
Public housing in Hong Kong is truly a phenomenon of density, the statistics are
astonishing and the visual landscapes of public housing estates impressive. The
density of public housing reached at least 2500 residents per hectare, which is
twice the density of the most crowded residential areas in mainland China (Xue,
Manuel & Chung, 2001). Public housing is provided by the Hong Kong Housing
Authority (HKHA), a statutory body established in 1973 that are responsible
for implementing the majority of Hong Kong’s public housing programs. The
Hong Kong Housing Society (HKHS), an independent statutory organisation
established in 1948, also provides public housing for specific categories of
subsidised accommodation to help meet the housing needs of the community.
Public sector housing developments are subject only to internal government
28 | The Hong Kong Home
Fig. 17Hong Kong Mass Public Housing Estate
Wolf, M. (2006). Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/hongkongarchitecture/unten.html >[Accessed May 2011]
administrative control. Rents and prices are significantly lower than private
housing and are heavily subsidised by the government, with partial recovery of
revenue from rent and car park charges within residences (Chan, 2002). Public
housing estates were typically built in remote or less accessible parts of the
territory, but urban expansion has now left some older estates deep within the
inner city. Apart from Wan Chai district, public housing is found in every district
of Hong Kong (Chiu, 2006).
29 | The Hong Kong Home
Public Housing
Public Rental Flats
Subsidised Sale Flats
Private Housing
Temporary Housing
Non-domestic Housing
Total
Thousands
1054
691
363
1143
16
11
2225
Thousands
3350
2129
1221
3384
46
81
6861
%
37.3
31.1
16.2
51.4
0.8
0.5
100.0
%
48.8
31.0
17.8
49.3
0.7
1.2
100.0
Stock of Permanent Residential Flats
Distribution of Population by Housing
Type
Fig. 18 Stock of Residential Flats and Housing Type Distribution
Source: Census and Statistics Department, 2007
30 | The Hong Kong Home
Fig. 20Tai Koo Shing
Anonymous, no date. Available at: <http://www.swirepacific.com/gb/images/media/gallery/property/l/1.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
Fig. 19Tai Koo Shing in Construction
Wing, W. (1980). Available at: <http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e8/HK_Tai_Koo_Shing_1980s.jpg>[Accessed April 2011]
CASE STUDIES
太古城 Tai Koo Shing
Tai Koo Shing is typical of the first generation of the middle class private housing
estate located in Quarry Bay, Hong Kong Island. The estate is within residential
density zone 1 and has a total site area of 21.4 hectares. Originally, the site
was a dockyard for the ship repairs in the northeast quadrant of Hong Kong
Island. After the dockyard had moved in the 1970’s to United Dockyards on the
west shore of the Tsing Yi Island, the estate was constructed in stages over site
(Zhang, 2008). After completion, the estate’s housing complexes were broken
down into six terraces and two gardens, each with a special naming scheme.
The construction consists of 61 residential towers with an average height
of 28 storeys alongside a number of neighbourhood shops, commercial
and entertainment centre. An average unit is sized at 860 square feet and
comprises of 2 to 3 bedrooms, 1 or 2 bathrooms, a kitchen and an open plan
living and dining space (Willis, 2008). Typically, a symmetrical plan is formed by
interlocking 8 residential units around a central core. This is then repeated 27 to
30 times to create the standard residential tower (Willis, 2008). The population
of over 40,000 lives in approximately 12,700 flats. The income distribution of
Tai Koo Shing’s population makes it a typical middle class community in Hong
Kong. Apartment flats are popular amongst buyers and speculators, and for a
significant time in the 80’s and 90’s, Tai Koo Shing’s housing price was a general
indicator of the of Hong Kong’s housing market health in general (Lau, 2005).
The domestic gross floor area is around 95.6 hectares, and the non-domestic
gross floor area is about 38.3 hectares, leading to a GFA of approximately 133.9
hectares. This is approximately 7.7 of plot ratio in total.
Tai Koo Shing is one of the largest and densest private housing estates on
Hong Kong Island (Fig. 20). The scale of the construction was so large that it
was possible to live, work and play there without ever needing to leave the
complex (Yeoh, 1998). With its own large shopping centre, restaurants and even
schools, it could be thought of as a self-sufficient complex. Tai Koo Shing is a
typical housing estate in Hong Kong demonstrating high development intensity.
It demonstrates the dense living conditions in Hong Kong’s urban context.
31 | The Hong Kong Home
太古城
34 | The Hong Kong Home
Fig. 21Kwai Chung Estate Before Redevelopment
Tang, H. (1969) Available at: <http://www.flickr.com/photos/eat_see/2386295209/>[Accessed April 2011]
Fig. 22Kwai Chung Estate After Redevelopment
Anonymous, (2005) Available at: <http://www.housingauthority.gov.hk/hdw/content/static/images/en/aboutus/publications/ehs0708/casestudy_024.jpg>[Accessed April 2011]
35 | The Hong Kong Home
Kwai Chung estate is a public housing estate located in the New Territories
of Hong Kong within density zone R1. Built in the 1960’s Kwai Chung estate
was one of the earliest resettlement estates in Hong Kong. It was established
when population increased and there was a shortage of safe and secure
housing available. Originally, there was only communal supply of water in the
estate. In 1967, it was upgraded to have water provided to each flat under an
environmental improvement scheme (Fig. 21). In the old blocks, two families
had to share a toilet facility located outside the flats. In addition, the estate had
no lift service provided (Kwai Chung Estate Management Office, 1996).
By the late 1980’s, it was found that the non-self contained housing design
provided and the supporting facilities were unmatched with the expectations of
residents. Demand for early redevelopment came from the residents, councillors
and pressure groups (Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2002). In this regard, Kwai
Chung Estate was identified for redevelopment under the Housing Authority’s
Comprehensive Redevelopment Programme in 1990’s. The redevelopment
project covered 11 hectares of site area, providing a total of 14,500 improved
accommodations as well as improvement works for supporting facilities within
the estate (Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2002). The estate is now under
management of the Hong Kong Housing Authority. Redevelopment had started
from 1993 – 2005 and Kwai Chung is now the largest public housing estate in
Hong Kong, providing 16 blocks of accommodation for approximately 40,000
people. The redevelopment has allowed for more effective land use as well
as enhanced traffic flow in the area. Residents are now living in modern self-
contained flats with a much improved estate environment (Fig. 22).
葵涌邨 Kwai Chung Estate
葵涌邨
For Tai Koo Shing, the current plot ratio control mechanism has directly affected
the quality of living space provided by private developers. An evident problem
is the very restrictive provision of common areas within residential buildings. A
common area is defined as: “the public area that is shared by the residents of
that floor, and includes lifts, lift lobbies, staircases, and rooms for mechanical
plants, pipes, and utilities ducts” (Chan, 2002).
The diagram below shows the amount of saleable area and common area in a
typical Tai Koo Shing ‘cruciform’ floor plan.
LIvING CONDITIONS
With the purchasing of land, the sum of land premium paid by a developer to the
government is related directly to the permissible maximum gross floor space.
Apart from land costs being tremendously high in Hong Kong, they also account
for about 70% of the total development cost (Chan, 2002). The common area is
included in the calculation of the maximum permissible gross floor space within
the development under the current plot ratio system. Subsequently, as shown
by the example of Tai Koo Shing estate, private developers tend to reduce this
common area as much as possible, allowing more exclusive, private space.
38 | The Hong Kong Home
39 | The Hong Kong Home
This operation has caused an undesirable impact on the quality of residential
living within the estate. “Households are left with tiny lifts and awkward
communal space with narrow public corridors and staircases” (Chan, 2002). Tang
(2002) explained how the control mechanism of gross floor space also reduced
the incentive of providing space for environmental protection purposes, such as
balconies, recessing of windows, extra space for cross ventilation and domestic
waste recycling areas. These communal amenities would take up the floor space
quota, which would make the development more difficult to sell to home buyers
than private floor area (Wong, 2002).
Hong Kong developers are aware that sufficient and quality common areas are
favourable housing characteristics, but plot ratio control as mentioned by Chan
(2002), brought economic concerns, which caused developers to sacrifice this
space in order to maximise the financial returns on each square metre of living
space provided. Chan (2002) also identified that home buyers did enjoy having
more public space, but none were willing to reveal their preference and pay for
it. This may be another factor contributing to the lack of common space.
“A typical Hong Kong Housing Authority home may be small but as the centre
of family dwelling it still needs to be ordered in some way to facilitate so many
people living together. It is also likely to reflect aesthetic choices indicating
different levels of decision-making. Although residents have no illusions about
the quality of their homes, their dwelling experience makes them an authority
on density” (Rooney, 2009).
In the case of Kwai Chung estate, one of the key elements taken during the
redevelopment was the social consideration of the residents. This involved the
minimisation of social disruption and to provide a quality and comfortable living
environment (Cheng, 1999). A Comprehensive Redevelopment Programme
(CRP) was implemented during the redevelopment project, where residents
affected by the renovation could apply for rehousing in new or refurbished public
housing flats reserved for that particular phase of redevelopment if necessary.
To minimise the disturbance further to the local community, some essential
components of the community including car parks, markets, youth centre,
schools and religious shrines were maintained. The establishment of a “civic
hub” was developed as part of the estate, providing a focal point for residents
to meet and socialise. This gave great convenience to the public, containing a
40 | The Hong Kong Home
Fig. 23Kwai Chung Commercial Centre
Anonymous, (2007) Available at: <http://www.housingauthority.gov.hk/hdw/content/static/images/en/aboutus/publications/ehs0708/casestudy_017.jpg>[Accessed April 2011]
41 | The Hong Kong Home
3-storey shopping centre (Fig. 23), air-conditioned markets, car parking and a
covered public transport interchange (Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2005).
Economic considerations were continuously taken by the Housing Authority to
optimise site development potentials in order to meet the increasing demand of
flats in the 1990’s. During the time of redevelopment, the Housing Association
was able to optimise site potentials by increasing the domestic gross area,
resulting in a higher number of new flats.
42 | The Hong Kong Home
Fig. 24Tai Koo Shing Kitchen
Anonymous, no date.Available at: <http://www.palgrave-journals.com/jba/journal/v6/n1/images/jba201012f3.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
Fig. 25Kwai Chung Estate Kitchen
Anonymous, no date.Available at: <http://www.palgrave-journals.com/jba/journal/v6/n1/images/jba201012f3.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
INHABITATION
Kitchen
Bathroom
In both Tai Koo Shing and Kwai Chung housing estates, typical residential units
show little variation in terms of layout. Based on different occupants, various
interior spatial functions are required to suit their particular needs. The
relationship between functions of space and user behaviour varied significantly
in private and public estates.
Windows are important in bathrooms for their psychological benefits. They
enable ventilation and day lighting, which are of great importance for providing
hygienic conditions. However, current design regulations only require day
lighting and ventilation in habitable rooms and not necessarily bathrooms. A
survey carried out by Lau (2010), showed that only 15% of the sample from Kwai
Chung estate expressed acceptance of bathrooms without windows, whereas
the remaining 75% found it unacceptable. The occupants had various levels of
acceptance of the statutory to allow windowless toilet, which indicated that
the users’ expectations and acceptance had not been taken account into the
legislation process (Gou, 2010).
In Tai Koo Shing, the kitchen was often found to be a storage area rather than a
space designated for traditional cooking and food preparation (Fig. 24). Kitchens
in Hong Kong are limited to within 5 square metres (Lau, 2006), it is easily
understood that cooking is a difficult task to carry out in such a small room. For
this reason, it was found that many middle class couples usually chose to dine
out; therefore the kitchen was used more for storage purposes (Lau, 2010). It is
interesting to see how the difference in lifestyle and behaviour is changing the
meaning of physical space. The changes in living habit have caused low usage
of the kitchen within the private estate. This has affected the actual function of
the kitchen, diverging it from the traditional use.
For Kwai Chung estate, occupants who cooked at home tended to hang kitchen
utensils against the window, due to the general lack of space and for privacy
purposes (Fig. 25). This would significantly reduce day lighting performance,
thus creating an undesirable environment for cooking.
43 | The Hong Kong Home
44 | The Hong Kong Home
Fig. 26Kwai Chung Estate Residents
Wolf, M. no date.Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/100_x_100/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]
Where bathrooms did have windows within Tai Koo Shing, they usually faced the
narrow re-entrant space that runs vertically in-between each pair of apartment
wings, similar to a semi-enclosed chimney (Ng, 2009). This can cause bacteria to
easily spread through the stack effect (Butler and Binder, 1989).
The spread of infectious diseases can be a major problem within the dense,
urban environment of the Hong Kong. The outbreak of severe acute respiratory
syndrome (SARS) in 2003 is an example that contaminated various estates and
infected people throughout the entire territory. Although the cause of the SARS
outbreak still remains unclear, it is essential that the Buildings Department
issues better practical notes to guide better design in terms of ventilation and
natural lighting in all spaces (Ng, 2009).
The bedroom is where there is the most significant concern about privacy. It
can be seen that in Kwai Chung estates, there is an absence of windows in the
The importance of having a good view out in living rooms was a major expectation
and consideration to residents. In particularly Tai Koo Shing, developers always
emphasised views as a major selling point. Apartments with better views have
a significantly higher price, but residents always considered a better view with
a better living environment. Most people in Hong Kong interpreted views as the
windows facing an obstructed external environment, such as a park view, sea
view or any other natural environment (Li, 2010).
Tong (2007) noted the way new residents appropriated their living space. He
noted on plan, not just the arrangement of the furniture but also the presence
of clutter as an integral part of the space (Fig. 26). Rooney (2009) stated, “He
recognised that everyday consumption was not just a threat to the order
and design of the space but was actually a characteristic of the space and,
significantly a reflection of the residents’ way of living in that space”. It seems
that residents have a specific and detailed knowledge of space derived from
high density living, which is a legitimate spatial knowledge. As discovered by
Tong (2007), living with density everyday and living as part of the culture of
density contributes to the residents’s spatial knowledge.
Living/Dining Room
Bedroom
45 | The Hong Kong Home
The air ventilation and daylight penetration into individual housing units play an
important role within high-rise residential building designs. Residential building
design is largely administered by the statutory control guidelines, which are
dominated by daylight provisions (Gou, 2010). For Kwai Chung estate, the
distribution of lighting quality varies significantly across the building types and
spaces. A lack of sufficient lighting and ventilation in the kitchen and bathrooms
were a common observation, as surrounding high-rise apartments blocked
light. Common issues were windows placed within the visibility range from
neighbouring blocks causing a lack of privacy. As a result, most windows are
kept closed and covered using opaque materials such as shades and curtains for
better privacy, blocking light and ventilation into the housing units.
Furniture layouts also caused obstructions to light within residential units.
Some spaces had no windows at all, possibly for the purpose of storage,
but due to the lack of sufficient living space, such spaces were also used for
habitation. On most occasions, occupants used artificial lighting in these spaces
even during daytime. Lau (2006) described the various factors that affected the
quality of ventilation and daylighting within the residential units of Kwai Chung
estate were the size, number and positioning of windows, the floor area of
space, window floor area ratio, the shape of the room and depth of space from
window, internal reflectance of materials and finishes, the building footprint
shape, external obstructions, building orientation, obstructions caused by
neighbouring towers and distance between towers, external barriers to wind
and daylight such as hills and internal furniture layouts.
In comparison, ventilation and day lighting in Tai Koo Shing was much more
substantial. This is partly due to the location of the residential towers. Being built
ENvIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS
46 | The Hong Kong Home
bedroom. Daylight provision was not of great importance for the residents, which
contrasts with the assumption that larger windows were always preferred in all
domestic living spaces (Gou, 2010). Curtains and blinds were commonly found
with 77% installing them in the bedroom, in order to improve their privacy (Li,
2010). Lau (2010) described how “The use of curtains could simply reflect that
most window design has not taken the orientation and visual privacy into the
design process and consideration”.
47 | The Hong Kong Home
Tai Koo Shing comprises of terraces such as Horizon Gardens, Shing Fai Terrace,
and Kao Shan Terrace, which have podiums to provide a public space for their
residents that often including a swimming pool and children’s playground.
Podiums and sky gardens create a barrier from traffic and pollution. These
spaces also have a tendency to trap pollutants due to a lack of cross ventilation
and high building mass. Tai Koo Shing demonstrates limited open spaces, which
are located close to highways, roadways, and transport nodes, creating poor
environmental quality due to noise, dust and smoke emissions. The mixed-use
nature of High-rise residential estates in Hong Kong allows for better accessibility
to residents. However, the mixing and co-location of incompatible uses such as
housing, community, recreational and public spaces near commercial, industrial
and transport can sometimes have consequences on the physical quality of the
living environment. The main challenges within high-density living are largely
associated with environmental quality and social acceptability (Williams, 2000).
It can be argued that even if open spaces are provided within residential blocks
or outside in close proximity to homes, if the quality does not meet the demands
and satisfaction of its users, such open spaces may not be efficiently utilised.
Studies of open space satisfaction among residents of the Tai Koo Shing estate
by Coorey (2007) showed that satisfaction is primarily dependent on the
COMMUNAL AREAS
across the waterfront, there is less interference of light caused by surrounding
apartment blocks. Apartments on lower floors however, still tended to be
heavily overshadowed by adjacent structures, therefore receiving a reduced
level of daylight.
A study conducted on residents’ satisfactions and aspirations of high-rise living
in Hong Kong showed that better views, less noise and better air quality were
the major reasons for people to choose high-rise living (Lau, 2002). The higher
selling prices for apartments on higher floors were also attributed to better
environmental quality. This trend may seem to suggest that residents who
choose to live on higher floors are seeking to escape from the environmental
problems, since living on higher floors allows them to be further away from
the surface of the city. However, opting for taller buildings alone may not be a
solution to the problem.
48 | The Hong Kong Home
Fig. 27Kwai Chung Estate Landscaped Open Spaces
Anonymous, (2005)[Photograph] Hong Kong Housing Authority
Fig. 28Kwai Chung Estate Common Area
Anonymous, (2005)[Photograph] Hong Kong Housing Authority
physical qualities as opposed to its social qualities. For residents living at higher
densities, the physical qualities such as climatic comfort, maintenance, facilities
and provisions were identified as having important implications on their overall
satisfaction. Respondents living at lower densities were more inclined to
consider the social qualities such as safety, crowding, privacy and interaction
to have a higher implication on their open space satisfaction (Coorey, 2007).
This highlights the importance of environmental and social quality for optimum
satisfaction of open space within Tai Koo Shing. Such open spaces play a critical
role in the lives of residents, as it is their only means of escape from the
otherwise built up urban setting.
Environmental considerations also took place throughout the Kwai Chung
estate redevelopment, providing residents with a green and healthy living
environment. Previously, there had been a lack of green cover and trees,
contributing to poor micro climatic conditions in the outdoor spaces (Tan & Fwa,
1992). Due to the extremely compact nature of individual public dwelling units,
residents were forced to use these open spaces despite its poor environmental
quality. A study by Davies (1998) had shown that the most popular form of
recreation among Hong Kong residents is the use of passive local open spaces.
It was observed that the majority of users were the elderly and low-income
groups whose accessibility to district open spaces and country parks may be
limited. This led to an increase in the overall area of open space within the
estate from around 4.8 hectares to 7.5 hectares (Hong Kong Housing Authority,
2002). Designers specifically chose sites to allow the best possible use of open
spaces for residents of the district (Fig. 27). An adequate provision of open
space, greenery, vistas and visual corridors was a critical issue in the light of high
land prices and the general lack of space between and around tall buildings.
Open spaces and landscaping on podiums were design measures taken to
improve the perception of open spaces, views and greenery for residents within
Kwai Chung Estate (Fig. 28). The redevelopment works also led to a plantation
of 170,000 new plants and retention of 100 old trees in the estate. About 30%
of the estate area has been landscaped with a high standard of landscaping,
ample seating areas for the elderly and play facilities for children. (Hong Kong
Housing Authority, 2002). The amount of open space and common area in
the Kwai Chung estate is much more generous than that in private housing.
Public housing developments in Hong Kong are not subject to the statutory
49 | The Hong Kong Home
50 | The Hong Kong Home
Fig. 29Tai Chi in Public Space
Anonymous, (2009)[Photograph] Hong Kong Housing Authority
In a city where convenience is valued the most, a central location with sea
views would be most desirable for many. However, the ever-changing skyline
of the Hong Kong means that the views and benefits of living at higher levels
cannot be guaranteed for long. A resident of Tai Koo Shing said “Because of the
population explosion, the view across the harbour and distant mountains from
my 17th floor apartment may be replaced with another apartment block in the
future, I think I’ll see people having breakfast in their dining room and I’ll be
able to wave hello to them” (CNN, 2011). In Hong Kong, it is not uncommon to
have an insight into a neighbour’s life. For this reason, similar to Kwai Chung
estate, many use screens or curtains for better privacy.
Though close proximity is common in Hong Kong, the social connections between
neighbours in private estates are not. Sociology professor Paul Yip from the
University of Hong Kong stated “People in Hong Kong do live very close to each
other, but they live in very confined areas and they might not know the name
of neighbours next door” (CNN, 2011). Particularly in the case of Tai Koo Shing,
residents are not very good at building connections between communities, due
to the design and limited communal space. On the other hand, residents of Kwai
Chung estate have generous amounts open space, as they are not subject to
the statutory floor area control mechanism. This has enhanced social relations
with other neighbours. Although individual public housing units of Kwai Chung
estates are more cramped and many residents have left to live in larger homes
of children who have prospered, Mrs Wong, an inhabitant of the estate says she
would never leave. “We have a really deep connection with this estate. Next
door there are people who have been here since the 1960’s too” (BBC, 2006).
Small interventions such as community gardening has also been integrated to
encourage residents of public housing estate to make the most of outdoor space.
“We grow vegetables, we grow plants. A lot of people come here and really
enjoy the process. People make friends, it helps build a better community. It’s
also a much healthier lifestyle for people here.” Said Angus Lee, a horticulturalist
SOCIAL CONDITIONS
51 | The Hong Kong Home
floor area control mechanism. Land is allocated to the public housing authority
at favourable costs so there is no pressure on the public housing authority to
achieve an economical return on investment by decreasing the common area in
public housing estates (Hong Kong Housing Authority, 2002).
52 | The Hong Kong Home
Fig. 31Childrens Playground
Anonymous, (2009)[Photograph] Hong Kong Housing Authority
Fig. 30Integration with the Community
Anonymous, (2009)[Photograph] Hong Kong Housing Authority
of the estate (BBC, 2006). Residents of all generations also naturally gather
every morning for Tai Chi in public spaces (Fig. 29). This is an aspect that is not
seen within private housing estates such as Tai Koo Shing. A resident of Tai Koo
Shing commented, “People only clear the snow in front of their own door… I
think it’s the culture of Hong Kong. Not only the culture of Tai Koo Shing. People
are concerned solely with their own affairs” (The Sociological Review, 2002).
Residents of private estates seem to have less of a community attachment and
incline to dwell in isolation within their private homes.
It can be seen that the design of the community helps to stimulate a collection
of factors, which enriches the sense of neighbourhood. Li (2008) stated “With an
ideal physical design of the residential community, an effective and more human
approach in space management provides a platform that effects the interaction
among actors of the community”. Similar to Kwai Ching estate, residents should
be provided with a suitable platform in the community. This would allow them
to interact with each other and experience the common feeling of being part of
the larger family within the community. This is particularly important in compact
cities like Hong Kong where most of the housing structures are in dense, urban
environments.
53 | The Hong Kong Home
Hong Kong: Hectic Street LifeBhaskar, D. no date Available at: <http://www.tropicalisland.de/HKG%20Hong%20Kong%20Advertising.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
CONCLUSIONHong Kong is a unique, vertical city. Both public and private residential buildings
are typically situated within dense urban environments. These conditions stem
from the expanding population and economic expansion since the 1970’s,
which generated a huge demand for housing, though land remains limited to
only 21.8% of total developable land area (Wang & Lau, 2002).
For the majority of the seven million inhabitants, high-rise living is a fact of
life. Rooney (2009) described, “A major factor contributing to Hong Kong’s
citizens tolerance of density clearly lies with a deep-rooted conception that,
topographically land is difficult to develop, that developable land is expensive
and that high density, high rise living is the norm”. Rapoport (1975) noted that
a homogeneous population (Hong Kong) is more inclined to have a greater
tolerance of density than a heterogeneous population (Manhattan – New York)
in an equivalent density. This is because they take for granted certain clues
of interaction and behaviour and can therefore disregard others more easily
(Rapoport, 1975).
How high-rise residential space function, not only in terms of occupation, but
how the space is perceived as a lived-in space should be a major concern for the
architect. Rapoport (1975) supports that before density can be judged, it should
be ‘read’ through the specificity of physical and social relationships. In terms
of Hong Kong, if we are to better understand how as a homogeneous ethnic
population, citizens are able to cope with density, we are required to recognise
and appreciate how these signs of interaction influence the way they think of
space and how these are implicit in the experience of that space (Rooney, 2009).
One of the challenging aspects of attempting to link density with positive or
negative consequences is the tendency to make assumptions on how various
levels of density affect resident’s lives. There is no systematic evidence as to
whether higher densities affect everyone or most people the same, who is
affected, and to what extent they are affected (Yip, 2002). Fischer (1976) argued
that we do not know how much of an “average” urban resident’s life actually is
spent within high-density situations.
Reviewing the case studies offered an insight on how tall residential buildings
have had many social and environmental implications on the quality of living.
High-density housing does not necessarily equate to poor living conditions,
provided that additional policy controls are implemented to ensure this. This
may include sufficient communal space by integrating a certain percentage of
green site coverage as part of the guidelines (Im, 2009). Other effective systems
of density control must provide adequate day lighting conditions, ventilation
and good air quality, access, privacy, elimination of infectious diseases spreading
and space for amenities.
Tai Koo Shing and Kwai Chung estate are modular in both the plan and
prefabricated construction. Both the estates seem unrelated to its site and
context. This type of mono-function planning and architectural podium design
has resulted in housing developments to have an isolated relationship with the
city. Although in the case of Tai Koo Shing and Kwai Chung estate, other uses have
accompanied the housing, but for many other major housing estates, there is
no consideration of activities and physical elements that constitute a rich urban
environment (Crisman, 2009). Housing in Hong Kong has been thought of as a
distinct problem from overall planning. Crisman (2009) explained, “The single
most important factor for the government in determining housing location has
been the availability of unused land, without equal regard for the planning of
social services, commercial districts or employment”. This has caused repetitive
enclosed clusters of walled towns that function independently. On the other
hand, the street life of the city has evolved from this, creating a vibrant and rich
living and working environment, responding to residents’ needs for amenities
that the government neglected to provide.
When analysing the inhabitation of Hong Kong homes, it is interesting to find
how residents respond and behave, based on the architects’ design of the
residential space. It is a difficult task for the architect, as they are on unfamiliar
territory when dealing with the domestic space. Rooney (2009) explained,
“They attempt to make sense of the problem that is presented to them, and
which characteristically, they will try to make fit within the framework of their
professional knowledge, which in turn, is largely based on Western spatial
norms”. Architects know that the occupied space will alter and evolve long after
they have left. According to the occupants’ lifestyles, residents adjust and adapt
to the space to suit their own way of living. Decisions are made based on a
56 | Conclusion
57 | Conclusion
criteria, which designers may have never considered or understood (Rooney,
2009). An example of this was shown in Tai Koo Shing, where a resident who
often dined out used the kitchen as a storage area, diverging the function of the
kitchen from the traditional use.
In a city where the buildable land resources are scarce, high-rise residential
buildings operate as an optimal option to maximise development potentials and
best returns. The ‘home – work – play’ concept within Hong Kong housing estates
gives the residents efficiency, convenience and savings in time. Safe and vibrant
urban spaces have also been created within these neighbourhoods, providing a
good sense of social cohesion between residents. The intensification of mixed
land uses contributes to reduced travel time, therefore increasing productivity
and economic viability within the city (Wu, 2005). High-rise developments
provide a heuristic device to meet the housing demands for the increasing
population. But what matters most, is the underlying phenomenon that brought
success for Hong Kong. The city still manages to keeps the population relatively
healthy and cheerful, allowing citizens to enjoy short journeys to and from
work, enjoy leisure and spare time, but fundamentally, enjoying the excitement
and dynamic aspect of city life as a whole.
Hong Kong, where everything is closely packed together, is the perfect case of
a compact city. Previously, there was the assumption that it would never be
possible to reproduce the Hong Kong experience elsewhere (Manzini, 2003).
This was partially true as it was not easy to find other cities in the world where
the frantic life and working lifestyle of Hong Kong would be acceptable. Times
have now changed, making this assumption far less true than in the past (Sassen,
2000). The main reason is that density and service intensity is no longer unique
to Hong Kong. High-density living has become one of the most widely used ways
of organising urban space in a hyper-populated world. Service intensity will also
become the common denominator of every major city.
The typical model of residential development in Hong Kong that comprises of
the high-rise apartment towers with a podium at base level provides a platform
of compactness. They offer every kind of service to residents. The spread of
this typology that depends on service systems has created the organisation of
capacity, which is exportable and adaptable to other contexts. Manzini (2007)
explained, “Hong Kong expertise is developing a new and dynamic framework
58 | Conclusion
Fig. 33Hong Kong Night
Wolf, M. (2006)Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/hongkongarchitecture/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]
Fig. 32Night Density
Wolf, M. (2006)Available at: <http://www.photomichaelwolf.com/hongkongarchitecture/unten.html>[Accessed May 2011]
59 | Conclusion
in conceiving, constructing and managing complex packages of building and
services that provide an interesting, exportable ‘Hong Kong made product’”.
The specific ways of Hong Kong living and the related services may be considered
as possible models for other metropolises of the world. “What today is specific
to the territory, tomorrow could be commonplace where high density and high
connectivity meet, and where Chinese and Western cultures mix” (Manzini,
2007). Hong Kong is now simultaneously a global and Chinese metropolis
(Domus, 2001). The extreme environment produced by the city can generate
powerful ideas, which may have the control to migrate and play a vital role in
the development path of other global cities. Consequently, Hong Kong can set
a precedent not only in the future of the place itself, but also in further cities.
Hong Kong: Compact CityAnonymous, no date Available at: <http://emywinchester.files.wordpress.com/2009/12/hong_kong_clear.jpg>[Accessed May 2011]
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