EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE .for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA

#67Phone: (212) 1+77-0066

339 Lafayette StreetNew York, N.Y. 10012

22 August 1987

NamibiaMASSIVE CRACKDOWN BY

SOUTH AFRICAN OCCUPATION

FORCES & CORPORATIONS

'Pretoria is making all Namibiainto a war zone. '

- Bishop Zephaniah Kameeta,Evangelical Lutheran Churchin Namibia

While international attention is focussed on South Africa, .its over one year state of emergency,unceasing political repression and the ~-week-old strike by the National Union of Mineworkers,the apartheid regime is turning up the screws in occupied Namibia. On the night of 18/19 AugustSouth African security police raided homes and offices of SWAPO, student, church and trade unionofficials across the country. Held in incommunicado detention under section 6 of South Africa 'sTerrorism Act are: the Rev Hendrik Witbooi, African Methodist Episcopal Church pastor and the-iice-pl-esident of ~:APO, Daniel Tjongar'€r'o, SWAPO official &'1d dh-"'ector of communications forthe Council of Churches in Namibia; Nico Bessinger , architect and 9iJAPO I S acting secretary forforeign affairs; Anton Lubowski, SWAPO member, lawyer and member of the steering committee ofthe National Union of Namibian Workers; and John Pandeni, general secretary of the Namibian Foodand Allied Wcn'kers Union. Mr Bessinger has diabetes; Pastor Witbooi and Mr Tj ongarero are bothill. The general secretary of the Mineworkers Union of Namibia, Ben Uulenga - on a brief visitin Europe - is flying horne to certain detention.

The four-week-old strike by the Mineworkers Union of Namibia against Tsurneb Corporation, Ltd ­Namibia I s chief base metals producer - is at a particularly tense stage. TCL has obtained aneviction order in Windhoek supreme court and is clearing workers from two smaller mines, withits major installation; Tsumeb itself in northern Namibia, to corne. TCL is supported by an ar­ray of South African police, including the notorious terror brigade, Koevoet. Furthermore, TCLis beginning to recruit from amongst the country's vast pool of unemployed, callously playingon the desperate need for jobs and trying to set Namibians one against another.

TCL is controlled by Gold Fields South Africa (a devastating analysis of GFSA I s alliance withthe apartheid state in THE RESISTER, the journal of South African war resisters in London, isin this issue). Newrnont Mining Corporation of New York owns one third of TCL, and it and GFSAand the British Consolidated Gold Fields are entwined in interlocking directorates. TCL hasthe reputation of being the worst large employer in Namibia.

ECSA welcomes contributions for the relief of Namibian workers and their families. Please makechecks to ECSA at the above address - with a notation for: Human Needs Fund, Namibia

FOR SPECIAL ATI'ENTION

Gordon R. Parker, president,Newrnont Mining Corporation200 Park Avenue - 36th floorNew Yor~, N. Y. 10166-0196

PHONE: (212) 953-6900

. Chester Crocker,Assistant Secretary of State, African AffairsDepartment of StateWashington, DC 20520

PHONE: (202) 647-4440

THE TELEPHONE KJlvEERS OF SOUTH AFRICA I S ArMINISTRATOR GENERALARE: 264 61 - 36630 (OFFICE HOURS)AKl 264 61 - 37390 AFTER HOURSHIS TELEX KJlvEER IS "NAMIBIA 3222 WK

THE TELEPHONE KJM3ER OF THE MINISTER OF JUSTICE IS: 264 61 ­38030 HIS POSTAL ADDRESS: PRIVATE BAG 13278

WIKlHOEK, NAMIBIA, REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICAYE OOULD LIKE THIS DETERIORATING SITUATION TO BE PUBLISHED IN

ALL THE CHtRCH PAPERS SO THAT INDIVIDUALS AND CHtRCHES CAN WRITETO THE ADMINISTRATOR GENERAL OR PHONE HIM TO DEMAND RELEASE OF

DETAINEES IMvMEDIATELY.

PLEASE TAKE NOTE OF THE DETERIORATING SInATION IN NAMIBIA ATTIUS POINT IN TINE. THE AME CHtRCH IN NAMIBIA IS APPEALING TOTHE BISHOP I S COrnClL AND DIFFERENT CHrnCH DEPARTMENTS TO INfERVENE ON BEHALF OF REV WITBOOI AND 0TIiERS DETAINED UKlERARTICLE 6 OF THE TERRORISM ACT. REV WITBOOI, BESIDES BEING ANAME PASTOR AT GIBEON, IS MANAGER OF THE AME PRIVATE SCHOOL, CO­OffiINATOR OF TIIE MOBIL CLINIC AT GIBEON, MEMBER OF THE AMEGENERAL BOAR) , MEMBER OF THE SOCIAL ACTION CCM1ITTEE ONCONNECTIONAL LEVEL.

HE IS ALSO A TRADITIONAL LEADER IN THE NATION, IS SWAPO I SVICE" PRESIDENT AKl MEJvIBER OF THE BICENTENNIAL COM'1ITTEE IN NAMI­BIA AKl A STRONG ADVOCATE OF UN RESOLUTION 435.

OTHERS DETAINED WITH HIM ARE:BROTIIERS DANNY TJONGARERO, ANTON LUBCWSKI, NICO BESSINGER,ANDJOHN PANDENI

ALL OF WHOM ARE PRCMlNENT LEADERS INSIDE NAMIBIA. MORE ARRESTSARE EXPECTED. ANOTHER LEADER AKl AME MEMBER, ASSER KAPERE, WASARRESTED '!WO VEEKS AGO.

Sa.1E OF THE DETAINEES ( PASTOR WITBOOI AKl TJONGARERO) HAVESERIOUS HEALTH PROBLEMS AKl WE ARE JlPPEALING TO YOU TO PRESSURIZETHE ftLMINISTRATOR GENERAL AND THE MINISTER OF JUSTICE OF THE SO­CALLED INTERIM GOVERNMENT TO RELEASE THE DETAINEES FORTHWITH ORTO HAVE TIIEM TRIED IN A COURT OF LAW.

BISHOP H. A. BELIN JR.1385 LABOLDI AVENJENAShVILLE TENESSEE37207 UNITED STATES

21/08/87 -834 WK

19. JIlJGUST 1987POLICE CRACI<DCMN ON NAMIBIAN CHURCH, POLITICAL LEADERS

THE FOLLOWING TELEX HAS BEEN SENT ON BEHALF OF THE Jl1l'1INISTRATlVEBOAR) OF THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN CATHOLIC BISHOPS I CONFERENCE (SACBC)TO

THE SOUTH AFRICAN STATE PRESIDENTTHE TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL rnITY, WINDHOEKTHE SOUTH AFRICAN ACMINISTRATOR GENERAL, WINDHOEKTHE COrnCIL OF CHURCHES IN NAMIBIA

~, THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN CATHOLIC BISHOPS' CONFERENCE (SACBC),ARE GREATLY FMRTIRBED AT TIlE COlNTRYWIDE POLICE CRACKIX:WN INNAMIBIA LAST NIGlIT ON CHtRCH LEADERS AKl WORKERS, TRADElNIONISTS AND MEM3ERS OF TIlE LEGAL POLITICAL WING OF SWAPO.~ ARE PARTICULARLY DISTRESSED 'mAT TIlE REV HEKJRIK WITBOOI,

AN ELDER OF TIlE AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH, WAS ROlliDEDUP WITHOUT REGAffi TO HIS DIGNITY AS CHURCH LEADER.

FIVE INTERNAL KEY LEADERS IN NAMIBIA HAVE BEEN ARRESTED UKlERTIlE TERRORISM ACT, WHILE TIlE HCMES OF A l'UM3ER OF CLERGYMENTIROUGHOUT THE TERRITORY HAVE BEEN RAIDED BY THE POLICE.

IF THE MEASlRES TAKEN BY THE POLICE ARE A REACTION TO THEPlRSUIT OF FREEDOM AND TO GEl'UlNE CHRISTIAN INVOLVEMENT FORSOCIAL AKl POLITICAL JUSTICE, WE ASK THE S W A POLICE ANDSOUTH AFRICA I S ADMINISTRATOR GENERAL IN NAMIBIA TO GIVEWITNESS TO THEIR CWN CHRISTIAN PRINCIPLES BY EFFECTING THEI~IATE RELEASE OF THOSE ARRESTED.

OUR CONCERN STEMS FRa-f THE FACT THAT NAMIBIA IS ONE OF THETERRITORIES SERVED BY om CONFERENCE AKl 'mA TIlE CA'mOLICCHtRCH IS A MEMBER OF THE COrnCIL OF CHURCHES IN NAMIBIA. WEARE AISO CONCERNED THAT HUMAN RIGID'S MO DIGNITY BE PROTECTEDAKl "RESPECTED EVERYWHERE.SIGNED BYBISHOP WILFRID NAPIER, SACBC PRESIDENTON BEmLF OF THE SACBC ALMINISTRATlVE BOARDEmS

REGAR)S

REV ISI-MAEL GOAGOSEBAFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCHCOUNCIL OF CHURCHES IN NN1IBIA-834 WK

, ,.

JUN~-JULY 1987

-In terms of the Act, companies which refuse

to co-operate with the SADF directives toupgrade security at Keypoint installations facefines of up to R20 000 and five years imprison­ment for their executives. Further, it is an of­fence under the Act to inform parent companiesoverseas that they have been declared Key­points or about specific measures taken.

Private Security FirmsThe Keypoints Act was a catalyst to the 'secur­ity industry' in South Africa which has enjoyedan enormous growth during the Elighties. In1984 it was estimated that the industry wasworth R800-million per year. 3

In 1984 the government changed the Key­points act to allow outside firms to guard Key­point sites. This cleared the way for the for­mation of private militias that would be highlytrained and specialised in Keypoint protection.These private armies often contain ex-soldiersfrom the SADF and old Rhodesian regiments.

Private security firms such as PritchardsSecurity Service play a vital role in the im­plementation of the apartheid National Secur­ity Management System, by linking industrieswith the police, who in turn are representedon Joint Management Centres. These bodiesform a network· of over 500 committeesthroughout the country which co-ordinate statestrategy.

Mine SecurityIt is in the mining sector that private securityforces have been longest established. The ex­ploitative nature of the contract labour system,where workers are housed en masse in singlesex barracks, sealed off from contact with the

rest of the labour force, creates volatile con­ditions on the mines. Strikes and protests oftentake on violent form.

In 1975 the government set up an 'Inter­Departmental Committee into Riots on Mines'in response to prolonged unrest on the mines.A year later, when questioned in Parliament,the Minister of labour said that he was refus­ing to table the report because the contents

6

Encouraged by the governmentSouth African Industry hasestablished an ominous collection ofpara-military and army groupswhich collaborate openly with thepollee and army In protecting apart­heid structures and Industries.Recently new details have come tolight on how the mining companiesIn particular help suppress tradeunionism and support the SADF.Resister has obtained copies ofrestricted manuals for a Mine Secur­Ity Force and a reserve force set upby one of South Africa's largest min­Ing companies. The documentsreveal lust how far collaborationbetween the SADF and the miningcompanies has gone.

The link between industry and the securityforces comes as no surprise - the governmenthas been trying to co-opt industry into its ranksfor many years. Speaking at the Pelindabanuclear installation in 1980, Lt. General Vil­joen, then head of the SADF, said: 'It is essen­tial that industrial commandos should be rais­ed as soon as is possible so that part-timesoldiers can assume responsibility for territorialdefence. This will leave the regular forces foroperations such as border protection andstrikes at enemy bases'. I

KeypointsThe National Keypoints Act of 1980 formalis­ed the relationship between the state and in­dustry which the government regarded asstrategic to its survival. Chairman of the Na­tional Keypoints Committee, Major GeneralDenis Earp, noted that 'security should not beseen as the function of the SADF. Private enter­prise and industry in particular has a major roleto play in this field. Although the SADF has thetask of protecting the installations, industry itselfmust see to the security function.' Earp statesthat 'the majority of companies, and those withforeign links have indicated that they are will­ing to co-operate.'2

GOLDFIELDS SECURITY COMPANYA PRIVATE ARMY

NAMIBIAATROCITIES MOUNT·

TORTI;RE CONTINUES

'Private security torces torm an integral part of the repressive structures of apartheid'

were 'in some respects sensitive in nature'.After the report was leaked in 1978, it becameclear just what was 'sensitive' about it.• It stated that the migrant labour system itself

- the foundation of apartheid labour con­trol - was to blame for the 'riots'.

• It admitted that the mining industry was'very vulnerable' in the face of mass ac­tion by workers.

• It concluded that black mineworkers arehighly conscious politically and 'will co­operate to an increasing'degree to realisetheir potential aspirations'.

• It set out detailed plans for meeting futureworker action with armed force.

The Committee proposed new measures tomake action by the police and mine securityguards more effective.• Every mine should have a properly train­

ed security unit equipped with patrol dogs,teargas, batons and 'where possible an ar­moured vehicle'. Each unit should 'practiceregularly with units of surrounding mines

. and with the SAP'.• There should be a road going around and

through workers' compounds.

Goldfield's Mine Security ForceUnder a cloud of secrecy, the mine companies

set about upgrading their security units duringthe 1970s. It was assumed that each securitycompany had its own separate unit, but lastyear the lid was blown on the Goldfield'sSecurity Company, which was shown tQ benow providing security for most of South'Africa's gold and platinum mines. Goldfield'sSecurity Ltd was set up by Goldfield's SouthAfrica (GFSA), which is 48% owned by theLondon mining house, Consolidated Goldfields(Consgold).

Leaked confidential company documentsprovide an insight into the operations and struc­ture of the security company. The force wasestablished in 1969 when GFSA was still a fullsubsidiary of Consgold. It involved the transfor­mation of the Mines Police Department intoGoldfields Security Ltd (GFS), which continuedto administer the'Mines Police Organisation' ,now called the 'Mine Security Force' (MSF).This force provides protection on most minesin South Africa excluding those in the AngloAmerican stable.

The MSF consists of 6 000 black and whitepersonnel organised in a rank structure similarto the SADF or SA Police. According to thedocument obtained by Resister, 'The serviceis designed to cater for the following aspects

of security:• prevention and detection of crime.• protection of company assets.• combatting labour unrest and "subversive"

activities. '• Control of vital areas.• Screening of personnel.• Training, supervision and administration of

the security force.• Liaison at a local level with the SADF, SAP

and Civil Defence. ''Subversive' elements are described aspolitically inspired 'troublemakers'. The docu­ment continues:

'Each mine is provided with a team ofsecurity personnel to suit the security re­quirements of that particular mine. Thestrength varies from one white security of­ficer and 20 blacks to 15 white securityofficers and 200 blacks. In addition totheir regular and routine security func­tions, certain selected members on eachmine are specially trained and equippedto form riot control teams which consist of:a) a mobile element in anti-riot vehicles;b) an assault team using riot dogs;c) a support team equipped with anti­

riot equipment.All the above are equipped with

special protective clothing and arecapable of delivering CS tear smoke bymeans of grenades and cartridges.

For the purposes of mutual support, inthe event of riots security teams aregrouped together to form area riot con­trol units. Each such unit could consist ofup to twelve teams.'

The MSF consists of three components ­management, an operations division and a ser­vices division. Management is responsible for'overall control and command' of the force,strategic planning and evaluation and 'securityliaison on behalf of the industry with, inter aliathe following: SADF, SAP, Civil Defence, Na­tional Keypoints Committee and Escom.'

The services division is responsible forfinances and logistics, including 'purchase anddistribution of uniforms, arms, ammunition, riotcontrol equipment and any special equipmentrequired by clients'.

The operations division is responsible for theimplementation of security measures, including

training, dealing with labour unrest and screen­ing personnel. It is also responsible for the'breeding and training of security dogs'.

An important aspect of the operations divi­sion is the 'collection of information and in­telligence of all kinds from the mines and othersources' in order to determine 'countermeasures' to any developments perceived tothre,aten mine security. In addition the opera­tions division is charged with control of theMine Security Reserve.

Mine Security Reserve (MSR)The MSF is backed by the Mine SecurityReserve (MSR), According to the restrictedpamphlet issued in 1979, this force wasauthorised by the Chamber of Mines as a'body consisting of volunteer mine employees(to) act in conjunction with and within theframework of existing regular securityarrangements. '

Reflecting the integration of this force into theoverall objectives of the apartheid system, thepamphlet states:

'A national key points (NSP) committeewas established under the Chairmanshipof the Director General of Operations(SADF) to evaluate the strategic impor­tance of various installations in relation tothe survival of the nation. It is anticipatedthat various mines will be classified asNSP's thereby deriving priority in theallocation of troops for the protection ofthe property'in the event of major unrest.

'It must be remembered, however, thatit takes time to muster troops from eitherthe SA Police or SA Defence Force.Therefore, management of properties,whether classified as NSP's or not, beara large responsibility for the immediateprotection of their properties ...

'In order to discharge the industry'ssecurity obligations, the Chamber ofMines has approved of the establishmentof the 'Mine Security Reserve' (MSR)(which) ... provides the mine managerwith elements who are directly under hiscontrol and immediately available to dealwith emergencies.

'In the interests of national security, theestablishment of a security reserve shouldnot detract from the encouragement given

7 8

to certain employees to volunteer for ser­vice as either SAP reservists or asmembers of the CF or Commando.'

The force, which falls under the overall com­mand of the mine manager, consists of a'leader element' selected to retain the 'mine'snormal command and control structure' and a'rank and file'. Records of all reservists arekept, reflecting personal particulars, militaryand/or police commitments, etc'. In some minesreservists receive extra pay in the form of'allowances' .

TortureThe revelations about Goldfield's SecurityCorps embarassed the London-based Cons­gold company which was accused inNovember 1986 by a British Granada TVdocumentary, The Midas Touch. Consgolddenied the claims stating: 'It is simply unaccep­table that a company such as Goldfields ofSouth Africa, which has constantly taken astand against apartheid in the mining industryand pursued policies generally as progressiveas any mining company can, ... should be somisrepresented.' However, Cyril Ramaphosa,general secretary of the National Union ofMineworkers, described Goldfields as the least

.. Cyril Ramaphosa - 'Consolidated Goldfields ...ihe worst company'

co-operative of the mining houses. 'It wouldbe fair to say that Goldfields is actually theworst company that we have dealt with', hesaid.

Recently allegations have been made thatGoldfields security staff tortured two blackminers follOWing a food theft at the Stilfonteingold mine. In statements made to the NUM,the miners said they were driven into the coun­tryside where they were handcuffed and sub­jected to electric shock torture.

Speaking from hospital, Mr Mfaniswasdescribed how the security men pulled histesticles while administering shocks. A localNUM official who traced the miner to hospitalsaid Mr Mfaniswas walked towards him say­ing 'have a look at me, when I pass water myurine is red with blood, when coughing I coughblood.' The other complainant, Mr Gxaleka,said that after the shock torture the securityguards placed their hands over his nose andmouth and suffocated him. 'This continued forabout ten minutes ... I requested the white ofof­ficer to shoot me.'

The Security Manager of Goldfields Secur­ity, Mr DI Pullar, said that a 'disciplinary hear­ing' had been held into Mr Gxaleka's case butthe security personnel involved had been found'not guilty'. The enquiry was conducted bytwo regional security officers and a police of­ficer had attended as a witness.

Responding to the workers' claims that theblack security officer involved in the allegedtorture had been thrown out of the police afterkilling a child, Mr Pullar confirmed that the manwas a former police sergeant and that he hadat one stage been charged with culpablehomicide, but he stated that he did not knowthe outcome of the prosecution.

Pullar himself has a police and militarybackground and was an operational officer inthe SADF in Natal. 'Our principal aim is costeffective protection of the assets of the minesat all times against unrest, theft, fraud or anyactivity that causes loss of production,' hesaid. s

Perhaps the most damaging informationagainst Goldfields Security comes from RichardSpoor, the former Goldfields industrial relationsmanager: 'Security can enter, search, dowhatever they want, without any warrant,without any prior authorisation. They have ab-

solute control over everything that happens inthe compound on mine praperty.' He reveal­ed that the company uses paid informants andagents to infiltrate union meetings and to makenotes and recordings of proceedings. Thereports are sent to head office and when thereis any suggestion of a strike the security forceis mobilised.

Suppression of StrikesRestrictions on African worker organisation inmanufacturing were lifted in 1980. In mining,however, trade unions were barred from mineproperty until 1983, and with the exceptionof Anglo American mines, employers still pur­sue repressive tactics against worker organisa­tion in an attempt to slow the pace of unionisa­tion on the mines.

This supports information collected by theNUM Information Officer, Marcel Golding, onstrikes at the Rietfontein Colliery owned byRand Mines and Kloof and East Driefonteingold mines owned by Goldfields of SouthAfrica.

Golding shows that as the NUM strengthhas grown, 'we have seen well orchestratedmanagement strategies which include co­optive measures, ideological attacks on theunion, victimisation of shaft stewards and,above all, force. Systematic police and secur­ity violence against mine workers has left manyof the strikers examined badly injured

The mhte security torces form anIntegral part of the repressive struc­tures of apartheid. Goldfields Sec­urlty, which lIalses closely with thepolice and army, largely relievesthe stretched police from Involve­ment with worker unrest In thishighly strategic Industry.

FOOTNOTES1. BBC Monitoring Report 28.7.802. Star 19.10.803. Financial Moil Security Supplement,

August 19844. Workers Unity, No 9, May 19875. Star 18.2.86

continued overleaf Q 10

THE OBSERVER, SUNDAY 9 AUGUST 1987

-------------------------.....:....._-"

Gold mine bars black bosses

INTERNATIONAL UNION, UNITED AUTOMOBILE, AEROSPACE &AGRICULTURAL IMPlEMENT WORKERS: OF AMERICh-UAV:]

RAYMOND E. MAJERUS. SE~ETAAV·meASUAEft' ~OWEN F. BIEBER. ~ESlOENT

force than that of all otherBritish-owned companies inSouth Africa put together.

• Gold Fields seems to havethe worst employment recordof any British-controlledcompany in South Africa,'said Mr MacRobert.

A London spokesman forConsolidated Gold Fields saidhe was satisfied with the p3Ce.of black advancement in theirSouth African company.• Webelieve they are moving aheadat a decent speed,' he said.• Miners dig in, page 13.

managing director DonMacRobert.

Mr Fuller-Good alsoclaimed that Gold Fields'black workers were happywith the migratory laboursystem. • They want to bemigrants. If they moved theirfamilies to areas near theirworkplace, they would not beable to keep their land in thehomelands,' he said.

Gold Fields employs nearly100,000 black workers inSouth Africa, a larger labour

ment group set up by theArchbishop of Cape Town,Most Rev Desmond Tutu.

• They would not last in thisoffice. Intellectually theywould never be able tocompete and thereforeupward mobility would beimpossible. We don't think abig mining company is quitethe arena for a black executiveto cut his teeth,' Gold Fields,finance manager MichaelFuller-Good told Foundation

A BRITISH gold-miningcompany in South Africarefuses to employ black man­agers because it believes theyare • unable to compete intell­ectually' with whites, write!Martin Bailey. .

Gold Fields of South Africa,an associate of London-basedConsolidated Gold Fields,revealed why it was notpromoting blacks into middlemanagement during a meet­ing with the Get AheadFoundation, a black advance-

VICE PRESIDENTS

August 7, 1987 ."It

IN REPLY REFER TO

1757 N STREET, N.W.WASHINGTON. D.C. 20038

TELEPHONE: (202) 828·8500

STEPHEN P. YOKICH•MARC STEPP•ODESSA KOMER••

----_ ..----------------

BILL. CASSTEVENS

Gordon ParkerChief Executive OfficerNewmont Mining Corporation200 Park Avenue, 36th FloorNew York, New York 10166

Dear Mr. Parker:

On behalf of over one million members of the United AutoWorkers union in the U.S., we express outrage at the firingof over 4,000 Black copper miners at Tsumeb Corp. Ltd. onJuly 30 in South Africa-occupied Namibia.

Your company's 32% ownership in Tsumeb is enough to haveconsiderable influence in reversing Tsumeb's cruel attack onworker rights. The demands of the Mineworkers Union of Namibiaare very basic.

I strongly urge you to use your corporate influence to·see that the miners at Tsumeb are reinstated immediately, andthat negotiations resume to reach an acceptable agreement withthe union.

Sincerely,

v?~:.LI ~ ~

Owen BieberPresident

WEEKl.Y MAil; \July ~4 to-July·3"O,'1987"··..· 5

...---8"'1PATRICKLAURENCE

Thewarin the shadows

which rages across two continentsthe South African conflict is a war

False names, silenced pistols, parcelbombs. The most savage aspect of

Then: an: signs Ulat the secn:t warhas intensified in n:cent months.Eleven ANC members have beenkilled in Swaziland alone in the pasteight months. But the use of anony­mous assassins - by both sides ­is not new.

AI far back as 1981 Joe Oqabi, theANC chief n:presentative in Zimbab­we and, like Make, a member of theANC national executive, was shotdead by a hit squad.

Later unidentified saboteurs placeda bomb in a car in Botswana, killingthe son of John Nkadimeng, anothermember of the ANC executive and atop man in the South African Con­gress ofTrade Unions. Exiled formerjournalist Nat Serache narrowly es­caped death when his house in Gabo­rone was blown up.

Several attempts wen: made, againby unknown men, to kill Chris Hani,the number two man in the ANC un­derground army, Umkhonto we Siz­we, while he was in Lesotho.

.~

ing of four white polk-emen outsidethe Johannesburg Magistrate's Courtin May, the "execution" for allegedtreachery in 1984 of black activistBen Langa by two ANC men, thegunning down of black security p0­liceman Phillipus Selepe in 1982, andthe killing in the same year of B Hla­pane, a n:negade ANC member whogave evidence for the stale in severalsecurity trials.

Another aspect to the secn:t war isthe attempt by both sides to infiltrateone another in a protrac!cd and peri­lous game of espionage and counter­espionage.

Not much is known about these in­trigues. The recent display by theANC of seven unmarked security p0-

lice plants to the international pressand the current trial of two black se:~urity po~icernen for allegedly passingIDfo~at1on to the ANC, hint at anon-golDg struggle for supremacy.If the: use of anonymous agents by

South Africa's security forces is notnew, it does appear to have intensi­fied in recent months.

Leaving aside a raid into Swazilandshortly befon: Christmas last year,there has not been a major cross­border raid by uniformed South Afri­can security forces since May 1986.On that occasion South African forcesmade a tri-pronged and simultaneousattack at "ANC targets" in BotswanaZimbabwe and Zambia. Since then:however,the killings have continued,

Mon: recently anonymous gunmenusing pistols equipped with silencersauaeked "ANC targets" in Lesotho inDecember 1985, and Maputo in May1987.'They killed nine people in Le­sotho, six of whom wen: ANC mem­bers or sympathisers. In Mozam­bique the vicums wen: three Mozam­bique nationals, including a husbandand wife.

The u~e of parcel bombs, anotherform of the secn:t and deadly waragainst ANC operatives or sympa­thisers, has an even longer history.

.Victims inclu& Jeanette Schoon andher young daughter, Kattyn, andRuth First, wife of Joe Siovo, gene'r­al secn:tary of the SA CommunistParty and former Chief of Staff ofUmkhonto we Sizwe. Schoon waskilled in Angola in 1984 and First inMoza,mbique in 1982. . ..

Even earlier, in 1974, exiled stu­dent leader Abraham Tiro was mur­dered in' Botswana when a parcelbomb exploded in his face.

!hese anassi.nations co-existedWith open r;lids by South Africancommandos, of which strikes against"ANC targets" in Maputo in January1981, in Maseru in December 1982and Gaborone in June 1985 an: keyexamples.

But assassinations by shadowymen an: not the pn:rogative of sus­pected South African agentS. ANCguerrillas who by definition operateunder aliases carry out strikes of theirown.

To cite examples: the car bomb kill-

SOUTH AFRICA'S undeclared civil war is being fought increas­ingly in the shadows as security force agents and guerrillas operat­ing under false names try to outmanoeuvre and eliminate one an-other.The killing by anonymous gunmen

of two top African National Congressmen in Swaziland a fortnight ago is an:minder of the seen:t nature of theconflict. Both ANC men, CassiusMake and Paul Dikelcdi, wen: usingguerrilla code names.If the ANC had not chosen 'to ac­

knowledge their assassination bywhat it called "South African agents",they may have been buried withoutacknowledgement or recognition in afon:ign country.

Another n:minder came last weekwith the appearance in court in lon­don of four men on charges of plot­ting to kidnap top ANC men in Brit­ain. Two of the four men, Frank lar­sen and his son, John, wen: expatri­ate white Zimbabweans.

Appraising the situation the ANCchief representative in london, SollySmith, said: "South African hitsquads.have been very active ... Theyare going all '?~t."

in!> .:. )uth Afr•.:an registcred cars.ANC members have taken meas·

ures to protect themselves against at­tack, changing houses since the waveof terror which started in May.Public support seems to have

swung in the ANC's favour, provid- 'ing covert assistance to ANC mem­bers despite police requests to reportthe organisation's activities.

ANC members were arrested on theday the police announced their newstrategy during the height of the huntfor the "death squad".

The Swazi government was silentand the police reluctant to blame any­one (or the latest wave of politicalmurders.

Police said they were taking thehunt for the killers seriously and,w~e still holding the taxi driver.

Weekly Mall Reporter,Swaziland

knows names and addresses of ANCpeople living in Swaz.iland. SinceSeptember's abduction the wave ofattacks on ANC members has risen.Sources claim some of the attackersworked directl), with September.

Swaziland police are known to belooking for September, but will notsay why. .

In spite of po:.iee pledges to intensi­fy security, s(,me ANC supportersquestion the }<x.a} police's sincerity.

South Africa's increasingly violent"silent war" against the ANC in Swa­ziland has pro<luced an upsurge ofpopular sympathy for the organisa­tion. Ordinary Swazis are suspiciousof strangers, especially whites driv-

Using trained agents to thwart ANCplans to intensify its "armed strug&le"

- appears to have been given prion!)'over cross-border raids in the pas t

year in South Africa's corridors ofpower.

But it is only one in a range ofcounter-strategies deployed ,by theSouth African state against the A?\Cand its allies. These stretch from thedeployment of proxies - vigilantesin South Africa itself and dissidentsin neighbouring countries - to theco-option of black notables at homeand in the smaller and vulnerable ad­joining states such as Lesotho andSwaziland.

Professor Mike Hough, of the Pre­toria-based Institute of Stratetic Stud­ies, estimates that the ANC has lost550 men killed and captured in SouthAfrica in the last 10 years. He calcu·lates that another 200 have l:lied incross-border operations by comman­dos and agents.

But it has neither stopped the flowof recruits to the ANC nor stemmedthe explosion of bombs by its sabo­teurs. The "little war" is becomingvery I!asty.

The mystery of 'Comrade September'FEAR is rife in exile: circles in Swazi­land after disclosures that a formertop African National Congress mem­beris now working with South Afri­can authorities.

"Comrade September", wh9se realname is thought to be Lephat Sedibe,was kidnapped from a rural SwaZi­land prison last Au,gusl. He has beenseen in Swaziland since then - somesay in the company of South Afri­cans.

It is believed that September has ahouse in Ermelo. ~,

ANC members and supporterS havtbeen warned to watch out for infor­mers in their ranks, ANC supportershave volunteered information to themovement about "suspicious" peo­ple.

The former military commander

The use of incognito assassins andsaboteurs has clear advantages OVCl

undisg'uised cross-border raids, awell-placed source told Weekly Majl.International condemnation is usuallymorc muted. Agents can usuallymove more quickly than, say. a com­mando unit Their intelligencc is thusless likely to be out of date (as it wasin the December 1982 raid in Lesothowhen 30 Lesotho nationals werekilled).

The deploymcntof~t agents hasanother advantage. It can be more ter­rifying than cross-border raids. As astrategy for "terrorising terrorists," itmay be more effective.

Once a commando raid is over, .there is usually a lull. Internatiomilanger ensures that South Africa willDOt embark on another attack immedi·ately. ANC operatives can breatheeasily again. But agents can strilce atany tilne. There is a perpetual senseof unease.

WI::EKLY MAIL, July 24 to July 39, 1987

indicating, prima facie, the usc of in­cognito agents and perhaps even ofmercenaries. _

The mid into Swaz.iland last Decem­ber is special case. South Africa didnot cknowledge its role until Swil­zerl;md complaincd about the abdue·tiun of two of its cilizens, DaniclSchneider and Corrine DiscilOff, re­portedly by white gunmen.

The complaint by Switzcrland ­whosc relative friendlincss to SouthAfrica is greatly valued in Qfficlal fi­nancial and diplomatic circles - pre­cipitated a defiant admission of re­sponsibility by Foreign Minister PikBotha. Appearing on telcvision, he:warned that South African agentswould even kidnap ANC men fromLusaka ifSouth Africa's security wasat stake. Botha's belated acknowlege:­ment of South African r~sponsibilit)'

for that raid, and his hypothetical jus­tification of a kidnapping foray intoLondon has made subsequent denialsof involvement in undercover aCQonin21cighbouring states suspect.

ANC expects hit-squad tactics to spreadTHE ANC expects the pattern of at­tempted assassinations and abduc­tions of its members in Swaz.iland tospread to most countries giving shel­ter to it.

Senior ANC guerrilla commanderCassius Makc, assassinated a fort­night ago, was the 11 th person in

,eight months in Swaziland alone tohave been associated with the ANCand to have died in what appears tobe a series of closely organised assas­sinations.

Another six people, also all allegedANC members or supporters, havebeen abducted from Swaziland ovcrthe same period. And most of them- a Swiss couple, Ebrahim IsmaelEbrahim (alleged by governmentspokesmen to be a top ANC intelli­gence operative) and Thomas Shong­we - have since reappeared in thehands of the South African police.

A fifth person, Sheila Moipone- Nyanda, abducted from her home at

Ukutula'Estates outside Mbabane on

By HOWARD BARRELL,Harare

the night of May 25126, is currentlybeing held at John Vorster Squareand is to be used as a state witness inthe pending trial of Ebrahim, accord­ing to the ANC.

Swaz.i police have yet to apprehenda single assassin or abductor., Hit squad-style assassinations, inwhich silenced firearms have beenused, have also takcn place in Leso­tho and Zimbabwe.

And four men are facing allegationsin Britain of planning to abduct local­ly-based ANC exiles.

The ANC holds South African gov­ernment agents responsible for theassassinations and abductions. Itviews the assassinations as an indica­'tion that the governrJ1ent "knows itdoes not have a political solution andthat its resort to military repressionhas not worked".

As a result, "its bankruptcy has led

it to employ state gangsterism and as­sassinations on a wide scale", a sen­ior ANC military source who pre·ferred not to be identified charged ina long-distance interview.

The source said the ANC saw Iiodifference between the assassinationof its members outside lite countryand of lcading anti-apartheid activistsinside tlle country, which had be­come particularly noticeable sinceSeptember 1984.

"The same objective applies in bothcases: eliminate by any methods youropponent.

"What has happened in Swazilandhas provided the regime with a mod­el. We expect the Swaziland model tobe employed more widely, and wchave alrcady seen the first signs ofthis. The model involves the use ofhit teams who large~ specific refu­gees. These hit learns are serviced byan in-placc structure of residentagents which can provide a rclativelyhigh degree of mobility and security

to them," the military source added.ANC sources have reported a

marked increase in recent years inSouth African government attemptsto penetrate its ranks. The govern·ment toll in numbers of its agentscaptured by the ANC has been high,the sources add.

The military SOll1Ce said his organi­sation was taking.counter-measuresbut, he said, "you will understand wecannot comment on these".

In the case of Swaziland, theANC's only recourse is to appeal forintervention by .. the Swazi govern­ment and the international communityto secure both a release of the abduct­ed people and an end to hostile ac­tions against South African refugeesliving there - and it has done so.

Elsewhere, South African refugeesshow signs of believing they have norational course other than to armthemselves and to stalk still darkershadows than those coming. to lookfor them.

Labor Donated

DemonstrateAgainst

ApartheidIn

New York

Gerald Horne

Ad Hoc Committee to ,Oppose Apartheid inu. S. Tennis.

INFORMATION:

CLOSEU.S. Open

ToApartheid!

Demonstrations On:

* TUESDAY September 1st, 4 - 6 Pm* SATURDAY September 5th, 1 - 3 Pm* SUNDAY September 13t,h, 3 - 6pm.

Assemble At:FLUSHING MEADOWS PARK TENNIS STADIUM(within 100 yards of Shea Stadium)Just off Shea Stadium Station ofIAT Flushing Line (#7 train)Loads of Public Parking in and near Flushing Meadows.

® anctions against Apartheid Tennis (212) 828-2696

J' Are sanctions against the Apartheid system!

/.------;===:=:::::===============================~=.=====;:==========:=======-l----.----

August 6'.12; 1987 THE NEW'NA"TION. - --_._- ---

JI

Solid as a rock:Baard this w8lIk,

'Forward to, national women's unity'

\

)

WOMEN'S organisationsthroughout the country willmark National Women's Dayon Sunday,

Among them will be theFe:dcratioli of Tran~\oaaj V,' u·men (Fedtraw), Natal Orgaili­sation of Women (Now),United Women's Congress(UWCO), Port ElizabethWomen's Organisation (pewo)and Port Alfred Women'sOrganisation (pawo).

Fedtraw described the marchby 20 000 women to theUnion Buildings on August 9

ECSA339 Lafayette Street

New York, N.Y. 10012-2725

1956 as "an historic event".Fedtraw's theme for its all­

day cultural festival on Sun­day is "Forward to NationalWomen's Unity"

"Women will reafIinn theircommitment to fighting for afree and democratW: SouthAfrica: said Fedtraw.

wTo mark the anniversary,women's organisations are

,once again regrouping locallyand nationally. Despite thestate of emergency, they arepressing ahead."

Fedtraw said "a 'very signi­ficant event" took place onApril 28. .

"Women ,from eightwomen's organisations met to'launch the United DemocraticFront's (UDF) Women's Con­gress (WC)," it said.

"The we is not a wing ofthe UDF, but an organisation

'uniting all WOmen's organi­sations affiliated to the UDF.

"Another important develop­ment was the announcementon June 1 that the Federationof South African' Women

(Fedsaw) is to be revived.

• Former ANC Women'sLeague member PaulineMbunye, 74, died on Sat­urday night in New Brighton,Port Elizabeth. .

Mbunye. a founder andexecutive member of Pewo.was one of the women whomarched to the Union Build­ings in 1956.

Throughout her life. sherefused to carry a pass.

• See Pages 6 & 7

-'