2g spectrum

Foreword

After having protected and supported the former

Communications Minister A. Raja to the hilt,

Congress supremo Smt. Sonia Gandhi has

come out with a highly moral lecture on corruption and

greed. Such voices coming from the den of corruption,

as Congress has now come to be recognized, appear

only hollow and hypocritical. Congress-led UPA gov-

ernment has been in power now for over six-and-a-half

years. Its record on fighting corruption is dismal. On

the other hand, in its latest avtar as UPA-2 all it has

done is only to promote and protect corruption. The

every other day surfacing scams are a proof of this fact.

What an irony that a person who should have told the

people what her party and government has done, in

concrete, to fight corruption should be pontificating on

the need to fight corruption. Instead of doing anything,

she is just giving a moral sermon to the people.

Hardly a fortnight passes when no new scam and

scandal of corruption involving Congress high-ups

does not surface. In October-November this year 3 new

scams - the Commonwealth Games, Adarsh Housing

and 2G spectrum -- have raised their head like danger-

ous black cobras out to poison the very life of our de-

mocracy.

We are coming out with a booklet (with some pages

in Hindi) detailing how the fair name of our republic

has been smeared by the Congress with these ugly in-

cidents. It contains reports of scams, opinion of leaders

and writers as also editorial comments to make the read-

ers appreciate the issues involved. We are sure they

will be able to make their own independent judgement

on what is wrong with the present government.

Publisher,Bharatiya Janata Party

11, Ashoka Road, New Delhi

November 2010

A government of the scams, by the scams, for the scams A government of the scams, by the scams, for the scams1 2

Congress is fabulously richwith scams

By Prabhat Jha

Congress-led UPA-2's birth in May 2009 has not been ominousfor the nation. It seems to have taken birth with a spoon inits mouth not of silver but of scams. That is why hardly a

month has passed during the last 18 months when a new scam orcase of corruption has not surfaced putting both the Congress andthe nation to shame. UPA-2 has broken all records of scams in soshort a time that it qualifies to figure even in the Guinness Book ofRecords for this rare achievement.

Without going into the details of the black spots of Congress's18 months in the present term, the UPA-2 rule during the monthsof September-October 2010 has to its credit three scams -Commonwealth Games, Adarsh Housing and the 2G spectrum.Added to this is another first: for the first time in our history asitting Prime Minister has been made to file an affidavit on hisbehalf in any court.

It is futile for the Congress to draw sustenance and claiminnocence in the sins against the nation committed by Shri A. Raja.It doesn't behove a prime minister to claim ignorance of what hisminister is doing under his very nose. Equally futile is the attemptof Congress President, Smt. Sonia Gandhi claiming a high moralground by speaking against the "cancer of corruption" that is puttingin danger the very basis of an independent India. She spoke of theneed for "greater probity", transparency and openness ingovernance. "Our moral universe seems to be shrinking" and "graftand greed are on the rise". It is damn easy to preach as difficult itis to practice that. On the high altitude of morality her Congressinspired and motivated by her stands at the lowest zero of sea

level. The UPA score on these points during the last 80 months ofgovernance has been a big zero. The recurring scams prove thepoint. But what has she at the organizational and governmentallevel done in this direction? Her score on these points during thelast 80 months of governance has been a big zero. The recurringscams prove the point. The Congress supremo needs to understandthat having been in power for so long, what people expect of her isnot 'holy' words of preaching but expect her to act and practicewhat she preaches.

UPA-2 led by Dr. Manmohan Singh and Congress organisationdraws all its inspiration, zeal and direction from their supreme leaderSmt. Sonia Gandhi, yet it has earned the distinction of not havingthe guts to take by the horns the burning problems and challengesfacing the nation. It has always adopted a policy of drift in the hopethat with the passage of time the problems will one day find asolution of their own. But it is in the conduct of its CommunicationMinister Shri A. Raja that it has found itself into a web it wovearound itself. It is now faced with a piquant situation in both housesof Parliament where because of Congress intransigence no officialbusiness could be transacted since it assembled for the wintersession on November 9 as the vociferous opposition led by BharatiyaJanata Party is insisting on constitution of a Joint ParliamentaryCommittee (JPC) to go into the 2G spectrum scam with Congressequally adamant not to succumb to this demand. It stands in thedock in the Supreme Court too, embarrassed and humbled..

It is becoming increasingly difficult for the Prime Minister, Dr.Manmohan Singh at the government level and for CongressPresident Smt. Sonia Gandhi at the organizational level to extricatethemselves from the direct moral responsibility for having been aparty to deliberately or otherwise, directly or indirectly, enable A.Raja to cause a loss of Rs. 1.76 lakh crores to the public exchequer-- the colossal amount which could have been spent on removingpoverty and hunger from the country.. Under the Westminster formof parliamentary democracy we have in India, the whole council ofministers is collectively responsible for all the acts of omission andcommission of individual ministers. So whatever alibis the Congressmay propound, the fact remains that the whole Congress, both inthe government and the organization, is equally guilty for all the


wrongs A. Raja may have committed.Congress has many times invoked the coalition dharma. But

the reality is that, in effect, it only practices the adharma to continueto stick to power by hook or by crook at whatever cost to thenation and canons of morality. The reality is that the authority ofPrime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh stops at the doors of UPA'scoalition partners. A prime minister is expected to governor andact, and not to beg favours at the doors of the alliance's big bosseson whom he survives. The interests of the nation are much superiorto the narrow political and electoral interests of any party in power.The day this reality dawns on the present rulers in the country,finding solutions to the nation's problems and difficulties will becomeeasier and faster. Only then will a ruling party or coalition assumethe moral strength and authority to take the monsters of corruption,terror, crime and lawlessness head on. Empty words of moralpreaching can do no trick.

Had there been any moment that the Congress was not behindthe Prime Minister "as a rock" that news like "Party rallies solidlybehind PM" should give him strength? That Dr. Manmohan Singhfeels strong only because of the support of his ministers, like KapilSibal, and party functionaries like Rahul Gandhi, only indicates thathe is so weak and vulnerable within that he and the party needs todraw strength from vociferous political supportt. The day the partyis not behind a PM, no person will - and can - be a prime minister..A person strong internally and morally does not subsist on suchgimmicks.

It is good -- and ironic too -- that the Prime Minister who tillyesterday was maintaining a "conspiracy of silence" and shieldingRaja and all he did, finally declared that those involved in the 2Gspectrum scam will not escape justice. But these ever-changingstances are not likely to cut ice with the general public which grownsuspicious of the words and actions of the Congress Party.

(The writer is Editor, Kamal Sandesh and Rajya SabhaMP)

Congress-led UPAA government of the scams,by the scams, for the scams

By Amba Charan Vashishth

The 2G spectrum is not a one day wonder. It did not happenjust on the day the Union Communications Minister A. Rajaresigned. The process started since the day Dr. Manmohan

Singh made him the minister. Every other day during the last abouttwo years, the media was agog with reports, well-documented, ofthe goings-on in the Raja’s fiefdom. But as serious were theallegations, as fierce were the denials and defence of Raja by theCongress, the Prime Minister and the DMK to which party hebelonged. Just on the eve of the Winter Session of Parliament andbefore the visit of the US President Barack Obama, Congress andthe Prime Minister had, in a chorus, come out stoutly in Raja’sdefence and forcefully opposed the demands for his resignation.Congress did everything to save him till the last moment. Both hademphatically declared that Raja had done nothing wrong and illegaland that he had kept him in the loop.

When things went out of their hands and the contents of theCAG report indicting Raja started trickling out, the Congress founditself helpless to protect him any further. The hapless minister hadultimately to resign, to resign lest the whole UPA government hadto be dumped under the mountain of debris Raja had raised withhis ill-doings.

In the process Congress under Smt. Sonia Gandhi and ShriRahul Gandhi too stands exposed for their duplicity and failure toprevent this to happen. Now that Raja has resigned, Congress istrying to project itself as a martyr as if it had sacrificed all it hadwith his resignation to keep the banner of honesty and integrity


flying. First it opposed the opposition’s demands for Raja’sresignation with all the force at its command and when it was leftwith no other alternative but to yield, it is trying to make capital outof it. If Raja had not committed any wrong, why was he made toresign? If no hanky-panky was going on in his ministry, why is itthat the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) has nowrecommended, just within less than a week of Raja’s ouster andthe report of the CAG, that 69 2G telecom licences that had causeda loss of more than Rs. 1.76 lakh crores to the public exchequershould be cancelled?

Emboldened UPA

The Congress and the UPA were trying to put the biggest ever– and most notorious and shameful – scam in the country underwraps, emboldened by their past success in burying the hatchet ofBofors scam, Quattrochi conspiracy, 1984 anti-Sikh riots, Iraqi OilVouchers scam, and others and yet claim themselves honest, cleanand innocent. But this time, they have failed as they did succeed inthe past in their manipulations and contrivings.

Appointment of CVC

The manner in which the Congress road-rolled the appointmentof Shri P. J. Thomas as the Chief Vigilance Commissioner despiteserious, written dissent by the Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha,Smt. Sushma Swaraj, is an indicator that the government was tryingto prize those who were directly or indirectly involved in the 2Gspectrum scam. If the opinion of the Leader of Opposition has notto be given weightage, what is the point of consulting him/her?

Right to information

The Congress and its UPA government boast of havingextended to the general public the right to information. But when itcomes to itself, they do not seem to have exercised this right. Thatis why till the last moment both the Congress and the Prime Ministercontinued to defend Raja and declare in no uncertain language thathe was acting as per law and no irregularity had been committed.How could it be that the Congress and the Prime Minister failed tosee what was happening right under their nose?

All this leads to the conclusion that whatever was being done

by Raja was with the full knowledge and consent of both theCongress and the UPA government. If not, how could they defendhim till the last?

Now that the cat is out of the bag, on the political front theCongress Party and on the administration side, the UPA led by thePrime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh cannot absolve themselvesof their responsibility for whatever wrong and loss to the Stateexchequer – and ultimately, to the nation — was caused by A.Raja, particularly when under our Constitution the council of ministersled by the Prime Minister is collectively responsible for all its actsof omission and commission.

The surprising part is that the CAG report is based on thesame very documents which are in the possession of governmentthat led CAG to conclude that “the Department ofTelecommunications, in 2008, proceeded to issue 122 new licencesfor 2G spectrum at 2001 prices, by flouting every canon of financialpropriety, rules and procedures” brushing aside the Prime MinisterDr. Manmohan Singh having “stressed on the need for a fair andtransparent allocation of spectrum” and the Ministry of Financehaving “sought for the decision regarding spectrum pricing to beconsidered by an EGoM (Empowered Group of Ministers)”.

A senior retired bureaucrat, quoted a national daily, said: ThePrime Minister is the highest office in the country with access toevery bit of intelligence and information on any subject. It isimpossible that the PMO had no knowledge about telecom ministerRaja’s wrongdoings”.

CAG, quoting a DoT reply to the auditor’s queries sent in July2010, says the PM was apprised of all decisions regarding spectrumallocation. The plea that PM did not even get a whiff of Raja’swrongdoings is not believable. The CAG further adds: “The DoT,quoting extensively from a letter writing by Raja to the PrimeMinister, stated that the PM was apprised of all decisions taken bythe DoT and the letter was acknowledged by the PM”.

It clearly established the fact that the UPA governmentdeliberately lent a blind eye to whatever wrong was happening inDoT under Raja and continued to defend him on extraneousconsiderations.


PM in the dock, first ever

The Prime Minister seems to have been caught in a web of hisown creation. When on November 29, 2009 Janata Party President,Dr. Subramaniam Swamy, petitioned the Prime Minister, Dr.Manmohan Singh seeking sanction for prosecution of the thenTelecom Minister, A. Raja, he chose to sleep over it. Exasperatedat PM’s silence, Dr. Swamy knocked at the door of the SupremeCourt (SC) of India which was constrained to give two days to thegovernment to file an affidavit listing the reasons for the delay bythe prime minister. SC directive was unprecedented as it was thefirst time that the court had insisted on an explanation from a PMthrough an affidavit.

On the other hand, since the two houses of Parliamentassembled for the winter session on November 9, 2010 no business– not even the question and zero hours – have been allowed to betransacted by the irate opposition led by Bharatiya Janata Partypressing for the constitution of a Joint Parliamentary Committee(JPC) to go into the whole gamut of the scam. But the Congress-led UPA is equally adamant not to succumb to the demand.

Why no JPC?

On the one hand, the Congress is claiming that the governmentis willing to discuss every issue in detail in Parliament and, on theother, it is not willing to concede the constitution of a JPC. Thisstand is irrational and inexplicable. If there are no skeletons inUPA cupboard, why is it afraid of a JPC? The Congress, as permedia reports, is toying with the idea of aborting the winter session,which has as yet transacted no official business so far. It gives the

impression that the UPA is trying to put a veil on something it doesnot wish to come out. This step will be unprecedented and will setanother ignominious precedent and leave a black spot on theconstitutional history of the country. But Congress can do anythingto save its government and embarrassment disregarding theinterests of the nation.

The next few days are very crucial. Let us see to which sidethe wind blows. Two verdicts – one of the Supreme Court and theother of the people of Bihar – will determine the course of events.

Congress’s adarsh (model) scamThe Adarsh Housing Society is another scam that has made

the country bow its head in shame. The Congress has never feltproud of the valour and sacrifices of our jawans to register thefirst-ever real victory over Pakistan when the aggressor wassuccessfully pushed back and every inch of the sacred land wasgot vacated from Kargil sector. Congress-led UPA has refused tocelebrate the victory every year, as was done by the earlier BJP-led NDA government of Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee. But when itcame to exploiting the fruits of victory it was in the forefront tograb the flats meant for Kargil war widows. The Congress haspaid a rich homage to the martyrs of Kargil in its own peculiarstyle.

Maharashtra government had allotted a plot in a prime localityof Kolaba in Mumbai to rehabilitate the widows of martyrs whosacrificed their lives for the defence of the country. The land wasallotted to Adarsh Housing Society, but the flats were allotted notto be war widows but were grabbed by politicians, bureaucratsand retired army officers through manipulation and fraud. Theinfluential people encashed their clout with powerful politicians inthe Congress. The beneficiaries included the relations of theCongress leaders, including the Chief Minister Ashok Chavan whohad to ultimately resign.

The land which was allotted to the Adarsh Housing Societybelonged to the Ministry of Defence even before Independence.But later through connivance of various agencies, its ownership

Courtesy : TOI


was transferred to the Maharashtra government which later allottedit to the Society on the pretext of building flats for rehabilitation ofwar widows. While applying for houses in the society, the politiciansand bureaucrats made false declarations of their monthly incomebeing Rs. Twenty thousand and even less. A no-objection certificatewas also fraudulently procured and the Ministry of Environmenthas declared that it had issued no such certificate.

Vice-Admiral Rajiv Bhasin had brought to the notice of theCongress-led Maharashtra government through its Chief Secretarythat the land on which flats had been raised is a very sensitive areafrom defence point of view, but the government remained unmovedand granted approved for raising a 31-storey building.

The Hall of ShameCommonwealth Games

Because of rampant corruption and mismanagement, whatshould have been a matter of pride for the country, ultimately endedup as a matter of shame for all. The Congress-led UPA made thecountry a laughing stock before the whole world when reports ofpoor arrangements, corruption, faulty construction and collapse andleaking of certain structures surfaced in the media.

Initially, the estimated cost of the CWG had been assessed asRs. 2,000 crores. As time passed, it was raised to Rs.70,000 crores.The time limit and calendar for completion of construction andrenovation of the stadiums and other buildings was not observed.As a result in the last few months when there were reports thatIndia will not be able to make adequate arrangements for the Gamesin time, the Central and Delhi governments woke up from theirslumber. The Prime Minister had to intervene and constitute acommittee headed by the Cabinet Secretary to oversee thearrangements and monitor it on daily basis.

The Congress leaders, their favourite bureaucrats andcontractors made hay (of corruption) when the sun (of delays,inaction and incompetence) was shining in Delhi.

The hard-earned money of the common people of the country

was made to go down the drains. Rs. 744 crores sanctioned by theUnion government for Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribesdevelopment were diverted towards the Games. That speaks ofthe Congress love for these neglected sections of society.

There are reports that bureaucrats are now trying to grab thehouses/flats constructed for the stay of the athletes and players atthrow-away prices.

The Commonwealth Games Organising Committee is allegedto have paid, without any written contract agreement, AM Films,an Indian-owned firm in London, over 450,000 pounds (over Rs.30million) for services during last year’s Queen’s Baton Relay inauguralwithout proper tendering and paperwork

Fingers of suspicion of corruption were raised in the award oftenders for different projects, the stadiums and other infrastructureand granting of contracts in hiring or purchase of equipment suchas air conditioners and treadmills and even toilet paper.

Stung by corruption charges and allegations of sub-standardinfrastructure and inordinate delays made by the BJP leaders inParliament and outside, a panicky Commonwealth GamesFederation (CGF) President Mike Fennel rushed to Delhi and saidat a press conference that “We (CGF) do not and will not tolerateany corruption.”

An under construction footbridge just outside the main venueJawaharlal Nehru stadium collapsed, injuring 27 people. Infuriatedat such reports, the Supreme Court had to remark that theCommonwealth Games projects have bred corruption and that itcannot shut its eyes on the “rampant corruption” and criticized theIndian government on its preparations for the international sportingevent.

Fighting corruption, Congress style

What has the Congress under Smt. Sonia Gandhi done to punishthe corrupt? After the Games were over, it gave out the impressionthat it had worked wonders by removing the Chairman of the CWGOrganising Committee Shri Suresh Kamladi from the post of theSecretary of Congress Parliamentary Party. He continues to providehonour to Congress as its MP. This ‘exemplary’ punishment has


been given, in spite of a unanimous resolution of the MaharashtraCongress demanding that Shri Kamladi should be expelled fromthe Congress and made to vacate his seat in Parliament for havingbrought shame to Congress.

In the Adarsh housing scam, the matter has ended with theresignation of the incumbent Chief Minister Ashok Chavan.

In the 2G spectrum too, the matter now seems to have endedwith the resignation of Telecom Minister A. Raja.

That speaks volumes for the sincerity and honesty of theCongress in fighting corruption. On November 19 CongressPresident Smt. Sonia Gandhi paid a great lip service to the causewhen without enunciating the concrete steps the party andgovernment planned to tackle the “graft and greed” with an ironhand that was on the rise, putting in danger the principles on whichIndependent India was founded” which she wanted, could“undermine democracy”.

(The writer is National convenor of BJP's Literature &Publication cell)

Sordid drama unfolds

CAG report

Pushes 2G scam cat out

Report blasts Raja and nails lies

Indicting A Raja, the Comptroller and Auditor General of India(CAG) on November 16 said 2G spectrum allocation had causedrevenue loss of Rs 1.76 lakh crore (Rs 1,760 billion) as the then

telecom minister had ignored the advice of the prime ministerbesides those of ministries of law and finance, giving "undue"benefits to Anil Ambani-led RCom.

The CAG highlighted that the entire process of allocation ofUnified Access Service licences "lacked transparency" and wasundertaken in an "arbitrary, unfair and inequitable manner," in theprocess "flouting every canon of financial propriety, rules andprocedures."

The 77-page report of the CAG tabled in Parliament said duediligence was not followed and even the recommendations of thetelecom regulator TRAI were "not followed in spirit".

The report said the "presumptive" loss caused to the exchequerthrough spectrum allocation to 122 licencees and 35 dual technologylicences in 2007-08 was Rs 1,76,645 crore. It pegged the figureson the basis of 3G auction held earlier this year in which thegovernment mopped up over Rs 67,000 crore (Rs 670 billion).

It said there was an "imperative need to fix responsibility andenforce accountability for the lapses highlighted in the audit report."

Elaborating on the lapses and irregularities, the government

Courtesy : Asian Age


auditor said Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had "stressed on theneed for a fair and transparent allocation of spectrum" while theministry of finance had sought for the decision regarding spectrumpricing to be considered by an EGoM (Empowered Group ofMinisters).

"Brushing aside their concerns and advices, the Departmentof Telecommunications, in 2008, proceeded to issue 122 newlicences for 2G spectrum at 2001 prices, by flouting every canonof financial propriety, rules and procedures," the CAG said.

The DoT also did not do the requisite due diligence in theexamination of the applications submitted for the licences, leadingto the grant of 85 out of 122 licences to the "ineligible applicants"as all these firms did not have stipulated paid-up capital at the timeof application.

Further 45 out of 85 licencees were issued to companies whichfailed to satisfy conditions of main object clause in the memorandumof Association (MoA), it said.

Lacked transparency and fairness

The CAG said the process of giving dual technology licences toleading telecom firms including Reliance Communications and TataTeleservices "lacked transparency and fairness," and equalopportunity was denied to other similarly placed operators whocould apply for use of dual technology only after formalannouncement of the policy.

Noting that this approval (dual technology use) had violatedCabinet decision of 2003 to allow additional spectrum at 2001 prices,the auditor said, "Deviation from a Cabinet decision should normallybe with the approval of Cabinet.

"However, in the present case, such a crucial decision to permitservice providers to offer access using combination of technologies(CDMA, GSM and/or any other) under the same licence with dualspectrum allocation was taken without the matter being referred tothe Cabinet."

It said the dual technology was introduced in October 2007 ina "hasty and arbitrary manner" and in-principle approval was givento three operators on a day prior to announcement of the policy,

which gave "the perception of discrimination against other playersin the field."

The companies which got the licences, were created barelymonths earlier and "deliberately suppressed facts, disclosedincomplete information, submitted fictitious documents and usedfraudulent means for getting licences and thereby access tospectrum.

"Onus of these licences, obtained at unbelievably low price,have in turn sold significant stakes in their companies to Indian/foreign companies at high premium within a short period of time,"the auditor said.

The premium earned by these "new entrants" to the telecomsector was nothing but the true value of the spectrum, which shouldhave normally accrued to the public exchequer, "had the transparentand fair market mechanism been followed" for the allocation ofthese licences, the CAG said.

In the report, the CAG noted that the ministry of communicationand IT "decided to go ahead with arbitrarily deciding that the cut-off date for issuance of Letters of Intent would be advanced toSeptember 25, 2007 and applications received would be decidedon FCFS (first-come first-served) basis."

In November, 2007, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh hadwritten to the telecom ministry suggesting introduction of"transparent methodology" of auction, "revision of entry fee" in the"backdrop of inadequate spectrum and large number of applicationsreceived for fresh licences."

PM, Law ministry ignored

The CAG highlighted that the law ministry had suggested settingup of an Empowered Group of Ministers to discuss the large numberof applications and spectrum pricing, but the telecom ministryrejected it saying "the need for forming and EGoM arises when anew policy is being framed and in this particular issue no newpolicy for grant of UASL (unified access service licences) wasbeing framed."

The auditor, however, said the "contention of the DoT isuntenable as the rejection of the advice" of the law minister to


have detailed deliberations on the issues in the EGoM on the groundthat changes in policy might lead to litigation "goes against the wellestablished and time-tested procedures of functioning of thegovernment and the collective responsibility of the Union Cabinet."

The CAG report on the 2G spectrum scam has thrown upfresh evidence of how former telecom minister A Raja used hisoffice to manipulate the definition of first-come, first-served (FCFS)to give Swan and Unitech a greater advantage over even thecarefully handpicked new licencees.

Raja pulled off this colossal scam by insisting that he followedpolicy and procedure established since 2003 to give away licenseson a FCFS basis, when in fact, he did not.

Violating the established FCFS policy is just one of the manyviolations that helped perpetrate the Rs 1.76 lakh crore scam - butCAG's report shows that this in particular, is directly attributed toRaja himself. On page 63 of its report, the CAG has attached acopy of a DoT release on its use of FCFS policy for award of newlicences showing Raja made changes in the definition of FCFS inhis own handwriting.

The FCFS system followed since 2003 gave priority forspectrum allocation based on date of application. According to theCAG, "MOCIT (Raja) personally without any sound and validreason took away the sanctity of date of application and the dateof compliance of LOI conditions became the date of priority, whichis not accepted principal of FCFS being followed by DoT till then.It was for the first time in the history of DoT that the date ofcompliance of LOI was considered a criterion for the issue ofUASL licenses".

Clever guy

Raja used press meets and releases to hide this modificationand continues to state, "I am following policy established by mypredecessors since 2003".

The CAG shows how this clever alteration was used to switchcompanies in the queue, bringing those like Swan and Unitech whohad applied much later, right up ahead over Spice and Idea in thepriority for spectrum allocation. Essentially, the queue of applicants

was illegally formed.

Unsurprisingly, this created the most impact in the Delhi circlewhere spectrum demand far exceeds supply. In the case of Swan,this change of definition of FCFS allowed Swan to get spectrum asearly as 28 August 2008 despite submitting its application just 6months earlier on 2 March 2007.

For Maharashtra, Spice (date of application 31 August 2006)had to wait 2 years for spectrum till May 2009, while Unitech andDatacom (Videocon) who applied a year after Spice, got spectrumwithin a year and eight months ahead of Spice, in September 2008.Idea was awarded spectrum after more than two years, in May2009, despite an application of June 2006. Unitech became the keybeneficiary, jumping ahead of the queue, to receive spectrum inSept 2008, eight months before Idea, despite having applied 14months after Idea. It is likely the victims kept quiet as they allhoped to eventually gain from the allotment of spectrum in 2008 at2001 prices.

Raja's careful manipulation of FCFS helped both Swan andUnitech make a killing within 9 months by selling 45% and 60% oftheir equity stake to Etisalat and Telenor respectively at 6-7 timestheir cost - without a single customer or a rupee in revenues. Clearly,Raja neither followed FCFS policy that existed since 2003 norimplement TRAI recommendations of 2007.

Size of Raja 'booty'The Report has revealed that as many as 85 of the 122 licences

issued by former telecom minister A. Raja in 2008 were to firmsconsidered ineligible according to department of telecommunication(DoT) guidelines.

The report has found that Raja issued the licences to firmsfloated by real estate and software companies which wanted tocorner these telecom spectrum licences at throwaway prices. Thesefirms had no experience in the telecom business but raked inphenomenal amounts of cash by selling a significant stake shortlyafter getting the licence.

The premium earned by these new entrants to the telecomsector was nothing but the true value of the spectrum, which should


have normally accrued to the public exchequer. According to thereport, since these companies did not meet the eligibility criteria setby the DoT on the date of application, their applications shouldhave been rejected and they should have been asked to apply afreshas stipulated in the unified access (UAS) licence guidelines.

The Telecom regulatory authority of India (TRAI), in its reportsubmitted to the government, observed that it was fair to compare2G with 3G and recommended that 3G prices be adopted as thecurrent price of the 2G spectrum in 1800 Mhz band.

If these recommendations are taken into account, then the valueof 2G spectrum allotted to the 122 UAS licensees and the 35 DTlicences would have raked in about `1,52,038 crore, compared to`12,386 crore received by the government, the report says. Thereport also finds Raja guilty of not following the first-comefirst-served principle on the basis of which he has tried to justify hisgiving out of licenses.

(Agencies)

Swamy's chronicle ofRaja's many misdeeds

Swan Telecom bagged the licence for `1,537 crores foroperating in 13 circles. Within weeks it sold 45% of shares toEtisalat, the telecom giant in UAE for 900 million US dollar (`4,500crore).

Swan Telecom is now in the process of investing `1,000 croreby taking 49% share in a company in Chennai called Green Housepromoters Pvt Limited.

In the Board of Directors in this Green House is minister (A.)Raja's wife M.A. Parameswari! Raja's official address 2A, MotilalNehru Marg is provided as the business address in Form 32 of theRegistrar of Companies in Chennai!! Raja didn't inform the PM onhis wife's business, (which is mandatory as per Conduct of BusinessRules for ministers).

Raja's move is a violation of Clause 8 of the Guidelines forUnited Access Services Licence issued by the ministryCommunication and IT, (dated December 14, 2005], thus causinga loss of over `50,000 crore to the government...

On September 25, 2007, a few hours after Unitech put in 22applications..., DoT issued a press release stating it wouldn't acceptapplications beyond October 1. Despite the short notice... 373 moreapplications were received.

The CVC (in November 2008) issued a showcause notice toRaja, who had allotted 2G licences on "first come, first serve" basisto two novice telecom companies, Swan and Unitech.

RCom (owned by the ADAG group) has operations in the samecircles where the application for Swan Telecom was filed.Therefore, under Clause 8 of the Guidelines, Swan should not havebeen allotted spectrum.

But the company did get it on the minister's direction, which isan undue favour from him. There was obviously a quid pro quothat a CBI inquiry can reveal.

BSNL, which has never done any roaming agreement withany operator, was forced to do a roaming agreement with SwanTelecom. (Ironically BSNL does not extend this facility to any otheroperator). It is quite clear from the agreement that those who areat the helm of affairs of BSNL worked in favour of Swan.

As environment minister Raja had come into contact with realestate companies that had sought environmental clearances. Manyof these real estate companies later applied for telecom licences -such firms included Unitech, Loop (part of the Ruia group),Datacomm (Videocon) and Swan (once partly owned by the ADAGgroup) - and some of them were awarded licences.

Pressure was then mounted on former DoT Secretary Mathurto sign letters of intent in favour of certain applicants but he refused.

Mathur was due to retire in two months but his service wasnot extended... (On December 31) Mathur retired and was replacedby Siddharth Behura (who had served as secretary, environmentand forests, under Raja).

(TOI, November 18, 2010)


Congress helped Raja

The Congress helped Telecom Minister A. Raja in building upa case to save him from scrutiny by CAG and CVC forrevenue loss caused in the 2G spectrum allocation case.

The CAG has indicted Raja for causing a loss of Rs 1.4 lakh cr tothe exchequer. Documents submitted to the Supreme Court showwhat could be the Congress angle in the 2G spectrum scam.

Legal advisor to the Department of Telecom, Santokh Singhmade a case before the Law Ministry, where it was opined that theCAG had "no duty or power" to challenge policy decisions takenby the government.

The Telecom Ministry, headed by DMK's A. Raja, moved afile on 10 August to this effect, which was supported by the legaladvisor to the ministry and joint secretary in the Law Ministry headedby Congress' Veerappa Moily.

All these documents have been placed before the SupremeCourt, which is hearing the petition questioning the appointment ofP.J Thomas as Central Vigilance Commissioner, who was then thetelecom secretary.

These documents, copies of which are with The SundayGuardian, show that a full-proof plan was being made by theTelecom Ministry to bail Raja out of the 2G spectrum mess. Fileswere written to the extent that a series of correspondence (officialfiles) was created to establish that the CAG and the CVC did nothave any role to play in matters of government policy decisions.

The government backing of Raja in the SC points to the viewthat the Telecom Ministry has been endorsed by the government.In its affidavit in the Supreme Court on 11 November 2010, theministry says, "The DoT has throughout acted in public interest onthe basis of policy determined by the Government of India."

DoT's legal advisor, in August, extended the argument of theTelecom Ministry that the CAG and even the CVC did not have

any role to play in policy decisions as such decisions may "involvetrial and error theory", and put the case before the Law Ministryfor approval on the same lines.

The game started in DoT first, where A.K. Srivastava, DDG(AS) or the Access Services I Section, on 10 August 2010 wrotethe note that "the government treats the telecom sector asinfrastructure sector. Accordingly, the government's broad policyof taxes and regulation for telecom sector are promotional onewhere revenue considerations play a secondary role." The DOTfile [F.No.20-213/2008-AS-I (Vol.II) (Pt)] further said, "Therefore,incidental entry fee, license fee and spectrum charges are guidedby this principle and there was no loss of any potential revenue dueto non-revision of entry fee for award of UAS license and non-auction of 2G spectrum." This was also approved by the thenTelecom Secretary P.J. Thomas, at present the CVC, whoseselection as the CVC has been challenged in the Supreme Court.

This file was sent to DoT legal advisor, Santokh Singh, whoadded more teeth to it. While the original DoT file did not have anymention of the CVC, it was included into the ambit of the opinion.The file was sent to him for obtaining the opinion of the Law Ministryand Justice whether "in terms of the powers and duties of C&AGcontemplated under Article 149 0f the Constitution read with C&AGduties, powers and conditions of Service Act 1971, the proceedinginitiated since 18.11.2009 by the DG Audit, P&T challenging severalpolicy decisions taken by the government are legally in order."

In simple words, the Telecom Ministry sought the opinion ofthe Law Ministry that whether the objection of the CAG regardingthe projected loss of billions of rupees on account of the non-auctionof 2G spectrum was legally valid or not.

The response of the DoT legal advisor came on the very nextday.

The legal opinion states that the CAG "has no duty or power tochallenge policy decisions taken by the government."

In response to the DOT file, seeking opinion of the Ministry ofLaw & Justice on "powers and duties of CAG," the DOT legaladvisor included a comment on the CVC also and stated, "CAG,


CVC and other watchdogs no doubt play a very significant role inany democracy but they being constitutional/statutory functionariescannot exceed the role assigned to them under the Constitution/law."

Questions CAG authority

Singh stated, "The Comptroller and Auditor-General has noduty or power to challenge policy decisions taken by the government.It also said that CAG Act, 1971 nowhere provides that he has anyduty or power to question the wisdom of the policy/lawmakers aspolicy decisions may involve trial and error theory. CAG, CVC andother watchdog no doubt play a very significant role in anydemocracy but they being constitutional/statutory functionariescannot exceed the role assigned to them under the constitution/law. Even the courts refrain to question wisdom of government inpolicy matters unless the policy decision is patently arbitrary,discriminatory or mala fide."

Considering the words of the letter from DoT seeking legalopinion, it is not surprising that the legal advisor had given thisopinion.

In a letter approved by Thomas, as the then Telecom Secretary,the Department of Telecom stated that "The government treatsthe telecom sector as infrastructure sector. Accordingly, thegovernment's broad policy of taxes and regulation for telecom sectorare promotional one where revenue considerations play a secondaryrole." The correspondence between DoT and DoT legal advisorare part of proceedings in the Supreme Court in the petition recentlyfiled for setting aside Thomas' appointment as the CVC.

The DoT file says, "Rather the said policy of grant of UASlicenses was not changed since introduction because this has resultedin unprecedented growth of telecom services from a tele-densityof 5% in 2003 to present tele-density of more than 55% and above15 million phones are added every month. As on 31 May, 2010, thetotal phones in the country were more than 653 million. In addition,there is a sharp decrease in tariff (as low as 1/2 paise per second)due to increased competition, thus achieving the objective of NewTelecom Policy (NTP) 99 of providing world class affordabletelecom services. The targets of 11th plan of 600 million total

phones, 200 million rural phones and 25% rural tele-density havealready been achieved two years in advance. With the increase intele-density and increase of overall revenue of the sector, the annuallicense fee and spectrum charges payable as revenue share to thegovernment goes on increasing year after year. It may also benoted that the telecom sector is already paying about 25% of theGross revenue in the form of license fee, service tax and spectrumcharges. The annual license fee and spectrum charges are largestnon-tax revenue of the government and any tinkering with this hasto be viewed against revenue losses in future years which goes onincreasing with increased competition and tele-density."

The DoT file further says, "It is worth mentioning that a changein policy is considered when the existing policies are not deliveringdesired results which were not the case in the telecom sector.Hence, DoT was not bound to accept all the recommendations ofTRAI, the recommendations of TRAI were accepted being inconsonance with NTP-99 and the five years plan objective as therewas no need to change the existing policies."

Courtesy: The Sunday Guardian

(Write up by Nitish K. Singh on 14th November, 2010)

UPA defends Raja, denies loss

Even as the Opposition stalled Parliament proceedings todayand demanded resignation of telecom minister A Raja, theUPA government went strongly on the offensive in his

defence by filing an affidavit in the Supreme Court. The affidavitsays there is no case made out for monitoring the investigation bythe CBI or SIT. The government has also denied that the 2GSpectrum allocation caused a loss of Rs 90,000 to 1,40,000 crore tothe exchequer.

Such reports are misconceived and bereft of merit, says theaffidavit.

This comes even as key ally the DMK has dug in its heels,


making it clear to the government that Raja will remain in the cabinet

The party says the government should wait till the CBI probeinto the spectrum scam is over since whatever the Minister didwas based on norms set by the Telecom Regulatory Authority ofIndia.

(CNN-IBN November 11, 2010)

For Congress CAG report no

indictment of Raja

The Centre has finally spoken out on the Comptroller andAuditor General report on 2G spectrum scam and virtuallyrejected calls for telecome minister minister A Raja's

resignation.

Law minister Veerappa Moily Nov 12 said the CAG reportcannot be called an indictment of Raja in the scam.

"You cannot call it an indictment. It is not a final report.Technically no one can call it indictment," Moily said, adding hehad not seen any minister resigning following a CAG report.

Moily sought to blunt the opposition campaign, saying similarqueries were made on the ex-Communications Minister and lateBJP leader Pramod Mahajan too during the NDA regime but henever resigned.

"NDA did not volunteer to make him (Mahajan) resign.... Ihave no memory of a minister who has resigned following a CAGreport," Moily said.

But at the same time, he hastened to add that the CAG reporthas "weightage" as it is by a constitutional body.

The CAG report is actually a query raised by the institution ona particular ministry, the minister stressed.

"CAG is an important institution to safeguard the interests ofthe exchequer. There is a process involved under which queries

are raised by the CAG following which the opinion of the particularministry or department is obtained. Then the report is presented toParliament and becomes its property," he said.

Moily said then the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) selectsa particular paragraph in the report for discussion and then itbecomes the right of a particular ministry to give a reply to thePAC. To a question on Opposition onslaught on the TelecomMinister, he said "in a healthy democracy you cannot find faultwith the opposition. But this not mean that a particular ministry isactually wrong". The Centre's hard stand comes just hours afterDMK chief M Karunanidhi came out in the open defending Raja.

Spectrum saga: PM defends Raja

With PM Manmohan Singh suggesting that the chargesagainst Union telecom minister A Raja in connection withthe spectrum scam were not correct, the fate of CBI's

investigations into what is being described as the biggest scam interms of money lost to public exchequer appears to be hanging inthe balance.

During a press conference in Thailand's resort town Hua Hinon Sunday, Singh said the allegations being made by the Oppositionagainst Raja were not necessarily correct. Officials feel that whatSingh said is, in fact, open to conflicting interpretations becausewhen asked about whether or not Raja should resign, the PM repliedthat he did not want to discuss Cabinet reshuffle in public.

But it has raised suspicions of interference with the probe withthe BJP strongly argued that the PM should have resisted fromcommenting on Raja's alleged innocence when investigations wereunderway.

The fact that Singh's defence came barely two days after TamilNadu CM and DMK supremo K Karunanidhi registered a protestwith the PM against CBI raids on DoT offices has further raisedeyebrows. According to DMK sources, Karunanidhi on Friday hadconveyed his disappointment to Singh for the "humiliation" Raja


was being subjected to when, according to him, Raja had not takenany decision on his own.

Interestingly, the controversy has started even as the CBI probe,despite the initial optimism, does not appear to be making muchheadway.

The agency has so far even refused to name any private firmor person as accused in the FIR registered last week and onMonday, sources involved in the probe said that there was no realevidence to prove any wrongdoing by the minister.

"Prima facie it does appear that 2G licences were given byputting a cap on the number of applicants against recommendationsof Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) and by awardinglicences to private companies on first-come-first-serve basis onthe rates of 2001 without any competitive bidding. However, I don'tthink the investigations have reached the stage where we can castaspersion on anybody, let alone the minister," a senior CBI officialsaid.

CBI sources said they were probing the allegation that 2Gspectrum licences were awarded to as many as nine firms in 2007at a price which was based on an auction held in 2001 and not onthe 2007 market value. "We can't go just by allegations which aresubjective in nature. We have registered FIR claiming criminalconspiracy and corruption but we have to find evidence beforetaking any name and it can take some time," said an official.

So far, the agency has quizzed some senior officials of DoTand carried out searches at the offices of 10 telecom firms but noraid has been carried out at anybody's residence suggesting thatthere is no identified accused yet in the case.

Some of the firms which benefited from the manner in whichspectrum was allocated included Unitech Wireless, Swan Telecom(now Etisalat DB), Loop Telecom, Sistema Shyam, Datacom, S-Tel, Allianz Infratech and Spice Telecom. Swan and Unitech weresaid to have "made a killing" by offloading 45% and 60% equityrespectively to foreign players immediately after acquiring spectrumlicences.

(ToI, October 27, 2009)

Exchange of letters between Raja and PM

Nov 1, 2007: Law secretary T K Viswanathan records onfile that DoT's reference to the attorney general/ solicitorgeneral regarding four alternatives to deal with 575

applications for licences appear too broad. Says issue of disposalof applications for unified access service (UAS) with allotment ofspectrum getting mixed up.

Nov 1, '07: Law minister H R Bharadwaj says matter shouldbe first examined by EGoM

Nov 2, 2007: A Raja, then communications and IT minister,writes to PM saying an unprecedented number of applications werebeing received due to telecom regulator advising against cap

Says law ministry's suggestion "out of context" as allotment oflicences a procedural issue and not a new major policy decision,usually referred to GoMs

Says DoT has decided to continue with existing first-come,firstserved policy for applications received up to Sept 25, 2007

Nov 2, 2007: PM writes to Raja mentioning issues related toenhancement of subscriber-linked spectrum allocation criteria,permission to CDMA players to also offer GSM services. Raisesissue of processing numerous applications and inadequate spectrum

Seeks Raja's comments and "urgent consideration to the issuesbeing raised (by the industry and media) with a view to ensuringfairness and transparency"

Nov 2, 2007: Raja replies to PM saying "there was, and is, nosingle deviation or departure in the rules and procedures beingcontemplated"

Provides point-by-point response

Dec 26, 2007: Raja writes to PM again. Cites his previousletter and discussions he had with Singh, Mukherjee.


Says COAI not accepting 3 reports on flimsy grounds and notcooperating with DoT for an "amicable solution".

Also says discussions with Mukherjee, Goolam Vahanvati (thensolicitor general) have "further enlightened me to take a preemptiveand pro-active decision on these issues as per the guidelines andrules framed there under to avoid any further confusions and delay".

Informs PM that DoT will use TRAI recommendations onsubscriber-based criteria for spectrum allocation. Similarly, cites,TRAI recommendation on dual tech

Based on solicitor general's concurrence, first-come, first-servedpolicy will be followed, says Raja

Informs Singh that file on issuing letters of intent was clearedon Nov 2

Jan 3, 2008: "I have received your letter of 26 December,2007 regarding recent developments in telecom sector," PM writes.

To humour DMK, Manmohandefends spectrum Raja

The compulsion to be on the right side of DMK saw PrimeMinister Manmohan Singh providing a a fig leaf to scam-tainted telecom minister A Raja.

"What he (Mr Raja) did was implement a policy that was alreadyin place," the prime minister told Monday's press conference here,referring to process followed for auction of spectrum for second-generation (2G) telecom services at prices prevailing in 2001. "Itwould have been unfair to new entrants if a new yardstick wasused."

Just like Mr Raja, the prime minister said that the departmenthas not flouted policy. "You have to look at it in proper perspective,"he said, adding both the watchdog, the Telecom Regulatory Authorityof India (TRA) and the Telecom Commission, had approved thepolicy on 2G auctions. "I have also discussed this issue with Raja...he has told me that what he did was, implemented the policieswhich were in place since 2003 (NDA regime)," the prime ministersaid.

The prime minister was responding to question on whether hewould take action against the telecom minister for selling 2G licencesat throwaway prices, resulting in losses worth billions of dollars. Inhis interaction with the media, the prime minister dismissedsuggestions for Raja's removal from the Cabinet. "Pendinginvestigations it is not proper for me to express any definitiveopinion."

Citing the success of 3G spectrum auction, which would fetchthe government over Rs 67,700 crore as against about Rs 10,000crore that the exchequer got from new 2G licences in 2008, theOpposition has been asking for Mr Raja's resignation saying thescam caused a loss of up to Rs 1 lakh crore to the exchequer.

The prime minister, however, admitted that there is a huge gap



in the revenue generation from 2G licences (given by Mr Raja in2008) compared to a whopping Rs 67,700 crore from the auctionof 3G spectrum sale that concluded only last week.

Pointing that the whole issue was being investigated and CVChas asked CBI to look into this and the process is on, he said andassured: "If I come to know that there is any involvement at anylevel in corruption, we will take action."

Nine new companies including Unitech , Shyam Sistema,Datacom, S Tel and Loop Telecom were given licences in 2008and pan-India licence was then offered at Rs 1,658 crore alongwith start-up 4.4 MHz spectrum.

(25 MAY, 2010, ToI)

Why didn't PM act on Raja: SCQuestions 11-Month 'Silence' OnRequest To Prosecute Minister

Dhananjay Mahapatra

The Supreme Court asked the government to explain withintwo days why the "sanctioning authority" - in this case, theprime minister - remained silent for 11 long months over a

request seeking sanction for the prosecution of former telecomminister A Raja in the 2G spectrum scam case.

In a reference to PM Manmohan Singh's oversight role, theSC referred to a petition submitted by Janata Party presidentSubramaniam Swamy to the PM, to say: "We are on the allegedinaction and silence of the sanctioning authority for 11 months onSwamy's petition seeking sanction to prosecute... this is what isworrying us."

An SC bench comprising Justices G S Singhvi and A K Gangulyhearing the 2G spectrum case asked solicitor general GopalSubramaniam to examine relevant files before giving his responseon Thursday on why it took the government a month short of ayear to tell Swamy that prosecution would be "premature" at this

stage.

The SC's remarks came on the same day as the Comptrollerand Auditor General's scathing report on the allocation of 2G licencesin which CAG has not only indicted Raja but also indirectly referredto an oversight failure of the ex-minister's role by saying, "There isan imperative need to fix responsibility and enforce accountabilityfor lapses''.

Difference between wrongdoing and errors: PM to CAG

On a day when CAG indicted A Raja and the governmentsystem of checks and balances, Manmohan Singh was at the 150years celebration of the organization, counseling it on the need todistinguish between ''wrongdoing and genuine errors''. He said,''Very often there is a very thin line between fair criticism andfault-finding, between hazarding a guess and making a reasonableestimate, between a bonafide error and a deliberate mistake.'' Heurged CAG to ''appreciate the context and circumstances ofdecisions taken by the government''.

(Courtesy : Rediff News)

Manmohan in Oppn crosshairs

for silence on 2G scam

PRIME Minister Manmohan Singh's image appeared to betaking a severe beating on Wednesday as the Oppositionmounted pressure on him to respond to the Supreme Court's

remarks on his 11-month-long silence over the 2G spectrum scam.

Senior BJP leader L.K. Advani said the PM must respond tothe apex court's remarks on his inaction after Janata Party leaderSubramanian Swamy sought prosecution sanction against thentelecom minister Andimuthu Raja way back in November 2008.

"The Supreme Court has made a serious remark on the Prime


Minister and his office. I have not come across such a remark onthe PM's office in the past 60 years. It is the PM's duty to reply tothe comment immediately," Advani said.

The CPM, justifying the apex court's poser, fired the secondsalvo. It asked Singh to explain why he refused to order a probeinto the scam for a much longer period despite repeated requests.

The CPM reminded the PM that its Rajya Sabha memberSitaram Yechury wrote to him seeking an inquiry way back in 2008."The PM should explain in Parliament how this murky affair wasallowed to go on for so long," the Left party said.

The Supreme Court's observations and the Comptroller andAuditor General's (CAG) damning report seem to have severelydented Singh's image as an effective administrator because he failedto anticipate and prevent the 2G spectrum allocation scam despitebeing forewarned.

INCIDENTALLY in 1993, Singh, then finance minister, hadoffered to resign because of similar criticism by a joint parliamentarycommittee (JPC) when he came under fire for not being able topre-empt the multicrore Harshad Mehta securities scam.

At that time, Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao had convincedSingh against quitting and promised strict action against the culprits.Singh, who had become a member of the Rajya Sabha only twoyears earlier in 1991, continued in office.

The Prime Minister's Office (PMO), managed largely for yearsby Singh's principal secretary TKA Nair, accorded the rank of aminister of state, failed to detect that Raja, in his reply to a letterfrom the PM on November 2, 2007, had told a blatant lie to him.This fact was brought to light in the CAG report on Tuesday.

The 2G scam - which forms a series of sorts when clubbedwith the Commonwealth Games mess and the appointment of P.J.Thomas as the chief vigilance commissioner - has raised disturbingquestions over the effective functioning of the PMO, the consciencefount of the government and its ministers.

Evidently, the communications of Swamy and Yechury werenot taken with the seriousness they deserved and someone high-upin the PMO chose to ignore the duo's whistleblowing.

A senior retired bureaucrat said: "The Prime Minister's is thehighest office in the country with access to every bit of intelligenceand information on any subject. It is impossible that the PMO hadno knowledge about telecom minister Raja's wrongdoings.

"I believe that extremely strong political reasons must havestopped the Prime Minister from taking corrective action."

In October 2007, the department of telecom (DoT) itself askedthe law ministry to seek the opinion of the attorney-general or thesolicitor-general on how to handle the huge rush of fresh applicationsfor 2G spectrum allocation.

According to the CAG report, the law ministry advised thatthe issue should be taken to an Empowered Group of Ministers(EGoM) and the attorney-general's opinion could be taken in theprocess. But the DoT described the opinion as "out of context".This, too, did not cause an alarm in the PMO.

Again on December 26, 2007, Raja wrote to Singh referring a"personal discussion" he had with the Prime Minister and thenexternal affairs minister Pranab Mukherjee on various issues,including dual technology and new licences.

On January 1, 2008, the Prime Minister sent anacknowledgement to Raja's letter on "personal discussion".

The CAG, quoting a DoT reply to the auditor's queries sent inJuly 2010, says the PM was apprised of all decisions regardingspectrum allocation.

So its not plausible that the PM did not even get a whiff ofRaja's wrongdoings.

"The DoT, quoting extensively from a letter written by (Raja)to the Prime Minister, stated that the PM was apprised of alldecisions taken by the DoT and the letter was acknowledged bythe PM," the report said.

Raja further ignored the advice of the PM and the law ministryand went ahead to "arbitrarily" decide that the cut-off date forissuing letters of intent would be advanced to September 25, 2007,and the applications received would be decided on first-come-first-served basis.


When Pm Did Not Heed Warnings

The PM failed to order Raja to not issue any licence until thedifferences with the law and finance ministries were resolved orthe Cabinet looked into the issue as stipulated by the governmentof India (transaction of business) rules.

He ignored CPM leader Sitaram Yechury's Nov 2008 letterseeking an inquiry

THE PM failed to check the facts when Raja wrote to him(CAG says lied to him) that the telecom commission was againstan auction as it would be unfair to new players

He sat on Janata Party leader Subramanian Swamy's plea forprosecution sanction against Raja for 11 months

He did not heed to the law ministry's advice to refer the matterto a Group of Ministers when Raja dismissed it as "out of context"

He smelt a rat but didn't act

Nov 2,2007: PM asks Raja to consider auctioning of spectrumand revision of entry fee in a fair and transparent manner

Raja replies within a few hours, claiming sufficient 2G spectrumwas available to cater to the requirements of new operators andmore operators will increase teledensity and bring down the tariff

Dec 26: Raja writes to the PM regarding a discussion he hadwith him and then external affairs minister Pranab Mukherjee onissues including dual technology & new licences

Jan 1,2008: PM acknowledges Raja's letter on personaldiscussion

Nov 29: Subramanian Swamy writes to PM seeking permissionto prosecute Raja in the 2G scam

Oct 21,2009: The CBI files an FIR against unknown personsin the 2G scam

March 19,2010: PM refuses sanction saying Swamy's plea waspremature.

(Courtesy : Mail Today)

How A Raja robbed the nation

The much anticipated CAG report on allocation of 2Gspectrum by A Raja was tabled in Parliament on Tuesday,raising troubling questions about how an influential politician's

greed can exploit the system, how readily many corporates join inthe subversion for windfall gains, and how the compulsions ofcoalition dynamics can paralyse the government. "The entireprocess of allocation of UAS (Unified Access Service) licenceslacked transparency and was undertaken in an arbitrary, unfairand inequitable manner. The Hon'ble Prime Minister had stressedon the need for a fair and transparent allocation of spectrum, andthe ministry of finance had sought for the decision regardingspectrum pricing to be considered by an EGoM. Brushing asidetheir concerns and advices, DoT , in 2008, proceeded to issue 122new licences for 2G spectrum at 2001 prices, by flouting everycanon of financial propriety, rules and procedures," the 77-pagereport says.

It also mentions how Raja ridiculed officials who suggestedmore transparent methods to assess the value of spectrum, andwent ahead with his decision to arbitrarily allot it to select companies.Raja's decision, it says, has cost the national exchequer anywherebetween Rs 1,76,645 crore and Rs 57,666 crore. DoT didn't followits own guidelines: CAG

In November 2007, PM Manmohan Singh wrote to Rajaexpressing concern that given inadequate spectrum and theunprecedented number of applications received from fresh licenses,an auction process be followed. Raja replied saying that the auctionof spectrum was considered by both TRAI and TelecomCommission and that his ministry has come to a conclusion that anauction "will be unfair, discriminator and capricious" as it woulddistort the levelplaying field for new entrants.


The finance ministry questioned the "sanctity of continuingwith a price determined way back in 2001 without any indexationor current valuation and sought review of the matter." DoT member(finance) agreed with the finance ministry, and sought an "in-depthanalysis of the issue prior to taking any further action." To this Rajaaudaciously wrote: "These types of continuous confusions observedon the file whoever be the officer concerned does not show anylegitimacy and integrity but only their vested interest."

As a matter of fact, DoT did not follow "its own guidelineson eligibility conditions, arbitrarily changed the cut-off date for receiptof applications post facto and altered the conditions of the FCFSprocedure at crucial junctures without valid and cogent reasons,which gave unfair advantage to certain companies," the report says.

Courtesy : TOI

PM defends Raja, says hefollowed NDA policy

On May 24, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh defendedTelecom Minister A Raja, under attack for alleged scam ingranting licences in 2008, saying he had only followed the

policies of the previous NDA government.

At the same time, he dismissed suggestions for Raja's removalfrom the Cabinet, saying "pending the investigations it is not properfor me to express any definitive opinion."

Citing the success of 3G spectrum auction, which would fetchthe government over Rs 67,700 crore as against about Rs 10,000crore that the exchequer got from new 2G licences in 2008, theopposition has been asking for Raja's resignation saying the scamcaused a loss of up to Rs one lakh crore to the exchequer.

Answering a query at the first national press conference ofthe UPA-II, Singh said: "I have also discussed this issue with Raja...he has told me that what he did was, implemented the policies

which were in place since 2003 (NDA regime)."

Singh said Raja, who represents DMK in the Union Cabinet,has also made his position clear in Parliament and also in the media.

The Prime Minister, however, admitted that there is a hugegap in the revenue generation from 2G licences (given by Raja in2008) compared to a whopping Rs 67,700 crore from the auctionof 3G spectrum sale that concluded only last week.

"I think one has to look at the whole problem in properperspective. There was a particular policy which was in place since2003 before our government came into power," Singh said, addingthat Raja's point was that it would amount to discrimination ifdifferent yardsticks were applied for the new entrants.

(with PTI inputs)

Supreme Court on 2G

The SC said filing the affidavit on the Prime Minister, DrManmohan Singh, taking 16 months to respond to MrSubramanian Swamy's petition to prosecute the former

telecom minister, Mr A. Raja, was necessary to give Mr Swamy achance to submit a reply.

"We are giving you a chance to put it on affidavit," the SC toldthe S-G when he said "every letter of Dr Swamy has been dealtwith". The S-G, said: "I went through the records personally. Hehas been answered adequately and we don't want to appear thatwe are delaying the issue. The authorities have most appropriatelydealt with it."

When the SC asked Dr Swamy whether he agreed with thestatement, he said, "The only communication I received from thePM is on March 19, 2010. I have received no other letter from thePM." Dr Swamy added, "I got a letter from Raja explaining whymy request for permission to prosecute him has no merit."


The SC then said, "He (Raja) is not a sanctioning authority, wewill not consider it."

The S-G made it clear that the PM shall not directly file theaffidavit. "An officer will file the affidavit. We should not be seenas taking time," the S-G insisted, adding, "I have confidence. I haveconsulted the records."

While referring to Tuesday's observations by the SC on thePM's "silence for 16 months", the S-G said, "We always take theobservations of the court in a positive way."

After taking on record the copy of the CAG report along withthe final report of the director-general of telecom, the SC said thepetition on the main 2G spectrum issue would be taken up onNovember 22 while Dr Swamy's plea on the issue of grantingsanction to prosecute Mr Raja would be taken up on November23.

PTI

2G scam: Why Dr Singh'scredibility is at stake

Sheela Bhatt explains why Prime Minister DrManmohan Singh is headed for politically troubled timesover the 2G spectrum scam.

Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh is heading for the mostcrucial time of his political career. On Tuesday, no less thanthe Supreme Court dragged Prime Minister's Office into the

massive telecom scam and that gives a hint of coming of a politicalstorm which has the potential to damage Dr Singh.

You don't need a pundit to predict that after going through thefacts and figures coming to light from the Comptroller and AuditorGeneral report on the 2G spectrum scam, popularly known as thetelecom scam.

The 2G spectrum scam of 2010 threatenes to become as potentas the Bofors scam of the late 1980s. The Bofors scam had astrong emotional appeal because it was the scam related to thedefence services and India's [ Images ] security interests; but herethe sheer size of the "loot" (CAG claims Rs 176,000,000,000 wasthe loss because wrong method for the allotment of spectrum wasadopted by the telecom ministry) that come election time wouldstir our political satirists.

A political tsunami is in the making in New Delhi [ Images ].All eyes are on Congress President Sonia Gandhi [ Images ] to seeif she will ssave her party first or the reputation of the PMO.

Something fundamental to current political set up is getting hitby the ongoing and slowly unfolding truth of 2G spectrum scam.All of India witnessed how Sonia refused to become the primeminister, how she nominated Dr Singh to power and trusted him tosafeguard the interests of her party and reputation of her family.

Courtesy : Mail Today


Now, for first time, events show that the outsourcing of theadministration of the country has failed somewhere. And, the resultis the bewildering loss to the exchequer. Congressmen would nowask the outsourcing firm how did this happen?

Congressmen are trying hard to cut their losses by securingTelecom Minister A Raja's resignation but if the Opposition partiesformulate the right strategy, a mix of political maneuvering andmedia hype, then the Congress will be on the defensive and DrSingh may find himself insecure.

After all, one can fix value to 2G spectrum loss, but Dr Singh'scredibility can't be fixed in numbers.

After Raja's brazen act of allotting the 2G spectrum in January2008, Dr Singh reportedly wanted to take action against him byshifting him from the telecom portfolio, if not sacking him from theUnion Cabinet.But compulsions of coalition politics forced him andSonia Gandhi to go slow on the issue.

Dr Singh could not overcome the pressure from the Congressin tackling the Raja scam before it went into the realm of Oppositionpolitics. This will prove very costly for the prime minister and hisparty. As it's a well known fact that politically, Dr Singh was alwaysweaker than the party. The inherent weakness of the personalarrangement between Dr Singh and Sonia Gandhi has contributedheavily in the making of this scam.

As things are unfolding it's becoming clear that Raja has notlost steam. This man as minister of telecommunications has usedpower brazenly and although he has now fallen from grace, Rajastill remains quite an intelligent man.

He is going to fight his legal battle alone but his political battlewill be sharper and he will club all his actions with the PMO.

Also, the bottom-line of the 2G spectrum is that behind theugly story is corporate wars and greed. Anil Ambani [ Images ]and his company Reliance's [ Get Quote ] name has alreadyemerged as the beneficiary but other big telecom stars are not farbehind. The climax is still far away for this story. As we in mediaknow that so many leaks in the story are made possible, also, bycorporate houses.

All those tainted companies who got the cream of 2G spectrumare playing a game and might be keeping pressure on the Congress,the PMO and even the Opposition parties to not demand cancellationof the allotment.

It's believed that the only option to keep the 2G scam undercheck is to cancel the 2008 allotment, kick out the tainted telecomcompanies and prosecute Raja. It's a tall order for any government.

So, as Raja now embarks upon a long drawn fight for survival,he will have high nuisance value. The Congress will, as it is the oldhabit of the old party, try to differentiate between "the party" and"the party-led government."

Notwithstanding the fact that the government is led by Dr Singh,who is the most loyal Congressman, it's very likely that he will beisolated if the people of India do not buy the argument that "thePM's advice not heeded by Raja."

A former cabinet secretary, in an off the record interview, toreapart PMO's defence. He told rediff.com, "The entire bureaucracyin India is looking at the event with shock. Don't you know whatthe Transaction of Business Rules, 1961 is? Who are you fooling?The prime minister has unrestricted right to get any file, any recordfrom any ministry. The finance minister, too, has the right to ask forany file if there are financial implications."

Under the Transaction of Business Rules any decision aboveRs 500 crore has to go through the Union Cabinet.

The retired bureaucrat further said, "The 2G spectrum scam isthe total failure of the PMO. Who is the boss in the government?Who is the custodian of the Indian people's interest? It would taketen minutes to stop Raja from going ahead so brazenly for someonelike the PM's Principal Secretary T K A Nair or the cabinetsecretary. Nair has to just pick up the phone and tell thetelecommunication secretary to meet Dr Singh, immediately."

He further said, "Do you think any IAS officer would defy thePMO's call?" When the scam took place in Raja's office in January2008, the cabinet secretary was S M Chandrashekhar. The retiredcabinet secretary said, "He must clarify what was he doing, then?Kindly, don't fool the people of India."

A government of the scams, by the scams, for the scams A government of the scams, by the scams, for the scams

"Even D S Mathur, the retired official of the telecom ministrywho has spoken out so late against Raja, can't be defended," saidthe retired bureaucrat.

"When the nation is being looted, you can't sulk and go home.Mathur went home instead of participating in the wrongdoings ofhis minister; but he should have gone to Chandrashekhar and givenhim all in writing. How can you keep quiet?" he asked.

The official went on to say, "What I am saying is that thecabinet secretary should have written a two-line letter to thedepartment of telecommunication that before allotment of the licensefor 2G spectrum, get it approved from the Union Cabinet. Thatwould have been enough to stop the scam."

In fact, the PMO had told Raja to take the issue to theEmpowered Group of Ministers. Raja ignored the PMO. The storyof Raja is that the minister took the decisions disregarding the PM'sand Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of India's advice.

The official said, "But then why did the PMO not initiate actionto scrap the procedure which was violating all rules as they knewwell? What stopped the PMO from responding to the likes ofSubramanian Swami and many others?"

Of course, the former cabinet secretary told rediff.com, CAGhas not indicted Dr Singh nor his officers directly in it's report but ifand when the matter goes to next stage, then Cabinet SecretaryChandrashekhar will have a lot to answer for.

The retired official said, "People of India should know this muchthat PM of the country has absolute power in running the country.He could have undone the decisions in no time even if Raja hadflouted the rules and code of ethics."

Prashant Bhushan, the senior lawyer whose petition on 2Gspectrum is being heard in Supreme Court, told rediff.com, "Afterall, the ministers in the Union Cabinet function at the pleasure ofthe prime minister. Therefore, he was serious about this then itwas not enough to make some noises. If he is trying to say that hewas really serious, then he should have removed Raja long back."

(Courtesy: Rediff News)

BJP's First Information Reporton Commonwealth Games Loot

Press statement issued by BJP National President, ShriNitin Gadkari on October 19, 2010

Our sportspersons have made India proud at the recentlyconcluded 19th Commonwealth Games-Delhi 2010 withtheir stupendous performance in various disciplines. All

speculations about India's potential to develop a sports culture andcome of age as a sporting nation have been put to rest by the firstever three figure medal tally. The opening as well as the closingceremony was indeed spectacular and so were the foolproofsecurity arrangements. I congratulate the entire Indian contingentfor its outstanding performance and felicitate those who have wonmedals. I salute all the securities agencies for making theCommonwealth Games a "security milestone" in the face ofintelligence reports of threats by some groups to carry out terroristattacks against the athletes. I also commend the flawlesspresentations by the performing artistes, school children and allothers in making the games events a great success.

But all was not well with the Commonwealth Games-Delhi2010.

It all looked fine and on track till the bid was won. Then wheredid we fail and who all nearly let us down? The world communityin general and the people of India in particular need to know.

India won the bid in November 2003, and it took 16 months toput the Commonwealth Games Organizing Committee (CGOC) inplace and the 35-member committee included Rahul Gandhi, KapilSibal, Jyotiraditya Scindia, Ajay Makan, Jitin Prasad and SandeepDikshit.

The first meeting of the Infrastructure Coordination Committee

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held in Delhi on March 15, 2005 took note of the requirements ofvenues and their up- gradation and the construction of the Gamesvillage giving all the government bodies like the Urban DevelopmentMinistry, the DDA, the Delhi Government & other agencies morethan five years to accomplish the task without compromisinginternational standards. Their proposals were approved by a groupof ministers and later ratified by the union cabinet. The irregularitiesand bungling in the tendering process of these projects wasscandalous involving several thousand crores .

The first story about malpractices and corruption inCommonwealth Games came to light on July 30, 2010 when theUK-based AM Films highlighted the case of payments with nowritten contract agreement. The CGOC is alleged to have paidAM Films, an Indian-owned firm in London, over 450,000 pounds(over Rs.30 million) for services during last year's Queen's BatonRelay inaugural without proper tendering and paperwork.

Corruption was suspected in award of tenders for differentprojects of the games including the stadia and other infrastructureand granting of contracts in hiring or purchase of equipment suchas air conditioners and treadmills and even toilet paper.

The Comptroller and Auditor General of India commentedadversely on the cost overruns for the stadium being built orrefurbished for the Games.

Stung by corruption charges and allegations of sub-standardinfrastructure and inordinate delays made by the BJP leaders inparliament and outside, and amidst adverse media campaign, thecentral government went into overdrive to assure the participatingnations that the stadium will be completed on time for the Oct. 3-14 Commonwealth Games.

A panicky Commonwealth Games Federation (CGF) PresidentMike Fennel rushed to Delhi and said at a press conference that"We (CGF) do not and will not tolerate any corruption."

Fennel said "reports of corruption should be investigatedthoroughly and acted upon as per the law of the land". Fennel metDelhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit to voice his concern over theissues related to the Games and infrastructure development.

But things did not improve. An under construction footbridgejust outside the main venue Jawaharlal Nehru stadium collapsed,27 people were injured and a false ceiling at the weightlifting arenacaved in. It was left to the armed forces to salvage the situation.

All this infuriated the Supreme Court to remark that theCommonwealth Games projects have bred corruption and that itcannot shut its eyes on the "rampant corruption "and criticized theIndian government on its preparations for the international sportingevent.

There are numerous allegations of bungling and irregularity inthe tendering process for all games contracts which need to belooked into.

Senior BJP leaders including Smt. Sushma Swaraj, Shri ArunJaitley, Shri Kirti Azad, Shri Navjot Singh Sidhu & Shri AnuragThakur have been raising these issues in both houses of parliament.Senior BJP leader, Shri Vijay Kumar Malhotra, party generalsecretary, Shri Vijay Goel and Delhi BJP chief, Shri Vijender Guptaand the BJP Sports Cell Convener Shri Mahinder Lal have led theBJP's campaign against the games scandals in Delhi.

All these BJP leaders and Secretary, Sheri Kirit Somiaya haveworked relentlessly to marshal all the facts and figures about thegames mismanagement and prepared a

"BJP's First Information Report on Commonwealth GamesLoot" long with a voluminous annexure highlighting the callousnessand total apathy and insensitivity of the government agencies andsports bodies in unabashedly wasting the tax payers money whichresulted in the games budget initially billed at Rs. 2000 Croresgoing up to a whopping Rs. 70,000 crores.

The Prime Minister's Office has instituted an inquiry to beconducted by the former CAG Shri V. K. Shunglu. Severalgovernment agencies like the Enforcement Directorate, the CVC,the CAG, the CBI, the Revenue Intelligence and other outfits arealso engaged in their respective investigations into specific chargesof corruption, irregularities and malpractices etc.

Now the Commonwealth Games dirty linen is sought to bewashed in public by Sheila Dikshit, Suresh Kalmadi & others, with

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Kalmadi demanding probe not only into the CGOC Rs. 1,620 Crorebudget but also into the Rs. 16,000 Crore budget of the DelhiGovernment.

The BJP strongly believes that all these inquiries andinvestigations must be expedited to reach some logical conclusionsat the earliest so that the guilty could be punished without anyfurther delay.

In view of the multiplicity of the agencies involved in this task,we demand that a high-power coordination committee headed bythe cabinet secretary should be set up to ensure an effective andconcerted effort to unearth the scandals.

All these investigations must reveal the extent and magnitudeof the corruption in different deals and the role of the agenciesinvolved therein for which those found guilty must be taken to taskas per the law of the land.

The BJP will extend full cooperation to all the investigatingagencies and make them available the information gathered by itsleaders to facilitate an impartial and meaningful inquiry into allallegations of corruption and bungling.

But at the same time, I strongly feel that there is an urgentneed to pin point accountability on those who cleared these projectsand sanctioned fund allocations from time to time overlooking theserious discrepancies in the project reports and the unreasonableexorbitant cost escalations.

It is high time to expose the nexus between the partners in theCommonwealth Games loot and those providing them politicalpatronage by condoning this mess.

People of India have a solemn constitutional right to know whothe real culprits of this national shame are.

The truth must prevail and shall prevail only if a comprehensiveinquiry in the public domain is held and that is possible only througha Joint parliamentary probe.

The BJP demands the setting up of a Joint ParliamentaryCommittee at the earliest to probe into this monumental scam ofCommonwealth Games Multi-Million Loot.

The terms of reference of the proposed JPC, among otherthings, should include devising a foolproof mechanism to ensurecomplete transparency in hosting a corruption and scandal freeinternational sporting event in future.

Gadkari's questions to PM

On 18 November 2010 BJP National President, ShriNitin Gadkari's posed Questions to the Prime Minister Dr.Manmohan Singh to break his silence on rampant corruptionunder UPA.

Q.1 Why no criminal action has been taken so far against thePrasar Bharti CEO Shri B.S. Lalli who overruled theobjections by the Finance Department and gave the Rs246-crore telecast rights of the Commonwealth Games toan illegal entity which produced a fake registration numberand had no service tax number?

Is Mr. Lalli, who speedily paid out 80% of the contract fee evenbefore the Games concluded, is being shielded because ofhis high connections?

It is astonishing that the UPA government has so far maintaineda studied silence over the findings of the Income Taxdepartment that the broadcast deal was bagged by a little-known UK-based company, SIS Live, which came intobeing in January 2010, four months after the biddingformalities were over.

The Income Tax department on October 6, 2010, sent a letter toPrasar Bharati asking it to freeze all future payments whileseeking attachment of the company's account in a Mumbaibranch of the Royal Bank of Scotland.

When I-T officials surveyed SIS Live office in Delhi they foundthat the company had maintained no accounts nor keptany bills. Further probe revealed SIS Live had violated

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several conditions. It had outsourced the work to acompany, Zoom Communications, which was also foundto be operating from the same premises in Okhla. SISLive officials failed to produce the papers related to thesub-contract worth Rs 177 Crore.

In its observation, the I-T report says SIS Live was formed `solelywith the purpose of...implementing the CWG contract...andthe assessee is not likely to remain in India.''

Q2. What are the connections of Mr. Kanishk Singh, a close aideof Mr. Rahul Gandhi, with the proprietors of the EMAARMGF, the company which built filthy CWG flats?

At whose instance the DDA paid a bailout package of Rs. 750Crore plus Rs. 827 Crore for the international zone? Don'tyou think merely invoking EMAAR MGF bank guaranteefor not fulfilling the responsibility is only an eye-wash toabsolve Rahul Gandhi's aide Kanishk Singh and his family?

Q. 3 Can you deny the fact that the provision of Rs. 126 Crore inthe plan budget of the Ministry of Youth Affairs & Sportsfor OVERLAYS in the year 2009-2010 was revised to687 Crore of which Rs. 557 crore was given as an advanceto the Organising Committee? Will you please enlightenthe country about the rationale of the steep escalation inthe provisions for the CWG OVERLAYS?

Q. 4 Your Sports Minister has admitted in the Rajya Sabha thatthere were cost escalations in the CWG projects becausethe preliminary estimates were approved on the basis ofINCOMPLETE/ SKELETAL information and all theestimates of various CWG related projects were approvedby the Union Cabinet.

Isn't it an admission of the criminal negligence on the part of thegovernment, which you are heading?

Q. 5 Who is responsible for approving an advance of Rs. 1669.42Crore to the Organising Committee for the sporting eventand another Rs. 687 Crore for OVERLAYS (temporaryfittings and fixtures etc.) of which Rs. 557 was actuallydisbursed, and another Rs. 87 Crore as grant for Timing,

Scoring and Results Systems (TSR) and Games TimingEquipment of which Rs. 81 Crore was actually disbursed?

Now that the total earnings have fallen short of the estimatedincome from the games, how are you going to realise thehuge balance? There have been no earnings fromadvertisement as such and the sale of tickets has generatedonly revenue of Rs. 39.17 Crore, while sponsorship of Rs.114.5 Crore was received as against the contracted valueof Rs. 375 Crore and in granting the international TV rightsRs. 137.71 Crore was received against the contractedvalue of Rs. 213.45 Crore.

Q. 6 Whom will you blame for the dismal turnout for the CWGevents and the ticketing mess? Are you aware of the factthat only half of the eleven & a half lakh tickets printedwere bought by spectators?

I think you must have been told by your Sports Minister thatwidespread ticketing bungling was reported during the Oct.3 opening & the Oct. 14 closing ceremony with spectatorscomplaining that they were often surrounded by emptyseats, despite officials claiming that all tickets had beensold out.

Whom are you going to make a scapegoat for indiscriminateprinting of complimentary tickets and multiple tickets withthe same seat numbers for the opening and closingceremonies?

Q. 7 Your government claims to have initiated action againstcontractors, officials and some firms connected with theCWG projects. What about action against the politicalmasters who connived in the CWG loot?

According to your Sports Minister, 14 meetings of the Group ofMinisters were held under the chairmanship of the HRDMinister from March 22, 2007 and another 34 meetingswere held under the chairmanship of the UrbanDevelopment Minister who headed the reconstituted GOMfrom June 23, 2009 till the games.

Who will probe their share in the CWG booty? The behind-the -

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scene actors in the CWG scam can be unmasked only bya Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) which the BJPhas been demanding in Parliament & outside.

Q.8 What about the Rs. 300 Crore your government allocated toDelhi University for CWG project which it handed over toNagarjun Constructions? The work was hardly of fewCrores covering 7000 sq ft. construction work and oneacre of beautification. Where has the money gone?

Q. 9 Similarly the nation is awaiting your response to some of theirregularities and corruption cases relating to --- Queen'sBaton Relay, SMAM scam, Treadmills, Sponsorship,Games Website, Tennis surface, Catering, Merchandising,Accreditation for 22,000 volunteers, over 2,000 staff andthousands of media, sportspersons and delegates, Parking,Connaught Place redevelopment plan, Chandni Chowk,Paharganj, Karol Bagh, Shivaji Stadium, Talkotra Stadiums.

Q. 10 What is preventing you from answering a simple questionabout the lengthy delay on your part in taking a decisionon a plea to sanction the prosecution of Mr. A Raja in thecontroversial 2-G spectrum allocation issue. Why don'tyou explain it to the people.

Rampant corruption in CWG

under the nose of UPA Govt. : Anurag Thakur

The nation was aghast at the every day disclosures ofever increasing instances of corruption and irregularitiesbeing comitted in preparations for the CommonwealthGames right under the nose of Congress-led UPAGovernment. Speaking in the Lok Sabha on August 9,2010 BJYM President Sh. Anurag Thakur and Shri KirtiAzad highlighted the instances of corruption that hadmade India bow its head in shame.

I am an ex-sportsman and at present I am President of HimachalPradesh Cricket Association and General Secretary of OlympicAssociation. Today, every citizen of India wishes a successfulorganization of these games because it is related with the prestigeof the nation.

It is a matter of concern that today in the name of games, thecases of bungling, corruption and extravaganzas are coming out ondaily basis. It is a very strange that the responsibility of organizationof these games was entrusted to the country in 2003, but upto2008, i.e. for 5 years Sports Minister keeps mum on the sanctionsand approvals. In the year 2003, the Budget of organization ofthese games was estimated Rs.800 crore which has escalated andtoday it has been estimated Rs.20,000 crore. Manipulation of figureswill not serve any purpose. I would like to say that we should nottry to cover up this matter in the House. If the stadium had beenready in 2006, it would have been a facility for our athletes for theirpractice.

Today it is said that an amount of Rs.687 crore is being spenton training of athletes but I would like to ask for how many days

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these athletes got training in these stadium. Manifold of the amountis being spent on the rent of the sports instruments than that oftheir costs. Treadmill can be purchased with the amount of Rs.7lacs but Rs.9,75,000 is being spent on its rent for 45 days. Rs.6,308is being spent for a field umbrella. Rs.4,138 is being siphoned outfor tissue rolls. The cost of one cluster of diesel power has beenestimated Rs.15 per unit, on the other cluster it has been Rs.80 perunit. Likewise, a number of allegations of corruptions have beenleveled. I would like to say that we should be apprised of the completeknowledge of such happenings in the House itself instead of weget it from media. In Himachal Pradesh, we got constructed astadium of international standard at the cost of Rs.48 crore in arecord time. One stadium of the capacity of 32,000 viewers wasset up in Indore at the cost of Rs.40 crore, one having capacity of40,000 viewers with the cost of Rs.80 crore in Hyderabad, onehaving capacity of 45,000 viewers with the cost of Rs.84 crore inNagpur and one having capacity of 43,000 viewers with the cost ofRs.85 crore was set up in Delhi. But here, I would to know whattype of renovation has been done with Rs.961 crore? On IndiraGandhi Complex Stadium having the capacity of 14,000 viewers,an amount of Rs.669 crore was spent. On the Dr. S.P. MukherjeeSwimming Complex with a capacity of 5000 viewers, Rs.377 crorespent. On Dr. Karni Singh Shooting range Rs.149 crore were spentand on Siri Fort Sports Complex having capacity of 7,862 viewers,Rs.241 crore were spent. It is taxpayers' money. The country wantsto know if the Budget for these games was Rs.1,899 crore, howwas the amount of Rs.961crore spent on one stadium only?

Thousands of people from the Jhuggi cluster are being shuntedout of Delhi and 100 crore rupees were spent for this purpose. Anamount of more than Rs.900 crore was spent only on the renovationof Connaught Place. The facts regarding tampering of email, theallegation of which has been leveled on O.C. Officers by IndianHigh-Commission should have been brought to the knowledge ofthis House. Near about 23 % commission to the SMAM, a SportsMarketing and Management Committee was in the news. Theallegation of diversion of more than Rs. 700 crore from SC, STfund has also been made.

Who is responsible for all theseirregularities in CWG : Kirti Azad

This type of Commonwealth Games has never been held inthe past and never will be held in future. A Sports Minister in UPA-I has given a very serious statement. He was perhaps first suchSports Minister who was not concerned with sports. We read manystatements from him in daily newspapers. He said that the peopleorganizing these games are devils. He said that these games arenothing but loot. The hon. Members from the Opposition raised theissue of diversion of special provision funds for SC/ST. I would liketo know from the Government as to who will reply to thesequestions. The Sports Minister says that his responsibility is limitedto construction of stadium. The Government of Delhi says thatthey are limited to creating infrastructure. The Sports Minister inUPA-I has stated that India is spending the half of Rs.70000 croreson Commonwealth Games kept for loan waiver of 40 crore familiesof farmers in order to boost its international image.

I would like to have a reply from the Government about thetruth in this statement. One day a television channel revealed aboutthe CVC report. In this report it was stated that irregularities to thetune of crores of rupees have been committed by the variousdepartments of the Central Government, the State Governmentand the DDA. Within 24 hours a letter regarding irregularitiescommitted by the Organising Committee in the Baton relay wasgiven to another news channel. This is my serious charge and Iwant a reply from the Government. The Officials Secrets Act hasbeen violated. This report within 24 hours was broken in order tohide the irregularities reported by the CVC. The person responsiblefor this lapse who has committed this gross irregularity shouldimmediately be punished. The price of an item of Re.1 has beentendered for a price ten times higher. It is a very serious report

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from the CVC. There is not a single agency on which allegationhas not been leveled. It has a mention about the DDA as wellwhich is directly under the Lieutenant Governor. A minimum of 50per cent quality assurance was not there in the work. Who isresponsible for all these irregularities mentioned in the CVC report?CAG report says that there is no coordination. Who is responsiblefor this? Hon. Minister of Sports says that he is not concerned.The Committees formed in the meeting of Consultative Committeeentrusted the foremost responsibility on the Minister of Sports.Commonwealth Games Federation, Organising Committee, YouthAffairs and Sports Ministry, Group of Ministers and the Lt. Governorof Delhi, everyone was assigned its task. I would like to know thismuch only as to why we are being let down throughout the worldwhile we are discussing here about the bungling and corruptionbeing done by various departments of the Government of India andthe State Government of Delhi.

The Committees were constituted in January, 2005. Did thereports of the irregularities not come up before these Committeesfrom 2005 to 2010? If not, then who is responsible and if the reportswere received, why no action was taken. Who is responsible fornot taking action? I doubt that the Hon. Minister of Sports will beable to provide reply regarding all these departments. Was not theGovernment aware of the discussions of the High Level Committee?Who is responsible for the corruption at such a large scale?

The sportsmen do not have home advantage since the stadiaare not ready. The good and renowned sportsmen are refusing totake part in this event. The Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sportsclaims that an amount of Rs. 11,494 crore has been spent while theCAG says that an amount of Rs. 12,888 crore has been spent. So,where is this difference of amount of Rs. 1500 crore being spent?Where has it gone? Nobody knows. Recently, a new cricket stadiumhas been built in Nagpur at the cost of Rs. 90 crore. But for therenovation only of Jawaharlal Nehru Stadium, an amount of Rs.961 crore has been spent. What was the condition of the Velodromewhen the Hon. Minister went there for its inauguration? Due to itsdefective nature, it is yet to receive the No Objection Certificate.Has the defectiveness of the Karni Singh Shooting Range come up

or not? The website of the Cycling Federation of India does nothave information with regard to its members and the names of thesportsmen who are likely to take part in the event. The most seriousthing is that we have not even thought about the sportspersons.What is the condition of the practice at the Shooting Range? Theoffice bearers and the sportsmen of the Federation have claimedthat they have not been provided equipment. We do not knowwhether cycles have come or not for the Cycling Federation. Thestadiums are not ready as yet for these sports. I would like tosubmit a few things about the Government of Delhi. TheGovernment of Delhi got Rs. 4720 crore. People said that Delhi isbeing beautified. Around 90 to 95 per cent money has been spenton building these stadium and creating the infrastructure. Eventoday there is shortage of water and power in Delhi. Every wherethere are dilapidated roads and the problem of water logging. TheYamuna has been polluted for years together. I fail to understandas to what sort of infrastructural development is going on. Hostelshave been got vacated from the students. Even after that theinfrastructure is not ready. DDA was supposed to construct 5000flats. Today, they say that only 1500 flats will be constructed andhanded over. Where will the linesmen, umpires and technical peoplestay?

The CPWD has leveled an allegation on the OrganisingCommittee that the delay in construction of the stadium is due tofrequent changes in the design suggested by the OrganisingCommittee. Whether these changes in the design were got approvedor not? Stern action should be taken against the persons foundguilty. A Joint Parliamentary Committee should be set up or a CBIenquiry should be got conducted and this scam should be enquiredinto.

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Editorials & Opinions

Singh must respond

Manmohan Singh must respond his refers to the report,"SC puts T PM in dock, Govt under pressure" (November17). Mr Manmohan Singh, almost from the very beginning

when he took over as Prime Minister in 2004, displayed hisbureaucratic tendency to sit over decision-making and not leadfirmly as required by his office.

Around the same time, there were some voices stressing thefact that UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi exercised influence overthe PMO to a large extent, which even devalued the office. Thus,the impression that Mr Singh was in office but not in power gainedground.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has let the grass grow underhis feet as he has delayed or failed to take corrective measures atnumerous instances in the past. The delay in responding to theallegations of corruption in the 2G Spectrum scam serves as a fineexample of his tendency to put off. In the last two years when thescam first came to the fore, the Prime Minister did little to rein inhis Cabinet colleague, former Union Telecom Minister A Raja,notwithstanding the latter's claim that the PMO was always apprisedat every stage of the decision-making.

What is the use of much-vaunted, much-celebrated personalprobity and honesty of Mr Singh if he fails to take prompt actionsagainst blatant wrongdoings? In each recent cases of corruptionlike the Commonwealth Games or the 2G Spectrum allocation, therequired action is too little, too late.

The Supreme Court has appropriately put the Prime Minister

in the dock for inaction and silence for too long. Is it not a nationalshame for a supposed man of integrity to be found wanting by thetop most judiciary? At any rate, in a democracy where all aresupposed to be equal in the eyes of law, why should there be anyspecial protection for Ministers and senior bureaucrats in the formof prior approval of the Government to prosecute them if they areaccused of any illegal acts? It is arbitrary and undemocratic.

Over To The OppositionBy Shalini Singh

After Raja's ouster, parliamentarians must help take the 2Gscam clean-up to its logical conclusion

The media-led telecom investigation into the 2G spectrumscam was wrapped up nice and clean between May 2007and 2008. Now, after two years of inertia, the CAG's

corroboration of facts and the intervention of the courts haveensured that telecom minister A Raja - the poster boy of thespectrum scam and the ugly face of coalition politics - has finallygone.

Despite Raja's refusal to acknowledge blame, his being edgedout of office has lent a sense of public vindication, a reaffirmationof belief in justice. But this is just the first step. Real justice is afew miles away and it remains to be seen whether the governmentbridges this distance on a cycle rickshaw or a bullet train.

Simply put, investigations must be effectively and swiftlyconcluded and the culprits brought to book by those who have animpeccable track record - perhaps a special investigative team(SIT) under the Supreme Court's oversight. This could requirespecial effort considering there is sufficient correspondencebetween Raja and the prime minister, which requires the PM to

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explain his position. At least five letters between the two weremade public between November and December 2007. From these,it is fairly clear the PM was well aware of both the problem withRaja's first-come-first-served (FCFS) policy of allocating spectrumas well as the solution (auction), but did not stop Raja. Raja hasfurther claimed in DoT's affidavit that the telecom ministry neverreceived any legal opinion before proceeding with licence/spectrumallocation, although there is evidence of the law ministryrecommending that he consult an eGoM. The PM still failed torestrain Raja.

The role of law officers in the scam is also highly questionable.Several existing procedures were circumvented such as changingthe definition of FCFS and advancing the cut-off date of 2G licenceapplications to benefit private interests. The CAG documents seriousallegations of procedural violations, including providing advancedinsider information to companies and processing of a large numberof applications that failed the eligibility criteria. None of this couldhave happened without explicit directions from Raja backed bysupporting legal opinion. Who gave those opinions if the law ministrydid not? This requires vigorous questioning of senior DoT officialsat the rank of joint secretaries and above.

Lastly, powerful corporates which, according to the CBI's FIR,entered into criminal conspiracy and collusion that resulted in aloss of Rs 1.76 lakh crore to the public purse could be liable forcriminal prosecution. The Delhi high court ruling of July 1999confirms legal violation and this judgment has not been set aside bythe SC in spite of all DoT attempts. In most cases, the promotersof these beneficiary companies could be involved. Theseinvestigations are likely to uncover serious violations that go beyondprocedure and precedent and require special handling that is wayabove the CBI's expertise.

The collusion between government officials and businesseswill be fortified further as the fire starts to spread beyond thetelecom ministry. It is reasonable to expect that investigatingagencies will find it hard to delve deep and pierce through thebattalions of lawyers these firms will throw at them.

While the size of the scam - and therefore the scope for

derailment of investigations - is mindnumbing, the good news isthat the investigation is simplified by the fact that all documents arelimited to a dozen or so files, seven or eight officials in SancharBhavan, and three to four senior politicians. With a few exceptions,most documents are available for the asking. Given the relativelack of experience of Raja and his beneficiaries - mostly non-telecomcompanies - it is clear that many smoking guns would have beenleft along the way. In addition, the CAG report and the PIL in theSC are fairly watertight evidence to establish the allegations ofillegality and compelling culpability of several powerful stakeholders.

Considering these wins, the opposition parties would do well toshift tack from aggression to cool, calculated debate on the findingsof the CAG report. Meaningless shouting going forward couldundermine the gains of the last five days. A serious debate inParliament this week, followed by a well thought out strategy foran effective investigation, is likely to deliver far better results thanblocking Parliament.

A public debate will force the government to defend theindefensible, which will only confirm the allegations of the BJP andthe Left parties. The opposition has on its side, facts, figures, thegovernment auditor's report indicting Raja, the scalp of a taintedminister, a PIL being heard in the SC and, most importantly, growingpublic outrage backed by media support for bringing the guilty tobook. It will do well to convert this to serious political advantage byripping open the mystery of the scam and informing the public howthis affects their lives. Since the Congress and DMK have noexplanations to offer, the opposition is best advised to leavemeaningless shouting to them by offering them ample opportunityto expose themselves.

So far, the media and the CAG have overcome all hurdles toemerge powerful catalysts in the 2G scam relay race. Is theopposition ready to take up the baton and play a meaningful role intaking the investigation to its logical conclusion? Wellinformeddebate is critical to pin the blame - and that can only happen inParliament.

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A tense balance

The appearance of a judiciary-executive faceoff wouldnot help in the clean-up

In an unusual and attention getting move, the Supreme Courthas asked why the prime minister had done nothing for over 11months, in response to a petition sent by Janata Party leader

Subramanian Swamy, asking for action against former TelecomMinister A. Raja. That question is indeed pressing, and what thewhole country wants to know.

Why did the prime minister straddle the fence for so long whenhe was clearly aware of the rulebending over the 2G spectrumallocation? Manmohan Singh has certainly squandered some moralcapital over this spectrum scandal. The image of integrity is arguablythe biggest strength he has, and by letting this scam fester for solong, the prime minister and the Congress party have put that atrisk. This is why it is important that the DMK does not get thetelecom ministry back.

Even so, the Supreme Court is treading dangerous territory.The relationship between the judiciary and the executive is delicateand tremendously important. When an institution as august as theapex court makes these remarks, they cannot be easily swattedaway. The last thing that the court or the executive would like isthe appear ance of a judiciary-government faceoff. At the momentthe government and the Congress party face a crisis of credibilityfor accommodating the telecom swindle for so long. Theinvestigations into the full dimensions of the spectrum scam -thepolitical actors, the civil servants, lobbyists and corporations -mustbe thorough, just and punishing.

This intense attention on the prime minister is a good thing -it

has sent a powerful ripple through the political system, and willcertainly drive home the point that India is more unforgiving ofcorruption than ever before. Manmohan Singh, as the man wholeads this government, cannot evade responsibility for cleaning upnow. But it must still be remembered that the fight against corruptionmust proceed along established procedures of law, and notinsinuation -to resolutely focus on the prime minister and vent allthe disappointment and anger might be satisfying for the public andconvenient for the opposition, but it distracts from the harder workof finding out how processes were subverted. Culpability must beassigned with care, and a sense of proportion.

CAG's damning reportAfter such knowledge, what forgiveness?

The much-talked about and speculated upon report of theComptroller and Auditor-General on the shameful mannerin which 2G Spectrum was allotted to certain corporate

entities, many of them shell companies, at a throwaway price bythen Telecom Minister and now disgraced DMK MP A Raja, hasbeen made public by the Government, obviously with the intentionof blunting the Opposition's relentless and eversharpening attack.But if the idea of placing the report in Parliament was to try andput a lid on the scandal that is threatening to tar the Congress andhas raised a big question mark over the Prime Minister's ability toexer cise his authority over wayward Cabinet colleagues, then it isunlikely to work. The CAG's report is a damning indictment of avenal politician high on bluster and low on scruples who was givencharge of an important Ministry and who converted it into a cash-and-carry counter, corrupt bureaucrats who willingly colluded withtheir political master for reasons that do not require elaborationand greedy corporates that think nothing of violating laws in theirlust for windfall profits. The report also exposes, though not for the

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first time, two important aspects of public life in India: The systemof checks and balances which we believe exists lies in a shambles;and, the regulatory mechanism without which the private sectorbecomes a happy hunting ground for carpet baggers and buccaneersis more often than not an anaemic institution staffed with time-serving babus for whom a regulator's job is a post-retirementsinecure, a reward for services rendered in the past. Last, thoughnot the least, the report shows the vice-like grip which lobbyistshave come to wield on Ministries and institutions of the state byresorting to the expedient means of greasing palms to subvert policyor get it tailored to suit the requirements of their clients.

Audit reports are never laudatory, nor are they expected to be.Often the CAG's office gets obsessed with obscure rules andregulations that have been rendered meaningless in the post-liberalisation phase. It's also true that the CAG's office is known toneedlessly nit-pick and highlight inconsequential details if only todemonstrate that it does a thorough job of combing files. But itwould be uncharitable to describe the CAG's report on the 2GSpectrum scam as an exercise in picking holes and no differentfrom any of its other reports. If anything, the 2G Spectrum reportbelongs to the same category as the CAG's devastating indictmentof the Rajiv Gandhi Government for signing the flawed Boforsdeal which involved payment of bribes to individuals and entities (itwas later proved that the primary beneficiary was the Italianmiddleman Ottavio Quattrocchi known for his proximity to theCongress's first family). The Opposition, as with the Bofors briberyscandal, this time too is demanding the setting up of a JointParliamentary Committee to look into charges of corruption.Irrespective of whether or not that demand is conceded by theGovernment, it is expected to initiate action in accordance with thefindings contained in the CAG's report. Indeed, if Mr ManmohanSingh wishes to mend the tattered image of a Prime Minister whochose not to stop his Minister from pulling off a `1.76 lakh crorescam, he should take the initiative without any delay.

Congress's corruption rajSacking Chavan or Kalmadi a mere ruse

The Congress has clearly painted itself into T a corner overthe issue of corruption in the UPA Government and inMaharashtra where the party is in power with Mr Sharad

Pawar's NCP. When the involvement of Chief Minister AshokChavan in the Adarsh Cooperative Housing scam -in which primeproperty belonging to the defence forces was grabbed for buildinga block of exclusive apart ments by violating every possible ruleand law -was exposed, the Congress's top leaders wereunderstandably stunned. They could not have expected suchdamning evidence of senior party leaders being caught with theirhands in the till; worse, the disclosures came within weeks of theey in the guise of organising the Commonwealth scandalous loot ofpublic money in the guise of organising the Commonwealth Gamesbecoming public knowledge. Earlier, the Congress had desperatelysought to gloss over the corrupt ways of a senior Minister in theUnion Cabinet affiliated to the DMK, a major ally of the party. Butits efforts to pretend that Mr A Raja had committed no wrong inwhat has come to be known as the `2G scandal' have come tonaught: The party which leads the UPA itself stands denuded ofprobity and integrity; it cannot be expected to cover up for others.True, the Congress has tried to cut its losses by issuing marchingorders to Mr Chavan whose name shall now feature onMaharashtra's rather long list of former Chief Ministers, but in thepopular perception this `disciplinary' action is too little, too late.After all, it's not Mr Chavan alone who was involved in the Adarshscam but a large number of Congress leaders in Maharashtra.

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Similarly, little will be achieved by the Congress in sacking MrSuresh Kalmadi, chairman of the Commonwealth GamesOrganising Committee, from his post as parliamentary partysecretary. Once again, he alone is not to blame for the Great CWGRobbery' which took place under the watch of the CongressGovernment in Delhi headed by Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit. Ifthe Congress had been sincere about purging the party of corruptleaders, then it would have acted against others too. The sackingof Mr Kalmadi is no more than a ruse, a ploy to distract attentionfrom the party's failure -critics would say reluctance -to punishthose who are to blame for the shame and ignominy heaped onIndia for their brazen misappropriation of taxpayers' money.

We will no doubt see the Congress feigning hurt innocence;the party will accuse the Opposition of levelling baseless allegationsto soil its pristine image.

But that's unlikely to carry conviction. Whenever the Congresshas come to power, its leaders have resorted to every possibletrick to feather their nests.

The story of the Congress and the saga of corruption in Indiaare part of the same narrative of declining ethics and vanishingprobity. It is this cynical attitude that ensures corrupt Ministersaffiliated to the Congress's partners remain untouched despiteoverwhelming evidence against them. It is this criminal indifferencethat makes a Prime Minister whose publicists do not tire of projectinghim as a man of impeccable integrity hostage to the misdeeds ofhis Cabinet colleagues. And it is this abuse of power to protectcorrupt individuals that has led to the exoneration of crooks likeOttavio Quattrocci. India, which is seen as one of the most corruptcountries in the world, deserves far better than a party which seesnothing wrong with public money being diverted to private accounts.Probity must be restored to public life.

It's Reigning ScamsCorruption pervades but it can be halted

The collapse of an unauthorised building in Delhi, killing 67people as its dismally-constructed floors gave way toseepage, demonstrates how corruption has become a way

of life. Recent news has been dominated by one disgrace followinganother. Barely had the dust from the Commonwealth Gamesexposes settled that the Adarsh housing scam appeared, the nationshocked by the army standing alongside disgraced politicians.Meanwhile, A Raja's resignation following the 2G spectrum scamprovides little relief either, with new improprieties unearthedeveryday.

Gaining inappropriately from a range of sectors, cattle fodderto civil aviation, corruption knows no limits. Its width and depth cutacross party lines. While the Congress must shoulder shame forthe reign of scams it has given the public, the BJP, represented byKarnataka's Yeddyurappa regime, is no better. First accused ofshielding the Reddy brothers, infamous for illegal mining deals,Yeddyurappa now stands charged of improper land allotments tofamily.

These scams highlight the controls India's government retainson physical resources and contracting processes. Systems ofmanaging them are byzantine in nature, fatiguing citizens withopaqueness and red tape. That offers ample opportunities for rentextraction, as bribery becomes a quick way to get permits. A 'crony'culture also exists, with contracts being awarded to the mostfawning of supporters backing a municipal officer, MLA, MP orminister. India is not alone in this. Such tendencies develop wheregovernment retains tight-fisted control over land and services. In

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2008, an earthquake in China killed 70,000 people. Around 10,000children were killed in collapsed schools alone, built with poormaterials, developers evading building codes, pandering to otherdemands. The situation in India, with unaccountable and corruptauthorities persecuting the ordinary while permitting theimpermissible, is truly worrying.

Yet there are ways forward. The Chinese state sentencesthose guilty of corruption even to death. Our media does acommendable job in unearthing scams. However, it is not enoughthat the accused resign. They should be arrested, with thoroughcoverage of probes and sentencing thereafter. Municipal andcommercial norms should be simplified, becoming conducive togenuine enterprise, not bribery or cronyism. Using tools like theRTI and PILs, citizens' groups should seek information aboutofficials, offenders, builders and destroyers, demanding to knowwhy streets stay pot-holed, how structures made of sand pop upand who the least and most ethical public officers are. Activismshould encompass the poor. The east Delhi building contained unitsemploying child workers, many killed as the structure collapsed.Corruption must be halted as a way of life before it becomes oneof death as well.

Articles

Who spawned this culture?

By Chandan Mitra

Sonia Gandhi's lament against greed and graft soundsironic considering the Congress's predominant role inbreeding corruption in the country

UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi has lamented that "greed andgraft" are increasing by leaps and bounds in India even asthe country is growing rapidly. Few would disagree with

her profound observation. But some may well find it difficult tosuppress a snigger. Of all the mind-boggling scams that have comeinto the public domain in recent days, almost each has a Congressimprint on it. So, are we to conclude that a saddened Sonia Gandhiactually had in mind the culpability of the very party of which she ispresident? There is hardly a single major case of financial irregularity,defalcation of public funds, suppression of evidence and dilution ofcases against the accused, in which the Congress is, willy-nilly, notinvolved.

Arguably it was a DMK Minister who was involved in the"mother of all scams" which cost the exchequer Rs1.76 lakh crore.Certain other cases concerning possession of assets disproportionateto income hanging fire in the Supreme Court concern non-Congressleaders such as Ms Mayawati, Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav and MrLaloo Prasad Yadav. But in these cases too, the Union Governmentis a big player because it happily uses the CBI to turn the heat onor simmer it down as and when political expediency demands. TheCongress is past master at manipulating the system and the two

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UPA regimes, directly controlled by Ms Sonia Gandhi, haveemployed these skills to the hilt. Her party's Governments in theStates have deftly garnered vast sums of money by processingdeals involving land, power projects and other development works.By all reckoning the Congress has accumulated a huge stockpileof cash over the last few years.

I know Ms Sonia Gandhi does not like to be reminded of Bofors.Arguably, she may not have had any direct role in the case thatmarked the beginning of the contemporary saga of corruption inhigh places. Many believe her deceased husband was too new topolitics, too naïve and too malleable when the scam happened andprobably got trapped into it. But if Ottavio Quattrocchi, thecontroversial India head of Snam Progetti, had nothing to do withthe Bofors kickbacks, why did he run away from India and whyhas he fought bitter legal battles in Malaysia and Argentina to wardoff deportation? Why was the UPA Government in unseemly hurryto close the Bofors case and unblock Quattrocchi's bank accountin London in which the Government suspected the Bofors kickbackswere stashed away? The country could never authoritatively findout who got the bribe money although it was admitted that Rs 64crore (a laughable amount by today's scam standards) was paidback to 'facilitators' in the Bofors deal.

To be fair, not every major instance of corruption in high placesinvolves the country's First Family. Rajiv Gandhi's successor, PVNarasimha Rao, did not emerge unscathed from charges, first inthe Harshad Mehta suitcase transaction and later in the ureapilferage. In the second case, although the investigative agenciesgot two Turkish dealers back to India and locked them up in TiharJail (they have spent more than 15 years behind bars for beingstupid enough to return to the scene of crime), the money is nowherenear recovery. A sum of Rs 150 crore was paid by way of kickbacksalthough not one kilo of urea actually landed in India. So, where didthe money go? Although the needle of suspicion points to the obvious,we will never know. Indian investigative agencies are well trainedin the art of obfuscation and diversion of inquiry to ensure that thereal culprits are never brought to book.

Similar instances involving the Congress and its exalted leaders

can be multiplied indefinitely. The point, however, is simple. Theculture of "greed and graft" that suddenly appears to have worriedMs Sonia Gandhi is a gift to the nation by the party over which shehas presided continuously for the last 14 years. She is not responsiblefor spawning this culture; but certainly she has done nothing tocurb it and, many believe, she has been one of its biggestbeneficiaries. It is not that other parties are doodh ka dhula (sparklingclean). The BJP came under fire during its tenure at the Centre forscams of various magnitudes although most turned out to beinconsequential. Even the CPI(M), which prides itself on probity,has been charged with corruption in the Lavalin scandal in Keralaand certain land deals in West Bengal.

Giving the benefit of the doubt to Ms Sonia Gandhi, it is possiblethat after successive jolts over CWG, Adarsh Housing Society and2G in recent months, she has decided things have spun out of control.She may have realised that the brazen actions of Spectrum Rajahave ignited fires that may singe even 'Mr Clean' Manmohan Singh.That realisation may have prompted her to don the mantle ofcrusader against graft, no matter how ill it might fit on her frame.

If so, Ms Sonia Gandhi would do well to call for some materialon how her native country combated the scourge of corruption inpublic life in the 1980s and 1990s. She could look up case studiesof the so-called Tangentopoli trials in Milan in which public spiritedcitizens (today's civil society), the media, some honest law-enforcement officials and sections of the judiciary came togetherto expose a section of politicians, bureaucrats and the underworldthat had corrupted the system almost beyond redemption. Maybethe model is not entirely replicable. It hinged on a few localpoliticians being arrested for graft and then tried in court, which inan unprecedented move ordered that the trials be televised live.People sat glued to their sets for months as politicians andbureaucrats were grilled, and those found guilty handed severe jailsentences. Fear gripped the corrupt throughout the country andItaly cleaned up its act.

But will Ms Sonia Gandhi have the courage to order a purge?Will she direct the agencies to round up all the scam tainted Unionand State Ministers and put them on trial? Can she afford to put in

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the dock babus who have done her party's bidding all these decades?Can it be ensured that the cases will be heard only by judges thatare comparable to Caesar's wife? Will the Government at leastagree to remove its handpicked CVC who as Telecom Secretaryhad drafted a note arguing that telecom issues must be kept out ofthe CVC's purview? Despite intense media activism in India can itbe said with certainty any more that top bosses in media housesare not susceptible to influence-peddling if not direct beneficiariesof the prevailing culture of graft?

All this may sound cynical, although I am not a pessimist bynature. But one thing is certain: As long as the Congress retains itsdominance over India's political culture, greed and graft will onlyrise, never abate.

(Writer is Editor-in-Chief of the Pioneer and a Rajya Sabha MP)

Yatha praja tatha Raja

By Kanchan Gupta

It's virtually impossible to check the veracity of AIADMK leaderJ Jayalalithaa's assertion that the loss to the public exchequeron account of l'affaire Raja is more than the cumulative loot of

India by its colonial masters during the days of John Company andlater the British Raj. We could try and compute the official gains ofthe Empire from records in India House, but the value of the loot,in the strictest sense of the term, would be anybody's guess. It ispossible that the profits, both legitimate and illegitimate, that filledcoffers in Britain over 200 years of its colonial enterprise in thispart of the world added up to less than Rs1.76 lakh crore. Or, it isequally possible that it far exceeded the net worth of the Empire ofGreed that A Raja built during his tenure as Telecom Minister underthe tutelage of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Politicians are

given to exaggeration and Ms Jayalalithaa is no exception.

Yet, the enormity of Raja's loot can be minimised only at therisk of aping spokespersons of the Congress who refuse to acceptthat spectrum was sold for a song to firms many of whom cameinto being only to grab a slice of the 2G pie. There is the additionalrisk of being seen as justifying the Prime Minister's refusal to preventthe 'Great 2G Spectrum Robbery' since not to do so would be torepudiate the dharma of coalition politics. Needless to say, therewas nothing dharmic about either Raja's stunningly bald-faceddefiance of all norms of probity or the Prime Minister's resoundingsilence over the plunder that took place under his watch. By nostretch of the imagination does coalition politics mean allowing alliesto denude the nation of its wealth: Rs1.76 lakh crore is not exactlypocket money even in these days of rampaging inflation.

The outpouring of moral outrage over Raja's crime may haveserved the purpose of forcing one of the most corrupt Ministers(by no means was he the lone wolf in the Cabinet) in the presentregime to quit office in disgrace although he remains defiant asever. But it has also swamped a revealing report on Global FinancialIntegrity that was released last week. The details of the reportindicate the extent of corruption in India and confirm what werefuse to accept: We are a corrupt society with a corrupt system;a nation that silently indulges in corruption while raucously protestingagainst it, as is being witnessed at the moment.

The GFI report says, "From 1948 through 2008, India lost atotal of $213 billion in illicit financial flows (or illegal capital flight).These illicit financial flows were generally the product of: Corruption,bribery and kickbacks and criminal activities." Illicit financial flowspertain to the "cross-border movement of money that is illegallyearned, transferred, or utilised"; they generally involve "the transferof money earned through illegal activities such as corruption,transactions involving contraband goods, criminal activities, andefforts to shelter wealth from a country's tax authorities". The totalof $213 billion is a misleading figure because "the present value ofIndia's illicit financial flows is at least $462 billion," the GFI reportexplains, adding, "This is based on the short-term US Treasury billrate as a proxy for the rate of return on assets."

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What we are looking at is illicit financial flows of Rs 20.85 lakhcrore over 60 years. This, however, is not the sum total of all illicitgains through corrupt practices. "This estimate is conservative,"the GFI report says, adding a cautionary note, "as it does not includeseveral major forms of value drainages out of poorer countries notrepresented by money." Among these 'major forms of valuedrainages', the report says, are trade mispricing that is handled bycollusion between importers and exporters within the same invoice;the proceeds of criminal and commercial smuggling such as drugs,minerals and contraband goods; and, mispriced asset swaps whereownership of commodities, shares and properties are traded withouta cash flow. All this should sound very familiar to Indian ears.

The GFI report points out that the "total capital flight representsapproximately 16.6 per cent of India's GDP as of year-end 2008";that "illicit financial flows out of India grew at 11.5 per cent peryear"; and, that "India lost $16 billion per year between 2002-2006".Who are responsible for this huge outflow of illicit funds? Highnet-worth individuals and private companies were found to be the"primary drivers of illicit flows". India's "underground economy isalso a significant driver of illicit financial flows".

The report explains that from 1948 through 2008, "the Indianprivate sector shifted away from deposits into developed countrybanks and towards increased deposits in offshore financial centres",also known as 'tax havens' from where money was accessed bymany of the fly-by-night operators who benefited from Raja'slargesse. The fact that deposits in tax havens have increased from36.4 per cent of illicit financial flows in 1995 to 54.2 per cent in2009 tells its own story.

The GFI report also provides some other interesting insights.For instance, contrary to the claims of successive Governments,more vociferously by the UPA regime, India's undergroundeconomy, which is "closely tied to illicit financial outflows", continuesto expand by the day. The present value of illicit assets held abroad($462 billion) "accounts for approximately 72 per cent of India'sunderground economy - which has been estimated to account for50 per cent of India's GDP ($640 billion at the end of 2008)". Justabove a quarter of illicit assets are held domestically.

Champions of unrestricted free market economics andliberalisation insist that these will help fight the menace of corruptionand the acquisition of illicit wealth. This is what the GFI reportsays: "In the post-reform period of 1991-2008, deregulation andtrade liberalisation accelerated the outflow of illicit money fromthe Indian economy. Opportunities for trade mispricing grew andexpansion of the global shadow financial system - particularly islandtax havens - accommodate the increased outflow of India's illicitcapital flight." What should also cause concern is the statisticalcorrelation between increasing illicit financial flows and deterioratingincome distribution.

A country where lobbyists have Ministers wrapped around theirlittle fingers and can get policy tweaked to suit the interests ofunscrupulous corporate, a society which sees nothing wrong withgreasing the palms of babus, policemen and politicians to get servicesto which people are entitled, a nation whose people believe it isperfectly alright to jump the queue by paying middlemen and bribingthe crook at the counter, and a people inure to the crime of corruptionshould not feign anger and outrage over Raja emptying the till whilecocking a snook at one and all, including the Prime Minister.

We are what we are, and so are those whom we elect tooffice.

(Courtesy : The Pioneer)

Storm warning

By Arun Nehru

Two years after an estimated loss of `1,76,000 crore to theexchequer from former Union telecom minister A. Raja'sallocation of 2G spectrum, he has finally been ousted from

the Cabinet. The 2G scam is like a theatre owner buying the entirelot of tickets available for a Bollywood blockbuster like Dabanggon the first day and then selling the tickets in black, on a "first come

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first serve" basis to the public.

"Spectrum Raja" may have left but the issues persist, foremostamong them the question of "coalition blackmail". While all initialsteps are positive, the fact is that it took more than 15 months foraction to be initiated. Few, if any, are confident of a fair probe bythe Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), which is very much incontrol of the United Progressive Alliance-2 government.

The Supreme Court has sought an explanation from thegovernment as to why the Prime Minister did not act on the letterwritten by former law minister Subramanian Swamy seekingsanction to prosecute Mr Raja.

We will now witness a flurry of activity on the alleged corruptionin Commonwealth Games-related projects. Recently, two key aidesof Commonwealth Games organising committee chief SureshKalmadi - T.S. Darbari and Sanjay Mohindroo - were arrested bythe CBI for their alleged involvement in the Queen's Baton Relayscam and Mr Kalmadi, along with many others, may soon follow.

We could have a similar situation in the Adarsh CooperativeHousing Society scam. I wonder if all this will put the 2G-spectrumscam in the background? It remains to be seen whether theCongress will try to deal with this through the usual proceduresand technicalities or will it act firmly against fraud and corruption.

The Congress would make a serious error of judgment inopposing a free and fair probe into this scam. The nation has beenrobbed and this issue will not fade away soon. It will take littleeffort to reveal the details - the intelligence agencies, along withthe enforcement directorate (ED) and the income-tax department,have all the audio tapes. Few things will remain secret in thisinvestigation.

I think there is little alternative but for the Supreme Court tomonitor this investigation as the CBI has little credibility. If cases inGujarat can be monitored by the Supreme Court then should it beany different in the case of the 2G spectrum scam?

MR RAJA is sure to drag down the entire Dravida MunnetraKazhagam (DMK) family, their associates and many industrystalwarts along with a host of politicians cutting across party lines.

As we have seen in the Indian Premier League controversy,besides cash there is also a system of "sweat equity" (people whohave contributed their time and effort), minority share holdings andoffshore investors in Mauritius and other countries.

The payouts on hundreds of thousands of crores are verydifficult to hide and all concerned will fight a ferocious battle forsurvival and create diversions. But one should not forget that besidesthe interests of the ruling party and the Opposition, an impartialmedia exists, most of which, fortunately, is not in control of anyone.

There is little point in talking of high personal standards ofintegrity unless these are reflected in governance. Clearly, PrimeMinister Manmohan Singh has much to do in the next few days.

The financial mafia is destroying political authority. Unless allpolitical parties get together and find a way to establish a transparentsystem of political funds, this cancer will continue to grow.

The Opposition is united in its approach and if there is even theslightest hint of any delay or a cover-up, the scam will hit Dr Singhand UPA-2.

We do not live in a perfect world and in politics, over the years,things have changed, both for the better and the worse. Coalitions,by nature, are fragile, but since we cannot form a new governmentevery year, compromises are necessary. And this is what we haveseen in the case of the 2G scam………………………………..

(The writer is a former Union minister)

(Courtesy : The Asian Age)

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BJP National Spokesperson, Smt. Nirmala Sitharamanon Adarsh Housing scam on 30 October 2010

Yet another scandal has come out of the corrupt Congressstables. It is fast emerging as the Corruption Party of India.

As related to Shri Ashok Chavan, the Chief Minister ofMaharashtra, this is the second scandal. It is relevant here toremind ourselves that the matter of paid news in which theCM's name is connected is sub-judice.

he 2G scam, the Commonwealth scam, the foodgrains scamand now the Adarsh Co-operative Housing society scam.

This a copy book case of corruption and nepotism going handin hand. Congress politicians bureaucrats, a select group ofmilitary top brass and their kith and kin have worked togetherto bend rules, manipulate clearances and all for this pecuniarygains.

Irony is that this whole scandal has been shamelessly put up inthe name of Kargil war widows and veterans.

The 31 storey, 104 flats complex is built on land which is a partof Colaba defence station. The land was in the custody of theArmy. The Army has reiterated that the complex is a securitythreat while replying to defence ministry's enquiry. A defenceministry's initial probe also indicates criminal conspiracyinvolving politician, bureaucrats and generals.

The pecuniary gain to the society members is striking. Thesociety had paid only just over Rs. 16 crore to the stategovernment for this prime land measuring about four acreswhich individual members will pay only 10% of the going ratein the area. Let us remind ourselves that some of the societymembers are private individuals who are also relatives ofpoliticians and bureaucrats.

The Vice-Admiral Sanjeev Bhasin wrote to the State ChiefSecretary, Principal Secretary, Urban development and themunicipal commission about the security risk the tower poseseven 3 months ago.

The change in land use has happened with malafide intentions.Wasn't Shri Ashok Chavan the Revenue Minister then? AndShri Vilas Rao Deshmukh was the Chief Minister then?

A few entrepreneurs with malafide intentions have roped in aselect band of high ranking officers, politicians and bureaucrats.The enormity of the scandal can be understood by the factthat four members of the State Chief Minister's household aredirectly involved in this scandal; including Late Smt. BhagwatiSharma. Other members in the society are :

son of ex-Chief Secretary of the State, Mr. D.K. Sankaran

ex-Army Chiefs, Gen. N.C. Vij and Gen. Deepak Kapoor

an ex-Naval Chief, Admiral Madhvendra Singh

ex-Vice Chief of Army, Lt. Gen. Shantanu Chowdhary

family members of Union Minister Sharad Pawar

ear Admiral Raman Prem Suthan

Lt Gen Gurbaksh Singh

Major General T K Kaul, GOC, Maharastra and Gujarat Area

Maj Gen Varinder Singh

Ramchandra Sonelal Thakur, Subdivisional officer, DefenceEstates

Mamta Kanade, wife of senior IAS officer Ramesh Kanade

P V Deshmukh, deputy secretary, urban developmentdepartment

Six relatives of senior Maharashtra IAS officers

State legislators and bureaucrats etc.

The direct complicity of the Maharashtra Chief Minister has beenirrefutably established by documents indicating that he was intouch with Adarsh Cooperative Housing Society office-bearerseven as the State Revenue Minister in 2000 and that so many

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of his relatives own flats in this Society. In 1999-2000, whenthe file was being processed, Ashok Chavan was the RevenueMinister, a department that deals with land allotments in thestate. And when the project got its final clearance by theMumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority(MMRDA), he is the Chief Minister and the MMRDA reportsto him.

The BJP fully recognises the dignity honour dedication andcommitment of every soldier of the Indian Armed Forces. Wehope and demand that nothing is done to dishonour the servicesor de-motivate their rank and file.Why is the Congress silent?

The BJP demands

A comprehensive probe by a sitting Supreme Court judge.

The Central Government should invoke the Defence of IndiaRules, a legislative that empowers the centre to act in thesecurity interest of India, to cancel the Society's OccupationCertificate.

Large extents of lands belong to the Army and the Railwayboth of which are with the central government. The UnionGovernment should take immediate steps to provide safeguardand a systematic protection of their lands.

?kksVkyksa dh ljdkj % laizx ljdkj

izx ljdkj }kjk fd, x, vufxur ?kksVkyksa ls u dsoy lalnvkSj ns'k dh turk LrCèk gS] cfYd lqizhe dksVZ Hkh izèkkuea=h dhjgL;e;h pqIih ij gSjku gSA ;g ?kksVkys dksbZ lkekU; ?kksVkys

ugha gSa] cfYd brus cM+s ?kksVkys gSa fd buesa ns'k dk iwjk j{kk ctV lekldrk gSA ?kksVkys flQZ ,d nks ugha] cfYd dbZ gSA buesa Vw th LisDVªevkoaVu ?kksVkyk] vkn'kZ gkmflax lkslkbVh ?kksVkyk ,oa jk"VªeaMy [ksyvk;kstu esa gq, ?kksVkys blds rktkrjhu ?kksVkys gSaA a

lqizhe dksVZ Hkh çèkkuea=h dh pqIih ij ijs'kku gSA vktknh ds ckn;g igyk ekSdk gS] tc lqçhe dksVZ us çèkkuea=h dh dk;Z'kSyh dks ysdjbl rjg ds ç'u [kM+s fd;sA

gkykafd Hkz"Vkpkj ds xaHkhj vkjksi ls f?kjs ,- jktk dh fonkbZ gks xbZ]ysfdu muls R;kxi= ysus esa ftl rjg t:jr ls T;knk le; fy;k x;kvkSj laizx ljdkj ftl izdkj mlds cpko esa [kM+h jgh mlls ;g lkQgS fd ;g ljdkj Hkz"Vkpkj dks ysdj xaHkhj ugha gSA

v'kksd pºok.k dks rc gVk;k x;k tc blds vykok vkSj dksbZ pkjkugha jg x;k Fkk vkSj lqjs'k dyekM+h ds f[kykQ dkjZokbZ djus esa vHkh Hkhladksp fd;k tk jgk gSA dyekM+h dks dkxzsl ds ,d ekewyh in ls gVkukns'k dh vk[kksa esa èkwy >ksaduk gSA jk"VªeaMy [ksyksa dh rS;kfj;ksa esa HkkjhHkz"Vkpkj blfy, ugha gqvk fd dyekM+h dkxzsl ds inkfèkdkjh Fks] cfYdblfy, gqvk fd og bu [ksyksa dh vk;kstu lfefr ds vè;{k FksA

bu lHkh ckrksa ls ;g Li"V gS fd eueksgu ljdkj esa Hkz"Vkpkj ls yM+usdh jktuhfrd bPNk'kfä 'kwU; gSA ;g blh 'kwU; jktuhfrd bPNk'kfädk ifj.kke jgk fd jktk brus yacs le; rd vius in ij cus jgsA dk;nsls mudh Nqêh rHkh gks tkuh pkfg, Fkh tc igyh ckj ;g mtkxj gqvk

77 78

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FkkA

jktk dh euekuh ds f[kykQ fnYyh gkbZdksVZ us Hkh çfrdwy fVIi.khdh Fkh vkSj fu;a=d ,oa egkys[kk ijh{kd us Hkh] ysfdu dsaæ ljdkj us mUgsaDyhufpV ns nhA Ñi;k xkSj djsa fd ;g DyhufpV fdlh vkSj us ugha] [kqnçèkkuea=h eueksgu flag us nh FkhA

2th LisDVªe vkoaVu dh tkp djus okyh lhchvkbZ dks mPpreU;k;ky; us QVdkj yxkbZ vkSj ;g loky [kM+k fd;k fd nwjlapkj ea=hvHkh rd vius in ij D;ksa fojkteku gSa\

dSx us ;g vkdyu is'k fd;k fd 2th LisDVªe ds euekus vkoaVu lsjktLo dks gqbZ {kfr ,d yk[k 76 gtkj 379 djksM+ #i;s gSA

gn rks rc gks xbZ tc mPpre U;k;ky; esa ,d gyQukek is'k dj;g dgk x;k fd jktk us dksbZ xyrh ugha dh gS vkSj 2th LVsDVªe vkoaVudk mís'; jktLo tqVkuk ugha] cfYd VsyhQksu dh miyCèkrk c<+kuk FkkA

dsaæ ljdkj gjlaHko rjhds ls bl rF; dh vuns[kh djrh jgh fdjktk us fdl rjg mu daifu;ksa dks Hkh LisDVªe vkoafVr fd, tks ik= ughaFkha vkSj buesa ls dqN daifu;ksa us fdl çdkj viuh fgLlsnkjh cspdjviuh >ksyh Hkj yh\

;wuhVsd uked ,d daiuh us 1631 djksM+ #i;s esa 2th LisDVªe gkflyfd;k vkSj fQj dqN gh eghuksa ckn 67 çfr'kr fgLlsnkjh ,d fons'khdaiuh dks 6200 djksM+ #i;s esa csp nhA mlus 33 çfr'kr fgLlsnkjh Hkhcpk yh vkSj fcuk dqN fd, 4569 djksM+ #i;s Hkh cuk fy,A ckotwnblds dsaæ ljdkj ns'k dks ;g le>kus esa yxh jgh fd LisDVªe vkoaVu esadksbZ xM+cM+h ugha gqbZA

jktk ds ea=ky; us 2008 esa 122 daifu;ksa dks 2th LisDVªe vkoafVrfd,A buesa ls 85 daifu;k ;wuhVsd ljh[kh Fkha ;kuh tks ik=rk 'krsZa dksiwjh ugha djrh FkhaA

bl Hkh izdj.kksa esa laizx ljdkj jktk ds i{k esa [kM+h FkhA dsaæ ljdkj;fn pkgrh rks og cgqr vklkuh ls vDVwcj 2009 esa mlh fnu jktk lseqfä ik ldrh Fkh tc lhchvkbZ us muds foHkkx esa Nkisekjh dh FkhA tksljdkj ,d o"kZ ,d ekg rd vius ije Hkz"V ea=h dk cpko djrh jgh

og fdl eqag ls ;g dg ldrh gS fd mls Hkz"Vkpkj lgu ugha\ lclsvfèkd vk?kkrdkjh ljdkj }kjk mPpre U;k;ky; esa is'k gyQukes dk;g fooj.k gS fd mls dksbZ jktLo gkfu ugha gqbZA

dsanz ljdkj 2&th LisDVªe vkoaVu esa vfu;ferrk vkSj jktLo {kfrlacaèkh fu;a=d ,oa egkys[kk ijh{kd dh jiV dks Hkh egRoghu crk jghgSA og ;g ns[kus ds fy, rS;kj ugha fd 2&th LisDVªe gkfly djus okyhdqN daifu;ksa us fdl rjg pan fnuksa esa viuh fgLlsnkjh cspdj eksVkequkQk dek;kA vk'p;Z ugha fd bl equkQs dk ,d fgLlk laizx usrkvksadh tscksa esa x;k gksA

Li"V gS fd mls 1]76]379 djksM+ #i;s u feyus dk dksbZ xe ughaAbl èkujkf'k ls lSdM+ksa Ldwy] vLirky] iqy vkfn fufeZr gks ldrs gSaA ;g'keZ ls Mwc ejus okyh ckr gS fd bl ns'k esa dqiks"k.k ds dkj.k çfr o"kZyk[kksa cPps ikp o"kZ dh vk;q iwjh djus ds igys gh ej tkrs gSa vkSj fQjHkh dsaæ ljdkj 'kiFki= nsdj dgrh gS fd 2th LisDVªe vkoaVu dk mís';jktLo tqVkuk ugha FkkA

dkSu Hkwy ldrk gS fd dkxzsl us cksQkslZ rksi lkSns esa nykyh[kkus ds vkjksih vksVkfo;ks Dok=ksph dks fdl rjg cpdj fudytkus fn;kA cksQkslZ rksi lkSnk gksrs gh Dok=ksph ds fLol cSad fLFkr[kkrs esa 70 yk[k Mkyj dh jde dSls vk xbZ\

vVy fcgkjh oktis;h ljdkj us Dok=ksph ds cSad [kkrs esa jksdyxk nh] ysfdu dsaæ esa laçx dh ljdkj vkrs gh ;g jksdvk'p;Ztud rjhds ls gVok nh xbZA dksbZ Hkh ;g le> ldrk gSfd ;g dke 10] tuiFk ds ncko esa fd;k x;kA ;g 10] tuiFk dsncko dk gh urhtk Fkk fd vnkyr esa lhchvkbZ dh vksj ls ;g dgkx;k fd Dok=ksph ds f[kykQ ekeyk ugha curkA

ge lHkh tkurs gSa fd jktLo ds vHkko esa f'k{kk vkSj LokLF; <kps dk[kpZ c<+kuk eqf'dy gks jgk gSA mä gyQukes ls ;g lkQ gks x;k fd ;glaçx ljdkj dh çkFkfedrk esa gh ugha fd f'k{kk vkSj LokLF; ij [kpZ c<+svkSj 'kk;n ;gh dkj.k gS fd ,d ds ckn ,d jiVksa esa ;g lkeus vk jgkgS fd Hkkjr dqiks"k.kxzLr ,oa f'k{kk&LokLF; lqfoèkkvksa ls oafpr cPpksa vkSj30 djksM+ ls vfèkd xjhcksa dk fBdkuk cuk gqvk gSA

79 80


vkn'kZ gkmflax lkslkbVh ?kksVkyk%dkjfxy 'kghnksa ds izfr dkaxzsl dh [kkl J)katfy!

egkjk"Vª ljdkj ds Hkz"V usrkvksa us dkjfxy ;q) esa 'kghn gq, tokuksadks bl ?kksVkys dh ekQZr vius [kkl vankt esa J)katfy nh gSA egkjk"Vªds dksykck esa bu 'kghnksa dh foèkokvksa ds fy, vkoafVr Hkwfe ij cuus okyhvkn'kZ gkmflax lkslkbVh esa usrkvksa] ukSdj'kkgksa vkSj lsokfuoÙk lsuk çeq[kksa}kjk ftl çdkj viuh jktuhfrd igqap dk Qk;nk mBkrs gq, vius vkSjvius fj'rsnkjksa ds uke edku vkoafVr djk, x,] og iwjs jk"Vª ds fy, 'keZdh ckr gSA

bl ?kksVkys us uSfrdrk ds lHkh ekinaM rksM+ fn,A ftl izdkj fu;eksadh vuns[kh dj lkslkbVh dk fuekZ.k vkSj blds ¶ySVksa dk vkoaVu gqvk]og lkèkkj.k Hkz"Vkpkj ugha gSA blesa Hkz"Vkpkfj;ksa us dkjfxy ds uk;dksa dsifjokj okyksa ds fy, cus çeq[k LFkku ds ¶ySVksa dks gfFk;kus ds fy, lHkhfu;eksa dh èkfTt;ka mM+k nhA bl rjg ;g ekeyk ,d O;oLFkkxr lM+kaèkdks mtkxj djrk gSA blfy, ekeyk flQZ pOgk.k dk bLrhQk Lohdkjdjus ;k in ij cus jgus dk ugha gSA ;g ekeyk iwjh Hkz"V O;oLFkk ls gSAD;k dkj.k gS fd egkjk"Vª esa dkaxzsl dks dksbZ LoPN usrk ugha fey jgkA

ftl Hkw[kaM ij vkn'kZ dks&v‚ijsfVo gkmflax lkslkbVh cuh gS] ogns'k ds lokZfèkd laosnu'khy ekus tkus okys dksykck fMQsal LVs'ku dkfgLlk gSA j{kk ea=ky; ds nLrkost crkrs gSa fd dksykck dh ftl tehuij vkn'kZ lkslk;Vh dk fuekZ.k gqvk] ns'k dh vktknh ls igys ml ijfczfV'k vkehZ dk dCtk FkkA tc ns'k vktkn gqvk rks og tehu j{kkea=ky; vkSj lsuk ds dCts esa vk xbZ vkSj j{kk laink foHkkx ds fu;a=.kesa jghA

90 ds n'kd rd ;gh fLFkfr cuh jgh] ysfdu blds ckn bldsnLrkostksa ls NsM+NkM+ vkjaHk gks xbZA bl tehu dks u dsoy ySaM ;wtj esaifjofrZr fd;k x;k] cfYd bls egkjk"Vª ljdkj dh tehu Hkh cuk fn;kx;kA fcuk dSfcusV dh eatwjh ds j{kk ea=ky; dh tehu jkT; ljdkj dksfn;k gh ugha x;k] cfYd ml ij fuekZ.k ds fy, vukifÙk çek.k&i=¼,uvkslh½ Hkh ns fn;k x;kA

bl bykds esa tehu dh dher veweu lkB ls vLlh gtkj #i;s çfroxZ QqV gSA bl fglkc ls bl bykds esa nks ls rhu csM:e okys edkudh dher Ng ls vkB djksM+ #i;s ds vklikl cSBrh gS] ysfdu edkuftuds&ftuds uke vkoafVr gq,] mUgsa egt lkB yk[k ls vLlh yk[k#i;s rd gh vnk djus iM+sA vkn'kZ gkmflax lkslk;Vh esa ySV ikus ds fy,usrkvksa us tks nLrkost tek fd,] mlesa mudh ekfld vkenuh egt chlgtkj ;k mlls Hkh de crkbZ xbZ gS] tks gkL;kLin&lh yxrh gSA

dsaæh; i;kZoj.k ,oa ou ea=ky; us bl ckr ls lkQ budkj fd;k gSfd vkn'kZ gkmflax dks&v‚ijsfVo lkslkbVh esa cuus tk jgh fdlhvkoklh; bekjr ds fy, dksbZ vukifÙk çek.k&i= tkjh fd;k FkkAea=ky; us ;g Hkh lkQ dj fn;k gS fd rVh; fofu;eu tksu&2 ds varxZriM+us okyh bl Hkwfe ij cuus okyh cgqeaftyh bekjr ds fy, dksbZi;kZoj.k eatwjh ugha yh xbZ FkhA

fparktud ckr ;g gS fd lsuk us j{kk ea=ky; }kjk iwNs tkus ijckj&ckj vius mÙkj esa ;g dgk Fkk fd lacafèkr {ks= lqj{kk ds n`f"Vdks.kls [krjukd gSA okbl&,Mfejy latho Hklhu us jkT; ds eq[; lfpo]'kgjh fodkl foHkkx vkSj uxjikfydk vk;qä dks fyf[kr rkSj ij dbZ ckjvkxkg fd;k Fkk fd lqj{kk dkj.kksa ls ;g {ks= csgn laosnu'khy gS] ysfdudkaxzslh usrkvksa ds dkuksa esa twa rd u jsaxh vkSj viuh jktuhfrd 'kfä dknq#i;ksx djrs gq, bl 31 eaftyk bekjr ds fuekZ.k dh vuqefr ns MkyhA

d‚euosYFk [ksy%11 çkstsDV esa gqvk 527 djksM+ dk ?kiyk

?kksVkyksa dh pisV esa dkeuosYFk xsEl Hkh vNwrk ugha jgkA d‚euosYFk[ksyksa ls tqM+s 11 çkstsDV esa djhc 527 djksM+ #i;s ds ?kiys dh vk'kadkgSA lwpuk ds vfèkdkj ds rgr dsaæh; lrdZrk vk;ksx ¼lhohlh½ lsd‚euosYFk [ksyksa esa Hkz"Vkpkj ds vkjksiksa dh tkap ds ckcr ekaxh xbZ lwpukds tokc esa lhohlh us 293 istksa ds tokc ls ;g ckr lkeus vkbZ gSAlhohlh bldh tkap dj jgk gSA

lhohlh dh vksj ls nh xbZ tkudkjh ds eqrkfcd d‚euosYFk [ksyksa ds81 82


fy, çk;kstd ryk'kus dk dke ftl v‚LVªsfy;kbZ QeZ ,l,e,,e dkslkSaik x;k Fkk] og Hkh lhohlh dh tkap ds nk;js esa gSA bl QeZ dh lsok,avxLr] 2010 esa [kRe dj nh xbZ FkhaA

vkjVhvkbZ ds rgr ekaxh xbZ tkudkjh ds tokc esa lhohlh dh fjiksVZesa dgk x;k gS fd f[kykfM+;ksa ds o‚eZ vi ds fy, 45 fnuksa rd fdjk,ij yh xbZ gj ,d VªsM fey ds ,ot esa pqdk;k x;k 9-75 yk[k #i;s dhjkf'k Hkh tkap esa 'kkfey gSA blds vykok lhohlh dh tkap ds ?ksjs esaesfMdy midj.kksa dh [kjhn Hkh 'kkfey gSA

blds vykok Dohal csVu fjys dh xkfM+;ksa dh xzkfQDl] cSuj vkSjgksfMaZx ds fuekZ.k dk dke] dE;qfuds'ku usVodZ dks lqjf{kr j[kus ds ukeij [kpZ vkSj 3 Mh 'ksjk dh lIykbZ djus okyh daiuh dk lkSnk Hkh 'kdds ?ksjs esa gS] ftldh tkap lhohlh dj jgh gSA

cSMfeaVu dksVZ dh [kjhn esa djhc Ms<+ djksM+ #i;s dh gsjkQsjh dk 'kdgSA lhohlh ds MkD;qesaV lkQ gksrk gS fd d‚euosYFk [ksyksa ls tqM+h ikapcM+h ifj;kstukvksa&rkydVksjk baMksj LVsfM;e] fjax jksM ckbZikl] ckjkiqyjksM] ,lih eq[kthZ fLofeax iwy vkSj jktkjke dksgyh ekxZ xzsM lsijsVj dkfuekZ.k vlkekU; :i ls Åaph nj ij gqvk gSA

blesa fuekZ.k dk;Z esa bLrseky dPps eky dk nke vkSj etnwjh dh njdks c<+kuk 'kkfey gSA lhohlh ds MkD;qesaV ds eqrkfcd rkydVksjk LVsfM;eesa 15 daØhV D;wc esa 14 dks csgn detksj ik;k x;kA buds fuekZ.k esabLrseky lhesaV dh ek=k dkQh de ikbZ xbZA

fjax jksM ckbZikl çkstsDV esa Jfedksa ds VªkaliksVZ pktZ ds rkSj ij 3-68 djksM+ #i;s dk [kpZ fn[kk;k x;k gSA lhohlh dh fjiksVZ esa fLofeaxiwy çkstsDV esa [kpZ dks c<+k fn;k x;k rkfd T;knk [kpZ ij fuekZ.k ds VsaMjdks eatwjh fey ldsA lhohlh dh bl fjiksVZ esa lhjh QksVZ LiksVZ~ld‚EIysDl vkSj è;ku pan us'kuy LVsfM;e dk Hkh ftØ gS] ftldh tkaplhohlh dj jgh gSA

bu lHkh ?kksVkyksa ds vykok fiNys 15 lky esa 14 cM+s ?kksVkys gq,]ftuesa 22]376 djksM+ #i;s dh gsjkQsjh gqbZ] ysfdu 13 ekeyksa esa dqN ughacjken gqvk vkSj flQZ 10 yksxksa dks ltk fnykbZ xbZA 1200 djksM+ dsnwjlapkj ?kksVkys esa flQZ 5 djksM+ 36 yk[k #i;s gh tCr fd, tk ldsA

bu ?kksVkyksa esa ns'k ds 22]371 djksM+ #i;s Mwc x,A budh tkap iM+rkydjus esa djksM+ksa #i;s vyx ls [kpZ gq,A blls lkQ gS fd laizx ljdkjHkz"Vkpkfj;ksa dks cpkus esa yxh gqbZ gSA

bl ckr dh iqf"V dsaæh; lrdZrk vk;ksx ds in ij ihts Fkkel dhfu;qfä ls Li"V gks tkrh gSA Fkkel Lo;a Hkz"Vkpkj ds vkjksi ls fyiVs gq,gSaA dsjy ds ikWe vk;y ?kksVkys ls os vHkh Hkh eqDr ugha gq, gSaA Fkkel dhfu;qfä ls dkxzsl us u dsoy ;g ladsr fn;k gS fd mls Hkz"Vkpkj ij vadq'kyxkus ds bjkns ls cukbZ xbZ laLFkkvksa dh fu"i{krk dh ijokg ugha] cfYd;g Hkh fd mls U;k;ikfydk ds funsZ'kksa dh fpark ughaA

vc tc Fkkel dsaæh; lrdZrk vk;qä ds in ij gSa rc ;g vis{kkdSls dh tk ldrh gS fd og Vw&th LisDVªe vFkok vU; ?kksVkyksa dhuhj&{khj <ax ls rgdhdkr dj ldsaxs vFkok bu ekeyksa dh tkap dh lghrjg fuxjkuh dj ldsaxsA

okLro esa dkaxzslh ljdkj lnk ls gh u dsoy Hkz"Vkpkj esa fyIr jgh]cfYd Hkz"Vyksxksa dks cpkus esa Hkjiwj enn dhA pkgs jktk dk ekeyk gks ;kDok=ksph dks cpkus dk] dkaxzsfl;ksa us Hkz"Vkpkfj;ksa dks lnSo jk"Vªfgr dsmij j[kkA

83 84


izèkkuea=h Mk- eueksgu flag fuEu iz'uksa

ij viuh pqIih rksM+s % fufru xMdjh

Hkktik ds jk"Vªh; vè;{k Jh fufru xMdjh }kjk

18 uoEcj] 2010 dks izsl okrkZ esa tkjh oDrO;

iz'u 1 izlkj Hkkjrh ds eq[; dk;Zdkjh vfèkdkjh Jh ch-,l ykyh dsfo:) vHkh rd dksbZ vkijkfèkd dk;Zokgh D;ksa ugh dh xbZ]ftUgksaus foŸk foHkkx dh vkifŸk;ksa dks vuns[kk fd;k vkSjjk"Vªh;eaMy [ksyksa ds 246 djksM+ :Ik;s ds izlkj.k vfèkdkj] ,d,slh voSèk dEiuh dks fn;s] ftlus QthZ jftLVªs'ku uEcj fn;kvkSj ftlds ikl dksbZ lsokdj uEcj ugha Fkk\

D;k Jh ykyh dks] ftUgksaus [ksy lekIr gksus ls iwoZ ghlafonk Qhl dh 80 izfr'kr jkf'k dk rqjUr Hkqxrku dj fn;k]muds mPPk lEcaèkksa ds dkj.k &laj{k.k fn;k tk jgk gS\ ;g cMhvk'p;Ztud ckr gS fd laizx ljdkj us vHkh rd vk;djfoHkkx ds bu fu"d"kksZ ij iw.kkZr; pqIih lkèkh gqbZ gS fd izlkj.klkSnk baXySM dh ,d de tkuh igpkuh dEiuh] ,lvkbZ ,lykbu (SIS Live) us gkfly fd;k FkkA

tks fcM lEcaèkh vkSipkfjdrkvksa ds iwjk gksus ds pkjeghus ckn vfLrRo esa vkbZ FkhA

vk;dj foHkkx us 6 vDrwcj 2010 dks ,d i= Hkstk Fkkftlesa Hkfo"; esa fd;s tkus okys lHkh Hkqxrkuksa ij jksd yxkus dsfy;s dgk x;k Fkk vkSj blds lkFk&lkFk ,dkVySaMd ds jk;ycSad dh eqEcbZ 'kk[kk esa dEiuh ds [kkrs dks tCr djus ds fy,dgk x;k FkkA tc vk;dj vfèkdkfj;ksa us fnYyh esa ,lvkbZ,l

ykbo ds dk;kZy; dh Nkuchu dh rks mUgsa irk pyk fd dEiuhus dksbZ [kkrk ugha j[kk vkSj u gh dksbZ fcy j[ksA vkxs Nkuchuls ;g irk pyk fd ,lvkbZ,l ykbo us vusd 'krksZ dk mYya?kufd;kA blus ,d vU; dEiuh] twe dE;qfuds'ku ¼Zoom

Communications½ dks mi&Bsds ij lkSai fn;k] tks vks[kyk esamlh ifjlj ls viuk dk;Zlapkyu djrh gqbZ ikbZ xbZA ,lvkbZ,lykbo vfèkdkjh 177 djksM+ :i;s ds mi&Bsds lEcaèkh bLrkostizLrqr ugha dj ik;s FksA

viuh fVIi.kh esa vk;dj fjiksVZ esa dgk x;k gS fd,lvkbZ,l ykb o Þjk"VªeaMy [ksyksa lEcaèkh Bsds dks iwjk djus ds,dek= mns'; ls cukbZ xbZ Fkh vkSj dj&fuèkkZfjrh ds Hkkjr esajgus dh dksbZ laHkkouk ugha gSAß

iz'u 2 Jh dfu"d flag] tks Jh jkgqy xkaèkh ds fudV lgk;d gS dsbZ,e,s,svkj ,ethQ ds efydksa ds lkFk D;k lEcaèk gS ftlus?kfV;k jk"VªeaMy [ksy ySVksa dk fuekZ.k fd;k \

fdlds dgus ij fn0fo0izk0 }kjk vUrjkZ"Vªh; tksu dsfy;s 750 djksM+ :i;s ,oa 827 djksM+ :i;s dk osyvkmV iSdstfn;k x;k \ D;k vki ;g ugh ekurs fd mŸkjnkf;Ro iwjk u djusds fy, dsoy bZ,e,s,svkj ,ethQ cSad xkjaVh dh 'krZ j[kukjkgqy xkaèkh ds lkFkh dfu"d flag vkSj muds ifjokj dks cpkusds fy;s ek= fn[kkok gSA

iz'u 3 D;k vki bl rF; ls badkj dj ldrs gS fd o"kZ 2009&10Overlays ds fy, ;qok dk;Z ,oe [ksy ea=ky; ds ;kstuk ctVesa 126 djksM+ :i;s ds izkoèkku esa la'kksèku djds mls 687 djksM+dj fn;k x;k ftlesa 557 djksM+ :i;s vk;kstu lfefr dksvfxze :i ls fn, x,A d`i;k D;k vki dkWeuosYFk [ksyksa dsOverlays ds fy, fd, x, izkoèkkuksa esa bl izdkj dh Hkkjh o`f)ds vkSfpR; ds ckjs esa ns'k dks dqN crk ldrs gSa\

iz'u 4 vkids [ksy ea=h us jkT;lHkk esa ;g Lohdkj fd;k gS fdjk"VªeaMy [ksy ifj;kstukvksa dh ykxr of) dk dkj.k ;g gS fdizkjafHkd vuqeku vèkwjs] de tkudkjh ds vkèkkj ij Lohd`r fd,

85 86


x;s Fks vkSj jk"VªeaMy [ksy lacaèkh fofHké ifj;kstukvksa ds fofHkévuqekuksa dks dsUnzh; eaf=eaMy }kjk Loh-r fd;k x;k FkkA

iz'u 5 bl [ksy dk;ZØe ds fy, vk;kstu lfefr dks 1669-42 djksM+: dh vfxze jkf'k dh Loh-fr nsus vkSj OVERLAYS ¼vLFkk;hfQfVax ,oa fQDlpj bR;kfn½ ds fy, 687 djksM+ :- dh vfxzeLoh-fr nsus ds fy, dkSu mŸkjnk;h gS] ftlesa ls 557 djksM+ :-okLro esa fn, x, vkSj VkbZfeax] Ldksfjax rFkk fjtYV flLVe(TSR) vkSj [ksy VkbZfeax midj.k ds fy, vuqeksfnr 37 djksM+:- esa ls okLro esa 81 djksM+ :- fn, x,\

vc tcfd [ksyksa ls izkIr gksus okyh vuqekfur vk; lsgqbZ dqy vk; de gS rks vki bl Hkkjh varj dks fdl izdkj iwjkdjus tk jgs gS\ foKkiuksa ls dksbZ vk; izkIr ugha gqbZ gS vkSjfVfdVksa dh fczdh ls dsoy 39-17 djksM+ :- dk jktLo izkIr gqvkgS tcfd 375 djksM+ :- dh r;'kqnk ewY; dh rqyuk esa 114-5djksM+ :- gh Likaljf'ki ds :i esa izkIr gq, vkSj varjkZ"Vªh;Vsyhfot+u vfèkdkjksa ds fn, tkus ls 213-45 djksM+ :- dhr;'kqnk ewY; dh rqyuk esa dsoy 137-71 djksM+ :- olwy gq,A

ç'u 6 dkWeuosYFk [ksyksa esa yksxksa dh fujk'kktud mifLFkfr vkSj fVfdVfczØh esa ?kiys ds fy, vki fdls nks"kh Bgjkrs gS\ D;k vkidksbl rF; dh tkudkjh gS fd lk<+s X;kjg yk[k Nkih xbZ fVdVksaesa ls dsoy vkèkh fVdV gh n'kZdksa }kjk [kjhnh xbZ\

eSa le>rk gwa fd vkids [ksy ea=h us vkidks ;g Hkhcrk;k gksxk fd 3 vDVwcj ds mn~?kkVu vkSj 14 vDVwcj dslekiu ds nkSjku fVfdVksa dh fcØh esa Hkkjh ?kiyk gqvk gS] ftldsckjs esa n'kZdksa us ;g f'kdk;r dh fd vusd vklikl dh lhVsa[kkyh Fkh] tcfd vfèkdkfj;ksa dk nkok gS fd lHkh fVfdVsa fcdxbZ gSA

mn~?kkVu vkSj lekiu lekjksg ds fy, fu%'kqYd fVfdVksadks Hkkjh la[;k esa Nkius vkSj ,d gh lhV ds fy, dbZ fVfdVsaNkius ds fy, vki fdls cfy dk cdjk cukus tk jgs gS\

ç'u 7 vkidh ljdkj us ;g nkok fd;k gS fd jk"VªeaMy ifj;kstuk ls

lacafèkr Bsdsnkjksa] vfèkdkfj;ksa vkSj dqN Qeks± ds fo:) mlusdk;Zokgh 'kq: dh gSA ysfdu] jk"VªeaMy [ksy ywV esa 'kkfeyjktuSfrd O;fDr;ksa ds fo:) D;k dksbZ dkjZokbZ dh xbZ gS\

vkids [ksy ea=h ds vuqlkj] 22 ekpZ 2007 ls ysdjekuo lalkèku fodkl ea=h dh vè;{krk esa ea=h ds lewg dh 14cSBdsa gqbZ vkSj igys 'kgjh fodkl ea=h dh vè;{krk esa 34vfrfjDr cSBdsa gqbZ ftUgksaus 23 twu] 2009 ls [ksyksa rd fQj lscuk, x, eaf=;ksa ds lewg dh vè;{krk dh FkhA

jk"VªeaMy [ksyksa dh ywV esas mudks feys fgLls dh NkuchudkSu djsxk\ jk"VªeaMy [ksy ?kksVkys esa 'kkfey O;fDr;ksa dkinkZQk'k dsoy la;qDr lalnh; lfefr ds xBu ls gh gks ik,xk]ftlds fy, Hkktik laln esa vkSj laln ds ckgj ekax djrh vkjgh gSA

ç'u 8 jk"VªeaMy [ksy ifj;kstuk ds fy, fnYyh fo'ofo|ky; dksljdkj }kjk vkcafVr 300 djksM+ :- dk D;k gqvk tks ukxktqZudaLVªD'ku dks lkSaik x;k FkkA bl dk;Z ij eqf'dy ls dqN djksM+gh [kpZ gksrs] ftlesa 7000 oxZ QhV esa fuekZ.k dk;Z gksuk Fkk vkSj,d ,dM+ {ks= dk lkSn;Zdj.k gksuk FkkA ;g èkujkf'k dgka xbZ\

iz'u 9 blh izdkj fuEufyf[kr ekeyksa esa dh xbZ vfu;ferrkvksa vkSjHkz"Vkpkj ds ckjs esa jk"Vª dks vkids izfr mŸkj dh izrh{kk gSA

DohalcSVu fjys] SMAM ?kksVkyk VªsMfeYl Likaljf'ki] xse osclkbV]Vsful ljQsl] dsVfjax] edsZaMkbftax 22]000 Lo;a lsodksa dhekU;rk 2]000 ls vfèkd LVkWd vkSj gtkjksa ehfM;kdeÊ] f[kykM+hvkSj izfrfufèk] ikÆdax dukWVIysl iquZfodkl ;kstuk] pkanuh pkSd]igkM+xat] djksyckx] f'kokth] rkydVksjk LVsfM;eA

iz'u 10 fooknkLin 2th LiSDVªe fuèkkZj.k ekeys esa Jh ,- jktk ij eqdíekpykus dh LohÑfr nsus ls vkids }kjk fu.kZ; ysus esa gksus okysfoyac lacaèkh lhèks&lhèks iz'u ds mŸkj nsus ls vkidks dkSu jksdjgk gSA vki bl ckjs esa yksxksa dks D;ksa ugha crk jgs\

87 88


izèkkuea=h dh ukd ds uhps

?kksVkyk nj ?kksVkyk % jfo'kadj izlkn

Hkktik ds jk"Vªh; Ekgklfpo o izoDrk Jh jfo 'kadj izlkn }kjk

20 uoEcj] 2010 dks tkjh oDrO;

iz'u] ftudk mÙkj izèkkuea=h }kjk 2th LisDsDVªe ?kksVkys dslanHkZ esasa fn;k tkuk vfuok;Z gS

okLro esa ;s cM+s vpaHks vkSj vk'p;Z dh ckr gS fd dy ls ea=h vkSjdkaxzsl ds usrk vpkud 2th LisDVªe vkoaVu lacaèkh Hkkjh ?kksVkys ds ckjsesa izèkkuea=h ds cpko esa vk x;s gSaA bl ?kksVkys ls jk"Vª dks yxHkx 1-76yk[k djksM+ #i, dh Hkkjh gkfu gqbZ gSA fQj Hkh] bl vpkud jkx njckjh*ls ;g vVy lR; Nqik;k ugha tk ldrkA

;g ,d ,slk Li'V ekeyk gS] ftlesa izèkkuea=h Mk- eueksgu flag dk^pqIih lkèkus dk "kM~;a=*] ^mnklhurk dk vijkèk* vkSj ^vdeZ.;rk dhijkdk'Bk* gksuk Li"V izrhr gksrk gS] tcfd O;oLFkk dk Hkkjh nq#i;ksxdjds mudh ukd ds uhps ,d ea=h }kjk jk"Vª dh laifÙk dks ywVk tk jgkFkk vkSj fQj Hkh ljdkj ds eqf[k;k Mk- eueksgu flag dgha vkSj gh ns[krsjgsA izèkkuea=h dh fu"Bk ds ckjs esa iz'kalk fd;s tkus ls mudh fuf"Ø;rkvkSj ykijokgh ds èkCcs dks ugha èkks;k tk ldrkA jk"Vª dks viuk Lo;a dkfu.kZ; ysus dk vfèkdkj gSA

Hkktik pkgsxh fd izèkkuea=h th ijs'kku djus okys mu iz'uksa dk mÙkjnsa tks jk"Vª ds fy, nks o"kZ ls vfèkd le; rd ijs'kkuh dk dkj.k cus jgsA

1- tc [kqyh ykblsal iz.kkyh dh flQkfj'k dh xbZ Fkh vkSj 1 vxLr]2007 rd vkosnu ekaxs x;s Fks] rc ckn esa] 25-9-2007 dks] d`f=evafre rkjh[k fuèkkZfjr dh xbZ vkSj 25]9-2007 vkSj 1-10-207 ds chp

izkIr vkosnuksa dks ns[krs gh D;ksa jn~n dj fn;k x;kA izèkkuea=h th!vki ml le; D;ksa [kkeks'k jgsa tc ;s lc izfØ;k 'kq: gksus ds cknizfØ;k lacaèkhs fu;eksa esa ifjorZu fd, x, vkSj blds ckjs esa fnYyhmPp U;k;ky; us Hkh cgqr gh izfrdwy fVIi.kh dh FkhA

2- fdlh Hkh ykblsal dks rc rd ifjpkfyr ugha fd;k tk ldrk tcrd fdlh O;fDr dks LisDVªe] tks ,d nqyZHk jk"Vªh; lalkèku gS] ughafey tkrkA vkius bls o'kZ 2007 esa 2001 ds fo|eku ewY; ij cspusdh vuqefr D;ksa nh tcfd ns'k esa Vsyh&?kuRo c<+dj 7 xquk gks x;kFkkA bl iz'u dk mÙkj mUgsa nsuk gh gksxk D;ksafd 2 uoacj] 2007 dksizèkkuea=h th us Jh jktk dks LisDVªe ds lgh ewY; ds fy, fuykehdh ikjn'khZ iz.kkyh dk bLrseky djus ds fy, ,d i= fy[kk FkkAfQj Hkh izèkkuea=h us 3 tuojh] 2008 ds vius i= ds }kjk nwljkn`f"Vdks.k viuk;k ftlds vuqlkj rRdkyhu lapkj ea=h Jh jktk^vkWijs"ku ywV* dks pkyw j[k ldrs gSaA

3- izèkkuea=h us lewph Qkby dks vius ikl D;ksa ugha eaxk;k vkSj viuhizfrdwy fVIi.kh D;ksa ugha nh tcfd lHkh ekinaMksa dk [kqys rkSj ijHkkjh mYya?ku fd;k tk jgk Fkk\

4- izèkkuea=h us 2th LisDVªe ds lewps vkoaVu dh iqujh{kk djus vkSj tkapdjus ds vkns'k D;ksa ugha fn, tcfd 3th LisDVªe fuykeh ls ljdkjdks 35 gtkj djksM+ #i, y{; dh rqyuk esa 1 yk[k djksM+ dk HkkjhykHk gqvkA

5- izèkkuea=h ml le; D;ksa ekSu jgs tc 85 v;ksX; daifu;kas ¼dSx fjiksVZds vuqlkj½ dks vk'k;&i= fn;s x;s vkSj blls Hkh T;knk vk'p;Z dhckr ;g gS fd ftu daifu;ksa dks ykblsal feys mUgsa LisDVªe ds O;kikjdjus dh vuqefr Hkh nh xbZA blds ifj.kkeLo:i ^Loku VsyhdkWe*]ftls 15 lkS djksM+ #i, dk ykblsal feyk vkSj ;wfuVsd] ftls yxHkx16 lkS djksM+ dk ykblsasl feyk vkSj vU; vusd daifu;ksa us viuhbfDoVh dk dqN fgLlk vius fons'kh lgHkkfx;ksa] tks jkrks&jkrvfLrRo esa vk xbZa] dks 7000&9000 djksM+ #i, ds ewY; ij cspfn;kA tc ,slk lc dqN gks jgk Fkk rks izèkkuea=h th D;ksa pqIih lkèksjgs tcfd 2th LisDVªe dks tku&cw>dj de ewY; ij cspus ds dqN

89 90


izek.k lkeus vk x;s FksA

6- bl lewps ekeys ij laln esa tqykbZ 2009 esa foLr`r ppkZ dh xbZ FkhvkSj bl lacaèk esa ,d vLi"V mÙkj fn;k x;k tcfd mi;ZqDr lHkhrF; vkSj vkt dSx }kjk dgh xbZ vfèkdka'k ckrsa Hkktik }kjk è;kuesa ykbZ xbZ FkhaA

7- lhchvkbZ us vDVwcj 2009 esa ekeys dh Nkuchu vkjaHk dj nh Fkh vkSjvafre fjiksVZ esa ;g ik;k fd yxHkx 25 gtkj djksM+ dk ?kksVkykgqvkA nwjlapkj ea=ky; esa iM+s Nkis ds ckotwn lhchvkbZ dks nwjlapkjlfpo vkSj vU; izeq[k vfèkdkfj;ksa ls iwNrkN djus dh vuqefr D;ksaugha nh xbZ\ , jktk ls iwNrkN djus dh vuqefr nsuk vFkok mldsfoHkkx dks cnyus ¼mUgsa gVkus ls cgqr uhps dh ckr½ dh ckr rks nwjjgh] izèkkuea=h us nwjlapkj lfpo dks tcjnLrh lhohlh fu;qDr djdsfu"Bk ds Lrj dks cgqr uhpk dj fn;k gSA

;s dqN ijs'kku djus okys iz'u gSa ftudk mÙkj izèkkuea=h th ustku&cw>dj vkSj lksp&le>dj ugha fn;kA Hkkjr esa ,d fparktud ,oanq[knk;h fLFkfr mRiUu gks jgh gSA izèkkuea=h nkok djrs gSa fd os ,d egkufu"Bk okys O;fDr gSa vkSj bZekunkjh dh iSjoh djrs gSa] fQj Hkh mudh ukdds uhps yk[kksa djksM+ksa #i, dh èkujkf'k ,sls yksxksa }kjk cM+s O;ofLFkr <axls ywVh tk jgh gS tks ljdkj dk ,d fgLlk gSa vkSj muds vèkhu dk;Z djrsgSaA

;g 2th LisDVªe dk ?kksVkyk gks ;k jk"VªeaMy [ksy vk;kstu dk?kksVkyk ;k dksbZ vkSj ?kksVkykA jk"Vª bl cslqjk jkx njckjh ij fo'oklugha djsxk vkSj turk viuk fu"d"kZ [kqn fudkysxhsA

izèkkuea=h th us foi{kh nyksa ls laln pyus fn, tkus vkSj ppkZ djusds fy, vihy dh gSA Hkktik izèkkuea=h th dks crkuk pkgsxh fd geusckj&ckj ppkZ vkSj okn&fookn fd, vkSj iz'u iwNsA izèkkuea=h th vkius'kq: esa Jh jktk dk cpko fd;k vkSj lp rks ;g gS fd lalnh; ncko dsdkj.k gh vkius mUgsa R;kx&i= nsus dks dgkA izèkkuea=h th vki ppkZpkgrs gSa ysfdu Hkktik dkjZokbZ pkgrh gS vkSj pkgrh gS fd mÙkjnk;hO;fDr;ksa dks fxj¶rkj djds tsy Hkstk tk, vkSj Hkz"Vkpkj fuokj.k vfèkfu;eds rgr mu ij eqdnek pyk;k tk,A ge pkgrs gSa Jh , jktk vkSj ykHk

ikus okys O;fDr;ksa lfgr muds lg;ksafx;ksa ls iwNrkN dh tk,A mUgsafxj¶rkj dj mu ij eqdnek pyk;k tk,A dsoy la;qDr lalnh; lfefrgh ,slk ekè;e gS ftlds }kjk ,slk lcdqN djuk lqfuf'pr gks ldrk gSA;g ckr ;kn djus ;ksX; gS fd lHkh foi{kh nyksa dh ,d cSBd Jh iz.koeq[kthZ ds lkFk laln esa gqbZ ftlesa lHkh foi{kh nyksa us ,d Loj ls la;qDrlalnh; lfefr dh ekax dh Fkh vkSj ftlesa nksuksa lnuksa eas foi{k dh usrkJherh lq"kek Lojkt vkSj v#.k tsVyh Hkh mifLFkr FksA Jh eq[kthZ uscSBd esa vk'oklu fn;k Fkk fd og izèkkuea=h ls lykg&e'kfojk djus dsckn vkids lkFk iqu% cSBd djsaxsA vkt rd mUgksaus dksbZ vkSipkfjdizLrko ugha Hkstk ftlls foi{kh ny viuk vafre nf"Vdks.k r; dj ldsaA

91 92


2th LisDVªe ?kksVkys us ;wih, dh

dybZ [kksyh % izdk'k tkoMsdj

Hkktik ds jk"Vªh; çoDrk o lkaln Jh çdk'k tkoMsdj }kjk

13 uoEcj] 2010 dks tkjh çsl oDrO;

rhu pkSadkus okys jgL; tks vkt gh turk ds lkeus vk;s gSa] ls 2 thLiSDVªe ?kksVkys esa laizx ljdkj dh lafyIrrk vkSj mls nckus ds mudsbjknksa dk iwjh rjg inkZQk'k gks x;k gSA

Hkkjr ds lkWfyflVj tujy] Jh xksiky lqczge.;e dh mifLFkfr esatkap dj jgs lhchvkbZ vfèkdkfj;ksa vkSj jktk ds odhy dh fofèk vfèkdkjh}kjk cqykbZ xbZ cSBd ?kksVkys dks nckus dk Li"V izek.k gS vkSj ,slk djukekuuh; mPpre U;k;ky; dh voekuuk Hkh gSA tc mPpre U;k;ky; dhihB ds le{k lkseokj dks ekeys dh lquokbZ r; gS rks fofèk vfèkdkjh mPpvfèkdkfj;ksa ds funZs'k ds fcuk bl izdkj dh mPp Lrjh; cSBd vk;ksftrugha dj ldrsA gekjh tkudkjh ds vuqlkj vU; vfèkdkfj;ksa ds vykoklkWfyflVj tujy] jktk ds odhy] vuhrk f'kukW;] MhvkbZth ¼,lhch½ Jhiylkfu;k vkSj tkap dj jgs lhchvkbZ lacafèkr vfèkdkjh Jh foosdfiz;n'kÊ dks Hkh bl cSBd esa vkeaf=r fd;k x;k FkkA bl cSBd esa ;gfu.kZ; fy;k tkuk Fkk fd mPpre U;k;ky; ds le{k fdl izdkj dh ,dh-r j.kuhfr viukbZ tk;sA bl izdkj dh cSBd vkSj ,sls iz;kl ds ckjs esasaigys dHkh ugha lquk x;kA

;g iw.kZZr;k vuSfrd gS rFkk ekeys dks ljdkj }kjk nckus dk Li"Vizzek.k gSA ckotwwn blds cSBd dh ckr yhd gkssus ij la;kstd vfèkdkjhdk rcknyk dj fn;k x;k gSA

nwj&lapkj foHkkx ds iwoZ lfpo] Jh Mh-,l- ekFkqj dk lk{kkRdkj bl

ckr dk Bksl izek.k gS fd 2th LiSDVªe izkÑfrd U;k; vFkok leku vkSjikjn'kÊ uhfr ds fdlh Hkh fl)kar dk ikyu u djrs gq, vykWV fd;k x;kFkkA

Jh jktk dk ,tsaMk igys fnu ls iwjh rjg Li"V FkkA og visf{krizfØ;k dk ikyu fd, fcuk vkSj bl ckr dh ijokg fd, fcuk fd D;kLiSDVªe miyCèk gS ;k ugha] 500 u;s ykblsal tkjh djuk pkgrs FksA ;|fiog LiSDVªe dh lkoZtfud uhykeh dk ges'kk fojksèk djrs jgs] rFkkfi vc;g ckr Li"V gks x;h gS fd ;g ,d izdzdkj dh Þfuth fuykehß FkhApkSadkus okyh ckr ;g gS fd jktk fdl izdkj ykblsalksa ds fy, vkosnuksaij dk;Zokgh djus dh ÞdV&vkWQß rkjh[k c<+krs jgs vkSj fdl izdkj dqNbZekunkj vfèkdkjh bl fu.kZ; ls lger ugha gq, vkSj dqN rks le; ls iwoZlsokfuo`r gks x;sA ;s ckrsa vk¡[ksa [kksyus okyh gSA ;gka rd fd l{kevkosndksa ds ckjs esa fu.kZ; ysus gsrq dksbZ uhfr u cukuk Hkh bl ckr dkizek.k gS fd vykVesasaVsasaV ,d iwoZ fuèkkZZfjr "kM~;a= FkkA

fuèkkZfjr le;kofèk esa dk;Z vkjEHk u djus ds fy, ykblsalksa dks vcrd jn~n dj fn;k tkuk pkfg, FkkA

ijUrq ,slk djus ls Jh jktk ds iz;klksa dh ljdkjh laj{k.k feyuklkfcr gksrk gSA vc Vhvkj,vkbZ ekeys dks ns[ksxhA

izèkkuea=h ,d ewdn'kZd cus ugha jg ldrs vkSj bl ekeys esa og vcrd tks dj jgs Fks vc mlls gV dj dk;Zokgh djsaA

Hkktik dkaxszszl vè;{k] Jherh lksfu;k xkaèkh vkSj egklfpo Jh jkgqyxkaèkh ls viuk n`f"Vdks.k Li"V djus dh Hkh ekax djrh gS os nqfoèkk iSnkdjus okys eqqn~nksasa ij u cksyuk ilUn dj ldrs gS] ysfdu mUgsasa ;g ughaHkwyuk pkfg, fd dksbZ Hkh O;fDr yksxksa dks lnSo csodwwQ ugha cuk ldrkA

93 94


jk"VªeaMy [ksyksa ls mtkxj gqvk dkaxzsl dkHkz"Vkpkjh pfj= % fufru xMdjh

Hkkjrh; turk ikVÊ ds jk"Vªh; vè;{k Jh fufru xMdjh }kjk

19 vDrwcj] 2010 dks tkjh çsl oDrO;

gekjs f[kykfM+;ksa us gky gh esa lEié gq, 19osa jk"VªeaMy [ksyksa &fnYyh 2010 esa fofHké {ks=ksa esa vius 'kkunkj izn'kZu ls Hkkjr dks xkSjokaforfd;k gSA [ksy laLÑfr iSnk djus dh Hkkjr dh {kerk vkSj ,d [ksy izèkkuns'k cuus ds ckjs esa lHkh izdkj dh vfuf'prk,a ml le; lekIr gks xbZtc indksa dh la[;k igyh ckj 3 vadksa esa igqaphA mn~?kkVu rFkk lekiulekjksg okLro esa HkO; Fks vkSj blds lkFk&lkFk lqj{kk izcaèk Hkh =qfVfoghuFksA eSa lHkh Hkkjrh; f[kykfM+;ksa dks muds 'kkunkj izn'kZu ds fy, cèkkbZnsrk gwa vkSj mu f[kykfM+;ksa dk vfHkuanu djrk gwa] ftUgksaus ind thrs gSaAeSa ,FkyhVksa ds fo:) dqN xzqiksa }kjk vkradh geys djus dh èkefd;ksa dhvklwpuk fjiksVks± ds ckotwn jk"VªeaMy [ksyksa esa iw.kZ lqj{kk cjrus ds fy,lHkh lqj{kk ,tsafl;ksa dks lyke djrk gwaA eSa [ksyksa dks iwjh rjg lQycukus esa Hkkx ysus okys dykdkjksa] Ldwyh cPpksa rFkk vU; lHkh O;fDr;ksadh Hkh iz'kalk djrk gwa] ftUgksaus 'kkunkj izn'kZu fd;k gSA

fcM thrus rd lc dqN Bhd&Bkd izrhr gksrk FkkA mlds ckn gedgka vlQy gq, vkSj os lc dkSu gSa] ftUgksaus gesa cnuke fd;k \ lkekU;:i ls lkjk fo'o vkSj fo'ks"k :i ls Hkkjr dh turk ;g tkuuk pkgrhgSA

Hkkjr us uoEcj] 2003 esa fcM thrh Fkh vkSj jk"VªeaMy [ksy vk;kstulfefr cukus esa 16 eghus dk le; yxkA bl lfefr esa jkgqy xkaèkh] dfiyflCcy] T;ksfrvkZfnR; flafèk;k] vt; ekdu] ftfru izlkn vkSj lanhinhf{kr lfgr 35 lnL; FksA

vkèkkjHkwr <kapk leUo; lfefr dh igyh cSBd 15 ekpZ] 2005 dksfnYyh esa gqbZ] ftlesa LVsfM;e rFkk muds vixzsMs'ku vkSj [ksy xkao dsfuekZ.k lacaèkh vko';drkvksa ij fopkj fd;k x;k vkSj bu lHkh dk;ks± dksvUrjkZ"Vªh; ekudksa ls le>kSrk fd, fcuk iwjk djus ds fy, lHkh ljdkjhfudk;ksa tSls fd 'kgjh fodkl ea=ky;] fnYyh fodkl izkfèkdj.k] fnYyhljdkj rFkk vU; ,tsafl;ksa dks 5 o"kZ ls vfèkd dk le; fn;k x;kA mudsizLrkoksa dks eaf=;ksa ds ,d xzqi }kjk Loh-fr iznku dh xbZ vkSj ckn esadsUnzh; eaf=eaMy dk vuqleFkZu izkIr gqvkA bu ifj;kstukvksa ds fy, VsaMjeaxkus dh izfØ;k esa vfu;ferrk,a rFkk xM+cM+h gqbZ] ftuesa dbZ gtkjdjksM+ :i, dh jkf'k 'kkfey gSA

jk"VªeaMy [ksyksa esa dnkpkjksa rFkk Hkz"Vkpkj lacaèkh igyh dgkuh dk 30tqykbZ] 2010 dks irk pyk tc ;w-ds- dh ,d dEiuh ,-,e- fQYel~ usfcuk fdlh fyf[kr djkj ds Hkqxrkuksa dk ekeyk mtkxj fd;kA ,slkvkjksi gS fd jk"VªeaMy [ksy vk;kstu lfefr us ,-,e- fQYel~ tksfd yanuesa ,d Hkkjrh;&LokfeRo okyh QeZ gS] dks fcuk VsaMj ekaxs vkSj fcukdkxth dk;Zokgh fd, xr o"kZ ds nkSjku DohUl cSVu fjys mn~?kkVulekjksg ds fy;s fd, x;s dk;ks± gsrq 4]50]000 ikmaM ls vfèkd ¼30fefy;u :i;s ls vfèkd½ dh jkf'k dk Hkqxrku fd;kA

[ksyksa dh fofHké ifj;kstukvksa] ftuesa LVsfM;e rFkk vU; vkèkkjHkwr<kapk 'kkfey gS] ds fy, VsaMj nsus rFkk ,vjdaMh'kuj] VªsMfeYl vkSjVkW;ysV isij tSls midj.kksa dks fdjk, ij ysus ;k [kjhnus ds fy, Bsds nsusesa Hkz"Vkpkj viuk;k x;k izrhr gksrk gSA

Hkkjr ds fu;a=d vkSj egkys[kk ijh{kd us [ksyksa ds fy, cuk, [email protected] fd, tk jgs LVsfM;e ij gksus okys O;; esa Hkkjh of) ds ckjsesa Hkh izfrdwy fVIi.kh dh gSA

laln vkSj laln ds ckgj Hkktik usrkvksa }kjk yxk;s x, Hkz"Vkpkj dsvkjksiksa vkSj ?kfV;k vkèkkjHkwr <kaps lacaèkh vkjksiksa vkSj ehfM;k }kjk pyk,x, izfrdwy vfHk;ku dks è;ku esa j[krs gq, dsUnz ljdkj us [ksyksa esa Hkkxysus okys jk"Vªksa dks ;g vk'oklu fn;k gS fd 3&14 vDrwcj ds jk"VªeaMy[ksyksa ds fy, LVsfM;e iwjs gks tk,axsA

jk"VªeaMy [ksy ifjla?k ds izslhMsaV ekbd Qsuy ?kcjkdj fnYyh igqaps

95 96


vkSj ,d izsl dkaÝsl esa mUgksaus dgk fd Þge ¼jk"VªeaMy [ksy ifjla?k½ fdlhizdkj ds Hkz"Vkpkj dks cnkZ'r ugha djsaxsA Qsuy us dgk ÞHkz"Vkpkj dhfjiksVks± dh iw.kZ tkap dh tkuh pkfg, vkSj dkuwu ds vuqlkj mu ijdk;Zokgh dh tkuh pkfg,Aß Qsuy us [ksyksa rFkk vkèkkjHkwr <kaps ds fodkllacaèkh ekeyksa ij viuh fpark O;Dr djus ds fy, fnYyh dh eq[;ea=h'khyk nhf{kr ls Hkh eqykdkr dhA

ijarq dgha dksbZ lqèkkj ugha gqvkA eq[; LFky tokgjyky usg:LVsfM;e ds fcYdqy lkeus ,d fuekZ.kkèkhu iSny iqy VwVdj fxj x;k]ftlesa 27 yksx ?kk;y gks x;s vkSj HkkjksŸkksyu {ks= esa ,d QkYl lhfyaxVwV xbZA fLFkfr ls fuiVus ds fy, lsuk dh enn yh xbZA

bu lc ckrksa ls mPpre U;k;ky; us mŸksftr gksdj fVIi.kh dh fdjk"VªeaMy [ksy ifj;kstukvksa us Hkz"Vkpkj dks tUe fn;k gS vkSj og ÞO;kIrHkz"Vkpkjß ds izfr viuh vk¡[ksa can ugha j[k ldrk vkSj mlus Hkkjr ljdkjdh vUrjkZ"Vªh; [ksy dk;ZØe ds fy, mldh rS;kfj;ksa ds fy, vkykspukdhA

[ksyksa lacaèkh lHkh Bsdksa ds fy, VsaMj eaxkus dh izfØ;k esa èkkaèkyh vkSjvfu;ferrkvksa ds vusd vkjksi gS] ftudh tkap dh tkuh pkfg,A

Jherh lq"kek Lojkt] Jh v:.k tsVyh] Jh dhÆr vktkn] Jh uotksrflag fl)w rFkk Jh vuqjkx Bkdqj lfgr ofj"B Hkktik usrk laln ds nksuksalnuksa esa ;s ekeys mBkrs jgsA ofj"B Hkktik usrk] Jh fot; dqekj eYgks=k]ikVÊ ds egklfpo] Jh fot; xks;y ,oa fnYyh Hkktik vè;{k] Jh fotsUnzxqIrk rFkk [ksy izdks"B la;kstd] Jh efgUnj yky us fnYyh esa [ksyksa lacaèkh?kksVkyksa ds fo:) vfHk;ku pyk;kA

Hkktik ds bu lHkh usrkvksa rFkk lfpo Jh fdjhV lkseS;k us [ksyksa esadqizcaèku ds ckjs esa rF; ,df=r djus ds fy, vFkd iz;kl fd, vkSjÞjk"VªeaMy [ksyksa esa ywV lacaèkh Hkktik dh izFke lwpuk fjiksVZÞ rS;kj dhAblds lkFk mUgksaus ,d Hkkjh Hkjde vuqcaèk Hkh rS;kj fd;k] ftlesa ljdkjh,tsafl;ksa vkSj [ksy fudk;ksa }kjk dj&nkrkvksa ds èku dh iw.kZr;k cjcknhds izfr fn[kkbZ xbZ csnnÊ ,oa iw.kZ mnklhurk mtkxj gksrh gSA bldsifj.kkeLo:i [ksy ctV tks 'kq: esa 2000 djksM+ :i;s dk Fkk c<+dj70]000 djksM+ :i;s dh Hkkjh Hkjde jkf'k dk gks x;kA

çèkkuea=h dk;kZy; us iwoZ lh,th] Jh ch-ds- 'kqaxyq dh vè;{krk esa ,dtkap lfefr cukbZ gSA vusd ljdkjh ,tsafl;ksa dks tSls izorZu funs'kky;]eq[; lrZdrk vk;qDr] lh,th] dsUnzh; tkap C;wjks] jktLo vklwpuk] rFkkvU; ,tsafl;ka] Hkz"Vkpkj] vfu;ferrkvksa rFkk dnkpkjksa vkfn dks fof'k"Vvkjksiksa dh viuh&viuh tkap djus ds fy, blesa 'kkfey fd;k x;k gSA

vc 'khyk nhf{kr] lqjs'k dyekMh rFkk vU; yksxksa }kjk jk"VªeaMy[ksyksa ds ckjs esa [kqys esa dhpM+ mNkyk tk jgk gS] tgka dyekMh u dsoyjk"VªeaMy [ksy vk;kstu lfefr ds 1620 djksM+ :i;s ds ctV dh tkapdh ekax dj jgs gSa cfYd fnYyh ljdkj ds 16]000 djksM+ :i;s ds ctVdh tkap dh Hkh ekax dj jgs gSaA

Hkktik dh ;g iqjtksj ekax gS fd ;s lHkh tkap rFkk Nkuchu'kh?kzkfr'kh?kz iwjh dh tkuh pkfg,] ftlls fdlh rdZ laxr fu.kZ; ijigqapk tk lds rkfd nksf"k;ksa dks fcuk foyac fd, nafMr fd;k tk ldsA

bl dk;Z esa vusd ,tsafl;ksa ds 'kkfey gksus dh ckr dks è;ku esa j[krsgq, ge ekax djrs gSa fd eaf=eaMy lfpo dh vè;{krk esa ,d mPp 'kfDrizkIr leUo; lfefr xfBr dh tk, rkfd ?kksVkyksa dk irk yxkus ds fy,izHkkoh vkSj lesfdr iz;kl lqfuf'pr fd;s tk ldsA

bu lHkh izdkj dh tkapksa ds ekè;e ls ;g irk yxk;k tkuk pkfg,fd fofHké lkSnksa esa fdruk vkSj fdl izdkj dk Hkz"Vkpkj gqvk vkSj buesa'kkfey ,tsafl;ksa us D;k Hkwfedk vnk dh rkfd nks"kh ik;s x, O;fDr;ksa dsfo:) mfpr dkuwuh dk;Zokgh dh tk ldsA

Hkktik lHkh tkap ,tsafl;ksa dks iwjk lg;ksx iznku djsxh vkSj Hkz"VkpkjvkSj èkkaèkyh ds lHkh vkjksiksa dh fu"i{k ,oa vFkZiw.kZ tkap djus esa bldsusrkvksa }kjk ,df=r lwpuk miyCèk djk,xhA

ijUrq blds lkFk&lkFk eSa ;g eglwl djrk gwa fd 'kh?kz gh mu yksxksadh ftEesnkjh fuèkkZfjr dh tk;s] ftUgksaus bu ifj;kstukvksa dks LohÑfriznku dh vkSj ftUgksaus ifj;kstuk izfrosnuksa esa xaHkhj =qfV;ksa dks vuns[kkdjrs gq, le;≤ ij fufèk;ksa dk vkoaVu fd;k vkSj tks bu ifj;kstukvksadh vuqfpr Hkkjh ykxr o`f) ds fy, mŸkjnk;h gSA

vc le; vk x;k gS fd jk"VªeaMy [ksyksa esa ywV esa 'kkfey Hkkxhnkjksa

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rFkk bl xM+cM+h dks vuns[kk djds mUgsa jktuhfrd laj{k.k iznku djusokyksa ds chp lkaB&xkaB dk inkZQk'k fd;k tk,A

Hkkjr ds yksxksa dks ;g tkuus dk iwjk laoSèkkfud gd gS fd bl jk"Vªh;cnukeh ds fy, vlyh vijkèkh dkSu gSA

lPpkbZ rHkh lekus vk,xh tc ,d [kqyh foLrr tkap djkbZ tk, vkSjog ,d la;qDr lalnh; tkap ds ekè;e ls gh gks ldrk gSA

Hkktik ekax djrh gS fd jk"VªeaMy [ksyksa esa djksM+ksa dh ywV lacaèkh blegRoiw.kZ ?kksVkys dh tkap 'kh?kzkfr'kh?kz ,d la;qDr lalnh; lfefr xfBrdjds djkbZ tk,A

izLrkfor la;qDr lalnh; lfefr ds funsZ'k inksa esa vU; ckrksa dslkFk&lkFk ,d ,sls =qfVfoghu ra= dk cuk;k tkuk 'kkfey gksuk pkfg,]ftlls Hkfo"; esa Hkz"Vkpkj rFkk ?kksVkyk eqDr vUrjkZ"Vªh; [ksy dk;ZØevk;ksftr djus esa iw.kZ ikjnÆ'krk lqfuf'pr dh tk ldsA

vkn'kZ lgdkjh vkokl lfefr ?kksVkykvkn'kZ lgdkjh vkokl lfefr ?kksVkykvkn'kZ lgdkjh vkokl lfefr ?kksVkykvkn'kZ lgdkjh vkokl lfefr ?kksVkykvkn'kZ lgdkjh vkokl lfefr ?kksVkyk

dkaxzsl ;kuh Hkkjrh;

Hkz"Vkpkj ikVhZ % fueZyk lhrkje.k

Hkktik dh jk"Vªh; izoDrk Jherh fueZyk lhrkje.k }kjk

30 vDrwcj] 2010 dks tkjh izsl oDrO;

Hkz"V dkaxzsl ikVÊ ds ,d vkSj ?kksVkys dk irk pyk gSA ;g cM+h rsthls Hkkjrh; Hkz"Vkpkj ikVÊ curh tk jgh gSA

egkjk"Vª ds eq[;ea=h Jh v'kksd pOgk.k ls lacafèkr ;g nwljk ?kksVkykgSA gesa ;g ckr Lej.k j[kuh pkfg, fd udnh ds ,ot esa lekpkj¼isM U;wt½ lacaèkh ekeyk] ftlesa eq[;ea=h dk uke 'kkfey gS] U;k;ky;esa fopkjkèkhu gSA

2th LiSDVªe ?kksVkyk] jk"VªeaMy [ksy ?kksVkyk] vukt ?kksVkyk vkSjvc vkn'kZ lgdkjh vkokl lfefr ?kksVkykA

Hkz"Vkpkj dk ;g ekeyk vkSj HkkbZ&Hkrhtkokn lkFk&lkFk py jgs gSaAdkaxzslh jktusrkvksa] ukSdj'kkgksa] lsuk ds mPp vfèkdkfj;ksa dk ,dpqfuank xzqi rFkk muds ifjokj ds lnL;ksa us bl izdkj vkÆFkd ykHkds fy, fu;eksa dks rksM+k&ejksM+k vkSj LohÑfr gkfly djus ds fy,gsjk&Qsjh dhA

nqHkkZX; dh ckr ;g gS fd bl lewps ?kksVkys dks cM+h cs'keÊ lsdkjfxy ;q) esa ekjs x, tokuksa dh foèkokvksa vkSj nwljs cM+s yksxksa dsuke ls tksM+k x;k gSA

31 eaftyk] 104 ySVksa okyk ;g dkWEiySDl ml Hkwfe ij cuk;k x;kgS] tks dksykck j{kk LVs'ku dk ,d Hkkx gSA Hkwfe lsuk ds dCts FkhAlsuk us j{kk ea=ky; ds iwNs tkus ij vius mŸkj esa ckj&ckj ;g dgkfd ;g dkEiySDl lqj{kk ds izfr [krjukd gSA j{kk ea=ky; }kjk dh

99 100


xbZ izkjfEHkd tkap ls ,d vkijkfèkd "kM~;a= dk irk pyrk gS] ftlesajktusrk] ukSdj'kkg rFkk tujy 'kkfey gSA

lfefr ds lnL;ksa dks gksus okyk vkÆFkd ykHk pkSadkus okyk gSA lfefrus 4 ,dM+ okys bl egRoiw.kZ Hkw&Hkkx ds fy, jkT; ljdkj dksyxHkx 16 djksM+ :i, dk Hkqxrku fd;k Fkk] ftlds fy, izR;sdlnL; dks ml {ks= esa fo|eku nj dk dsoy 10çfr'kr gh vnk djukgksxkA gesa bl ckr dks Hkh Lej.k djuk pkfg, fd lfefr ds dqNlnL; futh O;fDr gS] tks jktusrkvksa vkSj ukSdj'kkgksa ds lacaèkh gSA

okbl ,Mfejy latho Hklhu us 3 eghus igys gh jkT; ds eq[;lfpo] izeq[k lfpo] 'kgjh foHkkx vkSj uxj ikfydk vk;ksx dks blVkWoj ls mRié gksus okys lqj{kk [krjs ds ckjs esa i= fy[kk FkkA

Hkwfe ds mi;ksx esa ifjorZu ukikd bjknksa dks è;ku esa j[kdj fd;kx;k gSA D;k ml le; Jh v'kksd pOgk.k jktLo ea=h ugha Fks \ vkSjD;k Jh foykl jko ns'keq[k eq[;ea=h ugha Fks \

ukikd bjkns j[kus okys dqN ,d m|fe;ksa us dqN pqfuank mPpvfèkdkfj;ksa] jktusrkvksa vkSj ukSdj'kkgksa dks vius lkFk feyk fy;kA;g ?kksVkyk bruk cM+k gS fd bldk vanktk bl rF; ls yxk;k tkldrk gS fd jkT; eq[;ea=h ds ifjokj ds pkj lnL; izR;{kr;k blesa'kkfey gS] ftuesa Jherh Hkxorh 'kekZ dk Hkh uke gSA lfefr ds vU;lnL; bl izdkj gS %

jkT; ds iwoZ eq[; lfpo Jh Mh-ds- 'kadju ds iq=iwoZ Fkylsuk izeq[k tujy ,u-lh- fot rFkk tujy nhid diwjiwoZ ukSlsuk izeq[k] ,Mfejy ekèkosUnz flagiwoZ Fky lsuk ds miizeq[k] ysVhusaV tujy 'kkaruq pkSèkjhdsUnzh; ea=h 'kjn iokj ds ifjokj ds lnL;fj;j ,Mfeyjy jeu izse lqFkuysVhusV tujy xqjcD'k flagestj tujy Vh-ds- dkSy] th-vks-lh-] egkjk"Vª ,oa xqtjkr {ks=estj tujy ofjUnj flagjkepUnz lksusyky Bkdqj] Subdivisional officer, fMQsal bLVsVeerk dukMs ofj"B vkbZ,,l vfèkdkjh jes'k dukMs dh iRuh

ih-oh- ns'keq[k] mi&lfpo] 'kgjh fodkl foHkkxofj"B egkjk"Vª vkbZ,,l vfèkdkfj;ksa ds 6 fj'rsnkjjkT; foèkk;d vkSj ukSdj'kkg vkfnegkjk"Vª ds eq[;ea=h dh izR;{k lafyIrrk mu nLrkostksa ls fl) gksrh

gS] ftuesa ;g crk;k x;k gS fd og o"kZ 2000 esa jkT; ds jktLo ea=h dsukrs vkn'kZ lgdkjh vkokl lfefr ds inkfèkdkfj;ksa ds lEidZ esa Fks vkSj;g tkurs Fks fd muds fdrus fj'rsnkjksa ds ySV lfefr esa gSaA o"kZ1999&2000 esa tc Qkby ij dk;Z&izfØ;k py jgh Fkh rks mls le;v'kksd pOgk.k jktLo ea=h FksA ;g foHkkx jkT; esa Hkwfe vkoaVu dk;Zns[krk gSA tc ifj;kstuk dks eqEcbZ egkuxj {ks= fodkl izkfèkdj.k ¼,e-,e-vkj-Mh-,-½ ls vafre Loh-fr feyh rks og eq[;ea=h Fks vkSj ,e-,e-vkj-Mh-,- mUgsa gh viuh fjiksVZ nsrk FkkA

Hkktik Hkkjrh; l'kL= cyksa ds izR;sd flikgh dh izfr"Bk] xkSjo]fu"Bk rFkk leiZ.k Hkkouk dk vknj djrh gSA ge vk'kk djrs gSa rFkk ekaxdjrs gSa fd j{kk lsokvksa dks cnuke djus rFkk tokuksa dks grksRlkfgr djusdh dksbZ Hkh dkjZokbZ ugha dh tk,A

dkaxzsl ekSu D;ksa gS \

Hkktik ekax djrh gS &

Jh v'kksd pOgk.k rqjar R;kx i= nsaA

mPpre U;k;ky; ds ,d orZeku U;k;kèkh'k ls foLr`r tkap djkbZtk,A

dsUnz ljdkj Hkkjrh; j{kk fu;eksa dks rqjar ykxw djsA ;g ,d ,slkfoèkku gS] ftlls Hkkjr ds lqj{kk fgr esa dkjZokbZ djus vkSj lfefr dsdCtk lacafèk izek.k i= dks jí djus dh 'kfDr iznku djrk gSA

bl Hkwfe dk vfèkdka'k Hkkx lsuk vkSj jsyos dk gSA ;s nksuksa foHkkx dsUnzljdkj ds ikl gSaA dsUnz ljdkj dks bl lacaèk esa i;kZIr lqj{kk mik;djus rFkk mudh Hkwfe ds O;ofLFkr laj{k.k ds fy, rqjar dne mBkuspkfg,A

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