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Falko Daim · Jörg Drauschke (Hrsg.)

Byzanz – das Römerreich im MittelalterTeil 3 Peripherie und Nachbarschaft

R G Z MRömisch-GermanischesZentralmuseum

Forschungsinstitut fürVor- und Frühgeschichte

Gesamtredaktion: Kerstin Kowarik (Wien)Koordination, Schlussredaktion: Jörg Drauschke, Evelyn Garvey, Reinhard Köster (RGZM); Sarah Scheffler (Mainz)Satz: Michael Braun, Datenshop Wiesbaden; Manfred Albert,Hans Jung (RGZM) Umschlaggestaltung: Franz Siegmeth, Illustration · Grafik-Design,Bad Vöslau

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Sonderdruck aus

Falko Daim und Jörg Drauschke (Hrsg.)

Byzanz – das Römerreich im MittelalterTeil 3 Peripherie und Nachbarschaft

Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums

Mainz 2010

JOHN LJUNGKVIST

INFLUENCES FROM THE EMPIRE:

BYZANTINE-RELATED OBJECTS IN SWEDEN

AND SCANDINAVIA – 560/570-750/800 AD

In Swedish archaeology, finds of imported Roman goods were made at a very early stage. These objects inthe shape of bronze vessels, coins and occasional finds of statuettes were not only fascinating evidence oflong distance trade but they were also, for example, key elements in initial attempts to create a chronologyof the Iron Age. The Roman export of objects to Scandinavia is multi-faceted. The distri bution of glass andmetal vessels is most evident1. During the Migration period, especially after the mid 5th century, the trueRoman origin of imports is not as evident since the workshops producing these goods had fallen eitherpartly or totally under the control of new rulers. The large amount of gold solidi, primarily found on theislands of Öland and Gotland2, is very distinct during this period. The inflow of solidi declines markedlyduring the first half of the 6th century and there are only a few Roman/Byzantine coins dated after JustinianII. There has only been scant research on Byzantine finds in Scandinavia from between the late 6th to 8th

century. Apart from short articles dedicated to single finds or brief mention of bead types, such as theamethyst beads, there has been no work covering a number of find categories. Thus, to a large extent, theVendel period3 is the missing link between the identified import of goods from Byzantium/the Medi -terranean/the Near East during the Migration and Viking periods respectively.The purpose of this article is two-fold. Firstly, I intend to present an overview of different kinds of Byzan-tine-related finds that have been made in primarily Swedish grave and settlement contexts. Secondly, Iaim to place Scandinavian finds of Byzantine-related objects in a social and chronological context. It isinteresting to evaluate how Scandinavians were materially linked to peoples in other parts of Europe andthe degree to which Byzantine fashion reached Scandinavia and, more importantly, how Scandinaviansserved as symbolic ties between different parts of Europe. Here, I should like to take the opportunity tothank D. Löwenborg (Department of Archaeology, Uppsala University, S) for producing the distributionmaps.The following discussion is primarily from a Scandinavian perspective. This is in itself not uncomplicatedas this region can be divided into a number of areas, each with its own distinct characteristics. We cannot,for example, assume that imports have been spread evenly in terms of geography. This is an importantcritical consideration. The majority of the registered material has been found in Sweden, which hasreceived most of my attention. Most of the Byzantine imports in Sweden are concentrated in two regions,namely the Mälaren region and the island of Gotland. The main reason for this is simply that many graveshave been excavated in these areas. In addition, the distribution of imports and grave finds in general is

419Byzanz – das Römerreich im Mittelalter · Daim/Drauschke

1 Näsman, Glas. – Lund Hansen, Römischer Import.2 Fagerlie, Late Roman.3 The absolute dates of the beginning of the Vendel period have,

periodically, been the subject of intense discussion and problemswith absolute dating methods still leave the question open. Theclassical, absolute dates of the Vendel Period are 550-800AD.For this and other case, the author has, however, decided on a

date span between c. 560/570-750/800 AD, starting with an approximate equivalence of Rheinland Phase 5 presented by: Müsse meier / Nieveler / Plum / Pöppelmann, Chronologie. Theprimary reason for this is an attempt to make comparisons withthe continental phases. See motivations in: Ljungkvist, Dating274-278. – Compare also with: Arrhenius, The chronology. –Nørgård Jørgensen, Waffen. – Rundkvist, Barshalder 31-35.

related to how ancient people presented theirburial ritual. In South Scandinavia, graves from the6th to 8th century are, for a number of reasons,quite rare. To some extent, this explains why thenum ber of Byzantine imports are few or almostnonexistent in this region (fig. 1). The Byzantine finds in Sweden were distributed overa period when major shifts in religion, power, eco n -o my and urban structure were taking place in theMedi terranean and the Middle East4. In the late 6th

century, Byzantium was under heavy pressure fromAvars, Slavonic people pressing into Greece, internalstress, constant fighting with the Sassanians and,from about 640AD onwards, the heirs of Mo ham -med. A number of serious events may well have hada severe impact on trade. However, throughout thisperiod, Byzantium continues to be the most power -ful and influential part in the eastern Mediterraneanand Europe. Finds have been found from China in

420 J. Ljungkvist · Influences from the Empire: Byzantine-related Objects in Sweden and Scandinavia

4 See for example Hodges / Whitehouse, Mohammed 54-57. –Bagnall, Egypt 324. – Haldon, Byzantium 123. – Wickham, EarlyMiddle Ages. – Kiss, Alexandria 203. – Sarris, Constantine toHeraclius 51-59.

Fig. 1 Parts of Scandinavia and thelocation of landscapes and regions inSweden mentioned in the text: 1 TheMälaren region (with: 1, 1 Uppland; 1, 2 Västmanland; 1, 3 Närke; 1, 4 Södermanland). – 2 Östergötland. – 3 Västergötland. – 4 Gotland. – 5 Öland.– 6 Skåne. – 7 Halland.

Fig. 2 Sites with Byzantine-related finds in Sweden that arelisted in tab. 1. For the Mälaren region see: fig. 3.

the east to Sweden and England in the north and west5. The archaeological material in Europe, and alsoin Scandinavia, reflects the continuity of Byzantine trade and influence. The trade in small finds is a complicated matter. In Scandinavia, there is a multitude of finds that can, tosome degree, be related to areas in the Mediterranean, the Middle East, the Red Sea and the east coast ofAfrica and hence also, to some degree, to Byzantium. For each category of finds, there are unique ques-tions regarding their origin of production, the source of raw material, etc. In the following, I have chosento present some of those import finds that seem to be most common in the Mälaren region and Gotlandin particular, with a special emphasis on the amethyst beads. A few objects with a very special, original char ac ter are also considered. In many of the categories discussed below, one might ask whether they are strictly of Byzantine origin andnot, for example, from the Red Sea or East Africa. However, in all cases, Byzantium has played a centralrole as either distributor or producer of exotic goods (figs 2-3).

AMETHYST BEADS

Amethysts are semiprecious stones that have been popular for thousands of years due to their colour. InEgypt, they were mined in the Middle Kingdom when they were high fashion in the bead sets6. Mines fromthe Middle Kingdom and Roman periods have been investigated in Wadi el Hudi near Aswan and Gebel elAsr, near Safaga in the Red Sea district, and there is also evidence of mining from Roman period sites7.


5 Fagerlie, Late Roman. – Yin, Gold coins.6 Aldred, Jewels.

7 Shaw / Jameson, Amethyst Mining. – Shaw, The evidence. – Har-rell et al., Abu Diyeiba.

Fig. 3 Sites with Byzantine-relatedobjects found in the Mälaren region thatare listed in tab. 1.

However, until the early or mid 6th century, they seem very rare in jewellery sets from Yugoslavia in the eastto England in the west8. In a study of the eastern Merovingian material, J. Drauschke has identified 30amethyst beads dated AM II. Their numbers increase dramatically during AM III 9. During the latest part ofthe 6th and, in particular, in the early 7th century, there is a dramatic increase in amethysts, not only in theeastern Merovingian material. From Italy to England and Sweden, amethysts turn up in beads sets from thelate 6th and especially the 7th century10. This is a phenomenon that seems to occur within a few decadesall over Europe11. Amethysts become high fashion in an area that stretches from at least present dayHungary to England and Sweden12.

Their use in Scandinavia and links with Byzantium

In Scandinavia, these beads have, to some extent, been examined by a number of scholars13. As they clearlystand apart from the ordinary glass bead material, they have attracted some attention. However, noSwedish researchers have attempted to make a comprehensive survey of the material. In Denmark,M. Ørsnes presented all known Danish finds by the date of his publication.Working mainly with the collection at the Historical Museum (Stockholm), I have registered a total of 56beads from graves, houses, unidentified settlement layers and uncertain contexts. There are a total of 28contexts. Of these, 21 are graves, four are settlements and the rest remain uncertain (tab. 1). In all but onegrave context, the amethysts are fire damaged. This means that they have lost their original colour, eitherin part or in full, and have instead has turned milky white. The amethysts are found in two shapes: either almond-shaped (fig. 4) or with a narrower, elongated form.In most cases, the cut is not completely rounded; instead they usually have what can be considered asrounded facets (fig. 4). Completely round amethyst beads have been found dating to the Viking age in


8 Christlein, Die Alamannen Abb. 83. – Brugmann, Glass. –Kazanski / Ivanišević / Mastykova, Les necropoles.

9 Drauschke, Handel und Geschenk.10 Knaut, Gräberfelder von Neresheim und Kösingen 65. 11 Arrhenius, En vendeltida 60. – Jessup, Anglo-saxon 52. – Jør-

gensen, Lombard graves. – Perea, El Tesoro.

12 Christlein, Die Alamannen 108. – Drauschke, Imports 68. –Hugget, Imported grave goods 66-68. – Jørgensen, Lombardgraves 99-107. – Schulze, Einflüsse.

13 Arrhenius, En vendeltida 75-76. – Arrhenius, Ein Amethystan-hänger 12-14. – Ørsnes, Form 173. – Iversen / Näsman, Smyk-kefund 86-92.

Tab. 1 List of the registered finds of Byzantine-related objects in Sweden. Explanations of column headlines and abbreviations: Cat.No. (catalogue number): Each context, grave, house, stray find, etc. has been given a unique catalogue number. – Landscape: Thelandscape in which the find was made. – Parish: The parish to which the context belongs. – Place: Either the place name or, in occur-ring cases with a number, the place name with the ancient monument number for the parish. – Context: Note as to whether the con-text is a grave, settlement, depot, stray find or belongs to uncertain circumstances. – Name: The excavator’s name or the number ofthe context. – Museum: The museum collection to which the find belongs and, in occurring cases, the inventory number. – SHM:Statens Historiska Museum (Stockholm). – UMF: Uppsala Universitets Museum för Nordiska Fornsaker, Museum Gustavianum (Uppsala).– SSM: Stockholms Stads Museum (the City of Stockholm Museum). – Phase: The phase to which the context has been dated (fig. 5).– LIA: late Iron Age (c. 550-1100 AD). – Uncertain: Dating uncertain. – Sex: Archaeologically determined sex. The determination isbased solely on the grave goods. Ostheological analyses exist in some cases but are too few to be considered. The categories are: F =Female; M = Male; F+M = Two ostheologically determined individuals in the grave and finds indicating both a buried male and female;? = Archaeologically determined sex considered too hard to determine. – Ivory ring: The number of certain or probable ivory rings. –Amethyst: The number of amethyst beads. – Cyprea: The number of Cyprea shells. There are two different types of material: the largeCyprea pantherina and the smaller Cyprea moneta. In some cases, it is not entirely certain whether the Cyprea is a pantherina or theclosely related leopardensis. – Shell bead: The minimum number of shell beads. They are found in two different types: discoid shellbeads and beads of varying shapes and sizes from Cyprea shells. – Silk: Evidence of silk in the shape of gold foils, marked with an »x«= existing or »?« = uncertain find. – Other: This column includes imports of unique or very rare cases. These are the metal vessels fromHelgö, gaming pieces and the cameos from Västhögen in Gamla Uppsala. – Elite status: Whether the grave has been interpreted tohave elite status based on the criteria in: Ljungkvist, Valsgärde tab. 8. – Reference: Literature or museum collection reference. Many ofthe graves have never been published or only in part.

Gotland14. These beads do, however, belong to a different period with another economic and cultural situ-ation15 and are thus not dealt with here. Compared with the very large amount of exotic beads during theViking age, they are very rare.In order to estimate the shifting occurrence of amethyst beads over time, their frequency in five differentphases has been estimated. This has been defined in conjunction with the work on the Valsgärde gravefield from Uppland16 (parish Gamla Uppsala, S). In absolute dates, the four Vendel period (Vet 1-4) phasesrepresent approximately 560/570 to 750 AD (Swedish: Vendeltid). Vit 1 (c. 750-800 AD) is the first phaseof the Viking age (Swedish: Vikingatiden) (fig. 5).Almond-shaped amethysts in Sweden do not seem to occur during the early Vendel period (Vet 1), whichis characterised by jewellery sets containing small equalled arm brooches and beads from Petrés beadhorizon P317. In absolute terms, this phase dates to c. 560/70-620/30 AD and, to some extent, it seems tocorrespond with, for example, Rheinland Phase 5 and at least early AM III 18 date Anglo-Saxon finds toperiods B2-C (580/600 AD and onwards).The number of graves containing amethysts is not as large as one might wish for when making reliablestatistical interpretations regarding the use of amethysts through time. However, some tendencies can benoted. All graves containing four amethyst beads and more19 belong to Vet 2 or 2/3. Of the 42 amethystbeads that can be related to datable graves, 25 belong to these phases. This indicates that amethysts wereintroduced quite suddenly to Scandinavia and that their use peaked in the 7th century. They then tend tobe less common and the last grave containing an almond-shaped amethyst bead is dated no later thanabout 850 AD. It seems that, as suggested by M. Ørsnes, few20 Danish finds fall into the same pattern.M. Ørsnes counts 25 beads in total. They originate from five known places, two of which are graves. Onefind has no location. The Ørby (grave?) find contains 17 beads in a very large bead set. The two closelydatable finds from Denmark, Ørby and Kyndby finds, both from the island of Sjælland, belong to his phase


14 Personal comment by L. Thunmark-Nylén.15 Callmer, Bead 199.16 Ljungkvist, Valsgärde.17 Petré, Arkeologiska 61-62.

18 Ament, Chronologische Untersuchungen fig. 1, 135. – Müsse-meier / Nieveler / Plum / Pöppelmann, Chronologie. – Brug-mann, Glass 40; 43-70 fig. 173.

19 Cat.no: 2; 4; 13; 14.20 Ørsnes, Form 173-174.

Fig. 4 The Broby 1 amethysts in Uppland, see tab. 1 (cat. no. 14).

a

b

1-2, which is equivalent to Vet 1-2 (see below). Surveys of published literature from Finland, Åland andGotland have not revealed any amethysts. Those areas do, however, reveal other finds of a Byzantine orMediterranean origin.

IVORY RINGS

There are numerous finds of ivory rings, particularly in Germany, and these seem to originate mainly fromAfrica21. In Sweden, they were first noticed by B. Nerman 22 who identified the thus far single unburnt findfrom Sweden, made in Kylver (parish Stånga) on Gotland, where fragments of a ring were also found in acremation burial. Careful investigations of cremation burials on Lovö 2723 (parish Lovö) revealed three morerings found in female burials. The systematic search for further ivory rings, mainly in the cremation burialsof rich females, has produced a further seven finds of ivory rings (tab. 1), which brings the present total inSweden to 12. It seems evident that these objects are far more common in the Swedish material than was


21 Drauschke / Banerjee, Elfenbein in der Merowingerzeit.22 Nerman, Elfenben.

23 Petré, Arkeologiska 43.

Fig. 5 Late Iron Age phases used for Valsgärde in relation to corresponding Scandinavian phases and examples of »typical« gravesfrom each phase: A male burials. – B female burials. The examples can be tied to the following references: Arbman, Historiska relatio-nen (Birka, parish Adeslö, S). – Arne, Bootgräberfeld (Tuna i Alsike, parish Alsike, S). – Petré, Arkeologiska (Lunda, parish Lovö, S) –Nordahl, Båtgravar (Gamla Uppsala). – Stolpe / Arne Necropole de Vendel (Vendel, parish Vendel, S). – Waller, Dräktnålar (Brista, parishNorrsunda, S). – Waller, Dräktnålar (Roma kloster, parish Roma, S) Statens historiska museum 4366 (Stockholm). – (Tureberg, parishSollentuna, S) Statens historiska museum 29783 (Stockholm). – (Eke Äng, parish Vaksala, S) Statens historiska museum 18684 (Stock-holm).

previously thought. Ostheologists and archaeologists have simply not been trained to recognise them. Noivory rings from Denmark or Finland seem to have been identified. The dating of the ivory rings spans fromthe transition from the Migration and the Vendel period to the middle of the Vendel period but with adistinct peak at the beginning of the latter period (fig. 14). Like similar continental finds24, they were prob-


24 Schulze, Einflüsse Taf. 41. – Garam, Funde Taf. VIII-IX. – Perea, El Tesoro.

Fig. 6 The number of graves with amethysts relating to different phases.

Fig. 7 Ivory ring fragments found in grave 5, a cremation grave in Kylver, see tab. 1, cat. no. 35.

ably worn as pendants. However, as most come from cremation burials, it is not possible to give a definiteanswer (fig. 7).

COWRIE SHELLS AND SHELL BEADS

Cowrie shells are primarily found on Gotland. This is partly due to the excellent preservation conditions ofbones and partly due to the fact that, in contrast to the mainland, inhumations are comparatively commonhere. There is a total of seven finds of cowrie shells. Six are from the large Cyprea pantherina, originatingfrom the Red Sea, and were worn as pendants together with other dress accessories. The seventh findconsists of six Cyprea moneta from the Indian Ocean. These beads were found in one of the very few in -humations from the Vendel period on the island of Öland25. The Cyprea finds tend to date mainly from theEarly Vendel period (fig. 14) but they are also found later on and also during the Viking period26.Discoid shell beads are the third category of imported shell objects. They originate from the eastern Me di -terran ean or the African East Coast/Red Sea27. All but one find in Sweden are like the cowrie shells foundin non-cremation burial contexts outside the Mälaren region. Possible shell beads placed in funeral pyres


25 Johansson, Molluscs 348. – Jansson, Communications.26 Johansson, Molluscs 51.

27 Drauschke, Imports 67.

Fig. 9 Discoid shell beads and glass beads from grave 303afrom Vi Alvar, see tab. 1, cat. no. 43.

Fig. 8 Cyprea shell with bronze attachment ring found inGrötlingbo, see tab. 1, cat. no. 44.

have simply disintegrated into unidentifiable fragments. As regards Gotland, it is probably possible to finda number of additional discoid shell beads in the museum collections. This, however, requires thoroughspecial studies. This is because the people on Gotland used local lime stone fossils for local bead produc-tion. After almost 1500 years in the earth, to some extent, some of these beads resemble the discoid shellbeads, which have calcified and lost their original mother-of-pearl lustre. Four out of five finds are datedto between Vet 1 and 2. The latest recorded find of shell beads from Hallvede in Eke parish, Gotland, doesnot consist of discoid shell beads. Instead, it seems to comprise a large number of beads in varying shapesmade from a Cyprea pantherina. At least one find with many discoid shell beads and also two Cypreamoneta originates from Finland28. On the island of Bornholm, at least two inhumation graves with cowriebeads have been found29 (figs 8-9).

SILK PRESENTED THROUGH GOLD FOIL STRIPS

Silk is an easily forgotten find category in the Swedish material. A major reason for this is that the silk itselfis not preserved. Only fragments of the gold strips woven into the fabric remain in the cremation burials.There are five Vendel period finds (tab. 1). This is not a material that can be closely dated, however, graveswith evidence of silk are found throughout the Vendel period. The graves in which these finds occur allbelong to the group of the richest graves in the Mälaren region. Västhögen (parish Gamla Uppsala) andBrunns högen (parish Husby-Långhundra) can be defined as royal burials.

CAMEOS FROM VÄSTHÖGEN IN GAMLA UPPSALA

In the late 6th to early 7th century grave, Västhögen in Gamla Uppsala, five peculiar objects were found30.These are cameos, two of which still have a visible mythological motive (fig. 10). The first depicts Eros withwings and equipped with a horn. The other is fragmentary. It depicts a bull in a crouching, »dead« posi-tion. Lindqvist considered the cameos as belonging to the oldest objects in this grave, which he dated toaround 550 AD31. B. Arrhenius32 made a scientific analysis of the cameos and concluded that they weremade of onyx or sardonyx. On the basis of a number of parallels, she dated them from the late 4th to 5th

century with a Sassanian provenience. She connected the bull with the typical Mithras motive of the godslaying a bull.J. Spier recently registered a group of cameos into a family he calls »the Mythological Workshop, sixthcentury(?)«33. The group is difficult to date since mythological motives continue from the Roman periodand well into the Byzantine age. In this case, the dating contexts presented by J. Spier, who was not awareof the Västhögen cameos, is interesting. Two finds have a general early Byzantine date and one has a 7th

century context. One further cameo34 depicting a woman with a bull has striking similarities with the bullfrom Västhögen. Other finds35 have close stylistic similarities with the Eros from Västhögen. There is no


28 Kivikoski, Die Eisenzeit Abb. 463.29 Jørgensen / Nørgård Jørgensen, Nørre Sandegård Pl. 31; 34.30 Lindqvist, Uppsala. – Duczko, Uppsalahögarna 88-89. – Arrhe-

nius, Granatschmuck und Gemmen. – Ljungkvist, Dating.31 Lindqvist, Uppsala 185; 230-232.

32 Arrhenius, Granatschmuck und Gemmen 32-35.33 Spier, Gems 139-141. 34 Spier, Gems no. 767.35 Spier, Gems no. 763; 769; 779.

clear evidence that the Västhögen cameos date to the 6th century but a recent dating of the mound to 575-625 AD36 fits reasonably well with the contexts presented by J. Spier. The closest parallels to the Västhögencameos now suggest a 6th century Byzantine context rather than a 5th century Sassanian one37. On the basis of the vast material from Late Antiquity, these cameos were originally used as inlays on fingerrings. However, this does not reveal anything about the Västhögen cameos. It seems quite unlikely that anin di vi du al in Västhögen would have carried a total of five finger rings with cameos. No Byzantine fingerrings have been found in Sweden. It is more plausible that they had some other, secondary use. B. Arrhe-nius suggests that they were either mounted on a helmet or on a casket. The latter interpretation is basedon Late Roman ridged helmets from Hungary38. However, this interpretation is also unlikely. Early ridgedhel mets have not been found elsewhere in Scandinavia and none of the Hungarian helmets have inlaidcameos. Thus, the last use of the Västhögen cameos is still far from certain (fig. 10).

OTHER FINDS

The remainder of the Byzantine-related finds in Sweden consists of a number of finds even fewer in numberthan the categories discussed in the above. Coins dated to after Justinian I are compared with solidi from the


36 Ljungkvist, Dating 275.37 Spier finds a Sassanian provenience unlikely (personal informa-

tion).

38 Arrhenius, Regalia 332-333.

Fig. 10 Four of the cameos fromVästhögen, see tab. 1, cat. no. 47.

5th to earliest 6th century, mostly consisting of bronze or copper follies. Furthermore, the contexts to whichthey belong are, to a large extent, also questionable39. These coins indicate some kind of continuity in theimport of coins, however, the number of imported coins seems to have been very small and difficult to inter-pret. Furthermore, there do not seem to be any finds of Byzantine coins from the 8th century in Sweden.With regard to belt details, N. Åberg presented two buckles that he interpreted either as being Byzantineor having been made under its influence40. Byzantine belt details and metal jewellery that can be relatedto the late 6th century and onwards are very rare in Sweden. In comparison, Finland has far more metalobjects that can be related to the Avar/Byzantine sphere of influence41. Finland’s greater geographic prox-imity to the Russian river routes is probably reflected in the archaeological material. In contrast to the Vikingperiod, finds from Eastern Europe are extremely rare in the Mälaren region during the Vendel period.Byzantine metal vessels are another important object in the continental discussion of trading contacts withByzantium42. However, Coptic bowls and jugs seem to be almost completely missing in Scandinavia. Onepeculiar exception is a copper alloy ladle (fig. 11) with punched decoration in a »Coptic« tradition that,together with an imported silver bowl, was found on the central farm, building group 2, on Helgö43 (parishEkerö). This seems to be an almost unique vessel as no parallels have been found, either in Scandinavia orin Europe. Regarding a fragmentary silver bowl found at the same place (fig. 12), it seems plausible thatthis object has the same origin. Closer datings and parallels have, however, not yet been determined. Another famous group of Byzantine-related objects in Europe are the Spangen helmets (Spangenhelme).In Sweden, parts of a very fragmentary but clearly identifiable helmet of the Baldenheim type been foundin Tuna (parish Väte) on Gotland (fig. 13), perhaps the hitherto richest settlement on Gotland for theMigration period44. The dating of the helmet is problematic as it was found in a find rich layer with datableobjects ranging from the Migration to the Vendel period. It does, however, seem plausible that it was


39 Hammarberg / Malmer / Zachrisson, Byzantine coins.40 Åberg, Historiska relationen 105-106.41 Kivikoski, Die Eisenzeit fig. 539-541; 549; 560-568; 574. –

Åberg, Historiska relationen 105-107.

42 Périn, A propos. – Harris, Byzantium 66-68. 43 Holmqvist, Excavations at Helgö 1; 55.44 Fabech, Fra offer. – Nerman, Ein Spangenhelm. – Vogt, Span-

genhelme 267-277.

Fig. 11 The »Coptic« ladle found atbuilding group 2, the central farm atHelgö, see tab. 1, cat. no. 21.

originally a 6th century find. Another find consistingof a probable Spangen helmet has been made in adepot on a grave field dated to the early 6th centuryin Gri meton (parish Grimeton) in Halland45. Unlikethe Tuna helmet that M. Vogt, amongst others,believes has a Byzan tine origin, whether from thewestern or eastern part of the empire46, it is notpossible to make a closer determination of theGrötlingbo hel met.The largest group of imported Byzantine or Mediter-ranean finds in Scandinavia is probably glass beads.However, this discussion is so extensive that it hasbeen excluded here. Millefiori beads47 in particularare an interesting category found in dozens of


45 Nerman, Ännu.46 Vogt, Spangenhelme 185-186.47 B. Brugmann names this family of beads as mosaic beads.

a

b

Fig. 12 The silver bowl from Helgö found next to the »Coptic« ladle at building group 2 on Helgö, see fig. 8and tab. 1, cat. no. 21.

Fig. 13 The crest top of the helmet from Tuna, see tab. 1, cat.no. 54.

cases, primarily in Gotland. A more in-depth discussion regarding their provenience is necessary beforesome final conclusions can be drawn48.

SHIFTING IMPORT TRENDS

The number of Byzantine-related objects in Sweden and Scandinavia is not large enough to be able to makestatistically valid interpretations regarding import trends. As a basis for further studies in the future, it can,however, be interesting to note whether there are any differences in datable contexts with different cate-gories of imports. When comparing finds of amethysts with Cyprea shells, ivory rings, discoid shell beadsand evidence of silk, there are at least distinct differences between finds of amethysts and ivory rings(fig. 14). A clear majority of the ivory rings belongs to the earliest phase of the Vendel period that, thusfar, does not contain any amethysts. The latter period begins when the ivory rings are declining in numbers.Although Cyprea shells are more common in the first phase, they do exist in later periods, as well as in theViking period49.

GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION AND THE REGIONAL USE OF EXOTIC OBJECTS

The concentration of imports to the Mälaren valley has been mentioned above. This can be partly explainedby the infrastructural development in this area, which has led to many excavations, but also by the investi-gations carried out by the departments of archaeology in Stockholm and Uppsala. If we examine amethystbeads in particular, there are a few finds in other parts of Sweden, such as Eketorp (parish Gräsgård) onÖland (fig. 15). One would expect a substantial number of them from Gotland. However, here we findother types of Mediterranean imports, such as millefiori beads, ivory rings and cowrie beads represented ina number of cases (fig. 16). It is also important to point out that glass and bronze vessels are far morefrequent on Gotland than in any other area of Sweden. This is especially true for Nerman period VII:1 andVII:250. However, not a single almond-shaped amethyst bead has been registered from the island. It is


48 Fremersdorf, Köln-Müngersdorf 81-90. – Volkmann / Theune,Merowingerzeitliche Millefioriperlen 525. – Brugmann, Glass38.

49 Johansson, Molluscs 100-103.50 Nerman, Die Vendelzeit. – Näsman, Vendel period glass. –

Ljungkvist, Continental imports.

Fig. 14 The frequency ofByzantine-related finds in relationto grave and settlement findsdatable to phases in Sweden.

possible that amethyst beads were never deposited in female graves on Gotland. However, in view of thenumerous finds of other imports, this is unlikely. Most of these objects are also found in other parts ofScandinavia, which shows that Gotland was part of the same trade network as other areas. The lack ofamethyst beads in the Gotland graves thus indicates that the import of different goods was not only a con -scious but also a selective act. Luxury objects like these were imported with a specific purpose. It seems thatthe people of Gotland simply did not want amethysts. This is quite interesting when we look at the beadcarrying tradition in subsequent centuries, from the late 7th century and into the Viking age. From the late6th century, the people on Gotland were strengthening their regional identity, developing a regional metaljewellery and bead tradition51. This separates the island not only from mainland Sweden but also fromSouth Scandinavia and Finland.

THE SOCIAL CONTEXT

In the Scandinavian Iron Age, imported goods such as glass and bronze vessels, were largely the preserveof the elite. In this study, the relation to an elite from the registered graves is determined according to cri -te ria presented in my dissertation52. In this categorisation, amethysts are themselves indicative of an elite


51 Callmer, Bead. 52 Ljungkvist, En hiar fig. 14.

Fig. 15 The geographical spread of amethyst beads in Swedenwith the amount of beads found on different places.

Fig. 16 The geographical distribution of ivory rings, cowrieshells, etc.

sta tus. For methodological reasons, it is interesting to see how many graves can be given this status withoutthe amethysts. Out of 21 graves, eight can be linked to the elite on the basis of these beads (fig. 17). Inother cases, the jewellery has an unusual character. The bronze objects are often larger and of higher qual -ity than the average types, the outer grave construction is larger than normal and the number of depositedanimals is distinctly higher than usual. Even though it cannot be measured in all ways, amethysts, as wellas cowrie shells and ivory rings, are to a large extent related to the elite, or to a distinct group from a highersocial strata. One prominent example of a grave with amethysts is Valsgärde 57 on the famous boat grave cemetery.The cremation layer of this burial is located beneath the largest mound on the grave field. It contained frag-ments of large, garnet-decorated bronze jewellery pieces and a high proportion of burnt bones 10.3 l (c. 7-10kg) that represents a number of cremated animals including dogs, at least one horse, etc. It can becompared to an average of 1-2 l of burnt bones on the Lovön (parish Lovö, S) grave fields53. Among thegenerally bone-rich Valsgärde cremation burials from the Vendel and Viking periods, the average volumeof bones is 7.17 l (among the graves with a measured volume)54. Considering gender, most of the Byzantine imports can be linked to females. This is quite logical as mostof the material dealt with is linked to female jewellery. Exceptions to this pattern are the silk fabric in theshape of gold strips and the ivory gaming pieces. These categories are primarily linked to males. In a few cases, using jewellery to determine the sex of graves is not without its problems. Most interestingis Broby 1 (parish Börje, S), where bones from one individual have been found. It has not been possible todetermine the sex via an osteological analysis 55 where bones from only one individual were found. In termsof the amount of deposited animals, the grave is extremely rich. It contained eight dogs, five horses, sevenpigs, eight sheep/goats, two cattle and 16 birds. The latter include at least four peregrine falcons. Only onegrave in the Mälaren region has an equivalent amount of economically important animals such as horses,cattle, sheep/goats and pigs and no grave has an equivalent amount of raptors56. A female gender of thegrave is indicated by the amethyst beads, a few glass beads and a bronze pendant. On the other hand, thegrave contains large whet-stones, horse gear details, gaming pieces and raptors. All these objects indicatea male, which means that the gender is still uncertain. One parallel to the Broby grave is the 8th centuryboat grave Vendel III (parish Vendel, S) 57. It is partly plundered but has a small necklace, with very rareimported beads, placed on the position of the body. To some extent, it contradicts the horse harness andother equipment in the grave, which indicates that it is exclusively male. It seems that some elite graves cancontain objects relating to both males and females. It is striking that these graves also contain exclusivebeads. The beads in the Broby grave are in average much larger than the amethysts in other graves.If we take a look at grave fields with Byzantine finds as a whole, we see that these finds are never common.Quite a large grave field, Lovö 27, consisted of 155 excavated graves. It mainly dates to between the 5th


53 Ljungkvist, En hiar 99-100.54 Ljungkvist, Valsgärde tab. 2.55 Stavrum, Grav 1 i Broby.

56 Ljungkvist, En hiar fig. 39. – Sten / Vretemark, Storgravsprojek-tet tab. 3.

57 Stolpe / Arne, Necropole de Vendel 19-24 pl. XLVI.

Fig. 17 The number of graves withByzantine objects that can be inter-preted as elite.

and the 8th century. Three ivory rings were found on the site; this is more than on any other site so far.Only one amethyst bead was found. If we look at an elite site such as Valsgärde with a total of 39 gravesfrom the corresponding period, we see that two out of ten identified female graves contain Byzantine im -ports. One is the Vet 1-dated grave 63 with an ivory ring; the other is the Vet 3-dated grave 57 with ame -thyst beads. None of the four famous Vendel period boat graves contained Byzantine imports. If we look at male elite burials as a whole during the Vendel period, no boat grave from the sites of Vendel,Valsgärde or Ultuna (parish Bondkyrka, S) 58 contain Byzantine imports59. The same pattern is repeated fora number of rich cremation burials with west European glass vessels 60. Byzantine finds related to strictlymale graves, such as the remains of silk, ivory gaming pieces and the Västhögen cameos, belong to a groupthat can be identified as an upper aristocracy or royalty. In these cremation burials, we also find fragmentsof other gold objects that are almost completely missing among the boat graves.Settlements can potentially give a different picture of social context for amethysts in particular, but also forother Byzantine objects. Compared with excavations of Roman Iron Age settlements, there are much fewerexcavated settlements from the 7th and 8th centuries. I have found a total of four sites with amethysts,Helgö and Birka (parish Adelsö, S) in the Mälaren region, Järrestad (parish Järrestad, S) in Scania, (southernSweden) and, finally, Eketorp on the island of Öland. On Helgö, the single amethyst bead was found inbuilding group 2. No doubt this is a magnate’s estate with an almost unique amount of imported finds. Inthese cases, we have Vendel period settlements or graves with imports; the objects tend to be linked to theNorth Sea region or the Merovingian/Frankish area. However, here we also find the above-mentioned»Coptic ladle« and silver bowl61. Järrestad is an interesting place as excavators found unique semi-finished products of beads bearing someresemblance to amethysts. They are, however, from a local mineral. The only true drop-shaped amethystwas found in a post hole of house A, which is assumed to have been built in the 8th century62. Also, in thiscase, everything points towards an interpretation of the farm as a magnate’s estate. For example, it bearsclose resemblance to Tissø in Denmark (county West Zealand). A total of four amethysts and 18 discoid shell beads were found in the fortress of Eketorp on Öland. Twoof the amethysts, as well as all shell beads, could be related stratigraphically to glass beads belonging tothe same probable depositions in floor layers. The beads can be dated respectively to Vet 1-2 and Vet 263.The finds of amethyst beads at the Viking age town/emporia Birka64 were probably old finds when de pos -ited. Unfortunately, it is difficult to place them in a closer context than the city layers. The earliest datingof the trading place is today determined to about 750 AD65. To summarise the evidence of amethysts and other Byzantine finds in settlements, it is evident that, duringthe 7th and 8th centuries, they primarily occur on sites that are not normal farmsteads. Järrestad and Helgöbuilding group 2 must be considered as magnate’s estates or elite settlements. During this period, the for -tress of Eketorp is far from a normal farmstead and Birka is a market place with its own special character-istics. These results clearly underline what can be seen in the grave material. It is possible to conclude that Byzantine-related objects were imported to Scandinavia on a regular basisduring the Vendel period. In terms of sheer volume, these were in much smaller quantities than the orientalimport during the Viking period. Furthermore, in the Vendel period, the Mediterranean/Byzantine/orientalobjects such as beads were far more related to the elite than during the later period.


58 Stolpe / Arne 1927, Necropole de Vendel. – Arwidsson, Vals-gärde. – Ljungkvist, Ultuna.

59 Perhaps with exception of the beads in Vendel III: see above.60 Bratt, Makt.61 Holmqvist, Excavations at Helgö 1. – Holmqvist / Arrhenius,

Excavations at Helgö 2. – Holmqvist, Excavations at Helgö 3.

62 Söderberg, Aristokratiskt 77; 240-242. 63 Iversen / Näsman, Smykkefund 85-92.64 Arrhenius, Ein Amethystanhänger Abb. 5.65 Ringstedt, The Birka chamber-graves 37.

EXOTIC OBJECTS AT THE END OF THE TRADE CHAIN

A major result of this survey is that it shows that jewellery pieces with Byzantine origin were widely distrib-uted in Scandinavia during the late 6th to 8th centuries. Considering the distribution chain, we can probablyrule out a regular direct contact between Byzantium and Scandinavia. The goods probably reached Europethrough an intermediary. In very general terms, the goods reached Scandinavia via either an eastern or awes tern alternative. If we consider the eastern routes, the goods travelled via the Byzantine sphere and thenfurther along the Central European and Russian rivers to the Baltic66. The western alternative can also bedivided into different routes67. Some travelled via Italy or the French rivers into the Merovingian/Ale man nicregions for further distribution to northern Germany and thereafter Scandinavia. As an alternative, the goodscould have travelled along the Atlantic coast and then into the North Sea and beyond. In order to determinewhich routes were important, it is necessary to look at other categories of imports to Scandinavia. When it comes to glass vessels, in the mid or early 6th century, there is a clear shift in the trade routes tothe Baltic area in particular. We then see a shift in glass imports from Eastern Europe and the western BlackSea region to the North Sea area68. Until the second part of the 8th century, when the large-scale importof Arabic and, to some extent, Byzantine objects starts to flow in through the Russian river routes, theNorth Sea region and perhaps also the river routes in Northern Germany, with its links with all parts ofWestern Europe, continues to be the main distributor of glass, glass beads and probably metal vessels tothe Mälaren region and Gotland. There are thus only very few finds in Sweden from Eastern and CentralEurope dating to the later 6th to mid 8th century. In order to understand how the Byzantine objects wereused in Scandinavia, it is thus appropriate to make comparisons with areas in the Merovingian/Frankish,Anglo-Saxon and perhaps Langobardic areas.In comparison with the Merovingian, Anglo-Saxon and Langobardic counterparts, the Scandinavian femalejewellery sets are of a highly independent and regional character. In Scandinavia, there are further regionaldifferences between the metal jewellery in Southern Scandinavia/Southern Norway, the Mälaren region,Gotland and Western Finland/Åland69. Amethyst beads, cowrie shells and ivory rings have a special posi-tion as they are not only international objects but they are also carried in more or less the same way,whether, for example, in England or Allemania (fig. 18). The Scandinavian elite imported these objectsmuch more than it did foreign metal objects. This can be explained in more than one way. They knew thatByzantine objects have an exotic origin from the great distant empire of Byzantium. These objects are trulyinternational and are highly regarded throughout most of Europe. By necessity, the metal jewellery seemsto be of a regional character. No continental brooch seems to have been found in a Swedish burial. Thisobviously indicates some kind of regional identity and, in some cases, of course, also social status. More than any other jewellery, Byzantine objects seem to reflect something other than regionality. Theyseem to be purely status symbols reflecting the higher international connections of the person wearingthem. Although she may not have seen other areas of Europe, the exotic objects show that she has closediplomatic connections, a control of import and can perhaps also claim ancestry with important foreignpersons. In a number of 7th century cases, continental royal houses claim to have a Scandinavian origin70.The Byzantine objects in Scandinavia are perhaps evidence of an interaction between the Scandinavian andEuropean aristocracy and they reveal that the Scandinavians were in constant contact with different partsof Europe in the 7th to 8th century. A few objects, such as the cameos in Västhögen, the Coptic bowl on


66 Sindbæk, Varægiske fig. 7.67 Harris, Byzantium 64-72; 175-180. 68 Näsman, Vendel period glass. – Ljungkvist, Continental imports.69 Petré, Arkeologiska. – Purhonen, Vainionmäki. – Kivikoski,

Kvarnbacken. – Nerman, Die Vendelzeit. – Jørgensen / NørgårdJørgensen, Nørre Sandegård.

70 Høilund Nielsen, Animal style 37-41.

the exotic Byzantine objects does not seem to exist before c. 550 AD. After this date, these objects contributeto form a new link/symbol between the continental and the Scandinavian elites in particular. They functionas, so to speak, as an international language.


71 Duczko, Uppsalahögarna 83-85. – Arrhenius, Merovingian 175.– Ljungkvist, Dating 273.

72 Harris, Byzantium 178-179.73 Lund Hansen, Römischer Import.

74 Näsman, Glas 109-118. – Bemmann, Relieffibel.75 Arrhenius, The chronology. – Bos, Equal-armed brooches. – Ol -

sen, The Development.

Fig. 18 A reconstruction of the jewellery equipment from therich female burial in Kirchheim (Baden-Württemberg, D), Grab326: The cowrie shell and ivory ring in this burial, here high-lighted in grey, were most likely carried in the same style in Scandinavia, compare with fig. 8.

Helgö and perhaps the ivory gaming pieces, are sounusual and are positioned in such exclusive con -texts that they seem to be more than just tradingobjects. In these cases, the cameos and the ladle areprobably unique ob jects outside the Mediterraneanand, as such, they must be seen as diplomatic gifts,per haps between the royal houses in the Mälaren re -gion and Anglo-Sax on England. The gold objectfragments from Väst högen have some of theirclosest parallels to ob jects found in Taplow (Buck-inghamshire, UK) and Sutton Hoo (Suffolk, UK)71.The Sutton Hoo grave also contains Byzantine ob -jects interpreted as diplomatic gifts72.In Swedish archaeology, the Roman age and Migra-tion period has traditionally been linked more close -ly to the Roman and Byzantine Empires than to thelater Vendel period. To a large extent, this can be ex -plained by the finds of glass and bronze vessels in theformer period and solidi in the latter73. During theseperiods, there is also a strong connection with themetal jewellery material. Fibulas and brooches in par -ticular bear evidence of a distinct interaction or influ-ence upon Scandinavia from Rome and its pro vincesbut also of Germanic-speaking people from differentparts of Europe74. After 550 AD, there is a distinctshift in the influence upon Scandinavian metal jew -ellery. The Style II ornamentation is a widespreadsym bolic connection within the whole Ger ma nic-speaking community of Europe. There is, how ever,no longer any close jewellery connection be tweenScandinavia and the Anglo-Saxon, Mero vingian, Ale -mannic or Langobardic areas. If we want to find anycloser connections between the Swedish and con -tinental material, we have to go to either North ernGermany or to Friesland75. The symbolic con nection,via jewellery, between the continent and areas inSweden in particular, is weakened to some extent. Alink between the continent and Scand inavia through


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ILLUSTRATION REFERENCE

Figs 1-3, 14-17 J. Ljungkvist.Fig. 4 According to Arrhenius, Ein Amethystanhänger Abb. 4.Fig. 5 According to Ljungkvist, Valsgärde tab. 1a-b.Figs 6-9, 13 Photo J. Ljungkvist (SHM, Stockholm).

Fig. 10 Photo B. Lundberg (Riksantikvarieämbetet, Stockholm).Fig. 11 According to Holmqvist, Excavations at Helgö 1, pl. 29, 2.Fig. 12 According to Holmqvist, Excavations at Helgö 1, fig. 17.Fig. 18 According to Clauss, Die Tragsitte Abb. 6.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG / ABSTRACT / RÉSUMÉ

Bislang wurde den byzantinischen Importen nach Skandinavien zwischen 560/570-750/800 wesentlich wenigerForschungsinteresse entgegengebracht als den Importströmen der Römer- und Wikingerzeit. Dies ist zum Großteildarauf zurückzuführen, dass während der letztgenannten Abschnitte enorme Mengen an Münzen, römischen Bron-zegefäßen, Glas usw. nach Skandinavien gelangten. Der vorliegende Artikel versteht sich als der Versuch einer Betrach-tung der Importe aus Byzanz und seiner Interessenssphären (Rotes Meer, Afrika und angrenzende Regionen im Mittel-meerraum, je nachdem wie eng bestimmte Objektgruppen mit einem speziellen Gebiet in Verbindung gebrachtwerden können) der Zeitperiode von 560/570 bis 750/800. Die Grundlage für diese Untersuchung bilden Kleinfundewie Amethystperlen, Elfenbeinringe, Kaurimuscheln, Seidenfragmente und andere Hinweise auf exklusive und zugleichbislang wenig beachtete Objekte. Der vorliegende Beitrag zeigt auf, dass bereits vor dem massiven Importstrom derWikingerzeit (beginnend um 750/800) regelmäßig Objekte aus dem östlichen Mittelmeerraum und darüber hinausnach Skandinavien gelangten. Die Untersuchung macht auch deutlich, dass die Mitglieder der weiblichen Eliteversuchten Verbindungen zwischen sich und ihrem westeuropäischen Gegenpart besonders zu betonen, allerdingsnicht durch das Tragen des gleichen Metallschmucks, sondern durch andere Trachtelemente. In diesem Zusammen-hang war die byzantinische Herkunft der Objekte von übergeordneter Bedeutung. K. K.

Compared with the amount of attention paid to materials from the Roman and Viking periods, little research has beencarried out into Byzantine imports to Scandinavia in the period 560/570-750/800 AD. To a large extent, this can beexplained by the spectacular inflow of materials from these periods in the form of coins, Roman bronze vessels, glass,etc. This article can be considered as part of an attempt to overlap the above-mentioned older and younger periods withregard to the import from Byzantium and its sphere of interest, including the Red Sea, Africa and perhaps somebordering regions in the Mediterranean, depending on how closely a type of object can be related to a specific region.The study is mainly based upon small finds in the shape of amethyst beads, ivory rings, cowrie shells, evidence of silkand other both exclusive and today quite anonymous objects. The study reveals that the regular import of objects fromthe eastern Mediterranean and beyond existed before the massive inflow of goods during the Viking period (beginningin 750/800 AD). The results also reinforce the concept that the female Scandinavian elite had an ambition to show acon nection between themselves and their Western European counterparts in particular, not by wearing similar metaljewellery, but via other objects in their dress. In this case, objects with a Byzantine origin played a prominent role.

Jusqu’à présent les importations byzantines vers la Scandinavie entre 560/570-750/800 présentaient beaucoup moinsd’intérêt pour la recherche que les importations de lépoque romaines et Viking. C’est en grande partie ce qui expliqueque pendant la période citée parvinrent en Scandinavie de grandes masses de monnaies, des récipients romains enbronze, verre etc. Le présent article se veut être un essai de la prise en considération, durant la période allant de560/570 à 750/800, des importations en provenance de Byzance et de sa sphère d’influence (Mer Rouge, Afrique etles régions limitrophes méditerranéennes, cela dépendait de la relation étroite que l’on pouvait établir entre certainsgroupes d’objets et une région spécifique). La base de cette recherche est constituée de petites découvertes, des perlesen améthyste, des anneaux en ivoire, des morceaux de soie et d’autres indications sur des objets spécifiques et peupris en considération jusqu’à présent. La présente contribution démontre que, par le passé, les importations massivesd’ objets de la période Viking (commençant autour de 750/800), provenant de l’espace méditerranéen oriental, voirplus loin, arrivaient en Scandinavie. La recherche montre clairement que les membres de l’élite féminine scandinavesambitionnaient de souligner leurs relations avec les occidentaux, non seulement par le port des mêmes bijoux en métal,mais aussi à travers d’autres accessoires d’habillements. Dans ce contexte l’origine byzantine des objets jouait un rôleproéminent. E. L.

Dr. John Ljungkvist Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia, ArkeologiUppsala universitetBox 626S - 751 26 [email protected]


TEIL 1 WELT DER IDEEN, WELT DER DINGE

BYZANZ – DAS RÖMERREICH IM MITTELALTER

VERZEICHNIS DER BEITRÄGE

WELT DER IDEEN

Ernst KünzlAuf dem Weg in das Mittelalter: die Gräber Constantins,Theoderichs und Chlodwigs

Vasiliki TsamakdaKönig David als Typos des byzantinischen Kaisers

Umberto RobertoThe Circus Factions and the Death of the Tyrant: John of Antioch on the Fate of the Emperor Phocas

Stefan AlbrechtWarum tragen wir einen Gürtel? Der Gürtel der Byzantiner – Symbolik und Funktion

Mechthild Schulze-DörrlammHeilige Nägel und heilige Lanzen

Tanja V. KushchThe Beauty of the City in Late Byzantine Rhetoric

Helen PapastavrouClassical Trends in Byzantine and Western Art in the 13th and 14th Centuries

WELT DER DINGE

Birgit BühlerIs it Byzantine Metalwork or not? Evidence for Byzantine Craftsmanship Outside the Byzantine Empire(6th to 9th Centuries AD)

Isabella Baldini LipolisHalf-crescent Earrings in Sicily and Southern Italy

Yvonne PetrinaKreuze mit geschweiften Hasten und kreisförmigenHastenenden

Anastasia G. YangakiThe Scene of »the Holy Women at the Tomb« on a Ringfrom Ancient Messene and Other Rings Bearing theSame Representation

Ellen RiemerByzantinische und romanisch-mediterrane Fibeln in der Forschung

Aimilia YeroulanouCommon Elements in »Treasures« of the Early ChristianPeriod

Tivadar VidaZur Formentwicklung der mediterranen spätantik-frühbyzantinischen Metallkrüge (4.-9. Jahrhundert)

Anastassios AntonarasEarly Christian and Byzantine Glass Vessels: Forms and Uses

Binnur Gürler und Ergün LafliFrühbyzantinische Glaskunst in Kleinasien

Ronald BockiusZur Modellrekonstruktion einer byzantinischen Dromone(chelandion) des 10./11. Jahrhunderts im Forschungsbereich Antike Schiffahrt, RGZM Mainz

Isabelle C. Kollig, Matthias J. J. Jacinto Fragata und KurtW. AltAnthropologische Forschungen zum ByzantinischenReich – ein Stiefkind der Wissenschaft?

KONSTANTINOPEL / ISTANBUL

Albrecht BergerKonstantinopel – Gründung, Blüte und Verfalleiner mediterranen Metropole

Rudolf H.W. StichelDie Hagia Sophia Justinians, ihre liturgische Einrichtungund der zeremonielle Auftritt des frühbyzantinischenKaisers

Helge SvenshonDas Bauwerk als »aistheton soma« – eine Neu inter -pretation der Hagia Sophia im Spiegel antiker Vermessungslehre und angewandter Mathematik

Lars O. Grobe, Oliver Hauck und Andreas Noback Das Licht in der Hagia Sophia – eine Computersimulation

Neslihan Asutay-EffenbergerDie justinianische Hagia Sophia: Vorbild oder Vorwand?

Örgü DalgıçThe Corpus of Floor Mosaics from Istanbul

Stefan AlbrechtVom Unglück der Sieger – Kreuzfahrer in Konstantinopelnach 1204

Ernst Gamillscheg Hohe Politik und Alltägliches im Spiegel des Patriarchatsregisters von Konstantinopel

AGHIOS LOT / DEIR ‘AIN ‘ABATA

Konstantinos D. PolitisThe Monastery of Aghios Lot at Deir ‘Ain ‘Abata in Jordan

ANAIA / KADIKALESİ

Zeynep MercangözOstentatious Life in a Byzantine Province: Some Selected Pieces from the Finds of the Excavation in Kuşadası, Kadıkalesi/Anaia (Prov. Aydın, TR)

Handan ÜstündağPaleopathological Evidence for Social Status in a Byzan-tine Burial from Kuşadası, Kadıkalesi/Anaia: a Case of»Diffuse Idiopathic Skeletal Hyperostosis« (DISH)

ANDRONA / AL ANDARIN

Christine StrubeAl Andarin, das antike Androna

Marlia Mundell MangoAndrona in Syria: Questions of Environment and Economy

AMORIUM / HISARKÖY

Christopher S. LightfootDie byzantinische Stadt Amorium: Grabungsergebnisse der Jahre 1988 bis 2008

Eric A. IvisonKirche und religiöses Leben im byzantinischen Amorium

Beate Böhlendorf-ArslanDie mittelbyzantinische Keramik aus Amorium

Edward M. SchoolmanKreuze und kreuzförmige Darstellungen in der Alltagskultur von Amorium

Johanna WitteFreizeitbeschäftigung in Amorium: die Spiele

CHERSON / SEWASTOPOL

Aleksandr AjbabinDas frühbyzantinische Chersonesos/Cherson

Adam Rabinowitz, Larissa Sedikova und Renata HennebergDaily Life in a Provincial Late Byzantine City: Recent Multidisciplinary Research in the Southern Region of Tauric Chersonesos (Cherson)

Tatjana JašaevaPilgerandenken im byzantinischen Cherson

EPHESOS / SELÇUK

Sabine LadstätterEphesos in byzantinischer Zeit – das letzte Kapitel der Geschichte einer antiken Großstadt

TEIL 2 SCHAUPLÄTZE

Andreas KülzerEphesos in byzantinischer Zeit – ein historischer Überblick

Andreas PülzDas Stadtbild von Ephesos in byzantinischer Zeit

Martin SteskalBadewesen und Bäderarchitektur von Ephesos in frühbyzantinischer Zeit

Gilbert WiplingerDie Wasserversorgung von Ephesos in byzantinischer Zeit

Norbert ZimmermannDie spätantike und byzantinische Malerei in Ephesos

Johanna Auinger und Maria AurenhammerEphesische Skulptur am Ende der Antike

Andrea M. Pülz und Feride KatByzantinische Kleinfunde aus Ephesos – ein Materialüberblick

Stefanie Wefers und Fritz MangartzDie byzantinischen Werkstätten von Ephesos

Manfred Koob, Mieke Pfarr und Marc GrellertEphesos – byzantinisches Erbe des Abendlandes Digitale Rekonstruktion und Simulation der Stadt Ephesos im 6. Jahrhundert

IUSTINIANA PRIMA / CARIČIN GRAD

Vujadin IvaniševićCaričin Grad – the Fortifications and the Intramural Housing in the Lower Town

KRASEN

Valery GrigorovThe Byzantine Fortress »Krasen« near Panagyurishte

PERGAMON / BERGAMA

Thomas OttenDas byzantinische Pergamon – ein Überblick zu Forschungsstand und Quellenlage

Manfred KlinkottDie byzantinischen Wehrmauern von Pergamon als Abbild der politisch-militärischen Situationen im westlichen Kleinasien

Sarah JappByzantinische Feinkeramik aus Pergamon

TELANISSOS / QAL’AT SIM’AN

Jean-Luc BiscopThe Roof of the Octagonal Drum of the Martyrium of Saint-Symeon

USAYS / ĞABAL SAYS

Franziska BlochÖllampenfunde aus dem spätantik-frühislamischen Fundplatz Ğabal Says im Steppengürtel Syriens

Franz Alto BauerByzantinische Geschenkdiplomatie

DER NÖRDLICHE SCHWARZMEERRAUM

Elzara ChajredinovaByzantinische Elemente in der Frauentracht der Krimgoten im 7. Jahrhundert

Rainer SchregZentren in der Peripherie: landschaftsarchäologische Forschungen zu den Höhensiedlungen der südwestlichen Krim und ihrem Umland

DER UNTERE DONAURAUM

Andrey AladzhovThe Byzantine Empire and the Establishment of the Early Medieval City in Bulgaria

Stanislav StanilovDer Pfau und der Hund: zwei goldene Zierscheiben aus Veliki Preslav

DER MITTLERE UND OBERE DONAURAUM

Jörg DrauschkeHalbmondförmige Goldohrringe aus bajuwarischen Frauengräbern – Überlegungen zu Parallelen und Provenienz

Péter ProhászkaDie awarischen Oberschichtgräber von Ozora-Tótipuszta (Kom. Tolna, H)

Falko Daim, Jérémie Chameroy, Susanne Greiff, Stephan Patscher, Peter Stadler und Bendeguz TobiasKaiser, Vögel, Rankenwerk – byzantinischer Gürteldekordes 8. Jahrhunderts und ein Neufund aus Südungarn

Ádám BollókThe Birds on the Braid Ornaments from Rakamaz: a View from the Mediterranean

Péter LangóCrescent-shaped Earrings with Lower Ornamental Band

Miklós TakácsDie sogenannte Palmettenornamentik der christlichenBauten des 11. Jahrhunderts im mittelalterlichen Ungarn

SKANDINAVIEN

John LjungkvistInfluences from the Empire: Byzantine-related Objects inSweden and Scandinavia – 560/570-750/800 AD

TEIL 3 PERIPHERIE UND NACHBARSCHAFT

Unter diesem Banner erscheint im Jahr 2010 eine Reihe von Publikationen des Verlages des

Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, die sich mit der Archäologie und Geschichte des

Byzantinischen Reiches beschäftigen. Anlass ist die Ausstellung »Byzanz – Pracht und All-

tag«, die vom 26. Februar bis zum 13. Juni 2010 in Bonn gezeigt wurde. Veranstaltet von der Kunst- und

Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wurde sie vom RGZM in Zusammenarbeit mit zahl -

reichen Fachkollegen konzipiert. Das RGZM setzt damit seine Forschungen im Bereich der Spätantike im

Mittelmeerraum und des Byzantinischen Reiches fort, die bereits auf eine lange Tradition zurückblicken

können und die in den letzten Jahren – nicht zuletzt durch einige Projekte, die zusammen mit Koopera-

tionspartnern an Plätzen im Gebiet des Byzantinischen Reiches selbst durchgeführt werden – zu einem

Schwerpunkt der Tätigkeiten des RGZM geworden sind.

Falko Daim · Jörg Drauschke (Hrsg.)Byzanz – das Römerreich im MittelalterMonographien des RGZM Band 84, 1-3Teil 1 Welt der Ideen, Welt der Dinge507 S. mit 319 meist farb. Abb.ISBN 978-3-88467-153-5€ 90,–Teil 2 Schauplätze2 Bd., 922 S. mit 701 meist farb. Abb., 1 Falttaf.ISBN 978-3-88467-154-2€ 170,–Teil 3 Peripherie und Nachbarschaft451 S. mit 261 meist farb. Abb.ISBN 978-3-88467-155-9€ 80,–Teil 1-3 zusammen € 295,–

Jörg Drauschke · Daniel Keller (Hrsg.)Glas in Byzanz – Produktion, Verwendung, AnalysenRGZM Tagungen Band 8270 S. mit 200 Abb., 15 Farbtaf.ISBN- 987-3-88467-147-4€ 44,–

Fritz MangartzDie byzantinische Steinsäge von EphesosMonographien des RGZM Band 86122 S. mit 100 Abb., 23 Farbtaf.ISBN 978-3-88467-149-8€ 45,–

Mechthild Schulze-DörrlammByzantinische Gürtelschnallen und Gürtelbeschlägeim RGZMTeil 2 Die Schnallen mit Scharnierbeschläg und die Schnallen mit angegossenem Riemendurchzugdes 7. bis 10. Jahrhunderts Kataloge Vor- und Früh geschichtlicher Altertümer Band 30,2 (2009)414 S. mit 522 Abb., 2 Farbtaf., 1 Beil.ISBN 978-3-88467-135-1€ 98,–

Mechthild Schulze-DörrlammByzantinische Gürtelschnallen und Gürtelbeschlägeim RGZMTeil 1: Die Schnallen ohne Beschläg, mit Laschenbeschläg und mit festem Beschläg des 5. bis 7. Jahrhunderts Kataloge Vor- und Früh geschichtlicher Altertümer Band 30,12. Aufl., 268 S. mit 545 Abb., 4 Farbtaf.ISBN 978-3-88467-134-4€ 70,–

Henriette KrollTiere im Byzantinischen ReichArchäozoologische Forschungen im ÜberblickMonographien des RGZM Band 87306 S. mit 80 Abb.; 16 Farbtaf.ISBN 978-3-88467-150-4ca. 55,–€

Birgit BühlerDer »Schatz« von Brestovac, Kroatien Monographien des RGZM Band 85ca. 400 S. mit 300 z.T. farbige Abb.ISBN 978-3-7954-2348-3ca. 120,–€

Falko Daim (Hrsg.)Die byzantinischen Goldschmiedearbeiten im Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum Kataloge Vor- und Frühgeschchtlicher AltertümerBand 42ca. 300 S. mit 650 meist farbigen Abb.ISBN 978-3-7954-2351-3

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