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    1

    Gratitude is held in high esteem by virtually

    everyone, at all times, in all places. From ancientreligious scriptures through modern social sci-ence research, gratitude is advanced as a desir-able human characteristic with the capacity formaking life better for oneself and for others.Though gratitude is associated with pleasantnessand highly desirable life outcomes, it is certainlynot an easy or automatic response to life situa-tions. Resentment and entitlement often seem tocome naturally. Individual personality flaws suchas neuroticism or narcissism make it difficult torecognize the positive contributions of others.The very fact that gratitude is a virtue suggests

    that it must be deliberately cultivated. Like anyvirtue, it must be taught, or at least modeled, andpracticed regularly, until it becomes, in anAristotelian sense, a habit of character. A gratefulperson is one who is prone to react to the good-ness of others in a benevolent and receptivefashion, reciprocating kindness when opportuni-ties arise. The grateful person has been able toovercome tendencies to take things for granted,to feel entitled to the benefits they have received,and to take sole credit for all of their advantagesin life. They are able to gladly recognize the

    contributions that others have made to their

    well-being. Further, they are able to discernwhen it is appropriate to express gratitude andare not overly concerned with exacting gratitudefrom those whom they benefit.

    What have we learned about gratitude and thegrateful personality? First, a definition: Gratitudeis an acknowledgment that we have receivedsomething of value from others. It arises from aposture of openness to others, where we are ableto gladly recognize their benevolence. Societiesthrough the ages have long extolled the benefitsof gratitude, and classical writings have deemedit the greatest of the virtues. But only recently

    has psychological theory and research on grati-tude begun to catch up with philosophical com-mendations. In the first part of this chapter,we review research on gratitude and positivehuman functioning. First, we briefly consider theresearch on gratitude and well-being. After aconsideration of this evidence, we explore themechanisms by which gratitude enhances well-being. We consider several explanations andevaluate the empirical evidence for each. In thelatter part of the chapter, we establish an agendafor the future by considering some ways in

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    Why Gratitude Enhances Well-Being: What

    We Know, What We Need to Know

    Robert A. Emmons and Anjali Mishra

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    CHAPTER 16. WHY GRATITUDE ENHANCES WELL-BEING 249

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    1 which the scientific field of gratitude can beadvanced.

    Gratitude and Well-Being: Taking Stock

    Gratitude is foundational to well-being andmental health throughout the lifespan. Fromchildhood to old age, accumulating evidencedocuments the wide array of psychological,physical, and relational benefits associated withgratitude. In the past few years, there has beenan accumulation of scientific evidence showingthe contribution of gratitude to psychologicaland social well-being (Emmons & McCullough,2003; McCullough, Kilpatrick, Emmons, &Larson, 2001; Wood, Froh, & Geraghty, 2010).

    Gratitude has been shown to contribute to notonly an increase in positive affect and otherdesirable life outcomes but also to a decrease innegative affect and problematic functioning asdemonstrated in diverse samples such as amongpatients with neuromuscular disease, collegestudents, hypertensives, and early adolescents(Emmons & McCullough, 2003; Froh, Sefick, &Emmons, 2008; Shipon, 2007).

    Based on Rosenbergs (1998) hierarchicallevels of affective experience, gratitude has beenidentified as a trait, emotion, and mood. Thegrateful disposition can be defined as a stable

    affective trait that would lower the threshold ofexperiencing gratitude. As an emotion, gratitudecan be understood as an acute, intense, and rela-tively brief psychophysiological reaction to beingthe recipient of a benefit from an other. Lastly, asa stable mood, gratitude has also been identifiedto have a subtle, broad, and longer-durationimpact on consciousness (McCullough, Tsang, &Emmons, 2004). Both state and dispositionalgratitude have been shown to enhance overallpsychological, social, and physical well-being.Gratitude promotes optimal functioning at mul-tiple levels of analysisbiological, experiential,

    personal, relational, familial, institutional, andeven cultural (Emmons & McCullough, 2004).

    Two main measures have been administeredto assess dispositional gratitude: the six-itemGratitude Questionnaire (GQ; McCullough,Emmons, & Tsang, 2002), and the 44-itemGratitude Resentment and Appreciation Test orthe GRAT (Watkins, Grimm, & Hailu, 1998).The GQ-6 measures dispositional gratitude as ageneralized tendency to recognize and emotion-ally respond with thankfulness, after attributingbenefits received to an external moral agent

    (Emmons, McCullough, & Tsang, 2003). The44-item GRAT form measures three dimensionsof gratitude: resentment, simple appreciation,and appreciation of others (Watkins et al.,

    1998). Beyond these scales to assess gratitude,other measures include personal interviews(Liamputtong, Yimyam, Parisunyakul, Baosoung,& Sansiriphun, 2004), rating scales (Saucier &Goldberg, 1998), and other self-report measuressuch as free response (Sommers & Kosmitzki,1988) and personal narratives (Kashdan, Mishra,Breen, & Froh, 2009).

    Dispositional gratitude has been shown touniquely and incrementally contribute to subjec-tive well-being (McCullough et al., 2004; Watkins,Woodward, Stone, & Kolts, 2003; Wood, Joseph,& Maltby, 2008) and to benefits above and

    beyond general positive affect (Bartlett &DeSteno, 2006). Dispositional gratitude has alsobeen found to be positively associated with proso-cial traits such as empathy, forgiveness, and will-ingness to help others (McCullough et al., 2002).People who rate themselves as having a gratefuldisposition perceived themselves as having moreprosocial characteristics, expressed by their empa-thetic behavior, and emotional support for friendswithin the last month. Similar associations havebeen found between state gratitude and socialwell-being (Emmons & McCullough, 2003).

    While gratitude has been studied as trait, it has

    also been studied as a statefeeling grateful andequivalent states (appreciation, thankfulness) atthe moment. State gratitude has been experi-mentally activated through the self-guided exer-cise of journaling. In the first study examiningthe benefits of experimentally induced gratefulthoughts on psychological well-being in dailylife, a gratitude induction was compared to ahassles and a neutral life events condition(Emmons & McCullough, 2003). The cultivationof grateful affect through daily and weekly jour-naling led to overall improved well-being,including fewer health complaints and a more

    positive outlook toward life. Participants in thegratitude condition also reported more exerciseand appraised their life more positively com-pared to participants in the hassles and neutralconditions. Furthermore, in a study examiningthe contribution of gratitude in daily mood over21 days, gratitude was strongly associated withspiritual transcendence and other positive affec-tive traits (e.g., extraversion) (McCullough et al.,2004). In the past few years, a number of labora-tory and research-based intervention studieshave also been examining the positive impact of

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    250 PART V. PERSONALITY PERSPECTIVES

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    1 gratitude-induced activities (e.g., the gratitudevisit, gratitude letter) on psychological well-being, including happiness, depression, and mate-rialism (Bono, Emmons, & McCullough, 2004;

    Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, & Schkade, 2005;McCullough et al., 2004; Seligman, Steen, Park,& Peterson; 2005; Watkins, 2000).

    Given the emerging strong associationbetween gratitude and well-being, an importantstep becomes exploring the reasons for thisrelationship. What are the mechanisms respon-sible for why gratitude promotes well-being?A number of possible explanations have beensuggested; however, not all of them have beenfully investigated. In the next section, we exam-ine several explanations for the relation betweengratitude and well-being, some of which stem

    from new research from our laboratory that isrelevant to these hypotheses.

    Hypothesis 1: Gratitude FacilitatesCoping with Stress

    Pondering the circumstances in ones life forwhich one is grateful appears to be a commonway of coping with both acute and chronic stress-ful life events. Our first hypothesis is that grati-tude improves well-being by providing usefulcoping skills for dealing with losses. Theseinclude building a supply of more positive

    thoughts, increasing the focus on benefits in lifeand on others, and reducing the maladaptivefocus on losses (Fredrickson, 2004; Watkins,2000). For example, gratitude has been associatedwith distinct coping styles of seeking socialsupport, positive reframing, approach-orientedproblem solving, and active coping (Wood,Joseph, & Linley, 2007). The coping styles linkedwith gratitude might be based on the recognitionof benefits, stronger social bonds, prosocial moti-vation, and the evolutionary adaptation of grati-tude as an emotion for regulating reciprocalaltruism (McCullough et al., 2001; McCullough,

    Kimeldorf, & Cohen, 2008; Trivers, 1971). In thepast few years there has been growing empiricalevidence for gratitudes association with copingand post-traumatic growth (Peterson, Park, Pole,DAndrea, & Seligman, 2008).

    One of the first studies examining the benefitsof psychological strengths on well-being incombat veterans found that, compared to veter-ans with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD),veterans without PTSD reported more disposi-tional gratitude on the GQ-6 (Kashdan, Uswatte,& Julian, 2006). Gratitude also emerged as one of

    the strongest themes for quality of life (towardthe donor, their families, and the renal team) in asample of kidney transplant recipients, followedby long-lasting psychosocial effects on the recip-

    ients (Orr, Willis, Holmes, Britton, & Orr, 2007).In a prospective study examining college stu-dents in the aftermath of the September 11 ter-rorist attacks, gratitude emerged as one of theprimary themes and contributed to resilienceand post-crisis coping (Fredrickson, Tugade,Waugh, & Larkin, 2003). Lastly, a recent studyincluding undergraduate women with traumahistory showed strong associations betweengratitude (measured by a four-item post-traumagratitude scale including the items fortunate,grateful, appreciated life, and relieved)and emotional growth (r = .43, p < .001). Most

    importantly, gratitude after trauma was nega-tively associated with PTSD symptom levels(r = .18, p < .05) (Vernon, Dillon, & Steiner,2009). Therefore, the evidence strongly supportsthe supposition that gratitude promotes adaptivecoping and personal growth.

    Hypothesis 2: Gratitude Reduces ToxicEmotions Resulting from Self and SocialComparisons

    Another possible explanation for the relationbetween gratitude and well-being is that grateful

    individuals are less likely to engage in upwardsocial comparisons that can result in envy orresentment, or self-comparisons with alternativeoutcomes in ones own life that can result inregret. Either type of these invidious compari-sons can cause people to feel that they lack some-thing important that either others have or thatthey desire for themselves. Envy is a negativeemotional state characterized by resentment,inferiority, longing, and frustration about otherpeoples material and non-material successes(Parrott & Smith, 1993). Considerable researchhas shown that envy creates unhappiness and is

    associated with a host of negative mental healthindicators (Smith & Kim, 2007). As gratitude is afocus on the benevolence of others, it is incom-patible with envy and resentment, as the gratefulperson appreciates positive qualities in othersand is able to feel happy over the good fortunethat happens to others (Smith, Turner, Leach,Garonzik, Urch-Druskat, & Weston, 1996).Grateful people, who tend to focus on the posi-tive contributions of others to their well-being,probably devote less attention to comparing theiroutcomes with those of other people and thus

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    CHAPTER 16. WHY GRATITUDE ENHANCES WELL-BEING 251

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    1 experience less envy as a result. Using Smith,Parrott, Diener, Hoyle, & Kims (1999) measureof dispositional envy and the envy subscale ofBelks materialism scale (Ger & Belk, 1996

    McCullough et al., 2002) reported moderate neg-ative correlations (ranging from .34 to .40)between gratitude and envy. Furthermore, thecorrelations between trait gratitude and envyremained significant after controlling for posi-tive affect, negative affect, and agreeableness.Grateful people do experience less frustrationand resentment over the achievements and pos-sessions of other people, and the overlap betweengratitude and envy is not produced by theircommon bond with trait affect.

    Regret is a counterfactual emotion producedby perceptions of what might have been. In

    regret, some action, event, or state of affairs isconstrued as unfortunate and contrasted withsome more propitious alternative that mighthave been (Roberts, 2004). In that it is a form ofwelling on the negative, regret generates relatedunpleasant states of anxiety, unhappiness, andeven depression (Isenberg, 2008; Landman,1993). There is no empirical evidence thatdirectly tests the hypothesized linkage betweenregret and gratitude, though the opposing causalattributions that give rise to gratitude versusregret have been well-established (Weiner, 2007).It is likely that the dispositionally grateful have

    a firewall of protection against incapacitatingregrets because they are inclined to dwell on thefavorable, rather than the regrettable, in life(Roberts, 2004). By appreciating the gifts of themoment, gratitude offers freedom from pastregrets. While a promising hypothesis, moreresearch is needed before we can draw definitiveconclusions concerning this hypothesis.

    Hypothesis 3: Gratitude ReducesMaterialistic Strivings

    Gratitude and materialism represent opposing

    motivational goals. Gratitude may aid well-beingby motivating people to fulfill basic needs of per-sonal growth, relationships, and communitymotives that are incompatible with materialism(Polak & McCullough, 2006). As a route to thebolstering of well-being, gratitude may blockmaterialistic pursuits. Materialism is damagingto subjective well-being. Materialistic adultstend to exhibit life dissatisfaction (Richins &Dawson, 1992); unhappiness (Belk, 1985; Kasser& Kanner, 2004); low self-esteem (Kasser,2003); less concern with the welfare of others

    (Sheldon & Kasser, 1995); less relatedness,autonomy, competence, and meaning in life(Kashdan & Breen, 2007); and higher levels ofdepressive symptoms (Kasser & Ryan, 1993) and

    envy (Belk, 1985). Materialistic adults are lesssatisfied with their standards of living, familylives, and the amount of fun and enjoyment theyexperience (Richins & Dawson, 1992).

    Gratitude is most closely related to the valuesof benevolence, an orientation characterized bythe preservation and enhancement of the wel-fare of people with whom one is in frequent per-sonal contact (Bilsky & Schwartz, 1994, p. 167)and universalism, defined as understanding,appreciation, tolerance, and protection for thewelfare of all people and for nature (Bilsky &Schwartz, 1994, p. 167). Furthermore, in the

    Values-in-Action taxonomy of human strengths(Peterson & Seligman, 2004), gratitude is one ofthe five strengths that falls under the broadervirtue oftranscendence. These value orientationsare diametrically opposed to power (social statusand prestige, control or dominance over people andresources) (p. 167) and hedonism (pleasure andsensuous gratification for oneself) (p. 167),which likely are the two values in this theorymost aligned with materialism. Values theorywould therefore predict a negative correlationbetween gratitude and materialism on the groundsthat they represent opposing value systems.

    Evidence suggests that gratitude can reducethe pernicious effects of materialism on well-being. Grateful people report themselves as beingless materialistic and are less likely to define per-sonal success in terms of material accomplish-ments and possessions (McCullough et al., 2002).In particular, grateful people report being morewilling to part with their possessions, more gen-erous with them, less envious of the materialwealth of others, less committed to the idea thatmaterial wealth is linked with success in life, andless convinced of the idea that material wealthbrings happiness. Using structural equation

    modeling, Froh, Emmons, Card, Bono, & Wilson(in press) found that gratitude mediates the rela-tion between materialism and well-being.Apparently, material success is not a very impor-tant factor in the happiness of highly gratefulpeople, so this hypothesis has received consider-able support.

    Hypothesis 4: Gratitude Improves Self-Esteem

    Self-esteem has emerged as a powerful correlateof happiness (e.g., Denny & Steiner, 2009;

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    252 PART V. PERSONALITY PERSPECTIVES

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    1 Lyubomirsky, Tkach, & DiMatteo, 2006; Walker& Schimmack, 2008). Gratitude might be impor-tant because focusing on receiving benefitsfrom benefactors might enhance self-esteem and

    self-respect. This hypothesis has not been exten-sively tested, but the data that do exist aresupportive. For example, grateful youth reporthigh levels of self-esteem (Froh, Wajsblat, &Ubertini, 2008). They also report high levels ofself-satisfaction concurrently (Froh et al., 2008,2008; Froh, Yurkewicz, & Kashdan (2009) andthree and six months later (Froh et al., 2008).Grateful people, in focusing on how their livesare supported and sustained by others, mightfeel more secure and are therefore less likelyto seek material goods to strengthen their self-image. Grateful people may also have more

    stable self-esteem that is less contingent upontransient success and failure experiences, con-tributing to their ability to cope with stress,as discussed in Hypothesis 1. We do not yetknow, however, the direction of the relation. Itmay be that high self-esteem leads to more feel-ings of gratitude because it makes it more likelythat the person will respond positively to thebenevolence of others. Conversely, it may be thatfeelings of gratitude produce more positive self-construals. Future research will have to decidethis sequence.

    Hypothesis 5: Gratitude EnhancesAccessibility to Positive Memories

    Gratitude has also been shown to contribute towell-being by boosting the retrieval of positiveautobiographical memories. Grateful people arecharacterized by a positive memory bias(Watkins, Grimm, & Kolts, 2004). This positivitybias extends to both intentional and intrusivepositive memories. These findings were reliablyreplicated in a subsequent study by the authorsafter controlling for depression. In a more recentstudy by Watkins, Cruz, Holben, & Kolts (2008),

    the reappraising benefit of gratitude on memorywas shown to promote successful closure ofunpleasant open memories, ultimately contrib-uting to happiness. Therefore, gratitude enhancesthe retrievability of positive experiences byincreasing elaboration of positive information.The positive impact of gratitude on memory wasfurther confirmed in a study by Watkins et al.(2008). The grateful reappraisal of upsettingmemories was shown to promote better emo-tional processing and closure of the upsettingopen memories.

    Future research could examine the influence ofgratitude on the construction of self-construals.These construals might subsequently impactappraisals of autobiographical memories. Accord-

    ing to Ross (1989), implicit theories of personalattributes can influence the retrieval of self-construal and facilitate biased recall. Furthermore,the perception of self can change (or remain rela-tively stable) over time (Ross, 1989). The role ofgratitude in influencing construal of life histo-ries might be tested both for state and trait grat-itude. People high on trait gratitude may bebetter able to retrieve more positive personal lifeexperiences compared to less grateful individu-als. The effect of experimentally induced grati-tude on the quality of autobiographical memories(e.g., positive-negative valence of the memories,

    perception of negative life events) could also beinvestigated.

    Hypothesis 6: Gratitude BuildsSocial Resources

    Gratitude may contribute to overall well-beingby enhancing social relationships. Gratitude hasbeen linked in a variety of ways to positive inter-personal functioning. Gratitude facilitates thebuilding of social resources by broadening thethought action repertoire (i.e., via initiation offriendships or consideration of a wide range of

    strategies by the beneficiary as a form of repay-ment) (Fredrickson, 2004, pp. 150). Moreover,besides building new bonds, gratitude also helpsstrengthen and maintain existing relationships(Algoe, Haidt, & Gable, 2008) and fosters trust(Gino & Schweitzer, 2008). Grateful people pos-sess a number of resources that make themdesirable friends and romantic partners. Theyare extraverted, agreeable, empathic, emotion-ally stable, forgiving, trusting, and generous(McCullough et. al, 2002; Wood et al., 2008).Further, gratitude is a strength of character thatis highly desired in romantic partners (Steen,

    Kachorek, & Peterson, 2003).From an attachment perspective, gratitude has

    been shown to promote social bonds since it isclosely associated with attachment security. In asample of Israeli undergraduates, attachmentsecurity uniquely contributed to the gratefuldisposition over and beyond the association ofattachment security with self-esteem or trust(Mikulincer, Shaver, & Slav, 2006). In a subse-quent study the link between trait gratitude andattachment security was examined in context ofnew marital relationships. For both husband and

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    CHAPTER 16. WHY GRATITUDE ENHANCES WELL-BEING 253

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    1 wife, the perceived positive behavior of the part-ner was strongly associated with greater grati-tude toward the partner on a particular day(Mikulincer et al., 2006, pp. 203). The link is not

    limited to newlyweds. In a sample of older adults,greater social support from adult children wasfound to be related with a higher sense of grati-tude (Dahua, Yan, & Liqing, 2004).

    The social benefits of gratitude can also beconstrued in terms of the affect theory of socialexchange proposed by Lawler (2001). This theoryproposes that positive emotions generated bysocial exchange partners lead to social cohesionand strengthening of social networks. Therefore,by promoting prosocial behavior, building socialresources, fostering trust, attachment security,and social exchange, gratitude is a vital interper-

    sonal emotion, the absence of which underminessocial harmony.

    Hypothesis 7: Gratitude MotivatesMoral Behavior

    Gratitude is an essential part of creating andsustaining positive social relations. One waythat gratitude sustains personal relationships isthat it motivates moral behavioraction thatis undertaken in order to benefit another.McCullough et al. (2001) proposed that gratitudepossesses three psychological features that are

    relevant to processing and responding to proso-cial behavior: It is a benefit detector as well asboth a reinforcer and motivator of prosocialbehavior. In this functional account, gratitude ismore than a pleasant feeling. Gratitude is alsomotivating and energizing. It is a positive stateof mind that gives rise to the passing on of thegift through positive action. As such, gratitudeserves as a key link in the dynamic betweenreceiving and giving. While a response to kind-nesses received, gratitude drives future benevo-lent actions on the part of the recipient. In thelanguage of evolutionary dynamics, gratitude

    leads to upstream reciprocity (Nowak & Roch,2007), the passing on of a benefit to a personuninvolved in the initial exchange. Part of grati-tudes magnetic appeal lies in its power to evokea focus by the recipient on the benevolence ofothers, thereby ensuring a perception that kind-ness has been offered, and its beneficial conse-quences that frequently are the motive torespond favorably toward another. The idea thatthe capacity to receive and be grateful fosters thedesire to return goodness is theoretically com-pelling and empirically viable.

    Recent experimental evidence indicates thatgratitude is a unique facilitator of reciprocity(Bartlett & DeSteno, 2006; Watkins, Schneer,Ovnicek & Kolts, 2006). After appraising the evi-

    dence that gratitude fosters moral behavior,McCullough, Kimeldorf, and Cohen (2008) pro-pose that gratitude evolved to facilitate socialexchange. Compelling evidence suggests thatgratitude evolved to stimulate not only directreciprocal altruism but also upstream reciprocity(Nowak & Roch, 2007).

    Hypothesis 8: Grateful People AreSpiritually Minded

    Several studies have found a relationshipbetween religion, spirituality, and gratitude

    (Adler & Fagley, 2005; Emmons & Kneezel, 2005;McCullough et al., 2002; Watkins et al., 2003).People with stronger dispositions toward grati-tude tend to be more spiritually and religiouslyminded. Not only do they score higher on mea-sures of traditional religiousness, but they alsoscored higher on non-sectarian measures of spir-ituality that assess spiritual experiences (e.g.,sense of contact with a divine power) and senti-ments (e.g., beliefs that all living things areinterconnected) independent of specific theologi-cal orientation. All measures of public and pri-vate religiousness in the Emmons and Kneezel

    (2005) study were significantly associated withboth dispositional gratitude and grateful feelingsassessed on a daily basis. Although these correla-tions were not large (ranging from r = .28 tor = .52), they suggest that spiritually or reli-giously inclined people have a stronger disposi-tion to experience gratitude than do their lessspiritual/religious counterparts. Research is alsobeginning to examine gratitude toward God.Krause (2006) found that gratitude felt towardGod reduced the effect of stress on health in late-life adults and deteriorated neighborhood. Thestress-buffering effect of theocentric gratitude

    was more pronounced among the women com-pared to the men in Krauses (2006) study.

    Many world religions commend gratitude as adesirable human trait (see Carman & Streng,1989; Emmons & Crumpler, 2000), which maycause spiritual or religious people to adopt agrateful outlook. Religion also provides texts,teachings, and traditions that encourage grati-tude. When contemplating a positive circum-stance that cannot be attributed to intentionalhuman effort, such as a miraculous healing orthe gift of life itself, spiritually inclined people

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    1 may attribute these positive outcomes to a non-human agent (viz., God or a higher power) andthus experience more gratitude. Third, spiritu-ally inclined people also tend to attribute posi-

    tive outcomes to Gods intervention, but notnegative ones (Lupfer, De Paola, Brock, &Clement, 1994; Lupfer, Tolliver, & Jackson, 1996).As a result, many positive life events that are notdue to the actions of another person (e.g., pleas-ant weather, avoiding an automobile accident)may be perceived as occasions for gratitude toGod, although negative events (e.g., a longwinter, an automobile accident) would likely notbe attributed to God. This attributional style,then, is likely to magnify the positive emotionaleffects of pleasant life events.

    Hypothesis 9: Gratitude FacilitatesGoal Attainment

    The possession of and progression toward impor-tant life goals are essential for long-term well-being (Emmons, 1999). Goal attainment is amajor benchmark for the experience of well-being. Quality of life therapy (Frisch, 2006)advocates the importance of revising goals, stan-dards, and priorities as a strategy for boostinglife happiness and satisfaction. Yet goal strivingand gratitude or the grateful disposition have notbeen explicitly linked. In one experimental study

    on gratitude and well-being, we asked partici-pants at the beginning of the gratitude journal-ing study to provide a short list of goals theywished to accomplish over the next two months.As these were students, most goals fell into theinterpersonal or academic domains. Participantsin the gratitude condition, relative to the controland hassles conditions, reported making moreprogress toward their goals over the 10-weekperiod. The results of this study stand in strongopposition to an empirically undocumentedbut widely held assumption that gratitude pro-motes passivity and complacency. On the con-

    trary, gratitude enhances effortful goal striving.Much more future research could examine thegoal correlates of gratitude, as well as gratefulaffect as an emotional regulator of goal-directedaction.

    Hypothesis 10: Gratitude PromotesPhysical Health

    Gratitude is a mindful awareness of the benefits inones life. Dwelling on goodness may promotemore efficient physical functioning, through either

    inhibiting unhealthy attitudes and emotions orfacilitating more health-promoting inner states.A small number of studies have reported physi-cal health benefits of gratitude, and these rela-

    tions have been largely independent of traitnegative affect (Wood, Joseph, Lloyd, & Atkins,2008). Gratitude interventions have been shownto reduce the bodily complaints, increase sleepduration and efficiency, and promote exercise(Emmons & McCullough, 2003; Wood et al.,2008). Experimental research suggests that dis-crete experiences of gratitude and appreciationmay cause increases in parasympathetic myocar-dial control (McCraty & Childre, 2004), lowersystolic blood pressure (Shipon, 2007), as well asimprovements in more molar aspects of physicalhealth such as everyday symptoms and physi-

    cian visits (Emmons & McCullough, 2003).McCraty and colleagues found that appreciationincreased parasympathetic activity, a changethought to be beneficial in controlling stress andhypertension, as well as coherence or entrain-ment across various autonomic response chan-nels. Therefore, there might be some directphysiological benefits to frequently experiencinggrateful emotions. This line of research con-ducted by McCraty demonstrates a link betweenpositive emotions and increased physiologicalefficiency, which may partly explain the growingnumber of correlations documented between

    positive emotions, improved health, and increasedlongevity.

    Moving Forward: Future Directions

    As the evidence we reviewed earlier in the chap-ter indicates, gratitude interventions in adultsconsistently produce positive benefits, many ofwhich appear to endure over reasonably lengthyperiods of time. Gratitude interventions lead togreater gratitude, life satisfaction, optimism,prosocial behavior (Emmons & McCullough,

    2003), positive affect (Emmons & McCullough,2003; Watkins et al., 2003, Study 4), and well-being (Lyubomirsky et al., 2005; Seligman et al.,2005), as well as decreased negative affect(Emmons & McCullough, 2003; Seligman et al.,2005; Watkins et al., 2003, Study 3) comparedwith controls for up to six months. Similarfindings, over shorter follow-up periods, havebeen documented in youth (Froh et al., 2008).Despite these encouraging results, much remainsunknown. We have several suggestions for futureresearch involving gratitude interventions.

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    1 Mechanisms. What are the active ingredientsin gratitude interventions? It is not knownwhether the effects of these activities are rela-tively specific (e.g., increases in happiness alone)

    or are more general (e.g., increases in perceivedphysical health and decreases in negative mood).In addition, no research has attempted to exam-ine the effects of these activities in the context ofparticipants levels of dispositional gratitude, anestablished individual difference that may mod-ulate the positive effects of activities aimed atincreasing gratitude in ones life (McCulloughet al., 2002). The active ingredients may relate toprocesses of reflecting on things for which one isgrateful, or recording these in some way, orexpressing them. Until it is known which ofthese is essential, we cannot state why these

    exercises work and it is difficult to make informedrecommendations about how they might beused. Future research must employ increasinglysophisticated designs using statistical tests ofmediating and moderating effects.

    Comparison groups. What is the most appro-priate condition to contrast with gratitude?Nearly one-half of the studies that have beenpublished to date found support for gratitudeinterventions when making contrasts with tech-niques that induce negative affect (e.g., recordyour daily hassles). Gratitude interventions haveshown limited benefits, if any, over control con-

    ditions. Thus, there is a need to better understandwhether gratitude interventions are beyond acontrol condition and if there exists a subset ofpeople who benefit. Perhaps gratitude interven-tions are differentially effective for groups ofpeople with varying backgrounds. Sample char-acteristics themselves might show differences.People who are actively seeking positive psy-chology interventions may have greater expecta-tions for their efficacy compared to collegestudents participating for extra credit or to fulfilla course requirement.

    Trait moderators. A moderating effect might

    be found if pre-existing trait characteristics ofpeople affect their ability to profit from gratitudeinterventions. Several dispositional factors maymoderate the effectiveness of gratitude interven-tions. Of these, trait affect and dispositional grat-itude are obvious candidates for consideration. Itseems a reasonable prediction that persons highin positive affect (PA) may have reached anemotional ceiling and thus are less susceptibleto experiencing gains in well-being. People lowerin PA, however, may need more positive eventslike expressing gratitude to a benefactorto

    catch up to the positive experiences of theirpeers. Froh, Kashdan, Ozimkowski, and Miller(2009) examined whether individuals differencesin positive affective style moderated the effects of

    a gratitude intervention where youth wereinstructed to write a letter to someone to whomthey were grateful and deliver it to them in person.Eighty-nine children and adolescents were ran-domly assigned to the gratitude intervention or acontrol condition. Findings indicated that youthlow in PA in the gratitude condition, comparedwith youth writing about daily events, reportedgreater gratitude and PA at post-treatment andgreater PA at the two-month follow-up. Childrenand adolescents low in PA in the gratitude condi-tion, compared with the control group, reportedmore gratitude and PA at two later time points,

    at three-week and two-month follow-ups. This isan important study because it is the first knownrandomized controlled trial of a gratitude inter-vention study in children and adolescents andthe first paper to reinterpret the gratitude inter-vention literature arguing to carefully considercontrols groups when concluding the efficacy ofgratitude interventions. Furthermore, when con-sidering both youth and adult populations, it isalso the first known attempt at investigatingpositive affect as a moderator.

    Then there is dispositional gratitude. Can weexpect gratitude inductions to be more effective

    in increasing the well-being of grateful individu-als or less grateful persons? Grateful individualswould be more susceptible to recognizing whenothers are being kind to them, and more open toperceiving benefits more generally. One couldeven postulate a gratitude schema (Wood et. al,2008) as an interpretive bias on the part of dispo-sitionally grateful individuals prone to makingbenevolent appraisals. Alternatively, gratitudeinterventions might also be more efficacious forindividuals low on trait gratitude since they mayhave more room for improvement on the grati-tude dimension. No published studies have

    examined dispositional gratitude as a moderatorof state gratitude interventions.

    Trait gratitude might also interact with traitaffect. Froh et al. (2009) found that, compared tothe control group, individuals in the gratitudegroup who were low on positive affect benefitedthe most from the gratitude intervention. Giventhe recent evidence on the contribution of posi-tive affect as a moderator, it might also be rea-sonable to examine the possibility of a curvilinearrelationship between trait gratitude and well-being. For example, individuals at the extreme

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    1 ends of the gratitude distribution might extractthe least benefits from gratitude interventions.

    The effect of instructional set. The instruc-tions that participants in the gratitude condition

    are given appear to be essential. The countingblessings gratitude intervention guides partici-pants to reflect on and record benefits in theirlives. Participants generally focus on the pres-ence of good things in their lives that they cur-rently enjoy. Yet a recent study found thatpeoples affective states improve more aftermentally subtracting positive events from theirlives than after thinking about the presence ofthose events (Koo, Algoe, Wilson & Gilbert,2008). People wrote about why a positive eventmight never have happened and why it was sur-prising or why it was certain to be part of their

    lives and was not at all surprising. The resultsshowed that the way in which people think aboutpositive life events is critical, namely whetherthey think about the presence of the events (e.g.,Im grateful that I was in Professor Wisemansclass) or the absence of the events (e.g., imag-ine I had never met Professor Wiseman!). Thelatter impacted positive affect more than did theformer. Inasmuch as most previous studiesadopted the former approach, asking participantsto think about the presence of positive events,the effects of gratitude on well-being may wellhave been underestimated. Koo et. al adduce that

    thinking about how events might have not hap-pened triggers surprise, and it is surprise thatamplifies the events positivity. Along these lines,another recent study (Bar-Anan, Wilson, &Gilbert, 2009) found that the uncertainty of anevent intensifies felt reaction, such that outcomesthat are uncertain produce greater emotionalreactions. Another recent study found that focus-ing on an experiences ending could enhanceones present evaluation of it (Kurtz, 2008).Future gratitude interventions could capitalizeon these three studies by giving participantsexplicit instructions to include in their journals

    events or circumstances that might not havehappened, have turned out otherwise, where theinitial outcome may have been uncertain, orincreasing an awareness that the experience issoon ending.

    Dose-Effect Relationship. More than twodecades ago, an influential psychotherapy reviewarticle reported that by eight sessions of psycho-therapy, approximately one-half of patientsshow a measureable outcome improvement, andthat by 26 sessions, this number increases to75% (Howard, Kopta, Krause, & Orlinksy, 1986).

    Is there an equivalent dose-response relationshipfor gratitude interventions? Interventions haveasked people to keep gratitude journals everyday to a few times a week to once a week for

    10 weeks. While some differences have beenreported across these studies, an insufficientnumber of trials have yet to be conducted suchthat recommendations could be made with confi-dence. The definition of a dose itself is up fordebate. Should a dose be considered a singlesession of writing in a gratitude journal? Shoulda minimum time be set for participants to writein their journals each session? We would expectthat the greater the degree of elaboration overa simple listing or counting of blessings, thegreater would be the potential payoff. But asystematic comparison of the relevant variables

    that gratitude dosages vary on has yet to beconducted.

    Gender. Gender may be another critical indi-vidual factor affecting the outcomes of interven-tion studies. Given the interpersonal correlatesand interdependent nature of gratitude, womenmight have an edge over men in extracting ben-efits from gratitude interventions. In fact, recentstudies have demonstrated significant genderdifferences in gratitude (Kashdan et al., 2009;Watkins et al., 2003). However, in another recentstudy by Froh et al. (2009), the usual trend ofgender differences couldnt be captured in an

    adolescent sample. Even though adolescent girlsreported more gratitude, adolescent boys appearedto derive more social benefits from gratitude forwhom a stronger relationship between gratitudeand family support was found.

    As an extension of possible gender differencesin gratitude, it would be compelling to examine thecontribution of gratitude in romantic relation-ships. Dyadic interventions involving gratefulactivities might foster higher-quality relation-ships. For example, a recent study examined theinfluence of attachment orientations on grati-tude in new marital relationships over a period

    of 21 days (Mikulincer et al., 2006). Daily feel-ings of gratitude for the partner were related toappraisals of partners behavior (i.e., the higherthe level of partners perceived positive behavior,the greater the gratitude). For both partners, per-ceived positive behavior by the partner towardthe self on one day was significantly associatedwith greater gratitude toward the partner on thatsame day. Moreover, in the same study, attach-ment avoidance was found to be associated withlower feelings of gratitude for the partner acrossthe 21 days. However, most interestingly, only

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    1 the husbands avoidance orientation moderatedthe relationship between the perceived partnersbehavior and feelings of gratitude (i.e., avoidanthusbands reported lower gratitude even on days

    when they appraised their wifes behaviors to behighly positive). As an extension of these find-ings, future studies can examine if and why grat-itude has the potential of contributing more tothe relationship quality for women, compared tomen. Given the interdependent and interper-sonal nature of gratitude, women might be moresusceptible toward perceiving a partners positivebehaviors as gifts and extract more benefits fromgratitude in their romantic relationships. Womenare expected to expand their caretaking and rela-tional roles, whereas men are expected to focustheir emotional expression on the expansion and

    pursuit of power and status (Brody, 1997 , 1999;Stoppard & Gruchy, 1993). Therefore, seekingmore of a providers role in marital relation-ships, gratitude may trigger feelings of vulnera-bility and weakness for men, which they mayperceive to be harmful to their masculinity andsocial standing (Levant & Kopecky, 1995). As aresult, men might extract fewer benefits fromgratitude to enhance their relationship quality.

    Enhancing retention in self-guided programs.Gratitude interventions may increase compli-ance with and the possible success of self-guidedtherapies in the realms of health management.

    Given that grateful people tend to take bettercare of their health, would an intervention toincrease gratitude lead a person to stick withtheir commitments say to reduce weight, eatmore nutritionally, exercise, or reduce smoking?Attrition is a major problem, especially inInternet interventions (Christensen, Griffiths,Mackinnon, & Brittliffe, 2006). A recent studyfound that retention in a two-week interventionfor depressed persons was significantly higherfor those who completed gratitude journals com-pared to recording automatic thoughts (Geraghty,Wood, & Hyland, 2010).

    Gratitude was effective in both reducing drop-out and lowering depression scores, and increasedretention by 12% over those recording dailythoughts.

    The Uniqueness of Gratitude Interventions

    An important issue to be addressed in futureresearch concerns the unique contributions thatgratitude interventions make to well-being out-comes that distinguish them, say from related

    positive psychology interventions. The unique-ness of these interventions could be comparedwith other positive psychological constructs suchas forgiveness and hope, both of which have been

    shown to contribute to well-being (Bono,McCullough, & Root, 2008; Snyder, Rand, &Sigmon, 2002). What is different about grati-tude? First, the underlying prosocial and rela-tional nature of gratitude, subsequently leadingto strengthened social bonds, might facilitateunique pathways to well-being. Second, grati-tude has a fulfillment aspect to it, unlike hope,that might facilitate extraction of benefits viamindful appreciation of both present and pastreceived benefits. For example, given that hope isa positive motivational state driven by goal-di-rected energy and planning toward reaching

    future goal(s) (Snyder, 2000), it probably reachesits fruition only in a prospective fashion in theabsence of a desired goala goal that may ormay not be attained. Gratitude has also beenshown to be activated strongly by first focusingon absence of benefits (Koo et al., 2008). However,unlike hope, gratitude is almost always felt inretrospection, thereby facilitating a positive cog-nitive framework toward an already presentbenefit. Furthermore, gratitude may be extractedfrom immediate or present life circumstances(e.g., I am grateful for all the benefits thatI received today), and also from the past (e.g.,

    I am grateful for the love and support that Ireceived when I was sick two years back), pro-moting more expanded positive emotional expe-rience. Besides the retrospective recognition ofbenefits, gratitude also drives future prosocialmotivations (e.g., I want to return benefits toothers who have helped me).

    Forgiveness is a motivational and emotionaltransformation whereby a person relinquishesfeelings of past hurts and engages in construc-tive thoughts and possibly conciliatory actionstoward the person who has hurt him or her(McCullough, Worthington, & Rachal, 1997).

    Given the psychological hurdles preceding for-giveness, such as overcoming past hurts, psycho-logical well-being via forgiveness might beattained more gradually compared to gratitude.

    In our laboratory, we recently compared grati-tude with these two other positive psychologicalinterventions and a control condition. Onlineinterventions for gratitude, forgiveness, and hopewere developed and implemented daily over atwo-week period. Participants were randomlyassigned to one of four conditionsthe grati-tude, forgiveness, hope, or control conditions.

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    1 In the gratitude condition, participants wereasked to focus and engage grateful thoughts andfeelings toward multiple gifts received each day.In the forgiveness condition the participants

    were asked to engage in benefit finding and for-giving thoughts toward an offender each day. Inthe hope condition, participants were asked eachday to write about a goal that they hope to pursuein the future. The control group was asked to listactivities attended each day over the two weeks.The four groups also reported their daily emo-tions and a daily checklist of spiritual, material-istic, prosocial, and grateful activities.

    Compared to men, women in all three inter-vention conditions reported greater levels ofboth trait and state gratitude. More specifically,for the gratitude composite variable (i.e., appre-

    ciative, thankful, grateful) across the 14 days,gender differences were observed most stronglyin the gratitude intervention condition. Womenhad higher levels of grateful emotions in thegratitude condition, indicating that women weremore sensitive to the gratitude intervention.Women also reported higher levels of positiveaffect in the gratitude condition, compared tomen (Mishra & Emmons, 2009). These findingsresonate well with the gender differences find-ings revealed in recent studies (see Kashdan et al2009; Watkins et al., 2003). As discussed earlier,the gender differences in gratitude may be

    explained by the greater susceptibility of womento extract benefits from gratitude because of itsutility as an interpersonal emotion. Examininggender differences in gratitude may also lead tofurther insight into the possibility of gender-specific gratitude interventions that may appliedin future studies.

    Conclusion

    The science of gratitude is young. Even so, con-siderable progress has already been made in

    understanding how both state and trait gratitudeare conducive to well-being. Of the 10 hypothe-ses advanced in this chapter, considerable empiri-cal support was found for the majority of them.Some of these have been the object of moreresearch than others, so it may be prematureto suggest that a comprehensive evaluation ofeach has been accomplished. One conclusion thatwe can draw with confidence is that relationbetween gratitude and well-being is multiplydetermined. In particular, we found considerableevidence that gratitude builds social resources by

    strengthening relationships and promotingprosocial actions. It is also likely that these 10hypotheses do not exhaust the possible waysin which gratitude impacts well-being, and

    future research will undoubtedly uncover addi-tional mechanisms. Toward that end, we offeredsome suggestions for the design of future studiesthat will hopefully continue to illuminate therichness and complexity of this social emotionand optimize the practice of gratitude for pro-moting harmonious intrapsychic and interper-sonal functioning.

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