zamfir arbore

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Zamfir Arbore

Zamfir Constantin Arbore (Romanian pronunciation:[zamˈfir konstanˈtin ˈarbore]; born Zamfir Ralli,Russian: Земфирий Константинович Арборе-Ралли,Zemfiriyi Konstantinovich Arborye-Ralli ; also known asZamfir Arbure, Zamfir Rally, Zemphiri Ralli andAivaza;[1] November 14, 1848 – April 2 or April 3,1933) was a Bukovinan-born Romanian political activistoriginally active in the Russian Empire, also knownfor his work as an amateur historian, geographer andethnographer. Arbore debuted in left-wing politics

from early in life, gained an intimate knowledge ofthe Russian revolutionary milieu, and participated inboth nihilist and Narodnik conspiracies. Self-exiled toSwitzerland, he became a member of the InternationalWorkingmen’s Association. Arbore was mostly activeas an international anarchist and a disciple of MikhailBakunin, but eventually parted with the latter to createhis independent group, the Revolutionary Community.He was subsequently close to the anarchist geographerÉlisée Reclus, who became his new mentor.

Arbore settled in Romania after 1877, and, abandon-ing anarchism altogether, committed himself to the more

moderate cause of socialism. His campaign againstRussian despotism also led him to champion the causeof freedom for Bessarabia region, to which he was per-sonally tied by his family history. These commitmentsresulted in Arbore’s outside support for the Russian Rev-olution of 1905, when he and Petru Cazacu founded theSwiss-based Basarabia newspaper. Arbore had by thenearned academic credentials with his detailed works onBessarabian geography, and, as a cultural journalist, cul-tivated relationships with socialist and National Liberalactivists. He was also notoriously the friend of poet MihaiEminescu in the 1880s, and worked closely with writerBogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu during the 1890s.

During World War I, Zamfir Arbore provoked contro-versy when he supported a Romanian alliance with theCentral Powers, justified in his opinion by a need to lib-erate Bessarabia. Despite this, and although he publiclywelcomed the October Revolution, Arbore was reinte-grated into the political scene of Greater Romania, serv-ing two terms in Senate. Before his death in 1933, hewas drawn into agrarian and cooperativist politics, andwas successively a member of the Peasants’ Party and thePeople’s Party. Arbore was survived by his two daugh-ters, both of them famous in their own right: Ecaterinawasa communist politician and physician; Nina a modernartist.

1 Biography

1.1 Origins and early life

Zamfir Ralli was the scion of boyar aristocracy from theprincipality of Moldavia: his paternal grandfather Zam-firache Ralli was an ennobled Greek merchant, marriedinto the local Romanian elite; Zamfir’s mother was anethnic Ukrainian.[2] Although cosmopolitan, the futureactivist always prioritized his Romanian roots, chang-

ing his birth name to Arbore (var. Arbure) in the beliefthat his Romanian ancestors had inherited the name andboyar status from the ancient Arbore family.[3][4] Zam-firache’s son Constantin, the friend of poet AlexanderPushkin, was reputedly adopted by Dimitrie Arbore.[5]

He also inherited a Bessarabian manorial estate in Dolna,which in the 1820s had served as the Pushkin’s vacationhouse.[5][6]

The Ralli manor and present-day museum in Dolna , Moldova

The subsequent genealogical claim traced the family his-tory back to the late 15th century, with Hetman LucaArbore.[5] It also made Zamfir a distant relative of vari-ous members of Romanian socialist environment, includ-ing Vasile Morțun and Izabela Sadoveanu.[7] The claim’sreliability divides modern researchers. While historianof journalism Victor Frunză sees Arbore as descending“from an ancient family of local boyars”,[8] academicLucian Boia describes Zamfir Arbore as being tied tothe historical Arbores by “a rather thin line”.[3] Boia alsonotes that Arbore’s “revised past” and arbitrary inter-pretation of his own background may have been oppor-

tunistic, leaving Arbore free to gravitate between conflict-ing national identities and rendering his radical discoursemore palatable for all cultural contexts.[9] According to

1

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2 1 BIOGRAPHY

political scientist Armand Goșu, Arbore had effectively“stolen” his grandmother’s maiden name, reviving an oth-erwise extinct boyar line.[4]

Although mostly active in Bessarabia, Arbore was actu-ally a native of Chernowitz (Romanian: Cernăuți ), the

administrative center of Bukovina within the AustrianEmpire (now Chernivtsi, Ukraine).[6][10] He later movedinto Bessarabia (the Russian-ruled Bessarabian Gover-norate), attending school in Kishinev (Chișinău), beforemoving to another school in Nikolayev.[6] During histroubled youth, Arbore-Ralli underwent medical train-ing in Moscow and Saint Petersburg, but was more in-volved within the revolutionary, nihilist and pan-Russiananarchist underground, with the goal of subverting Tsaristautocracy.[10][11] His political sympathies also connectedhim with the Narodnik movement, which he joined atthe same time as other young Bessarabian intellectu-als (Victor Crăsescu, Axinte Frunză, Constantin Stere,

Nicolae Zubcu-Codreanu) who saw a link between theirnationalist struggle and the agrarian cause of RussianNarodniks[12][13] (he is believed to have been personallyacquainted with the agrarian theorist and Narodnik fatherfigure Alexander Herzen).[10]

1.2 In Switzerland

The subversive activities brought Zamfir to the attentionof Tsarist authorities, particularly after his involvementin Sergey Nechayev's nihilist conspiracy of 1869.[10][14]

Unable to finish his studies, Arbore was singled out forarrest, and according to his own account, since placedunder doubt,[3] even served time as a political prisonerin the Peter and Paul Fortress and in Siberia.[15][16][17]

Eventually, he made his way to Switzerland, where hecontacted international anarchist figures such as MikhailBakunin and Élisée Reclus.[10][18] Arbore correspondedwith the latter for a significant period, sharing his in-terest in social geography.[10][13][19] His complex rela-tionship with radical exiles also resulted in contacts withanarcho-communist theorist Peter Kropotkin[10][20] andthe Bulgarian anarchist sympathizer Hristo Botev.[21] Hewas also, with philosopher Vasile Conta, one of the few

intellectuals with a Romanian background to affiliatedirectly with the International Workingmen’s Associa-tion (First International), which regrouped the variousMarxist and anarchist communities of Europe.[22] In tan-dem, Arbore was active within Bakunin’s Revolution-ary Brotherhood, and, according to anarchist historianGeorge Woodcock, one of the “most influential” amongthe Russian propagators of Bakuninism;[23] political his-torian James H. Billington also refers to “Zemfiry Ralli”as “Bakunin’s principal editor”.[24]

Arbore’s beliefs led him to join the Jura federation, ananarchist cell within the First International,[10] and to

become initiated into Freemasonry (1872).[6] He be-came strongly opposed to Bakunin’s marginalization dur-ing the First International’s Hague Congress, and signed

his name (Z. Ralli ) to a letter of protest, alongsideNikolay Ogarev.[25] Also in 1872, Arbore also helpeddraft the German-language pamphlet which documentedBakunin’s condemnation of Nechayev: Ist Netshaejeff ein

politischer Verbrecher oder nicht? (“Is Nechayev a Polit-ical Felon, or Is He Not?").[26] With Bakunin and Errico

Malatesta, he was personally involved in the anarchist ag-itation sweeping Spain during the 1870s: he personallyhelped translate Bakunin’s letter to the Iberian anarchists,but their hopes of inciting a new revolution were un-successful; progressively after that moment, Arbore andBakunin grew estranged from one another.[10] Accordingto Woodcock, the reason behind this “personal” ratherthan ideological conflict was Bakunin’s “tactless” supportfor Arbore’s adversary Mikhail Sanzhin, leading Arboreand his partners, the “young Bakuninists”, to establishthe Revolutionary Community organization.[23] The rea-sons and objectives of this group, whose other members

were Vladimir Holstein, Alexander Oelsnitz and NikolaiIvanovich Zhukovsky,[23] were outlined in a letter to Juraanarchist James Guillaume.[27]

Moving from Zurich to Geneva, and known primarily asRalli , Arbore ran a socialist publishing house, throughwhich he helped popularize the political manifestos ofanarchism, as well as his own history of the Paris Com-mune.[10][28] He was among those who established, in1875, the Genevan Russian-language newspaper Rabot-nik (“The Worker”), which bridged the “young Bakunin-ist” faction with the Eser Partyof Vera Figner and Reclus’St. Imier International.[29] One of his colleagues there,

future astronomer Nikolai Alexandrovich Morozov, re-called that Arbore was actively involved in redacting newsarriving from Russia, manipulating them for dramatic ef-fect and political conformity.[30] In 1875, he also wroteand published the anarchist tract Sytye i golodnye (“TheSated and the Hungry”), as well as an appeal to Ukrainianpeasants in the Russian Empire.[31]

The Swiss period was the start of his new family life.Arbore was by then married, to the Russian EcaterinaHardina.[32][33] The dowry she brought helped main-tain his new publishing venture.[28] His eldest child wasdaughter Ecaterina Arbore-Ralli, the future communist,

feminist and militant physician, born on November 11,1873, at Bex.[34] His son Dumitru (Mitică) was born onJanuary 11, 1877, in Geneva.[35]

1.3 Relocation to Romania

Zamfir Arbore first set foot in Romania during 1873,when he traveled from Geneva to Iași, meeting with theyoung socialist sympathizer Eugen Lupu.[1] He was laterin contact with the Iași Marxist circle of Ioan, Iosif andSofia Nădejde, sending them books by Karl Marx and hisanarchist commentators (Johann Most, Carlo Cafiero).[1]

Arbore also established contacts with the socialist cellof Bucharest. He corresponded with some of the Rus-sian socialists who had set up camp there, primarily so

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1.4 1880s politics 3

with Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea and Nicolae Zubcu-Codreanu. Together, they set up the Society for StudentCulture and Solidarity, a semi-clandestine club located atthe Concordia Hotel.[36]

Again in Switzerland, he took part in the violent Red Flag

Riot of Berne, organized in 1877 by the anarchist dissi-dence of the International—allegedly, his life was savedby fellow anarchist Jacques Gross.[37] In 1878, Arborewas also the editor of the international tribune of theRevolutionary Community, Obshchina (“Community”),which was published as a successor of Rabotnik .[38]

Reputedly threatened with an extradition back into theRussian Empire,[4] Zamfir Arbore moved to Romaniaafter the beginning of a Russo-Turkish War, duringwhich the country, a Russian ally, obtained her inde-pendence from the Ottoman Empire. He later recalledthat the inspiration for this move was young Romanian

leftist Mircea Rosetti, whom he had first met duringReclus’ visit to Vevey.[39] Arbore’s original goal was thespread of revolutionary propaganda among soldiers in theImperial Russian Army, but, in short time, he settleddown in Bucharest.[40] It was there that Arbore fathereda second daughter, Lolica, who died without reachingmaturity.[10][32][41]

Arbore later set up, with fellow exiles Dobrogeanu-Gherea, Zubcu-Codreanu, Pavel Axelrod and NikolaiSudzilovsky (Russel), an underground political move-ment agitating for the cause of Bessarabian Romanians;by means of this group, he is said to have gained ac-

cess within the governing National Liberal Party, evenearning discreet support from two of its leading fig-ures, Ion Brătianu and C. A. Rosetti (father of MirceaRosetti).[42] Arbore would later speak of Brătianu as adiscreet supporter of his projects to undermine Russiangovernments.[43] Additionally, C. A. Rosetti is allegedto have personally assisted Arbore and Zubcu-Codreanu,who shared a Bucharest apartment, from evading boththe persistent scrutiny of Romanian Police forces andthe threat of extradition.[1] In May 1877, Police forcesquashed the Concordia hotel club, arresting various ofits members.[36] Arbore’s connections were unsuccessfulwhen it cameto rescuingDobrogeanu-Gherea, kidnapped

and deported by the Russian Army in autumn 1877,although he eventually helped track down Gherea inRussia.[44] Three years later, when Dobrogeanu-Ghereaescaped back to Romania, Arbore helped him set up arestaurant in Ploiești station, from which Gherea sup-ported his family.[45]

Another National Liberal figure, the Bessarabian histo-rian Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu, also cultivated a friend-ship with Arbore. According to Arbore’s own recol-lections, although he and Hasdeu had been separatedby “political-social views”, they had been brought to-gether by the recent deaths of Iulia Hasdeu and Lolica

Arbore.[41] Their shared loss, Arbore recalled, was lead-ing them both to seek intellectual comfort in spiritualism

or spiritism: Arbore, who was in correspondence withspiritists Camille Flammarion and William Crookes, re-called having joined a secretive spiritualist circle formedin Hasdeu’s home, and being ridiculed in the Romanianpress over this issue.[41] Hasdeu was one of the notedguests in Arbore’s own house.[46]

1.4 1880s politics

An allegorical illustration of Romanian socialist goals. LumeaNouă , 1895

After the Trial of the Fourteen, the Revolutionary Com-munity and all other Bakuninist groups were losing thebattle in front of renewed Tsarist repression.[47] Arbore,

who now criticized Bakunian anarchism, quickly cameto the conclusion that a socialist party was needed as amore radical alternative to the Romanian two-party sys-tem: in 1879, he helped organize the first-ever confer-ence of Romanian socialist clubs, and, over the followingmonths, was member of the editorial staff at RomâniaViitoare, the socialist review (as a result of his participa-tion, the magazinealsoenlisted contributions from Reclusand his brother Élie, as well as from poet Louis-Xavierde Ricard).[48] The next year, he and the Nădejdes werebriefly in contact with the senior political radical TitusDunka, distributing for a while Dunka’s gazette Înainte!

(“Forward!").[49]

In 1880, after a failed attempt on Ion Brătianu’s life,the socialist circles faced government suspicion and be-

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4 1 BIOGRAPHY

came less organized, a situation which lasted until theelection of 1888.[50] At the time, Arbore was editor ofRosetti’s democratic gazette Românul , and later movedto a similar position with the left-leaning newspaperTelegraful Român.[46] Also at that stage, he befriendedthe Bukovinan Mihai Eminescu, later recognized as Ro-

mania’s national poet, but at the time a secondary fig-ure in the Bucharest press. Eminescu, who worked forthe Conservative Party tribune Timpul , confided in Ar-bore about his pessimistic vision of Romanian society.[51]

At this stage, Arbore is believed to have helped otherforeign-born socialists to find refuge in Romania: in par-ticular to have assisted Peter (Petru) Alexandrov, thebrother-in-law of writer Vladimir Korolenko, in obtain-ing a license to practice medicine in Tulcea and in de-fending himself during subsequent police inquiries.[52] In1881, he was himself naturalized a citizen of the newlyproclaimed Kingdom of Romania.[3][10]

By summer 1883, when Arbore too lost National Lib-eral support and was briefly expelled from Romania,Eminescu had become afflicted with mental illness (heeventually died in relative isolation, in 1889).[53] Arborewas, around 1890, a correspondent for Frédéric Damé'sBucharest newspaper La Liberté Roumaine, with exposépieces on the kidnapping of junior Bulgarian Navy officerVladimir Kisimov by Russian spies.[54] His thirddaughterNina, later known as a visual artist, was born in January1888.[55] Theelder, Ecaterina, was already takingher firststeps in socialist politics, as a delegate to the InternationalCongress of Students, held in Giurgiu.[33]

Meanwhile, Zamfir Arbore was progressively integratedinto the Romanian civil service: a clerk at the StateArchives, he became a statistician in service to theBucharest City Hall (from 1896 to 1920).[56] As a so-cialist activist, he was coming to support the factionof Dobrogeanu-Gherea and Constantin Mille, who pub-lished Lumea Nouă review and ultimately set up theshort-lived Romanian Social Democratic Workers’ Party(PSDMR).[57]

1.5 Amicul Copiilor and scientific work

Title page of Basarabia în secolul XIX (1898)

Title page of Cornelius Diaconovich, Enciclopediaromână, final volume (1904)

From 1891 to 1898, he and Victor Crăsescu (whosigned with the pen name Ștefan Basarabescu) werefounders and managers of Amicul Copiilor (“The Chil-dren’s Friend”) magazine, which circulated classic worksof children’s literature[46] and is sometimes rated as the

first comic book magazine in Romanian history.[58] Has-deu, one of its main writers,[59] is occasionally givencredit as the person behind Amicul Copiilor .[58] Arbore

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1.6 1905 Revolution 5

himself experimented with the genre, publishing chil-dren’s versions of Don Quixote, Tartarin of Tarasconand Robinson Crusoe, as well as popular histories—oneabout Ancient Egypt, the other about 1821 rebel TudorVladimirescu.[60] Hasdeu co-opted Arbore for the early1899 project to create a professional association of writ-

ers as part of his Press Society (an actual Romanian Writ-ers’ Society was only created some 10 years later, afterHasdeu’s death).[61]

As statistician, Arbore was in charge of Bucharest’sBulet-inul Statistic (“Statistical Bulletin”) and of the City HallLibrary, which under his direction acquired several thou-sands of new books.[46] With Ioan Nădejde, Arbore trans-lated into Romanian the Russian Commercial Code.[46]

In parallel, he completed his main and lengthiest studyin ethnography, Basarabia în secolul XIX (“Bessarabia inthe19th Century”), first publishedin 1898.[3][13] It earnedits author the annual Ion Heliade Rădulescu Prize of the

Romanian Academy.[6][13][62] Beginning 1903, he alsotaught Russian atthe Bucharest War School.[4][56] Arborefollowed up on hisscholarly work with the 1904 Dicționar

geografic al Basarabiei (“A Geographical Dictionary ofBessarabia”).[6][13] The same year, he was a voluntarycontributor, with Bessarabian-themed entries, to the first-ever Romanian encyclopedic dictionary: Enciclopediaromână, published in Austria-Hungary by Cornelius Di-aconovich and ASTRA cultural society.[63]

In 1906, during the National Exhibit held in celebrationof theRomanian Kingdom (and oneyear before the large-scale peasants’ revolt), Arbore joined a scientific commit-

tee which supervised an academic inquiry into the stateof Romanian peasants, whose main author was militantsociologist G. D. Scraba.[64]

1.6 1905 Revolution

Romanian border troops survey the eastern Prut shore, whereBessarabian villages had caught on fire (The Illustrated LondonNews , January 1906)

Before and during the Russian Revolution of 1905, Ar-

bore was also involved in trafficking subversive worksof literature over the Romanian–Russian border, hopingto encourage a rebellion among Bessarabian Romanian

peasants and intellectuals.[4][13][65][66] Theodor Inculeț, atheologian and political agitator, was one of his connec-tions there. As Inculeț later wrote, the books “sent overby Arbure” were unequivocally “anti-Russian”.[65]

In 1904, Mikhail Nikolayevich von Giers, the Russian

Ambassador to Romania, warned National LiberalPremier Dimitrie Sturdza that “Mr. Ralli-Arbore” in-tended to send into Russia many small packages ofbrochures, to be delivered by a special network of social-ist agents.[46] This exchange of notes degenerated into amajor diplomatic incident when some of the contrabandbooks were confiscated by Russian officials, and discov-ered to contain firearms.[4][10][46] Arbore was singled outfor extradition, but saved through the intercession of TakeIonescu, the Interior Minister, who even managed to havethe weapons dispatched back to Romania.[4][46] This wasthe beginning of an unusually close relationship with Ro-mania’s conservative environment and King Carol I (to

whom he dedicated a volume of his memoirs).[4] Report-edly as a favor to the Bessarabian activist, Carol was to al-low safe passage into Romania to thewanted RussianEserassassin Boris Savinkov.[4] According to Arbore’s ownaccount, Carol, “the founder of modern Romania”, pri-vately resented Russia’s national policy on Bessarabia.[43]

Zamfir Arborealso welcomed into hishouse thePotemkinmutiny refugees—including socialist sailor Afanasi Ma-tushenko, who became his close friend.[46] He regis-tered another personal triumph in 1905, when his agingfriend Reclus also traveled to Romania.[10] However, hismain interest was by then outside the realm of socialist

or anarchist politics. Together with Petru Cazacu, Ar-bore founded and edited a newspaper named Basarabia,printed in Switzerland but clandestinely circulated theRussian Empire during the Revolution. Basarabia wentout of print after six consecutive issues, and, throughoutits existence advertised itself as a Chișinău-based paper(although its editorial office was located in Geneva).[67]

An immediate predecessor for the legal Basarabia of1906, it was noted for its radical support of Bessarabianautonomy, demands for universal suffrage, and adop-tion of a modern Romanian alphabet instead of tradi-tional Moldavian Cyrillic letters.[68] In its final issue, Ar-

bore and Cazan’s gazette published the program of anincipient National Moldavian Party.[69] After the Rev-olution toned down repression, Arbore could also col-laborate with the Saint Petersburg-based socialist mag-azine Byloe, which published his biographical sketch ofSergey Nechayev.[70][71] The text, signed Zemfir Ralli Ar-bore, notably includes detail on Nechayev’s isolated polit-ical outlook, which, Arbore argued, was linked directly to18th century Jacobin theorists and agitators (Maximiliende Robespierre, Philippe Buonarroti) rather than to latersocialist schools.[71]

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippe_Buonarrotihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maximilien_de_Robespierrehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maximilien_de_Robespierrehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacobin_(politics)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sergey_Nechayevhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Byloehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint_Petersburghttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Moldavian_Partyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_Cyrillic_alphabethttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_alphabethttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Universal_suffragehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Basarabia_(newspaper)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chi%C8%99in%C4%83uhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Petru_Cazacuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afanasi_Matushenkohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afanasi_Matushenkohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_battleship_Potemkinhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_battleship_Potemkinhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boris_Savinkovhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialist-Revolutionary_Partyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Memoirhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carol_I_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/King_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conservatismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_Administration_and_Interior_(Romania)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Take_Ionescuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Take_Ionescuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Contrabandhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dimitrie_Sturdzahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prime_Minister_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Ambassador_to_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Ambassador_to_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mikhail_Nikolayevich_von_Giershttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Revolution_of_1905https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Illustrated_London_Newshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Illustrated_London_Newshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prut_Riverhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/G._D._Scrabahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sociologyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1907_Romanian_Peasants%2527_Revolthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1907_Romanian_Peasants%2527_Revolthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Asocia%C8%9Bia_Transilvan%C4%83_pentru_Literatura_Rom%C3%A2n%C4%83_%C8%99i_Cultura_Poporului_Rom%C3%A2nhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cornelius_Diaconovichhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cornelius_Diaconovichhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Austria-Hungaryhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gazetteerhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Academia_de_%C3%8Enalte_Studii_Militare_din_Bucure%C8%99tihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_languagehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_Academyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ion_Heliade_R%C4%83dulescuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Commercial_code_(law)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_Writers%2527_Societyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_Writers%2527_Societyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Professional_associationhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tudor_Vladimirescuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tudor_Vladimirescuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wallachian_uprising_of_1821https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ancient_Egypthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Popular_historyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robinson_Crusoehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tartarin_of_Tarasconhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Don_Quixote


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6 1 BIOGRAPHY

1.7 Milcovul Society and PSDR connec-

tions

By 1908, Arbore had founded another venue for pro-Bessarabian political activism, the Milcovul Society(named after the Milcov River, a symbol of Romanianunity). The association was soon after infiltrated by theRussian spy Gheorghe V. Madan: exposed through apublic scandal, Madan was expelled from Milcovul byArbore’s own vote.[72] The controversy drew attentionfrom Romania’s secret service, Siguranța Statului , whoseagents suspected, probably without just cause, that Ar-bore maintained contacts with Madan over the follow-ing period.[72] In June 1909, Constantin Mille’s daily,Adevărul , printed a draft of Arbore’s memoirs, dealingwith Eminescu’s political views.[51]

During the same years, Arbore played host to a new gen-eration of Romanian socialist leaders and leaders of thelocal labor movement, who attempted to recreatea social-ist party from the defunct PSDMR: Christian Rakovsky,Gheorghe Cristescu, I. C. Frimu and N. D. Cocea.[46]

Arbore did not join the Romanian Social DemocraticParty (PSDR), created by Rakovsky in 1910, but was aspecial guest at its reunions.[46] He was thus present atthe PSDR’s 1912 rally at Sala Dacia, where, in agree-ment with Rakovsky’s political tenets, he spoke about theneed to contain Russian imperialism;[73] on the cente-nary of Bessarabia’s occupation, he also addressed Ro-manian student organizations, informing them about thestate of affairs in Russian dominions.[43] Arbore was also

claiming that some violent anarchists were in fact Rus-sian agents: according to him, the suspected terrorist IlieCătărău was a secret affiliate of the loyalist Black Hun-dreds.[17]

In September 1914, Arbore was honored by the PSDR’sfestive assembly honoring the 50th anniversary of theFirst International.[46] In parallel, he gave external sup-port to unionizing efforts, being notably an honored guestat the Romanian Journalists’ Union festivities of May1912, where he mainly spoke about Bessarabia.[74] Hisfirst-born daughter, who hadbythen made her first contri-butions to social medicine, became directly involved with

the PSDR and the România Muncitoare club, and, also in1912, was elected to the PSDR Executive Committee.[75]

Dumitru, who was a chemical engineer in the thriving oilindustry, and Nina, a debuting painter, were also both af-filiated with PSDR at a grassroots level.[55]

During that interval, the Bessarabian scholar was alsobecoming interested in cultivating a rapprochement be-tween Romania and the Kingdom of Bulgaria, Romania’snew neighbor to the south. This was reflected in his set ofcontributions to Slavistics and philology. His Romanian-Bulgarian dictionary, Българо-румънски речник, sawprint in 1909.[76] In 1912, Arbore translated and pub-

lished for Minerva newspaper the 1886 manifesto “Tothe Romanian People”, signed by Bulgarian revolution-ary Zahari Stoyanov, in which Stoyanov spoke about his

country’s “moral duty” toward Romania and deplored theslow descent into ethnic rivalry.[77]

1.8 World War I controversies

Arbore’s activity as a publicist, activist and newspaper-man flared up during the early stages of World War I, asRomania hesitated between joining the Entente Powersor honoring its loose commitment to the Central Pow-ers, and in particular the German Empire. Like otherBessarabian exiles, Arbore objected to the first option,since it threw Romania into the same camp as the RussianEmpire, opening the way for Russian domination in Ro-mania, while leaving Bessarabia oppressed and Russified;he also identified the Ententist preoccupation with theRomanians of Transylvania and Bukovina as excessive,claiming that Austria-Hungary would inevitably trans-

form itself into a democratic federation upon the end ofwar.[78] These ideas made their way into his wartime arti-cles for Seara newspaper and his standalone political es-says: the 1914 Autonomia sau anexarea. Transilvania și Bucovina (“Autonomy or Annexation. Transylvania andBukovina”), the 1915 Liberarea Basarabiei (“The Liber-ation of Bessarabia”) and the 1916 Ukraina și România("Ukraine and Romania”).[79]

Of these, Liberarea Basarabiei was printed with sup-port from an eponymous political society, the Leaguefor the Liberation of Bessarabia.[80] Arbore’s stance wascompatible with the PSDR’s Zimmerwald neutralism: by

1915, Ecaterina Arbore was also noted for her politicalstatements against a Russian alliance.[81] Internationally,her father collaborated with Annales des Nationalités, theanti-imperialist periodical put out by Jean Pélissier andJuozasGabrys.[46] Suspicion arose that Arbore was also inthe pay of German intelligence, receiving at least 28,000lei through such channels.[82]

In summer 1916, Romania disappointed Arbore by ral-lying with the Entente. After a short-lived offensive intoTransylvania, the Romanian Land Forces were defeated,and the Central Powers invaded southern Romania. Ar-bore stayed behind in German-occupied Bucharest while

the legitimate government withdrew to Iași, and main-tained a generally friendly but discreet attitude toward theoccupiers.[83] He was less active as a journalist and mili-tant, but contributed to the Germanophile daily Lumina,put out by the Bessarabian activist Constantin Stere, andonce lectured on the Bessarabian question during April1918.[84] Arbore also kept a low profile during the 1918truce, when, with German acquiescence, Romania unitedwith Bessarabia. Reputedly, Stere, who negotiated theunion with the Bessarabian Assembly, mistrusted andsidelined Arbore during the events.[83]

In his own account of the wartime years, Arbore claimed

to have been arrested on several occasions by the occupa-tion authorities, but this claim, Boia notes, remains unver-ified and doubtful.[85] Arbore was returning to a socialist

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sfatul_%C8%9A%C4%83riihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Union_of_Bessarabia_with_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Union_of_Bessarabia_with_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_Bucharest_(1918)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_Bucharest_(1918)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constantin_Sterehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Germanophilehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ia%C8%99ihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romania_in_World_War_Ihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_Land_Forceshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_leuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juozas_Gabryshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean_P%C3%A9lissierhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-imperialismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zimmerwald_Conferencehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukrainehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seara_(newspaper)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Austria-Hungaryhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bukovinahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transylvaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russificationhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/German_Empirehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central_Powershttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central_Powershttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Allies_of_World_War_Ihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_Ihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zahari_Stoyanovhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bulgarian_languagehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philologyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slavic_studieshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kingdom_of_Bulgariahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rapprochementhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oil_industry_in_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oil_industry_in_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rom%C3%A2nia_Muncitoarehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_medicinehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_Hundredshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_Hundredshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ilie_C%C4%83t%C4%83r%C4%83uhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ilie_C%C4%83t%C4%83r%C4%83uhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Imperialismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_Democratic_Party_of_Romania_(1910-1918)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_Democratic_Party_of_Romania_(1910-1918)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/N._D._Coceahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/I._C._Frimuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gheorghe_Cristescuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_Rakovskyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Labor_movement_in_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adev%C4%83rulhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siguran%C8%9Ba_Statuluihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gheorghe_V._Madanhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Milcov_River_(Siret)


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1.10 Final years 7

discourse, probably rekindled and reshaped by news ofthe October Revolution in Russia.[4][85] During the pe-riod, he took a personal interest in the fate of Russianprisoners held on occupied territory, and, in a letter tothe Germanophile academic Ion Bianu, spoke about theneed to popularize revolutionary ideas among this partic-

ular group.[85]

1.9 Senator and political suspect

Arbore in the 1920s, as drawn by Nadia Bulighin

After the unexpected German defeat of November 1918brought a moral victory for Romanian Ententists and thereturn of Ententist forces in government, Arbore with-stood scrutiny as an alleged collaborator with the enemy.In this context, he rallied with a new radical force, thePeasants’ Party, and ran for political office in what wasby then Greater Romania. During the November 1919election, he presented himself as a Senate candidate forChișinău, Bessarabia, and was elected.[85] His new polit-ical credo was outlined in his Senate speech of Decem-ber 27, 1918, which focused on proposals to change the1866 constitutional regime and amend the prewar tradi-tion of centralized government, while also outlining hismain defense against suspicions of collaborationism.[85]

His daughter Ecaterina was rendered a suspect by herSocialist Party of Romania militancy. She further antag-onized the public when, as a Communist Party of Ro-

mania founder, she revised her unionist stance and calledfor Bessarabia to be annexed by Soviet Russia, in linewith Comintern policies.[86] After being arrested several

times, she made her may into the Soviet state.[4][35] Du-mitru Arbore also joined the Communist Party, was keptunder surveillance by the authorities for hosting conspir-ative sessions at his home in Prahova County, but re-mained in Romania, where he died in an October 1921accident.[87]

Arbore lost his Senate seat when Parliament was dis-solved by King Ferdinand I; he soon after left the Peas-ants’ Party, pushed into opposition, and was reelected tothe Senate as a People’s Party candidate in the summer1920 election.[85] Late in 1920, he was co-founder andsecretary of the Socialist Peasants’ Party, together withplaywright Ion Peretz, publicist Ioan Pangal, abbot IuliuScriban etc.[88]

Withdrawn from national politics, Arbore again focusedon his journalist’s activity and was at the forefront ofRomanian Freemasonry. His membership in the local

subsidiary of the Grand Orient de France was confirmedin December 1922 by Mihail Noradunghian, and he wasrecognized as a Rank 33 Mason, Worshipful Master ofHuman Rights Lodge (located in Bucharest).[6] On April23, 1923, Arbore was elected Grand Master of a majorRomanian Scottish Rite branch, the Grand Lodge (GrandMaster for life after 1930), and was the Grand Oratorfor Romania within the Supreme Scottish Rite Councilfrom 1929.[6] These promotions were scrutinized by theanti-Masonic far right: in a public conference, NicolaePaulescu ofthe National-Christian Defense League calledArbore the Grand Master of a “Kike-Romanian Masonicgroup”.[89]

His own far left inclinations were by then contrastingwith his civil service positions, which he maintainedeven as his daughter Ecaterina was becoming a personanon grata.[4] In 1923, Arbore published a new install-ment of his memoirs, as În temnițele rusești (“In theRussian Dungeons”).[90] In March 1924, he replacedVasile Ghenzul as editorial director of Furnica (“TheAnt”). The cooperativist and agrarian bimonthly waspublished in Bessarabia, and printed a Russian-languagesupplement.[91] He was still a contributor to the centralleftist press: in December 1926, Adevărul published hispiece about the Serbian politician Nikola Pašić, defunct

leader of the People’s Radical Party.[27] During this in-terval, Ecaterina tried to return to Romania. Accordingto one interpretation, she was trying to hide her growingdisillusionment with communism under the pretext thatshe needed to take care of her ailing father. [92] The Ro-manian authorities did not allow her entry into the coun-try, and she was forced back.[93] Zamfir and his wife hadearlier adopted Dumitru’s young child, Zamfir DumitruArbore.[55]

1.10 Final years

In 1930, the recently widowed[32] Zamfir Arbore waspensioned from his teaching position at the Bucharest

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Academia_de_%C3%8Enalte_Studii_Militare_din_Bucure%C8%99tihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%2527s_Radical_Partyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nikola_Pa%C5%A1i%C4%87https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kingdom_of_Serbiahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adev%C4%83rulhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agrarianismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cooperative_movementhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vasile_Ghenzulhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Persona_non_gratahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Persona_non_gratahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Far_lefthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National-Christian_Defense_Leaguehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolae_Paulescuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolae_Paulescuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Far_righthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Masonryhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Scottish_Ritehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Master_(Masonic)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Masonic_Lodgehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mihail_Noradunghianhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Orient_de_Francehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freemasonry_in_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iuliu_Scribanhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iuliu_Scribanhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ioan_Pangalhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ion_Peretzhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialist_Peasants%2527_Partyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_general_election,_1920https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_general_election,_1920https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%2527s_Party_(interwar_Romania)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ferdinand_I_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/King_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parliament_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prahova_Countyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cominternhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Soviet_Federative_Socialist_Republichttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_Communist_Partyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_Communist_Partyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialist_Party_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Centralized_governmenthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1866_Constitution_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chi%C8%99in%C4%83uhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Senate_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_general_election,_1919https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_general_election,_1919https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greater_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peasants%2527_Party_(Romania)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Collaborationismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armistice_with_Germanyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nadia_Bulighinhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ion_Bianuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/October_Revolution


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8 2 POLITICAL AND SCIENTIFIC THEORIES

War School, where he had also been lecturing in Geog-raphy and Topography.[4] During the final years of hislife, Arbore was a sporadic contributor to Pan Halippa'sreview Viața Basarabiei .[10][94] In tandem, his revolu-tionary past, in particular his early dealings with HristoBotev, were also the subject of interviews with jour-

nalist Vasile Christu.[95] His own output as a researcherincluded an undated monograph on his friend and allyZubcu-Codreanu, who had died in 1878 (O pagină dinistoria socialismului român, “A Page in the History of Ro-manian Socialism”),[13][96] as well as the collected mem-oirs: Temniță și exil (“Prison and Exile”) and În exil. Am-intirile mele (“In Exile. My Memories”).[10]

Zamfir Arbore died in Bucharest, on April 2 or April3, 1933.[6] He was buried at Sfânta Vineri Cemetery,alongside Ecaterina, Dumitru, and Lolica Arbore.[32]

Paradoxically, his funeral ceremony comprised both themilitary honors owed to his position in the War School

and revolutionary orations given in tribute by his social-ist comrades.[4] The socialist tribune Societatea de Mâinepublished an obituary, which referred to Arbore as “oneof the highest profile representative figures [in socialism],andone of themost worthy examples for allpeople-lovinggenerations to follow.”[42]

2 Political and scientific theories

2.1 Arbore’s political program

Despite official promotion, Zamfir Arbore had serioustrouble integrating his views within the political land-scape of 20th century Romania.[4][10][12] Critic and politi-cal historian Ioan Stanomir writes that Arbore, “the agentwho precipitates revolution”, was “an aristocrat animatedby dramatic self-loathing”.[97] His Narodnik ideals sub-sided with time: according to literary historian LeonidCemortan, Arbore was “totally defeated” in his Narod-nik activity, realized that it was an “unattainable dream”,but was nonetheless unable to “verify and correct” hisvision.[12] Arbore, who never registered his membershipwith any Romanian socialist party or faction,[46] was re-

portedly perplexed by the antisemitism prevalent in hisadoptive country, including among the Romanian social-ists and trade unionists.[10]

His transition from anarchism to a more moderate plat-form was also shown by his treatment of the Bessara-bian issue. In 1905, his Basarabia newspaper tied to-gether demands of social reform with political and cul-tural goals, endorsing the planned land reform and de-manding the official use of Romanian ("Moldavian") inthe administrative apparatus and the Bessarabian Ortho-dox Church.[98] Its demand for self-governance aroundan enlarged Sfat (“Assembly”) referred back to promises

made upon the creation of a Bessarabian Governorate.[69]The entire program, scholar Marcel Mitrașcă notes, wasone of the first manifestations of “Bessarabian [Roma-

nian] nationalism", the prototype for an agenda later es-poused bytheNationalMoldavian Party.[99] Political ana-lysts Mihai Cernencu and Igor Boțan suggest that the po-litical doctrine supported by Basarabia was at once anearly instance of Bessarabian liberalism and a regionalaffiliation to the Constitutional Democratic Party, some-

what permeated by the doctrines of social democracy.[69]More intimately, Arbore was contemplating the possibil-ity of an independent Bessarabia, free from what he con-sidered to be the excesses of Romanian nationalism.[10]

By the end of his life, he was publicizing his disappoint-ment with the political environment of Greater Romaniaand explaining his return to socialism. In a Viața Basara-biei article, he claimed: “Wherever I look around me I seeonly decay. The old and the young, the cultivated and theilliterate, all behave equally, not even asking themselveswhat the meaning of their life is in the general progressof humanity. Living inside Romanian society I for one

was not able to merge into it. [...] I haven't had and I stilldon't have friends in Romania.”[10] His attitude, includingclaims that Bessarabia was being colonized by rapaciousRomanians from other provinces, outraged the national-ist newspaperman Alexandru “Ion Gorun” Hodoș, whowrote that Arbore was no longer sincerely interested innational unity, but rather displayed “the need to detect,under any Romanian uniform, an assassin of Bessarabia’spopulation.”[100]

Arbore’s main research on Bessarabian history and localgeography fused scientific and political objectives. Al-legedly inspired by the similar interests of Élisée Reclus,

Dicționar geografic al Basarabiei was the first-ever actualBessarabian gazetteer.[10] In his two works on Bessarabia,Arbore sought to present a detailed account of economicand social geography. He notably inventoried the vil-lages originally settled by free peasants (răzeși ), account-ing for 151 such localities in central Bessarabia and 4 inthe Budjak.[101]

Overall, the politicized aspect of his contribution alsohad negative connotations. According to literary criticBogdan Crețu (who builds on the conclusions of literaryhistorian Leonte Ivanov), Arbore was also responsible forcirculating a stereotyped image of the Russian Empire

and its inhabitants.[102] Before 1914, Arbore made ac-cusatory claims about Russification and the Russian Or-thodox Church expansion into Bessarabia: depicting theRussian Synod as a heretical, non-Orthodox, institution,he argued that church officials were burning Romanianbooks for heating.[43]

2.2 Germanophilia and Russophobia

Arbore’s wartime stance, in particular his conjecturalsupport for the Central Powers, was likened by Lucian

Boia to that of fellow Bessarabian Constantin Stere, withthe exception that Arbore was more the political radi-cal, opposed to Tsarist autocracy, than a nationalist or

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tsarist_autocracyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constantin_Sterehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lucian_Boiahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lucian_Boiahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central_Powershttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Most_Holy_Synodhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Orthodox_Churchhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Orthodox_Churchhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russificationhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bogdan_Cre%C8%9Buhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Budjakhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_geographyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economic_geographyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gazetteerhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%89lis%C3%A9e_Reclushttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geography_of_Moldovahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geography_of_Moldovahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Moldovahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ion_Gorunhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Via%C8%9Ba_Basarabieihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Via%C8%9Ba_Basarabieihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_democracyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitutional_Democratic_Partyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberalism_in_Moldovahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Igor_Bo%C8%9Banhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Moldavian_Partyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nationalismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bessarabian_Governoratehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-governancehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metropolis_of_Bessarabiahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metropolis_of_Bessarabiahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moldovan_languagehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stolypin_reformhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Labor_movement_in_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antisemitismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leonid_Cemortanhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leonid_Cemortanhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narodnikhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ioan_Stanomirhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Societatea_de_M%C3%A2inehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_funeralhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monographhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hristo_Botevhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hristo_Botevhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Via%C8%9Ba_Basarabieihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pan_Halippahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Topographyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Academia_de_%C3%8Enalte_Studii_Militare_din_Bucure%C8%99ti


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9

Russophobe.[103] However, as early as 1912, Arbore wasenvisaging a general rising against Russia, also involvingthe Poles and the Finns.[43] In Autonomia sau anexarea,he claimed that “damned Russia” secretly wanted tolure Romania into her war with the Austro-Hungarianprovinces inhabited by Romanians, and in exchange ex-

pand its own territory southwards, into the Danube Deltaand Dobruja.[9] Arbore therefore saw the Transylvanianunion as a hopeless project; his consolation for Roma-nians, Transylvanian as well as Bukovinan, was in thefederalization of Austria-Hungary. Later, he claimed thathis beliefs on the Transylvanian issue were quite simi-lar to the skeptical Habsburg loyalism of Transylvanianpoliticos, from Eugen Brote and Ioan Slavici to AurelPopovici.[85]

The articles he contributed to Seara noted with sur-prise that the pro-Entente Francophiles were more inter-ested in rescuing France than they were in the fate of

Bessarabian Romanians.[84] Liberarea Basarabiei , Mar-cel Mitrașcă argues, was one of the select few mani-festations of Romanian national sentiment to advocateBessarabian emancipation at the peak of wartime ag-itation, alongside similar manifestos by Stere, AxinteFrunză, Dimitrie C. Moruzi etc.[104] Arbore’s politicaltheory was later expanded into a Germanophile mani-festo: Arbore claimed that Romania’s only option was torally with “Russia’s enemies” on the Eastern Front, lim-iting European Russia to the “ethnographic” borders ofancient Muscovy; the alternative, he warned, was that themuscălime ("Moskals") would in the long run annex Ro-

mania and all her irredenta.[9]

Again, he described theRomanian prospects of “liberating Bessarabia” as intrin-sically linked with the German-sponsored emancipationof Congress Poland, the Grand Duchy of Finland and theUkraine.[9] In an August 1915 piece for Seara, Arboresaluted the German people as the more “enlightened”combatant, who had accumulated a “colossal vital en-ergy" and was thereforepoised to emerge as the victor.[84]

With Ukraina și România, Zamfir Arbore spoke outagainst the opinions expressed by Romanian nation-alist historian Nicolae Iorga, a leading figure in pro-Entente politics, who had denied the existence of a dis-

tinct Ukrainian identity. In fact, Arbore argued, thecultural separation between Ukrainians and Russians wasboth justified by history and opportune for the Roma-nian cause: since the Russian Empire could not hopeto become a federation, and an independent Ukrainewas therefore inevitable, “the Ukrainian state would bea peaceful neighbor to Greater Romania.”[105]

According to Lucian Boia, Arbore’s public stances un-der the actual German occupation were surprisingly toneddown.[83] His one article for Lumina (November 1917)reviewed the Russian issue in quite different terms,prophesying that a multinational federation could be ef-

fected around the Russian Provisional Government.[84]

His 1918 public lectures on Bessarabia were focused ongeographic and statistical information—"one would have

expected more”, Boia notes.[84] Arbore was more out-spoken during the interwar period: his December 1918speech demanded the guarantee of minority rights inGreater Romania, saluted the policies of Soviet Russiaas a liberating force, and predicted a Bolshevik victory inthe Russian Civil War.[85] On the occasion, Arbore also

demanded the release of Socialist Party activists held inRomanian custody, as well as the freeing of Transylva-nian collaborationist Slavici.[85]

3 Legacy

3.1 Impact in academia

As both a historical figure and a historian, Zamfir Arborereceived mixed reviews from other academics. His ViațaBasarabiei partner Pan Halippa noted that Arbore’s his-torical but minor merit in opposing "Russification" wasequivalent to that of other Bessarabian boyars and writ-ers from various epochs: Stere, Alecu Donici, AlexandruHâjdeu, Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu and Constantin Sta-mati.[106] Although an ideological adversary of Ar-bore, Nicolae Iorga similarly referred to his Bessara-bian colleague as a pioneer of Romanian Bessarabianactivism.[10][107] Sociologist Henri H. Stahl focused in-stead on Arbore’s contributions as a scientist. Stahldiscusses him and Stere, alongside theorist ConstantinDobrogeanu-Gherea and Nicolae Zubcu-Codreanu, asone of the most important intellectuals in the group ofex-Narodniks who contributed to the left-wing schoolof social sciences in Romania.[13] He notes that Arborestood apart in this group for his anarchist ideals, un-common in his adoptive Romania.[13] Contrarily, histo-rian Cyril E. Black assessed that, unlike Stere’s post-Narodnik theory of Poporanism, Arbore’s influence inRomanian politics was “negligible”.[108] A more contro-

versial aspect of Arbore’s legacyis an enduringaccusationof plagiarism: his works are alleged to have borrowed theresearch of various other authors, to whom Arbore didnot give proper credit.[4]

As early as 1879, Dobrogeanu-Gherea circulated someof Arbore’s reminiscences of revolutionary life, quotedas excerpts in his own essays.[109] One of the earli-est historiographic works to trace Arbore’s lifelong so-cialist militancy was authored shortly before its subjectdied, in 1933. Authored by I. C. Atanasiu, it was titledMișcarea socialistă (“The Socialist Movement”).[110] Thesame year, an account of his activities in Geneva was pub-

lished as part of Pavel Axelrod's book of memoirs.[16] Amonograph on Arbore’s life and work was published in1936 by social scientist Alexandru Siedel.[13]

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monographhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pavel_Axelrodhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Genevahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Plagiarismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poporanismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_scienceshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolae_Zubcu-Codreanuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constantin_Dobrogeanu-Ghereahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constantin_Dobrogeanu-Ghereahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henri_H._Stahlhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constantin_Stamatihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constantin_Stamatihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bogdan_Petriceicu_Hasdeuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexandru_H%C3%A2jdeuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexandru_H%C3%A2jdeuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alecu_Donicihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boyarhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russificationhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pan_Halippahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialist_Party_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Civil_Warhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bolshevikhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Soviet_Federative_Socialist_Republichttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minority_rightshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Interwar_periodhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Provisional_Governmenthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romania_in_World_War_Ihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greater_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russianshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukrainian_nationalismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Ukrainian_nationalityhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolae_Iorgahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vital_energyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vital_energyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/German_peoplehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukrainehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Duchy_of_Finlandhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congress_Polandhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irredentismhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moskalhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muscovyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Russiahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eastern_Front_(World_War_I)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Germanophilehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dimitrie_C._Moruzihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Axinte_Frunz%C4%83https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Axinte_Frunz%C4%83https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francophilehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seara_(newspaper)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aurel_Popovicihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aurel_Popovicihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ioan_Slavicihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eugen_Brotehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Habsburg_Monarchyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_of_Greater_Austriahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Union_of_Transylvania_with_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Union_of_Transylvania_with_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dobrujahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Danube_Deltahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Austria-Hungaryhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Finnshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poleshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russophobia


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10 4 NOTES

3.2 The Arbores and communist censor-

ship

From her adoptive Soviet Union, Arbore’s older daugh-ter Ecaterina cultivated her father’s image: in 1931, she

helped publish fragments of his memoirs on MikhailBakunin and Sergey Nechayev, translated into Russianand signed with the abridged name Z. K. Ralli .[4] Notedfor her medical work and political standing, Ecaterinawas nevertheless labeled an enemy of the Soviet peo-ple, arrested and killed during the Great Purge of thelate 1930s.[10][13][97][111] As an author, Zamfir Arborewas somewhat tolerated in the Soviet Union and itsMoldavian SSR, created in 1940 by the Soviet occupa-tion of Bessarabia. In the late 1940s, his name was in-cluded on a long list of authors officially banned by theSoviet censorship apparatus.[112] However, in later yearshe was officially quoted and praised, one of the few ex-ceptions to the rule which put limits on the popularizationof Romanian literature (unlike Stere, whose work werestill banned).[113]

In Romania, Arbore was survived by daughter Nina (d.1942). Known as the Romanian student of Henri Ma-tisse,[114] she maintained an interest in moderate left-ist causes, joining the group formed around Cuvântul Liber newspaper.[115] Her nephew Zamfir Dumitru Ar-bore fought against Nazi Germany in World War II, re-ceiving Steaua României .[55]

In postwar Communist Romania, Zamfir Dumitru Ar-

bore worked as a state planner, and established a fam-ily: his successors were still living at the family homein Bucharest in the early 1970s.[55] The Arbores’ pa-triarch was being rediscovered as a scholar, in partic-ular after the 1960s liberalization (when Ecaterina wasposthumously rehabilitated).[92] Communist censorshiphowever intervened in his various republished texts, cut-ting out all remarks which could seem Russophobic,[85]

keeping his political writings hidden from public viewwhile allowing some exposure to his geography tracts.[10]

Among the anti-communist Romanian diaspora, geneal-ogist Mihai Dim. Sturdza completed a more thoroughaccount of Arbore’s career, which covered the contro-versial aspects and was published in Sturdza’s dictionaryFamiliile boierești din Moldova și Țara Românească (“Bo-yar Families of Wallachia and Moldavia”).[4][97] ArmandGoșu noted that the entry comprised “the best pages everwritten on Zamfir Arbore”,[4] while Ioan Stanomir sees init a real-life equivalent of Fyodor Dostoevsky's The Pos-sessed and Joseph Conrad's Under Western Eyes.[97] Dur-ing the 1960s, the exiled journalist Pamfil Șeicaru alsoincluded ample references to Arbore’s anti-Russian textsin his own anti-communist propaganda works.[16] Afterthe Romanian Revolution of 1989, Arbore’s name resur-faced in a nationalist conspiracy theory, which claims that

Mihai Eminescu's descent into mental illness was stagedby his more conservative political rivals. According tothis interpretation, the involuntary commitment of Emi-

nescu in summer 1883 was set to coincide with the ex-pulsion of his friend Arbore.[53]

3.3 In Moldova and abroad

Arbore’s works were reprinted in Moldova, theindependent post-Soviet republic comprising thebulk of historical Bessarabia. Moldovan literary histori-ans Ion Varta and Tatiana Varta oversaw the 2001 reprintof Basarabia în secolul XIX ; the same year, EdituraFundației Culturale Române and Editura Museumco-edited his Dicționar geografic al Basarabiei , withIurie Colesnic as caretaker.[116] His name was assignedto streets in both Chișinău and Bucharest. His Dolnamanor is preserved as a museum.[6]

Arbore’s contribution also made an impact outside its im-mediate cultural context. His memoirs were reviewed

early on by anarchist historian Max Nettlau, who calledthem inaccurate, without specifying to what extent.[10]

Later, the various writings of Arbore-Ralli were stud-ied, translated and preserved by exile Marxists BorisNicolaevsky and Egor E. Lazarev, and passed on to theHoover Institution.[117] Writing in 1994, American histo-rian Keith Hitchins reviewed Basarabia în secolul XIX as“an old, in some ways classic” and“stilluseful”Romanianstudy of the Bessarabian question.[118] Arbore’s 2009 bi-ography at the anarchist Kate Sharpley Library focuseson his revolutionary career rather than his other commit-ments, claiming that the Romanian reviews of his nation-

alist policies, beginning with Nicolae Iorga’s texts, are“mystification”, and noting that his activities in GreaterRomania “remain to be investigated”.[10] According to thesame source, an English translation of Temniță și exil wasin progress, and considered for publication with Canada'sBlack Cat Press.[10]

4 Notes

[1] Felea (1971), p.9

[2] Boia, p.143, 144. Zamfirache Ralli’s name mentioned in

Felea (1971), p.8

[3] Boia, p.143

[4] (Romanian) Armand Goșu, “Despre boieri, fărăprejudecăți”, in Revista 22, Nr. 778, February 2005

[5] Felea (1971), p.8

[6] (Romanian) “Zamfir Arbore”, biographical entry at theUnited National Grand Lodge of Romania; retrievedFebruary 1, 2011

[7] (Romanian) Alexandra Andrei, “Omul și arta. IzabelaSadoveanu”, in Timpul de Gorj , Nr. 8 (416), February22–28, 2008

[8] Frunză, p.48

http://www.timpulgj.ro/arhiva/416/cultura.htmhttp://www.timpulgj.ro/arhiva/416/cultura.htmhttp://www.glnur.ro/http://www.glnur.ro/?p=meniu_04_05https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revista_22http://www.revista22.ro/despre-boieri-fara-prejudecati-1477.htmlhttp://www.revista22.ro/despre-boieri-fara-prejudecati-1477.htmlhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armand_Go%C8%99uhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canadahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kate_Sharpley_Libraryhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Keith_Hitchinshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Stateshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hoover_Institutionhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boris_Nicolaevskyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boris_Nicolaevskyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Max_Nettlauhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dolna,_Str%C4%83%C8%99enihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iurie_Colesnichttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Editura_Funda%C8%9Biei_Culturale_Rom%C3%A2nehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Editura_Funda%C8%9Biei_Culturale_Rom%C3%A2nehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ion_Vartahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Independence_of_Moldovahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moldovahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Involuntary_commitmenthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mihai_Eminescuhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conspiracy_theoryhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_Revolution_of_1989https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pamfil_%C8%98eicaruhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Under_Western_Eyeshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Conradhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Possessed_(novel)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Possessed_(novel)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fyodor_Dostoevskyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ioan_Stanomirhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armand_Go%C8%99uhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armand_Go%C8%99uhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wallachiahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mihai_Dim._Sturdzahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanian_diasporahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-communisthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Censorship_in_Communist_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rehabilitation_(Soviet)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberalizationhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Five-year_plans_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Steaua_Rom%C3%A2nieihttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_IIhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nazi_Germanyhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cuv%C3%A2ntul_Liber_(1933)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cuv%C3%A2ntul_Liber_(1933)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henri_Matissehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henri_Matissehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nina_Arborehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Literature_of_Romaniahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Censorship_in_the_Soviet_Unionhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_occupation_of_Bessarabiahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_occupation_of_Bessarabiahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moldavian_SSRhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Great_Purgehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enemy_of_the_peoplehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enemy_of_the_peoplehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sergey_Nechayevhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mikhail_Bakuninhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mikhail_Bakuninhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Memoirhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ecaterina_Arborehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Union


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11

[9] Boia, p.144

[10] Maria Lidia, Martin Veith, “Memoirs of an Anarchist inRomania. Zamfir C. Arbure (Ralli)", in KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library, No. 57, March 2009

[11] Boia, p.143. See also Felea (1971), p.8

[12] (Romanian) Leonid Cemortan, “Drama intelectualilorbasarabeni de stînga”, in Revista Sud-Est , Nr. 3/2000

[13] (Romanian) Henri H. Stahl, “Capitolul VII. Curentulgândirii socialiste”, in Gânditori și curente de istorie so-cială românească, e-book version at the University ofBucharest Faculty of Sociology; retrieved February 1,2011

[14] Societatea de Mâine (May 1933), p.93. See also Billing-ton, p.397, 398, 620; Ulam, p.152, 177; Woodcock,p.343

[15] Societatea de Mâine (May 1933), p.93; Felea (1971), p.8[16] (Romanian) George Stanca, “Surse de documentare la

Pamfil Șeicaru. Studiu de caz: eseul Relațiile româno-ruse", in the Babeș-Bolyai University's Ephemerides, Nr.2/2010, p.94

[17] (Romanian) “Atentatul dela Dobrițin. Părerea unui bărbatcompetent”, in Românul (Arad), Nr. 40/1914, p.6 (digi-tized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica On-line Library)

[18] Boia, p.143; Felea (1971), p.8-9, 10

[19] Felea (1971), p.9, 10. See also Register of the Nicolaevsky

Collection, Series No. 183, p.141

[20] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 183,p.140; Series No. 212, p.159

[21] Christu, p.17-18, 20; Felea (1971), p.10

[22] Keith Hitchins, “Rumania”, in Marcel van der Linden,Jürgen Rojahn, The Formation of Labour Movements,1870-1914: an International Perspective, Brill Publishers,Leiden, 1990, p.374. ISBN 90-04-09276-5

[23] Woodcock, p.343

[24] Billington, p.397

[25] Michel Mervaud, Socialisme et liberté: la pensée et l'actionde Nicolas Ogarev (1813-1877), University of Rouen &Institut des Études Slaves, Roen, 1984, p.531. ISBN 2-902618-54-9

[26] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 161,p.129

[27] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 183,p.141

[28] Felea (1971), p.8-9

[29] Woodcock, p.343-344. See also Register of the Nico-laevsky Collection, Series No. 183, p.139

[30] Ulam, p.256

[31] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 161,p.129; Series No. 183, p.141

[32] Gheorghe G. Bezviconi, Necropola Capitalei , NicolaeIorga Institute of History, Bucharest, 1972, p.53

[33] Vladislav I. Grosul, “Emigrație rusă în România”, in

Magazin Istoric , April 2011, p.49

[34] Felea (1971), p.11

[35] Felea (1971), p.13

[36] Constantin Petculescu, “Lupta revoluționară și democrat-ică a studențimii române. Tineri demni de tinerețea lor”,in Magazin Istoric , June 1975, p.36

[37] Huub Sanders, “The Collections of the International In-stitute of Social History, Amsterdam, with Special Refer-ence to Switzerland”, in Brigitte Studer, François Vallot-ton (eds.), Histoire sociale et mouvement ouvrier, 1848-1998. Sozialgeschichte und Arbeiterbewegung, 1848-

1998 , Éditions d'En-bas & Chronos Verlag, Lausanne &Zurich, p.290-291. ISBN 2-8290-0226-1

[38] Register of the Nicolaevsky Collection, Series No. 183,p.139, 141. For the magazine and its history, see Wood-cock, p.344

[39] Felea (1977), p.19

[40] Boia, p.143; Felea (1971), p.9

[41] (Romanian) Zamfir C. Arbure, “Bogdan Petriceico Has-deu”, in Viața Basarabiei , Nr. 8/1932, p.1 (digitized bythe National Library of Moldova)

[42] Societatea de Mâine (May 1933), p.93

[43] (Romanian) “Dela frați. Din România. Aniver-sarea răpirei Basarabiei”, in Românul (Arad), Nr.107/1912, p.4 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai UniversityTranssylvanica Online Library)

[44] Felea (1977), p.18

[45] Felea (1977), p.19; Dorin Stănescu, "La Gherea...”, inMagazin Istoric , October 2011, p.72

[46] Felea (1971), p.10

[47] Woodcock, p.345-346

[48] Felea (1971), p.9-10

[49] Avramescu, p.86-87

[50] Avramescu, p.87

[51] (Romanian) D. Murărașu, “Figuri reprezentative: Uni-tatea personalității lui Eminescu”, in Societatea de Mâine,Nr. 8, May 1931, p.185 (digitized by the Babeș-BolyaiUniversity Transsylvanica Online Library)

[52] Christu, p.16, 18, 20

[53] (Romanian) Nicolae Manolescu, “Potriveli și mașinați-uni”, in România Literară, Nr. 6/2000

[54] (Bulgarian) IvanAlexiev, “120годинибългарскиВМС",in Cherno More, March 23, 1999

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12 4 NOTES

[55] Felea (1971), p.14

[56] Boia, p.143; Felea (1971), p.10

[57] Societatea de Mâine (May 1933), p.93. See also Felea(1971), p.10, Tismăneanu, p.66

[58] (Romanian) Vali Ivan, “Lumea copiilor de altădată" (in-terview with Dodo Niță), in Jurnalul Național , June 2,2007; Doinel Tronaru, “120 de ani de BD românesc”, inAdevărul Literar și Artistic , December 14, 2010

[59] (Italian) "Amicul Copiilor ", entry in Cronologia della let-teratura rumena moderna (1780-1914) database, at theUniversity of Florence's Department of Neo-Latin Lan-guages and Literatures; retrieved February 5, 2011

[60] Felea (1971), p.10-11

[61] (Romanian) Cassian Maria Spiridon, “Secolul breslei scri-itoricești”, in Convorbiri Literare, April 2008

[62] (Romanian) “Salon. Academia Română: Sesiunea gener-ală din 1899. III. Publicațiunile Academieĭ", in Familia,Nr. 12/1899, p.142 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai Uni-versity Transsylvanica Online Library)

[63] (Romanian) Cornelius Diaconovich, "Enciclopediaromână (Raport despre terminarea publicațiunii, pre-sentat Comitetului central al 'Asociațiunii', în ședințasa din 31 Martie 1904)", in Transilvania, March–April1904, p.55 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai UniversityTranssylvanica Online Library)

[64] (Romanian) Henri H. Stahl, “Capitolul VI. Ion Ionescude la Brad și curentul monografiilor militant-sociale”, in

Gânditori și curente de istorie socială românească, e-bookversion at the University of Bucharest Faculty of Sociol-ogy; retrieved February 1, 2011

[65] Ioan Lăcustă, "Basarabia, numărul neștiut”, in MagazinIstoric , April 2007, p.55

[66] Boia, p.143; Felea (1971), p.9, 10

[67] Kulikovski & Șcelcikova, p.37

[68] Mitrașcă, p.30. See also Cernencu & Boțan, p.67-68

[69] Cernencu & Boțan, p.68

[70] Billington, p.620

[71] Ze'ev Iviansky, “Source of Inspiration for RevolutionaryTerrorism — The Bakunin — Nechayev Alliance”, inConflict Quarterly, Summer 1988, p.58, 66 (digitized bythe University of New Brunswick Electronic Text CentreJournals)

[72] (Romanian) Gheorghe Negru, “Gheorghe Madan – agental Imperiului Rus”, in the University of Bucharest Facultyof Journalism’s Revista Română de Jurnalism și Comuni-care, Nr.4/2008, p.72

[73] Frunză, p.48, 90

[74] (Romanian) “Serbările presei în București. Serbările și

banchetul”, in Românul (Arad), Nr. 113/1912, p.3-4 (dig-itized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica On-line Library)

[75] Boia, p.336; Felea (1971), p.11-13

[76] (Romanian) Mariana Mangiulea, “Etimologii revizuite”,in the University of Bucharest Romanoslavica XLV , 2009,p.122. See also Felea (1971), p.10

[77] (Romanian) "Însemnări. Datoria morală a Bulgariei cătră

România”, in Luceafărul , Nr. 32/1912, p.741-742 (digi-tized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica On-line Library)

[78] Boia, p.143-146

[79] Boia, p.143-145

[80] Mitrașcă, p.48

[81] Boia, p.336-337; Frunză, p.90

[82] Ion Rusu Abrudeanu, România și războiul mondial: con-tribuțiuni la studiul istoriei războiului nostru, EdituraSocec, Bucharest, 1921, p.486

[83] Boia, p.145-146

[84] Boia, p.145

[85] Boia, p.146

[86] Boia, p.337; Frunză, p.39-41, 48, 90. See alsoTismăneanu, p.66, 76, 84, 87, 292, 319

[87] Felea (1971), p.13-14

[88] (Romanian) “Informațiuni”, in Românul (Arad), Nr.275/1920, p.2 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai UniversityTranssylvanica Online Library)

[89] (Roma

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