yuh education and struggle for power

7/29/2019 Yuh Education and Struggle for Power

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Chapter 3.

The scale of the Tonghak uprising forced officials to partially incorporate

Tonghak demands into the reform program that followed. Shortly after the conclusion

of the Sino-Japanese War in 1895, and under Japanese supervision, a new government

was formed from a cabinet composed of pro-Japanese elements headed by Kim

Hongjip. This cabinet is largely responsible for the establishment of the Deliberative

Assembly (Kunguk kimuch) in the summer of 1894. The Assembly passed over 200

sweeping resolutions, known as the Kabo reforms, that not only established a new

system of government but also eliminated social status, slavery, and the civil service

examinations.1 Although this government only lasted until early 1896, its

repercussions were felt years later.2

The Kabo reforms sought to restructure all areas of the Korean government and

society. Most notably, its social reforms sought to stimulate sweeping changes,

established new rules in a changed field and marked the end of Confucian learnings

monopoly on education. With the abolition of the civil service examinations, the

traditional route for official recruitment no longer existed. In theory, this would have

opened up recruitment to men from all backgrounds regardless of their social status.

After 1895, recruitment was to be based on talent, and the diverse social makeup and

age backgrounds of officials in the reform government reflected this. The

1 For a complete discussion of the Kabo Reforms, see Kyung Moon Hwangs dissertation, Bureaucracy in

the Transition to Korean Modernity.2 Following the Kabo Reforms, the Kwangmu Reforms (1897-1905) kept intact many of the proposals from

the Kabo Reforms.


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governments new policy to recruit men of talent, rather than men from illustrious

lineages, meant, at least in theory, official positions were now available to any qualified

candidate regardless of social class.

Recent studies on the effects of the Kabo reforms and the subsequent abolition

of social discrimination on official recruitment verify that not only did the

conventional Cheng-Zhu Confucian learning lose its position as the only source of

knowledge, but that the new learning appreciated in value, prompting an increase in

the establishment of new schools.3 As it became clearer that Koreas pursuit of moral

superiority was more liability than asset, Korean intellectuals and officials alike

searched for the solution to maintain Koreas independence, and education was

acknowledged to be a centerpiece of any solution. Emulating the Japanese, and the

Chinese to a lesser extent, Korea found that military strength and economic prosperity

were critical to repelling imperialist powersthe means to wealth and strength was

through the new learning.

As a result, previously subordinate areas of training now became prestigious,

particularly foreign language and legal training, in addition to commerce, medicine,

economics, history, and politics. In the new eraforeign language skills rose in

bureaucratic value.4 Although Hwang refers specifically to the establishment of the

Tongmunhak in 1883the official foreign language school within the Foreign Office and

the predecessor to the Yugyng Kongwnthe continued demand for interpreters

initially led many to the Western-run mission schools for training in the English

3 Hwang, Kyung Moon. Ch. 2, p. 77. Hwang explains, The significance of the Kabo Reforms in Korean

history is difficult to overstate, for they represented the peak of the great surge of Korean enlightenment

efforts in the closing decades of the 19th century.4 Hwang, Ch. 2, p. 86.


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language. The fact that the missionaries also taught other subjects such as history,

geography, and politics must have also increased their appeal to ambitious Koreans

with aspirations for government office in the new political order.

The social reforms also had a significant impact on Korean women, removing

some restrictions against them and constructing for them a limited but important new

role in Korean society. Following the Western model, the government and intellectuals

alike encouraged the education of women as it was an integral part of the overall

development of Korean society. As part of the larger progressive movement to

enlighten Korea and as part of the missionary evangelical movement, it became the

responsibility of women to be wise mothers and good wives through proper education.

Consequently, a dramatic increase in the number of schools for girls characterizes the

second period of educational reform.

After the dust had settled following the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese war, the

government instituted significant and widespread reforms that affected all areas of life,

including education, and resulted in a huge increase in student enrollment in the

mission and new-style schools. Following the Sino-Japanese war, the intellectual

outlook of the Koreans was revolutionized. A movement for the new learning was in

the air. Mr. Appenzeller believed that (Paichai) had a grand opportunity, among

others, of preparing Christian and secular teachers for Korea.5 Both the war and the

5 Paik, George. The History of Protestant Missions in Korea, p. 230.


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reforms helped to boost enrollment and the prestige of the missionary schools causing

a growth in the establishment of the schools.

In March, 1895, the Department of Education of the Korean Government and

the school entered upon an agreement whereby the government could send to(Paichai) as many as two hundred students. It was also stipulated that not onlytheir tuition but the salaries of certain tutors, in the ratio of one tutor to everyfifty students sent, should be paid from the government treasury. Thisagreement at once increased the number of students and revived the demandfor education in English.6

But despite the heightened interest in Western learning, the primary goal of the

missionaries remained the same throughout the period, that is, to carry out Christian

work and to train leaders for the church and the people.

Although the newly formed Office for Educational Affairs and the Korean king

were dedicated to establishing public education, American missionaries were not

interested in building a national educational system in Korea. Still, they could not

ignore the overwhelming demand for more mission schools, thus several schools were

opened in the subsequent years: Chngsin Girls School () in Seoul, 1895;

Sunghyn Girls School () in Pyngyang, 1896; Ynghwa Girls School

() in Inchn, 1897; Paehwa Girls School () in Seoul, Lucy (?)

Girls School () in Wnsan, and Chngmyng Girls School () in

Mokpo, 1898; Sungi Girls School () in Pyngyang, 1903; Hosudonsi Girls

School () in Kaesng, Chinsng Girls School () in Wnsan,

1904; and Yngmyng Girls School () in Kunsan, 1905.7

In addition to opening more schools, the missionaries were busy with

expanding their existing schools due to their growth in popularity. It is important to

6 Ibid.7Korean History (), v. 45, pp. 93-95.


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note that all of the new schools listed above are for girlswhy were there no schools

for boys? This is a matter we will discuss later in this chapter; however suffice it to say

at this time that while there was a growth in missionary schools, there was an even

larger boom in the establishment of secular schools by Koreans. Most of these were for

boys, thus leaving it for missionaries to develop womens education.

In any case, after 1895 the climate became more tolerant of Westerners and

their missionary work. With these social and political changes came a changed

attitude on the part of the government and people toward Christianity.8 The first

missionaries to enter Korea made every effort to win approval of the Korean Court by

refraining from direct forms of evangelism and fulfilling the needs of the court and

elite.

Missionaries had provided medical assistance during cholera andsmallpox outbreaks and had proved to be supportive of the courtsauthority. Additionally, missionaries served as personal physicians tothe King and Queen and through those roles established social ties withthe royal couple. Missionary visits to the court gave the monarchs

pleasant diversions and a source of information on the West. The bondbetween Queen Min and the female members of the mission wasparticularly close, and several were frequently invited to visit the court.In the 1890s, Lillias Underwood not only served as the Queens physician,but also was invited to bring her son with her on her visits, and wasasked to provide the Queen with samples of Western clothing andbooks.9

However, as Koreans became more relaxed and less suspicious, some missionaries

began to intensify their evangelical efforts.

According to the missionary C.C. Vinton

10

, the period after 1895 was an era of

reformkaehwa11and enlightened government. Not only did the government lift

8 Paik, George. The History of Protestant Missions in Korea, p. 175.9 Underwood, Elizabeth. Challenged Identities, p. 70.10 C.C. Vinton wrote The Open Door of Korea in The Missionary Review of the World, N.S., Vol. 8, No.

9 (September, 1895), pp. 663-4.


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the ban on the Christian religion in the 1880s, but many of the new and progressive

officials were open to Christianity or were Christian converts themselves. Officials in

high position request, read, and discuss copies of the New Testament and other

religious books.12 This allowed missionaries to be more open in their evangelization,

to set up churches, and to expand their Christian educational work in the mission

schools. The outcome of this propagation of the gospel and expansion in evangelistic

activities was a growth in the number of converts and churches, a swelling number of

graduates from mission schools, and increased demands for higher education.

Unfortunately, mission boards back in the U.S. and a growing faction among the

missionaries in Korea remained reluctant to provide support for educational expansion.

In fact, Kyngsin School (founded by Horace Underwood in 1886) eventually closed as a

result of a visit by the secretary of the board and despite protests from Dr.

Underwood.13 In 1897, with only thirty-five students, the board unanimously voted to

close the school. The board explained that Presbyterian education in general

consisted usually of a few little boys pursuing elementary studies with a Korean

teacher of the old type, who, except in the subject of the Chinese character, knew very

little more than the pupils.14 According to the view of the mission board, its resources

were better spent in direct evangelization and church-building than mission schooling.

Some missionaries feared through material development and the introduction of

secular anti-Christian academics the hearts, minds and souls of the Koreans would be

lost unless they took immediate advantage of the existing receptivity to Christianity,

11, 12 Vinton, C.C. MRW, pp. 663-4.13 Underwood, Horace. Modern Education in Korea, p. 51.14 Ibid, p. 52.


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especially in the north.15 These concerns stemmed from the brain drain missionary

schools experienced with their graduates. Although the ultimate purpose of mission

school education was to train future leaders of the Korean church, many graduates

found more lucrative employment as interpreters for foreign and government

officials.16 However, it would take only a few years for the boards to realize that it was

impossible to abandon missionary educational efforts, and by 1900 once again began

funding the opening of additional mission schools.

Most of the new schools missionaries opened in the latter phase were secondary

schools since under the reformed government primary education became the

responsibility of the Korean state. In 1900, Dr. J.S. Gale opened an intermediate

school in Seoul which began with an enrollment of six students and quickly increased

to 126 by 1907. The school built its first modern building in 1905 when it was also

renamed the John D. Wells School for Christian Workers. The curriculum of this and

similar schools during this time consisted of English language, Korean history,

ecclesiastical history, astronomy, natural history, geography, physics, chemistry,

arithmetic, algebra, and the Bible.17 Meanwhile, in Pyngyang, Dr. William and Mrs.

Annie Baird started teaching classes in 1899 in geography, physiology, the Bible, and

singing. By 1908 enrollment was at 441 students and throughout the colonial period

continued to be one of the largest mission schools and the largest Methodist secondary

school in Korea. In 1906, missionaries also opened up secondary schools for boys in

Taegu and Sinchn, and corresponding girls schools soon followed in Seoul,

15 Underwood, Elizabeth. Challenged Identities, p. 85.16 Ibid, p. 78.17 Underwood, Horace. Modern Education in Korea, p. 54. Report Seoul Station, Presbyterian Mission,

1904.


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Pyngyang, Taegu, and Sinchn.18 In 1896, the Southern Methodist missionary Dr.

Reid opened a secondary boys school that later became known as the Anglo-Korean

School.19 This school attracted male students from Kangwn province and Kynggi

province, and was opened at the request of Yun Chiho. In 1898, the Southern

Methodist missionary Mrs. J.P. Campbell opened a girls school named the Carolina

Institute and in 1904 the Southern Methodist mission opened the Holston Institute for

girls. Other foreign missions also participated in Korea: the Australian Presbyterian

mission opened an orphanage in 1891 which later became a girls school in Pusan. In

1898, the Canadian Presbyterian mission situated their missionaries in Hamgyng

province and by 1908 had established twenty schools.20

After 1885, the remarkable increase in schools for girls quickly eclipsed the

slowing growth in establishment of boys schools. Initially a response to the

subordinate status of women in Korean society and the lack of education available to

women, compounded with the recognition of the importance of a Christian education

for women on the entire household, some missionaries shifted their focus from

education to boys to education for girls and women. Annie Ellers-Bunker believed the

Korean woman it is who will bring this country up to the high standing to which the

living in Christ always lifts.21 Christian-educated girls would grow up to be Christian

mothers and moral guides for their household. Additionally, while Korean boys used

their missionary education to gain a secular advantage, girls had few opportunities

18Ibid, p. 58.

19 Ibid, p. 72. This school was later renamed the Sngdo Higher Common School with an enrollment in

1923 of 606 regular students and 110 half-day students from the Industrial Department.20 Ibid, pp. 72-83.21 Underwood, Elizabeth. Challenged Identities, p. 205.


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outside of marriage, and their education, missionaries believed, would more directly

benefit the growth of the church.22

It is noteworthy that although many of the elementary schools received moral

or mental support and aid from the missionthe degree of financial aid (was)

negligible.23 This is largely because the general policy of all four of the Presbyterian

missions was one of cutting the elementary schools loose to sink or swim as best they

may.24 This was in turn a part of the overarching Three Self Movement which was

designed to create a self-supporting, self-propagating, and self-administered church in

Korea, as well as simply a result of lack of funds from the mission boards. Therefore,

while many missionaries put forth their best efforts to meet the demands for higher

education and more schools, it was necessary for Koreans to pay for their own

education.

It should first be understood that the Korean boy or girl must pay for hisschooling wherever he gets it. There are, of course, some charity pupils in theelementary schools, some scholarships in the mission secondary schools and

some pupils who are helped by friends, but free education, as we understandit in the United States, practically does not exist.25

At a time when Korea suffered from a severe dearth of schools, textbooks, and teachers,

the mission schools played a significant role in trying to fill the educational void.

Since American missionaries in Korea possessed neither the man-power,

financial support, nor intention of creating a widespread educational system, they

22 Ibid, p. 206.23

Underwood, Horace, p. 60. In 1923, 411 out of 438 mission schools were completely self-supporting and

financially independent.24 Ibid, p. 83. Underwood writes that he does not agree with this policy and questions its soundness.25 Ibid, p. 96. Underwood explains that despite the increase in taxes and difficulties of paying for an

education, many did nonetheless.


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searched for other means to reach a wide audience and to inform the Korean public of

Western civilization. From 1897 to 1901, Dr. Underwood published the newspaper

Christian News in order

to set forth the truth of Christ and the aims of the missions. It alwayscontained a leader on general topics; a page was devoted to farming, anothercontained items on the home, arts and sciences; there was a translation of theRoyal Gazette, home and foreign telegrams, the Sunday School lessons for theensuing week, prayer meeting topics and church and foreign missionarynews.26

In this way, the missionaries could reach those Koreans who did not possess the means

to attend or who did not have access to the mission schools.

The Young Mens Christian Association (Y.M.C.A.) also contributed to

educational work in Korea. Mr. P.L. Gillett arrived in Korea in 1901 on behalf of the

Y.M.C.A. and formally organized the association on October 28, 1903.27 Between the

years of 1907 and 1917, the Y.M.C.A. operated a kind of middle school that offered a

four-year course, three levels of English language class, two levels of Japanese language,

and industrial education. The Night Schools offered classes in English, Chinese,

Japanese and Music as well as a very interesting Working Boys Night School.28

Clearly, Christian missionaries in Korea felt immense pressure to expand

mission education. Although growth was slow, if not negligible, in the first phase,

missionaries later found it difficult to keep up with the growing demand. There are

several factors that contributed to the increased interest and requests: as mentioned

earlier, after 1895 the political climate became more receptive and amicable to open

26 Underwood, Horace. Modern Education in Korea, p. 25.27 Ibid, p. 92.28 Ibid.


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Christian activity. Korean intellectuals, officials, educators, and students began to

recognize the importance and necessity for the new learning, necessitating the

establishment of schools to teach the new curriculum.

Moreover, after the defeat of China in the Sino-Japanese War of 1895, the

superiority of Western technology became indisputable. Missionaries lectured and

wrote on all subjects ranging from agriculture, to natural science, to hygiene. Western

technology included military technology and its deployment in military defense, as

well as agricultural and commercial technology and its application to economic growth.

Koreans now began to understand that the promotion of strength and wealth a la Japan

could improve Koreas status as well as fortify its defenses.

While Korean historians often credit Western missionaries and the mission

schools they established as the harbinger for modern education and modern learning

in Korea, this retrospective credit was only a side effect and not a fundamental

component of mission board policy. Mission boards were reluctant to provide support

to the expansion of mission education in Korea for fear that it would detract from their

primary goal, namely, to train leaders for the church and a small number of experts for

key leadership roles in Korean society and to spread the gospel of Christ. The mission

boards in America were not interested in establishing a nationwide mass educational

system, therefore it is unfair to evaluate the mission schools based on their gross

numbers of schools and students. In addition, many missionaries in Korea advocated

the shift in focus from educational and medical work to evangelism.

Though many Koreans were eager to benefit from Western educationand medicine, the missions chose to focus instead on the Korean


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response to Christianity. Wanting to avoid what were seen as themistakes of mission policy in neighboring China and Japan, the missionadopted a policy that not only de-emphasized, but also in many waysrejected, the material-social aspects of Western Christian civilization infavor of strict Biblical evangelism.29

While educational and medical work initially helped missionaries to gain a foothold in

Korea, their ultimate and primary goal was evangelical. The growth and expansion of

mission education was more a reflection of the indigenous demand for the new

learning than missionary aspirations for the widespread establishment of Christian

education in Korea.

It is also problematical to assess missionary education in Korea in terms of

modernity not only since what was modern in the late 19th century is currently (and

clearly) no longer considered to be so, but because missionaries were not interested in

modernizing Korea. For them, their god-given mission was to civilize and

Christianize Koreato introduce them to the word of God, to convert them to

Christianity, and to train them to live their lives as proper Christians. This was at the

heart of mission policy; education was merely a temporary means to this end.

Missionaries justified the teaching of geography, history, and science by explaining

that such subjects introduced Koreans to Western civilization, and after

comprehending the superiority of Western civilization they would be more open to

Christianity on which Western civilization is based.

Moreover, the modernization argument becomes particularly complex when

one considers that certain elements of missionary education could be construed as

traditional, specifically, the incorporation of Chinese classics training. However, as

29 Underwood, Elizabeth. Challenged Identities, p. 237.


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we have discussed, this is not incongruous with American education of the time that

included training in Latin and Greek. It is also not surprising that mission schools for

girls taught their students many domestic skills, since American womens education did

the same for their students, and the prevailing view was that the place for proper

Christian women was in the home. Protestant middle-class womenwere to serve God

by caring for their husbands and children. The home, and the domestic sphere in

general, were increasingly the responsibility of women, and concurrently elevated in

Christian terms to a sacred sphere, a place in which Christian life was exemplified to its

fullest.30

Naturally, missionary education for Korean girls and women reflected these

values and emphasized the domestic role for women. Perhaps because these concepts

were not incompatible with Korean societal norms, Korean parents felt at ease sending

their daughters to mission schools, producing the enormous success of the missionary

schools for girls.

Consequently, instead of analyzing mission education in terms of how

successful it was in modernizing Korea, it is more useful to examine its relationship to

the Korean government, its effects on its students, and its overall contribution to

educational reform in Korea. Only then does it become clear that while missionaries

were interested in gaining converts, Korean students tried to gain an advantage by

obtaining a Western and more practical education and the Korean government was

concerned with bringing in individuals trained in the new learning who could

contribute to Koreas strength and wealth.

30 Underwood, Elizabeth. Challenged Identities, p. 130.


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The series of domestic and foreign crises that plagued this period prompted

Korean intellectuals to re-evaluate the government's programs of reform and the role

of education in the self-strengthening movements. The Chinese defeat in the Sino-

Japanese War, the Tonghak Uprising, and the assassination of Queen Min convinced

many that institutional and fundamental reform was necessary while others believed

that less radical and less disruptive reform was sufficient. The turn of the century

became a period of heated debate and controversy over educational reform and its role

in the self-strengthening movements. However, Japans victory in the Sino-Japanese

War in 1895 not only shocked the Korean government but punctuated the need for

wealth and power.31 Influenced by their Japanese and Chinese counterparts,

intellectuals and statesmen alike acknowledged the need for Western knowledge and

technology. In terms of the military, Western superiority was undeniable. Korea

needed to strengthen its military in order to defend itself, and importation of Western

knowledge and technology was the key.

Early on, Korean intellectuals rallied under such slogans as "Western

Technology, Eastern Morality" and "Old Foundation, New Participation, attempting to

select the best from both worlds and merge the two.32 However, a small group of

statesmen and intellectuals, including S Chae-pil and Sin Kyu-sik began to realize that

31 Earlier, Chinese intellectuals, such as Yen Fu, turned to wealth and power () as the solutions to

Chinas ailments. Li Hung-chang and Chang Chih-tung also emphasized the development of the military

and industry.32 As an example, the minister of Education Sin Ki-sn, while incorporating new learning, also

strengthened Confucian studies at the Snggyungwan. He also emphasized morals education in the

primary and middle schools. HSSM 3/13/1899; Kwanbo 4/6/1899, R.E. #11.


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military technology could not be so easily divorced from the complex of Western

thought. These men understood that industrialization was 'the other' key to Western

power and soon pushed for the dual goals of developing the military and industry. This

"self-strengthening" movement gained momentum and eventually came to include

moderate and radical reformers alike.

As part of the sweeping reform movement, in July of 1894 the government

established the Hangmu Amun () or the Office for Educational Affairs. This

office was in charge of the oversight of the establishment of primary schools and

normal schools for the training of teachers. In February of 1894, Kojong wrote a

treatise on the establishment of education (Kyoyuk Ibguk Chos) where he said,

Looking at different, strong and independent countries, they all have enlightened

people. This is because of education, which (also) protects the state. Therefore, we

should establish schools everywhere to cultivate the people33 A year later, on

February 2, 1895, Kojong proclaimed in the Rescript on National Education:

The prosperity and sovereignty of great world powers have beenfounded upon an enlightened and civilized citizenry, and this civilizedknowledge is realized from the pure nature of learning. In other words,education is the foundation of a countrys preservation.On July 19, 1895, Kojong issued Royal Decree Number 145 which stated that the

purpose of primary education was the development of childrens bodies, and to teach

the skill and knowledge needed for living.34

The kings call to establish mass education

is evidence that the government began to believe that mass education was the

foundation of the state, and that they were prepared to build a new educational system

33 HKKD HKKU 100 year History, p. 44.34 HKKD HKKU 100 year History, p. 43.


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based on Western learning. What followed was the establishment of primary public

schools, the reform of curricular and examination content, and the launch of initiatives

for national education.

In order to accomplish this, the reform government turned to the Japanese

model and implemented their adaptation of Western educational systems. In 1895, the

first primary schools were established in four different locations in the capital

(Hansng) and the government encouraged residents of those areas to send their

children to the new schools. On July 28, 1895, the Kwanbo announced the pre-openings

of Changdong Primary School for August 8, Chngdong Primary School on August 9,

Kyedong Primary School on August 12, and Chudong Primary School on August 13.

Following this, the government established two more schools in the capital and thirty-

seven schools in the provinces. By 1905, there were ten schools in Seoul and fifty in the

rural regions.35

However, the shift away from traditional Confucian learning did not occur

without opposition. The Hwangsng Sinmun reported that in one case where half of the

crops taken from hyanggyo/swn land were allotted to the local public school, local

Confucians rose in protest.36 They then sent a formal appeal to the government asking

to return the funds taken from the hyanggyo land.37 In another case, the head Confucian

scholar from the hyanggyo in Kyngju led a crowd to the public school there and

condemned the false and unrighteous nature of the textbooks. He then went on to

insult the teacher Yi Kang-ho who then went to the capital and submitted a charge to

35 Kim To-hyong, RMTE, p. 21.36 HSSM 2/21/1899.37 Sisa Chongbo 2/4/1899.


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the Ministry of Education.38 In yet another case, it was reported that some Confucian

scholars in Kynggi province occupied the public school there and drove out the

students.39

The staunchest resistance came from Confucian scholars in the southeastern

provinces. In 1899, about 130 scholars, all from the southeastern area, jointly signed a

statement proclaiming the injustice of diverting funds to the primary schools.40 This

response is not in any way startling or unbelievable. The rusticated literati established

their position as scholars and notable figures in the community through their

leadership in the local schools. Most of these individuals, marginalized from power in

the capital, retreated to the countryside to pursue their scholarship and to train future

generations of scholars. The new learning, and schools that taught the new learning,

rendered their raison detre obsolete, and portended their loss of employment and

status, and replacement by inferior teachers. This group by far had the most to lose,

thus precipitating their violent reaction.

In contrast, many of the local notables were open to the new schools. In

Kwangju, since the public school there did not receive financial support from the

government, the locals supported the school themselves.41 With the abolition of the

civil service examination and introduction of recruitment of officials based on talent

or specialized skills,yangban families in the countryside turned to the new schools to

provide their sons with the necessary training to obtain government posts.

38 HSSM 2/21/1899.39 HSSM 2/2/1901.40 Sisa Chongbo 7/22/1899.41 HSSM 4/15/1905.


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Although most graduates from the official schools did receive government

positions, those who did not were quick to express their dissatisfaction. In 1899,

students of the military school threatened to drop out if they did not receive official

positions, and soon the students of the postal school followed suit.42 Clearly, students

continued to enroll in the official schools with the expectation of receiving an official

posttwo years later in 1901, students of the Russian school also made the same

threats.43

Of primary importance was the training of qualified teachers leading to the

establishment of the Hansng Normal School on September 18, 1894. The first

graduating class was recruited in April of 1895 and entered the school on May 1st.

There were two tracks, a regular course and intensive training course. The regular

track was a two-year course and students ranged in ages from 20 to 25 whereas in the

intensive course students were 22 to 35 years old. Students were required to have a

fundamental knowledge of Korean and Chinese characters (both reading and writing),

geography, and history. The normal school most needed teachers to teach morals,

Korean language, classical Chinese, pedagogy, history, geography, mathematics,

physics, general knowledge (pangmul), chemistry, penmanship, writing, and physical

education. The first teacher recruited was the American missionary Homer Hulbert

who taught at the school from 1897 to 1902. Eighty-four percent of the normal school

graduates ended up teaching at other official schools.

42 Cheguk Sinmun 1/23/1899, 1/24/1899.43 Cheguk Sinmun 3/23/1901.


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There were five principles the Normal School tried to inculcate in its students: 1.

how to make a lifelong impression on ones class, 2. the importance of patriotism and

loyalty, 3. the importance of observance of order and rules, 4. healthy lifetime habits,

and 5. the need for teachers to be diligent in keeping with school rules.44 Whether or

not the Normal School succeeded in instilling these values and principles is unknown,

however it is clear what the government had prioritized and deemed fundamental to

primary education. First and foremost the government wanted to ensure that the

recipients of the new education would be loyal and law-abiding citizens, as is evidenced

in numbers 2 through 4. However, not only were students to be loyal to their king and

country through the instillation of a sense of patriotism and loyalty, but these values

were to be lifelong and predicated on the teachers example.

Also in 1895 the government established a Japanese language school in Inchn.

Japanese foreign language schools were established first because of the increase in

Japanese trade and because of a grant from the king. In January of 1896 a French

language school opened in front of the French consul and at Matels home. On

February 26, 1896 a Russian language school opened; in May of 1897 a Chinese language

school that had closed down after the Sino-Japanese War re-opened; and in June of 1898

a German language school opened. The Japanese and Chinese language courses lasted

for four years; the English, French, Russian, and German language courses took five

years. Language was the primary subject at these schools, but the students also learned

some mathematics, geography, other general courses, and some practical courses

44 HKKD HKKU 100 year History, p. 105-106.


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including commerce and postal science.45 Physical education was added later. The

number of English language students increased to 100, and in order of popularity:

Japanese, French, Chinese, Russian, and German. French students were usually

interested in practical subjects and French teachers also taught trade, postal science,

and communications (tongsin).46 The English and French classes were expanded to five

levels, German and Chinese to three levels, and Russian to four levels. Each foreign

language graduate received official positions, usually a junior clerical position, became

teachers and translators, or became a fourth grade official or secretary. Since foreign

language teachers were handsomely compensated, foreign language study became

increasingly popular.

In addition to the language schools, the government was active in establishing

military schools. On May 20, 1895 the government established the Mugwan School

which offered a three month training course to train military officers. In its first year,

the school targeted 20 to 30 year olds, but in the next year targeted 18 to 27 year olds,

and in 1899 18 to 23 year olds. In January, 1900 fifty-six students graduated in the

schools first class. The second class graduated 117 people in June of 1903, and on

September 27, 1904 the school was divided into three separate schools: the Mugwan

School, the Ynsng School, and the Yunyn School. There were 300 students at the

Yunyn School, 15 to 18 years old who received three years of training in mathematics

in addition to the military training. About 100 graduates of this school went on to the

Mugwan School to receive three years of military education which included tactics,

marksmanship, physical education, fencing, and military training while the schools top

45 HKKD HKKU 100 year History, p. 22.46 HKKD HKKU 100 year History, p. 23.


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students learned a foreign language.47 Students at the Ynsng School were current

military officers who studied tactics and strategy, marksmanship, gymnastics, and

fencing.

Medical schools and law schools were also established at this time. The

vaccination center, established by Royal Decree on November 7, 1905, was the

predecessor to the medical school.48 Students learned in only the course of a month

how to give vaccinations, and then took a test at the end of the course. On March 24,

1899 the king commissioned the founding of the medical school which also became a

government organ.49

In July, its rules and regulations were issued, on August 15 fifty

students were chosen and on the 20th began class at the home of Kim Hongjip. Students

were required to pass an entrance exam testing their knowledge of Korean, classical

Chinese, writing, Pirye, and Sikdap. In a three year intensive program students took

courses on biology, chemistry, physics, anatomy, physiology, drugs, diagnosis, internal

and external medicine, ophthalmology, gynecology, pediatrics, forensic medicine,

vaccines, and physical education. Students attended class for five hours everyday and

took monthly, semester, and yearly exams, whereupon graduating received a medical

certificate. In 1907 the medical school became the Taehan Medical Center.

The law school was established in March of 1895 and included a 6 month course

teaching civil law, criminal law, procedural law, legal classics, and a survey of legal

codes.

50

There were 47 students in the first graduating class and 39 students in the

second graduating class. After these two classes, the school closed, only to open again

47HKKD HKKU 100 year History, p. 24; Cheguk Sinmun: 4/18/1901. According to the 5/31/1904 Kuhan

Kwanbo, J. Bollign was hired to teach German and E. Martel was hired to teach French.48 Royal Decree Number 180.49 Royal Decree Number 7.50 HKKD HKKU 100 year History, p. 26.


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in 1903. From this time on the school offered a one and a half year program which also

included French law and language. Students were from 20 to 30 years old and were

required to pass an entrance exam testing Korean, classical Chinese, and Korean

geography and history. Graduates of the normal school, middle schools, and foreign

language schools were exempt from taking the entrance exam.

The government also placed importance on the establishment of vocational

schools by formulating its first plan for these kinds of schools in December of 1897

when it established the Engineering School (Kongjak Hakkyo). In May of 1899 the four

year Industry and Commercial School opened with the intent of admitting less than ten

students, but between 1899 and 1904, 208 students attended the school. In September

of 1900, the three year Mining School opened and hired the French technicians

Tremaulet and Cuvillier, as well as Yi Ingyu. In March of 1900, the Sericulture School

was established where graduating students received a certificate and were encouraged

to go back to their hometowns to set up their own schools. According to the

Hwangsng Newspaper (7/5/1902), by 1902 there were ten examination sites and

eighteen places students were conducting business in sericulture. This school was

more successful than other trade schools since the silk trade had expanded with Japan.

In November of 1900 two information schools opened, targeting students 15 to 30 years

old. At the Postal School students learned the domestic and international postal rules

and systems, foreign languages, and math.

At the outset, attendance at these schools remained rather low, some schools

seeing no increase in attendance from 1895 to 1904.51 The most popular schools were

51 HKKD HKKU 100 year History, v. I, p. 88.


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the foreign language, legal, and normal schools since students believed these schools

would be helpful for acquiring official posts in the government. When these positions

did not materialize, many students would withdraw or transfer to a school that was less

rigorous and demanding.

However, there were additional problems with the new schools. There were

complaints that they did not offer enough instructionfive hours of schooling as

opposed to day-long traditional schools where children left home in the morning and

did not return until the evening. There was also distrust of the new government

schools, particularly those that employed Japanese instructors. In the countryside, the

schools continued to focus on the old style of education and taught the Four Books and

Five Classics.

The primary schools were divided into regular and higher courses, and both

accepted students from the ages of 7 to 15 for three-year courses. The middle schools

accepted students 17 to 25 years of age for four and three-year courses; students at the

foreign language schools were 15 to 23 years old and attended a four-year fixed course;

the medical school accepted students 20 to 30 years old for a three-year course; and the

Hansng Normal School accepted students 20 to 25 years old. There were three areas

for development in the schools: the mind, the body, and morals. Education was to

cultivate loyalty and patriotism with morals education assuming priority. The primary

schools also taught common knowledge and skillsa basic education. The core

curriculum included morals training, reading, writing, penmanship, art and painting,

physical education, and elective courses were Korean geography, history, art, and


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foreign language. With the authorization of the Minister of Education, a student could

replace physical education with one or more electives, and female students could add

sewing to their curriculum. The higher courses included reading and composition,

ethics, penmanship, arithmetic, Korean geography and history, world geography and

history, science, drawing, and physical education, with schools for girls teaching

sewing.

By 1898 there was a need for a middle school to accommodate the few primary

school graduates, and even though the middle school regulations were not formalized

until September 7, 1900. The purpose of the middle schools was to provide the people

with correct morals and the regular course was four years long. In the regular course,

students learned morals and ethics, reading, writing, history, geography, math,

economics, general studies, physics, chemistry, drawing, foreign languages, and

physical education. In the higher course students learned law, politics, trade, farming,

commerce, medicine, weights and measurements. The students were 17 to 25 years of

age and either graduates of the advanced course in the primary schools or

exceptional students.52 However, between 1898 and 1906 there were only 139 middle

school graduates, 88 of whom already held office. Middle school teachers were

American and Japanese. The first class graduated 20 students and the second graduated

7 students; of these 27, five were ofyangban background who were previously unable to

gain employment in the government while the rest were commoners. Only five had

graduated from the advanced primary school course.

52 HKKD HKKU 100 year History, p. 58.

yuh education and struggle for power

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