varlık vergisi (1942) for 6 - 7 eylül olayları - dilek güven

7/30/2019 Varlk Vergisi (1942) for 6 - 7 Eyll Olaylar - Dilek Gven

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SUMMARY

a complete endto the goodwill thatDP governmentdisplayed fornon-Muslimminorities.

The widespread approach observed in the scholarly literature over the Events of 6-7 Septem-

ber that "those events are exclusively related to Cyprus issue"should be evaluated as a misleading

one. The crisis in Cyprus was more of a "positive" development that contributed to the deportationprocess of minoritiessince 1920s. Quite identical withthe experience of Thracian Jews in1934, non-

Muslim minorities were forced to leave the country as a result of the destruction given to their

movable and immovable possessions. The aspiration that CHP had for purifying Anatolian towns

from Christians and Jews, and tor amassing minorities in few metropoles of the country-primanly in

Istanbul- was accomplished before 1950s. Following this, as it was mentioned in a report prepa-

red in 1946 over the case, the process that would strip Istanbul off Jews and Christians should be

completed. If it is kept in mind that only the more than half of all ruined enterprises were Greek-

Orthodox possessions, it will be obviously improbable to explain the acts of violence as retaliation

towards Cyprus policy of Greece.

The Events of 6-7 September caused the mass migration of Greek-Orthodox, Armenians and

Jews from the country. For majority of the minorities, the Events of 6-7 September was the evidence

that they were not recognized as Turkish citizens. The belief that they would be subject to disc-rimination in future regardless of the political party in power strengthened the motive to emigra-

te.This development following the year 1955 also reports the end of religious pluralism in Istanbul.

The attacks in 1955 should be considered in the frame of political and financial hardships that

Menderes government had been experiencing. In order to prevent the demonstration of negative cir-

cumstances by opposition and the press, mistrustful methods were adopted, and in turn, this paved

the way for the alienation among educated segments of society. The Events of 6-7 September be-

came an excuse for the government to set a limit over the press, the opposition and student move-

ment, and keeping the domestic political developments under control. Immediately after the at-

tacks, on 7 September 1955, Martial Law was promulgated in Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir for sixmonths, and the National Assembly was temporarily closed down. However, according to an acco-

unt revealed in a report prepared by German Consulate General, even on 24 August 1955, whichmeans 15 days prior to the outbreak of attacks, martial law for a year was decided upon; and the

target was the unrestrainedactivity freedom of the opposition. On 7 June 1956, two distinct drafts

of law code suggested by government to silence Ankara and Istanbul press that pertained to criti-

cism against itself became law in the Grand National Assembly. The party in power justified the mo-

tive behind those bills of law by claiming that such exaggerated representation of news as in the ca-

se of bomb attack against Atatrk's home "could depress the country, and promote crime."

Undoubtedly, one of the surprising findings of this study is the contribution made to the pre-

paration of the Events of 6-7 September by British government. After Greek -Orthodox majority in

Cyprus asserted aloud Enosis. which was the claim pertaining the annexation to the Greek main-land, British imperial rule decided to organise a conference in London from 29 August to 7 Septem-

ber 1955. The causes for British government to arrange a three-party-conference were as follows: It

should be obstructed that Greece would bringCyprus issue into the agenda of United Nations; theincreasing tension between ethnic groups on the island should be lessened and position of Turkey

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6-7EYLLOLAYLARI

should be strengthened so that charges against Britain which pointed out its colonial claims should

be defied accordingly. First of all, London endeavoured to convince Greeks that Turkey also had

rights over Cyprus.

British knew well that their position at the conference, or later during the probable negoti-ations in United Nations would relatively be reinforced ''as longas Turkswere awaken from their

own passivity."

After that, Macmillan informed Turkish Foreign Ministry that he would like meet with them

prior to the conference, and he also stated the following opinion "if Turks put their claims as sharply

as they can at the beginning of negotiations, that would be beneficial both for them and us." In re-

turn for this, Turkish Foreign Minister, Fatin R t Zorlu, who was encouraged by the British, put

forth his government's view into consideration in an unusual manner. The Greek delegation did not

disguise their bewilderment about "Turkish element" in Cyprus issue, and they held British govern-

ment accountable for Zorlu's severe approach. Only development which preventeddelegates from

leaving London was the suggestion made by Macmillan that conference should be carried on at thelevel of bilateral meetings.

The conference in London was dismembered due to the attacks in Istanbul, Izmir and Anka-

ra on 6 September 1955. Being unaware of the conspiracy plotted by Turks, Greek Foreign Minis-

ter apologised for the bomb attack in Thessalonica, however. Zorlu blamed Greeks on account that

their provocative Cyprus policies gave way to the attacks. Turkish delegation called back by Men-

deres, and they left London on 8 September 1955. The responses given by British over attacks we-

re diverse. While British Consulate General Mihalis Stewart called the attacks as the "apex of barba-

rism", other affiliates in British Foreign Ministry were contented with the Turkish approach of "an

eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." Yet, another group among Bntish was glad about the burning

up of a Greek-Orthodox church in terms of eliminating "an unpleasant view."The most remarkab-

le response was of British Foreign Minister Macmillan's; though his collegues and British Ambassa-dor in Ankara recommended him to warn Ankara effectively, he preferred a milder protest.

In this context, the charges pressed by Greeks against British that they had participated to thesetting-up of the attacks in Istanbul should also be considered. Immediately after the attacks, Greek

press demonstrated British government accountable for the Events of 6 September 1955.

Even official Greek authorities considered the bomb attack in Thessalonica was set-up by Bri-

tish intelligence agents. Though the imputations laid by Greek side seem figments of imagination,

there are clues revealing that British were involved in the events. For instance, British Ambassador

in Athens has already foreseen a possibility of an event at Atatrk's parental home through which

Turco-Greek relations would consequently be deteriorated, in August 1954:

"I think Turks started to be concerned about the situation. When 1 saw my Turkish collegia', who isalso a close friend of mine, he explained that he was worried about the way things are going. As Imentioned in my message, the relations are not favourable and it is obvious that seemingly friendlyTurco-Greek relations are indeed fragile, even a slightest shock can be enough. It would be sufficientto incite a turmoil through an unimportant event such as inscribing a slogan with a piece chalk on thewall of the house where Ataturk was born."

214

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SUMMARY

In his memoirs published later. Prime Minister Anthony Eden confessed that the only crucial

matter for British government during London Conference was to make known disagreement betwe-

en Turkey and Greece that they already acknowledged in international arena. Moreover, in this con-

text, a functionary of British Foreign Ministry wished as follows: "If some revolts take place in An-kara that will suit our interest."

Shortly afterthe attacksin Turkey,British ForeignMinistry gave thisorder to the News Office:

It should be avoided that the news related the destruction of British commodities and injuries caused

to British nationals be emphasised for public opinion, especially in the press. The existence of such

an instruction strengthens the view which argues that British government provoked Turks for the

setting-up of the attacks. The demand to reimburse the losses caused to British nationals and their

possessions was withdrawn with respect to the political estimates made by British Foreign Ministry.

As a result, the movement against minorities in Istanbul reinforced the position of Britain.

As consequence of events, Turkey was clearly contained in to the Cyprus conflict as a third

power. Therefore, quite neatly, the continuity of the statusquo, that is, the permanence of British

dominion over the island became probable. Another advantage that Events of 6-7 September provi-

ded for Britain was that USA changed its Cyprus policy in the aftermath of the attacks.In the spring of the year 1955 Greece announced that they would bring Cyprus conflict into

United Nations again, the US government was tended to support Greek claims. The US Ambassador

Lodge's anti-colonial opinions in United Nations were well acknowledged by British government.

While London Conference was coming up , US manner against Cyprus issue was becoming mode-

rate. A week before this three-party-conference, Americans were still anticipating that an agreement

among those three powers would defy the Greekclaim to bring the issue into United Nations. If USA

refused the Greek recourse in UN. it would be giving up from one of its political principles, and in

turn that would mean the rejection of a claim an ally would like to carry into UN to be negotiated.

On 23rd of September 1955, USA voted against the inclusion of Cyprus issue in UN agendawith respect to the recommendation provided by UN General Assembly. USA based its claim to re-

ject this demand on the comparative significance of threats over liberal world order and NATO uni-on. British government eventually achieved its goal that Cyprus issue was prevented to be debated

in UN. The functionaries in Foreign Ministry were aware that "ambitious approach of Greece in

UN" would be easily handled with "the active support of USA" and they received that support as a

result of the attacks.

A proper analysis of the Events of 6-7 September 1955 is possible as long as it is considered

with respect to the ethnic and religious homogenisation practiced by Kemalist elite for the building

of a successful nation-state, the exceptional circumstances of democratic and financial matters of

1950s, and in the frame of Cyprus conflict.

215

onu00sonu. Aranan:ile ilgili sonu

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arlk Vergisi (1942) for 6 - 7 Eyll Olaylar - Dilek Gvenek GvenCumhuriyet Dnemi Aznlk Politikalar ve Stratejileri Balamnda6-7 EYLL OLAYLARI (More) Dilek GvenCumhuriyetnemi Aznlk Politikalar ve Stratejileri Balamnda6-7 EYLL OLAYLARI TARH VAKFI YURT YAYINLARI 149Cumhuriyet Dnemnlk Politikalar ve Stratejileri Balamnda 6-7 EYLL OLAYLARI Dilek Gven eviri Bahar ahin 2005, Tarih Vakf Yurt Yaytm iin yaplacak ksa alntlar dnda. yayncnn yazl izni olmakszn, hibir yntemle oaltlamaz. ISBN: 975-333-196-7 Birincm:stanbul, Austos 2005 (2000 Adet)Yayn YnetmeniZafer KaracaReda (Less)ir veya Yazdr eksiyona Ekle

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Kltr ve Eitim Kurumlarnn Trkletirilmesiskn PolitikalarTrakya Olaylar (1934)Ermenilerin Zorunlu G (1929-1934)Gayrimslimlerin Askerlik Hizmetine Alnmas (1941)Varlk Vergisi (1942)okpartili Sisteme Geiten Sonra Gayrimslimlerin DurumuDemokrat Parti ve Gayrimslim Aznlk 6-7 Eyll Olaylar ve Gayrimslim Aznln G

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