UNDERSTANDINGPARTICIPATIONINTHEUNDERGROUNDECONOMYINOAKLAND

AThesis

Presentedto

TheFacultyoftheDepartmentofAnthropology

SanJoséStateUniversity

InPartialFulfillment

oftheRequirementsfortheDegree

MasterofArtsby

IdaWilson

December2015

©2015

IdaWilson

ALLRIGHTSRESERVED

TheDesignatedThesisCommitteeApprovestheThesisTitled

UNDERSTANDINGPARTICIPATIONINTHEUNDERGROUNDECONOMYIN

OAKLANDby

IdaWilson

APPROVEDFORTHEDEPARTMENTOFANTHROPOLOGY

SANJOSÉ STATEUNIVERSITY

December2015

Dr.RobertoGonzalez DepartmentofAnthropology

Dr.ChuckDarrah DepartmentofAnthropology

MLA.AlissaShaw DepartmentofHealthSciencesand Recreation

ABSTRACT UNDERSTANDINGPARTICIPATIONINTHEUNDERGROUNDECONOMYIN OAKLAND

ByIdaWilson Thisthesisinvestigateshowindividualssubsistbyparticipatinginthe

informaleconomy.Specificallyitexploresthelivesofparticipantsinvolvedinthree

differentsectorsofinformaleconomyinOakland,California.Participantsinthe

studyincludetwosexworkers,sevendaylaborers,andtwoindividualswhosell

narcotics.Thepurposeofthisstudyistwofold:tohumanizeindividualswhoare

involvedintheseformsofworkwhoareotherwiseviewedascriminalsand

problemstoneighborhoodsandtodiscusstheparticipants’experiencesthatledto

theirinvolvementintheundergroundeconomy.Iaddresstheseissuesbyaskingthe

followingquestions:Whatarethefactorsthatledparticipantstoseekworkinthe

undergroundeconomy?Towhatextentdoesworkingintheundergroundeconomy

helporhinderparticipants’upwardsocioeconomicmobilityandparticipants’

involvementinthelegaleconomy?Findingsrevealthatparticipantsusedthe

undergroundeconomyasameanstoanendandthattheundergroundeconomy

servedasameansforthemtofinanciallyprovideforthemselvesandtheirfamilies.

Theanswerstothesequestionsareexploredfromananthropologicalperspective

thatreliesuponethnographicmethodsofinterviews,observationsanduseof

secondarysources.Thegoalsofthisstudyaretocontributetothescholarly

knowledgeandunderstandingofinformaleconomicactivityandprovidedifferent

perspectivesoftheundergroundeconomyanditsparticipants.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Iforemostwouldliketoexpresshumblegratitudeforeachparticipantinthe

study.Icannotthankyouallenoughforyourreceptivenessandwillingnesstoshare

yourstorieswithmeandmostimportantly,trustingmewithyourstories.Thank

youallforshowingakeeninterestinthepurposeofthisstudy.

Iwouldliketothankmyfamilyforencouragingmetopursuethisstudyand

forbelievinginit.Thankyouinfinitelyforallofyoursupport.Mymother,my

siblings,Shavonnee,Elaina,Emerald,Emanuel,KylieandCretta,thisisforyouall.

AhugethankyougoesouttoJustinforservingasaphotographerandI

wouldliketothankDallasforplayingapivotalroleinthisstudy.Icannotthankyou

enoughforhelpinginmorewaysthanone.

IgraciouslythanktheOaklandWorkers’Collectiveandthedaylaborers,who

aremembersofthisorganizationforwelcomingmeintotheirspace.Thankyoufor

takinginterestinthisstudyandbeingsoencouraging.Iespeciallywouldliketheto

thankthemenforbeingsowelcomingandkindtome.Ithankyouinfinitelyfor

sharingyourexperienceswithme.

GraciosamentedoygraciasalespacioenOaklandWorkers’Collectiveylos

jornalerosquesonmiembrosdeestaorganizaciónparadarmelabienvenidaasu

espacio.Graciasportomarinterésenmiinvestigaciónysiendotanalentador.Me

gustaríaespecialmenteeldarlasgraciasaloshombresporsertan

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acogedoryamableconmigo.Graciashombresinfinitamenteporcompartirsus

experienciasconmigo.

Mostimportantly,thankyoutomythesiscommitteefortakingagreat

interestinthisstudyandprovidingencouragement.Iespeciallywouldliketothank

mycommitteechair,Dr.RobertoGonzalezforprovidinginfinitesupportandadvice

forthestudy.IwouldliketothankDr.ChuckDarrahforhissupportand

encouragementinthebeginningstagesofpursuingthisstudyandProfessorShaw

forherendlesssupportandencouragement.

Icouldnothavedonethisstudywithoutyouall.

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TABLEOFCONTENTSListofFigures………………………………………………………………………………………………viiiListofDefinitions…………………………………………………………………………………………..ixChapter1:Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………..1Chapter2:Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………..5Chapter3:SexWork………………………………………………………………………………………..9Chapter4:DrugDealing…………………………………………………….………………………..….33Chapter5:DayLabor…………………………………………………………………………………......49Chapter6:ReflectionsOnFieldwork……………………………………………………………….70Chapter7:Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………..….79ReferencesCited...…………………………………………………………………………………….…….85AppendixA:InterviewConsentFormEnglish………………………………………..……..….87AppendixB:InterviewConsentFormSpanish…………………………………….……………89AppendixC:NumberofArrestsInOaklandforSexWorkandCommercializedViceinYears20092014…………………………………………….…………91AppendixD:NumberofArrestsInOaklandforDrugPossessionandSaleinYears2009-2013……………………………………………………………….…………………92

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LISTOFFIGURES

Figure5.1DayLaborHiringZonesigns………………………………………………………51

Figure5.2DayLaborersSolicitationSign…………………..……………………...………..52

Figure5.3LocationsofVisibleDayLaborHiringSign.................................................53

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LISTOFDEFINITIONS

Finesse(verb):Theactofpersuadingsomeone

Cutthroat(noun):Referencetoaruthlessindividual

Crabsinthebucket:AmetaphorreferringtohowindividualsundermineotherstogetaheadComeup(verb):Referencetoanimprovementofone’scircumstances.Square(noun):AnuprightandhonestindividualRatchet(adjective):DescriptionofanunrulypersonTheTrack(noun):Aplacewheresomesexworkerslookforworkasknownasthestroll.InOakland,InternationalBlvdandSanStreetareinfamouslyknownastrackswheresexworkersfrequentE14th(noun):StreetthatisnowformallyknownasInternationalBoulevard.OaklandnativesstillusethisnameinsteadofInternationalBoulevard‘Hood(noun):Termforlowersocioeconomiccommunities.ShortenedfromthetermneighborhoodbutusedspecificallyinreferencetothesecommunitiesDope(noun):Crackcocaine

GreenGirls(noun):NaïvegirlswhobecomeinvolvedinsexworkwithoutknowingwhattoexpectHo’ing(verb):Slangforperformingsexwork

Dopeboys(noun):Drugdealers

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Chapter1:Introduction

Theundergroundeconomyreferstotheuntaxedandoftenunseenwaysin

whichindividualsearnanincome.Thetermsinformalsector,moonlightingandthe

blackmarketaresynonymouswiththeundergroundeconomy.Thisstudywill

discusstheexperiencesofindividualswhoworkintheundergroundeconomy.

Participantsinthisstudyincludetwosexworkers,sevendaylaborersandtwodrug

dealers.Thisstudywillalsodiscussamyriadoffactorsthatledparticipantstoseek

workintheundergroundeconomy.Ichosethesesectorsofworkinthe

undergroundeconomybecauseasanOaklandnative,Ihavefamiliaritywiththem.I

haveencounteredmanyindividualswhohaveparticipatedintheunderground

economy.TheprevalenceoftheseformsofworkinOaklandcanbeseenwitnessing

daylaborersseekworkonthestreets,watchingthelocalnews,andreviewing

statisticsofarrestsmadeinOaklandfordrugdealingandsexwork.Althoughthere

isampleevidenceofasignificantundergroundworkforceinOakland(Cityof

OaklandYearEndCrimeReports2013and2014),thereisalackofliteraturethat

acknowledgestheexperiencesofindividualswhoareinvolvedintheseformsof

work.Discussingindividualinvolvementintheundergroundeconomyprovidesa

differentperspectiveonhowtheseindividualsareoftenviewedbypoliticians,

lawmakersandothersinsociety.Inmanycases,individualswhoworkinthe

undergroundeconomyareviewedascriminalsandproblemstocommunities.

Thepurposesofthisstudyweretohumanizetheparticipantsinthe

undergroundeconomyanddiscussexperiencesthatcontributedtotheir

participationinit.Forthisstudy,Iaskedquestionsaboutparticipants’childhoods,

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workhistoriesandjobskills.Theimportanceofdiscussingtheseindividuals’

experiencesisthatitcreatestheabilitytoillustratethattheseindividualsareinfact

multifacetedanddefylabelsandsocialperceptions.Findingsfromthestudy

revealedthatfamilialtieswiththeundergroundeconomy,socioeconomic

deprivationandideasofopportunitywerefactorsthatcontributedtoparticipants’

involvementintheundergroundeconomy.Workintheundergroundeconomy

enabledsexworkersanddrugdealerstoachieveupwardsocioeconomicmobility,

whereasthesamewasnottrueforsomedaylaborers.Lastly,workinthe

undergroundeconomydidnothindersomeparticipants’mobilityintothelegal

economy.

Followingthisintroductiontothestudy,theremainderofthisthesiswillbe

organizedasfollows.Theremainderofthissectionprovidesaliteraturereviewand

discussesthemethodsusedforthestudy.Thesecondsectiondiscussesthe

methodologyused.Thethirdsectionintroducessexworkerswhowerepartofthis

studyanddiscussestheirlivesandexperiencesinpursingsexwork.Thefourth

sectionintroducesdrugdealerswhowerepartofthestudyanddiscussestheirlives

andexperiencesasdrugdealers.Thefifthsectionprovidesspatialanalysisand

observationsofdaylaborhiringzonesinOaklandaswellasdiscussesthe

experiencesofdaylaborers.Inthesixthsection,Ireflectonmyexperiencesofdoing

fieldworkaswellasdiscussfurtherimplicationsforresearchonparticipationinthe

undergroundeconomy.Thefinalsectionprovidesconclusions.

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ReviewofLiterature

Inthepastandeventoday,economistshaveattemptedtoandcontinueto

attempttocreatemethodsformeasuringtheundergroundeconomy(Guttmann

1977,Feige1979,Barlett1998andRestrepo-Echavarria2015).Thisstemsfroman

economicalstandpointthatattemptstounderstandhowunregulatedincomecan

impacttheoveralleconomyandtheeconomiesofothercountries.Theproblemof

tryingtomeasuretheundergroundeconomy,accordingtotheliterature,isthatitis

challengingtodoanditdoesnottakeintoaccountfactorsthatcontributeto

individualinvolvementintheundergroundeconomy.Thesechallengescreatea

spaceforotherdisciplinestoanalyzetheundergroundeconomyandprovide

differentperspectives.

Anthropologicalstudiesoftheundergroundeconomydatetothe1960s

whenanthropologistKeithHartcoinedtheterm“informalsector.”Duringthis

period,hestudiedtheinformalemploymentofurban,low-wageworkersinAccra,

Ghana(Hart1973).Hart’sstudyoftheundergroundeconomyreflectedtheeffectsof

urbanizationinGhana.Hisstudyservedasaplatformforotherinternationallabor

organizationstostudylabormarketsinothercountriesinAfricaaswellastostudy

theeffectsofglobalizationinthirdworldcountries(Losbyetal2002).Hart’sstudy

servedasacatalysttounderstandinformaleconomicactivityintheUnitedStates.

Eventuallyresearcherswouldstudyinformaleconomicactivitiesinurban

neighborhoods(Losbyetal2002,FermanandFerman1973,Lowenthal1979,Dow

1977).Thesignificanceoftheliteratureisthatitfocusesonhowtheunderground

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economyenablessupplemental-incomemakingstrategiesforindividualsfroman

anthropologicalstandpoint.

PhilippeBourgois’ethnography,“InSearchofRespect”,isasignificant

literatureinanthropologywithregardtothestudyofparticipationindrugdealing.

HisworkrevealedtheexperiencesofPuertoRicandrugdealersinEastHarlemin

the1980sandreflectedthecomplexitiesofthedailylivesofindividualswho

straddledthepovertylineandsubsistedviaparticipationintheunderground

economy.Theexperiencesoftheseindividualswereinreactiontosocial

marginalizationandsocioeconomicdeprivation.Whileenduringsocial

marginalizationandsocioeconomicdeprivation,thedrugdealersstruggledtoearn

andmaintainanincomefromtheiroccupationsintheundergroundeconomywhile

tryingtoattainrespectanddignity.WhatwassignificantaboutBourgois’workwas

thatitprovidedinsightsintosocialandeconomicfactorsthatcontributeto

individualchoicestobecomeinvolvedintheundergroundeconomy.

NicolasWalter,PhilippeBourgoisandH.MargaritaLoinaz(2004)and

sociologistGretchenPurser(2009)conductedresearchonthespatialorganization

ofdaylaboringhiringzonesintheBayArea.NicolasWalter,PhilippeBourgoisand

H.MargaritaLoinaz(2004)andPurser(2009)alsofocusedonanalyzingaspectsof

masculinityofdaylaborersintheBayArea.Thesearticlesaresignificantin

assessingidentitiesthataresignificanttodaylaborersaswellasassessinghow

spaceplaysaroleintheworkenvironmentandexperiencesofsomedaylaborers.

However,thesearticlesdonotprovidemuchinsightintothelivesofdaylaborers

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andtheirexperiencesofworkingintheundergroundeconomyfromaneconomic

standpoint.

AsourcetodeterminethedemographicsofdaylaborerswastheNational

DayLaborerSurvey(NDLS),conductedin2004tolearnaboutthedemographicsof

daylaborers,includingtheirimmigrationstatus,theirworkingconditionsandtheir

interactionswithemployers(Gonzalez2007).Thissurveywassignificantbecauseit

wasthefirstnationallyrepresentativesurveyofdaylaborersintheUnitedStates.It

wasconsideredasoneofthebesttoolstoprovideinformationaboutdaylaborersat

thetime.ThesurveydrewinformationfromOakland,SanFrancisco,SanDiegoand

OrangeCounty.Itincluded2,660participantsandthedatawascollectedinthe

summerof2004.

Theliteraturediscussedhasplayedapivotalroleintheunderstandingand

perspectivesoftheundergroundeconomyandparticularsectorsofthe

undergroundeconomyoverthepastdecades.Yetthereremainsalackofcurrent

literatureinanthropologyconcerningparticipationtheundergroundeconomy.

Therealsoisalackofliteraturethatfocusesonhumanizingparticipantsinvolvedin

informaleconomicactivityandsharingtheirexperiences.Thisstudycancontribute

knowledgeandhumanizationofparticipantsintheundergroundeconomy.

Chapter2:Methodology

Inthebeginningsofthefieldofanthropology,anthropologistswere

interestedinconductingresearchonculturesthatwereunfamiliar.Itwasnotuntil

the1960sthatthefieldbegantobefocusedonstudyingurbanphenomena.Notably,

anthropologistM.NSrinivas(1966)advocatedforthestudyofone’sownculture.He

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believedthatstudyingone’sownculturewasasteptowardsabetterunderstanding

ofone’sownrapidlychangingcommunity(Messerschmidt1981).Thesesentiments

wereacatalystformyinterestindoingastudyontheundergroundeconomyin

Oakland.AsanOaklandnative,Ihaveknownmanyindividualswhohave

participatedintheundergroundeconomy.ThepeoplewhomIhaveknownto

participateintheundergroundeconomyuseditasameanstoalleviatefinancial

hardshipstheyfacedlivinginlow-incomecommunities.Acquiringthisknowledge

inspiredmetopursuethisstudy.Ibelievedthatitwasimportanttodiscusshow

someindividualssubsistintheundergroundeconomyandwhytheydoit.This

investigationprovidedanopportunityforindividualstosharetheirexperiences.In

manycases,suchopportunityisnotpermitted.Inmanyinstances,drugdealingand

sexworkisdiscussedasaproblemthatneedstobefixed.Thereislittleinformation

ondaylaborersinOakland,thoughtheyarevisibleandundoubtedlyplayan

essentialroleinneighborhoodsandbusinessesinOakland.

Ichosethesethreeparticularsectorsoftheundergroundeconomybecause,

asanOaklandnative,IknowhowcommonthesejobsareinOakland.Conducting

researchonafamiliarphenomenoncancreateseveralchallenges.Forinstance,

conductingresearchonafamiliarphenomenoncanleadonetobeobliviousto

certainissues.Assumptionscanbemadeandmaintaininganobjectiveviewpoint

canbechallenging.AsIconductedthisstudyandbeganwritingthisthesis,Ihadto

remindmyselfoftheimportanceofbeingobjectiveandtreatingeverythingthatI

learnedfromparticipantsassomethingnewregardlessofmyfamiliaritywithit.

Conductingresearchonafamiliartopiccanbechallenginginregardstomaintaining

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objectivity.Ontheotherhanditgavemetheadvantageofaccesstoparticipants,

whomImetthroughpeopleIalreadyknew.Oneoftheparticipantswasa

schoolmateandsomeonewhowasclosetoafamilymember.OtherparticipantsI

metthroughotheracquaintances.Meetingresearchparticipantsthroughafamiliar

sourcelessenedthetimethatIwouldtypicallyneedtobuildrapportwith

individuals;itenabledmetoestablishtrustwithparticipantsmorequickly.The

participantsweremoretrustingofmebecauseofthemutualpeopleweknew.

Thestudywasconductedoverthecourseofsixmonthsandreliedon

qualitativemethodsandsecondarysources.Semi-structuredinterviewswithopen-

endedquestionswereusedtocollectinformationfromthesexworkersanddrug

dealers.Theinterviewsrangedinlengthfromanhourtofourhours.Informants

whowerefamiliarwiththedaylaborerpopulationwereinformallyinterviewed.

Short,videorecordedinterviewswithdaylaborersfromanonprofitorganization’s

websitewereusedtocollectinformationondaylaborers’experiences.Participant

observationswereusedindaylaborers’meetingsinanonprofitorganizationas

well.Observationswereusedatdaylaboringhiringzones.

Semi-structuredinterviewswereusedwithsexworkersanddrugdealers

becauseIfeltitwasthebestwaytolearnoftheirindividualexperiences.Onthe

contrary,Iusedsecondarysourcesforthedaylaborersthatarediscussedinthis

research.Thesecondarysourcesincludedpreviousinformationpublishedabout

daylaborpopulationsinCaliforniaaswellasvideosofrecordedinterviewswith

laborerswhoaremembersofthenonprofitorganizationcalledTheOakland

Worker’sCollective.ThevideosweretranslatedfromSpanishtoEnglish.Ialso

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attendeddaylaborermeetingsatTheOaklandWorkers’Collectiveonceaweekfora

fewweeks.Themeetingslastedaboutanhourtoanhourandahalf.TheOakland

Workers’Collective,alsocalledlacollectivaisanon-profitorganizationdedicatedto

organizingandadvocatingforthehealthandsafetyofdaylaborersinOakland.This

organizationisworker-ledandiscomprisedofaboutfifteenmemberswhoareday

laborers.Thesignificanceofthisorganizationisthatitprovidesapositiveimageof

daylaborersandprovidesresourcesforthedaylaborerstobeawareoftheirrights.

Thedataonthedaylaborersinthisstudyaredifferentthanthedataonthe

drugdealersandsexworkersbecausedaylaborerswerereluctanttobe

interviewed;asaresult,Ihadtouseeclecticmethodsofdatacollectionforthat

group.Duringthebeginningstagesofthestudy,mygoalwastousequalitative

researchmethodsforalloftheparticipants;however,itwasachallengetobuild

rapportwithdaylaborersandinterviewthem.Itwasdifficulttobuildrapportwith

thedaylaborersbecausetheyweresuspiciousofsomeonetheydidnotknowasking

tolearnaboutthem.Sincemanydaylaborersareundocumented,theyarereluctant

totalktooutsiders.Manydaylaborersestablishtheirownnetworksandinteract

withinthesenetworks.Also,thedaylaborersthatwereonthestreetsseekingwork

werelessconcernedwithtalkingtoastrangerwhowasnotinterestedinemploying

them.Frommyencounterswithdaylaborersonthestreet,Ifoundthatmanyofthe

menweredismissiveoncetheylearnedthatIwasnotofferingwork.Duetoday

laborers’reluctancetobeinterviewed,qualitativeresearchmethodswerelesslikely

tobeusefultolearnaboutthisgroup.Asopposedtothesexworkersanddrug

dealers,Iconductedobservationsonthedaylaborersthatwereapartofthisstudy.

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Observationswereusedbecausethedaylaborers’workintheunderground

economyisvisibleasopposedtothesexworkersanddrugdealerswhowereinthis

study.Conductingobservationsalsoenabledmetolearnwheremanydaylaborers

inOaklandseekwork.Observationswereusedinthedaylabormeetingsatthe

OaklandWorkers’Collectiveaswellbecausetheyenabledmetolearnofsome

experiencesofdaylaborers’sinceIcouldnotgainthisknowledgefromoneonone

interviews.

Chapter3:SexWork

SexworkisquitecommoninOakland.Thereisastreetthathaslongbeen

infamousforthepresenceofsexworkers:InternationalBoulevard,alsocalledthe

track.InternationalBoulevardisalong,continuousstreetthatintersectsdifferent

residentialareasandcommunities.Today,therearefewersexworkersvisiblyseen

pursuingworkonthisavenuethaninpastdecades.Overtheyears,theCityof

OaklandandtheOaklandPoliceDepartmenthavebeenproactiveinminimizingthe

prevalenceofsexwork.In2009,therewere643arrestsforsexwork.In2014,there

were258arrests(CityOaklandYearEndCrimeReports2013and2014).The

OaklandPoliceDepartmenthasbeenconductingmultiplestingoperationstoend

thetraffickingofsexworkers(OaklandNorth2010).Currently,theOaklandPolice

Departmenthasawebsitethatpostspicturesofindividualswhowerearrestedfor

pimpingandsolicitingsexwork(CBSLocalNews2015).Accordingtoastatement

fromthepolicedepartment,establishingthiswebsitehashelpedthemaccomplish

theirgoalof“identifyingandrescuingvictimsoftraffickingandlocatingand

arrestingperpetratorsofthiscrime”(CBSlocalNews2015).Asthisisasignificant

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goal,itdismissestheexperiencesofindividualswhowillinglypursuesexwork.This

chapterwilldiscusstheexperiencesoftwowomenwhoaresexworkersfrom

Oakland.

HomeBeginnings

Therearemanyreasonswhywomenpursuesexworkandmanywaysin

whichtheyinitiallybecomeinvolvedinthetrade.Theirparticipationmaystemfrom

theabilitytobecomeself-sufficientatayoungage.Theymightbecomeinvolvedby

beingintroducedtoitbysomeonetheyknow.Sexworkerscanvaryinage.For

example,attheageoffourteen,manygirlsmayspendtheirtimedoingschoolwork

orhangingoutwithfriends.ThisisnottrueforJowhoisa23-year-oldsexworker.

Attheageoffourteen,shehadtolearnhowtotakecareofherself.Ifanyonewereto

meetJo,onewouldthinkthatshehadatypicalchildhood.Unbeknownsttoothers

whomeether,herchildhoodwasanythingbuttypical.

Jo:Ilearnedhowtotakecareofmyselfat14.That’swhenIlearned howtobemyselfandtakecareofmyself.Onedaymymomjustdecided thatshewantedtododrugsandnotbeamother,soshejustdropped meoffatmyaunt’shouse.MyauntiswhoIconsidermymother. Despitehermother’sabsenceandherdecisiontocontinuetousedrugs,Jo

livedherlifeinastateofrelativenormalcyforayoungwomanofherage.During

thistimeinherlife,herauntwastheonlymaternalandfamilyfigurethatshehad.

Herfatherdidnotwantanythingtodowithher.

Oftenwhenparentsabusedrugs,itleadsthemtomakepoordecisions,

abandonresponsibilitiesandnegativelyimpactthosewhoareclosetothem.Jo’s

familyisanexample.Joandhermotherdidnotgetalongbecauseofhermother’s

continueddrugabuseandtheunsettledfeelingsofhermother’sabandonment.

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WheneverJospoketohermotherabouttheseissues,hermotherignoredher

feelingsanddisregardedthesituationthatshecreated.Hermotherhada

nonchalantattitudetowardsherdruguseandhowitaffectedherfamily.Asaresult,

Joandhermotherhadatumultuousrelationship.Hermother’sabandonmentledJo

todevelopcallousedandindifferentfeelingstowardslifeatayoungage.

Jo:MymotherandIdonotgetalong.OnceIgotolderItriedtostaywith heranditjustdidn’tworkout.Shehasthis“Ohwell,getoverit” attitudeandwealwaysclashbecauseofit.Shedoesn’trealizethatthereason thatwedon’tgetalongisbecauseofher! Attheageof17,Jobecamepregnantwithherfirstchild.Herpregnancydid

notdeterherfromdoingthingsthatoneatthatagewasexpectedtodo.At18,she

gavebirthtohersonandgraduatedfromhighschool.Soonafterwards,sheworked

toprovideforhim.Sixmonthsafterherson’sbirth,shebeganworkingasasex

worker.

AlthoughJo’smotherabandonedherasachild,hermother’sabandonment

didnotdirectlycauseJotopursuesexwork.Itwastheexperienceofhavingtobe

self-sufficientthatenabledhertobecomeindependentandpursuejobsthatshefelt

wouldenablehertomaintainherindependence.AccordingtoJo,hermother’s

abandonmentmotivatedhertoprovideforhersonandbethereforhimasshefelta

mothershouldbe.Thesearequalitiesthatshefeltwerenotmodeledbyherown

motherandshebelievedthatthesearequalitiesthateverymothershouldhave.

UnlikeJo’sexperience,Ashleycamefromalargefamilyandistheyoungest

girlamonghersiblings.Sheisa27-year-oldsexworkerwhohaslivedinboth

OaklandandHouston.Sheandhersiblingsgrewuplivingwiththeirgrandparents

becauseherparentsspenttimeinandoutofjail.Forthemostpart,shebelievedthat

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shehadagreatchildhoodbecauseshehadtheluxuryofbeingtakencareofbyher

grandparents.Shestatedthatshelivedinghettosduringherchildhood.

Whenshewasfourteen,Ashley’sfamilymemberstoldherthatwomenwere

powerful.Asthesevalueswereinstilledinheratayoungage,shebecameinterested

inexploringhowshecouldexerciseherpowerasawoman.Whatservedasa

catalystforhertoexerciseaformofpowerstemmedfromwatchingtelevision

showsaboutsexworkersandmembersofherfamilyteachingherthatwomenare

powerful.

Ashley:AtfourteenIwastoldthatIhavepower.Ididn’tknowwhatkind ofpoweritwas,butIwastoldthatsinceIamagirlIhadit.WhenIwas youngerIwatchedthoseshowsaboutescortsonHBO.Ithinkthenamesof theshowswerecalledHookersontheCorner,G-stringorsomethinglikethat. Ithinkthepointoftheshowswastodiscouragepeoplefromdoingit.But theydidn’tdoagoodjob.Thosegirlshadmoney,shoesandeverything.The guysontheshowsdidwhatthegirlswantedandtheygotpaidforit.From watchingthoseshowsIwaslike,“Hmmm.Thatdoesn’tlooksobad”[laughs]. IjustknewthatIdidn’twanttobeonthestreetdoingit. JoandAshleyhadcontrastingchildhoodexperiences.Particularchildhood

experiencesdidnotdirectlyinfluencethemtopursuesexwork.However,insome

waystheirchildhoodseachinformedparticularattitudesthattheydevelopedata

youngage.Jo’smother’sabandonmentenabledhertodevelopindependence.The

ideathatwomenholdpowerwasinstilledinAshleyandeventuallyshewouldseek

waystoexercisethispower.Asteenagers,JoandAshleymaynothavepredicted

howthesevaluesthattheylearnedatayoungagewouldplayaroleintheirlivesin

thefuture.

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BecomingInvolvedinSexWork

Jobegansexworksixmonthsaftergivingbirthtoherson.Shebecame

involvedinsexworkbecauseshehadaboyfriendwhowasapimp.Shethoughthis

workwasodd,butaccepteditbecauseatthetimeshewasinlovewithhim.

Althoughhedidnotpressureherintobecominganescort,shebecameinvolved

becauseshelovedhim.Herfirsttimedoingsexworkwasnotanythingoutofthe

ordinary.Shedescribeditnonchalantlyandwasindifferentaboutit.Itisunclearif

herdemeanortowardssexworkisaresultofhowsheviewedsexworkitselforif

herfeelingstowardsitarearesultofhercallousedfeelingsshedevelopedtowards

lifeatanearlyage.Ineithersituation,theincomewasafargreaterattractionand

hersolereasontocontinuesexwork.

Johadaclericaljobbeforeshestartedsexworkbuteventuallyshequitthat

jobandpursuedsexworkfulltime.Accordingtoher,thehoursofescortingwere

toodemandingandpreventedherfromdoingwellinherclericaljob.Pursuingsex

workfulltimewasfarmoresignificantandfulfillingthanherclericaljob.

Jo:IhadajobwhenIstartedescorting.Iwoulddomylittleclerical job,thenIwoulddoescorting.Iwouldgoescortandthengetupand gotomyclericaljob.ButeventuallyIstartedmessingupinmyclerical jobbecauseI’dbeupallnightescorting.Itgothardformetoescortandthen getupandgotowork,soIquitmyotherjobandjustescorted.Isawmore moneyasanescortthanIdidatmyclericaljobanyway. Joquitherclericalpositionbecauseshefeltthattheincomeshewasearning

fromsexworkfarexceededwhatshereceivedfromherclericaljob.Asasexworker,

onecanmakemoneyonadailybasisinsteadofonaweekly,orbiweeklycycle.The

incomefromsexworkishighlyunpredictable;however,onehasthefreedomto

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negotiatehowmuchshewouldliketoearn.Thiscanbeappealingwhentheday’sor

night’searningcansurpasswhatone’ssalaryinatypicaljobinthelegaleconomy:

Jo:It’sfastmoney.OnedayIcanhaveareallygooddayandthenIcanhavea reallybadday.Like,onedayIcanmaketwenty-fivedollars,anotherdayIcan maketwenty-fivehundreddollars. Ida:Whatisthemostmoneyyouhavemadeinoneday? Jo:OnenightinVegasImade$30,000.Youknow,Vegashas alotofrichguyswhogothere,getdrunk,andspendupalloftheirmoney. Ida:Youmade$30,000inonenight?Thatissomeone’ssalary. Peoplecanworkforayearandmakethatmuchmoney! Jo:Iknow.That’sthethingaboutthis.Youneverknowhowmuchyou’re gonnaget.Itgoesupanddown.Youhavegooddaysandbaddays.That timewasagoodday. Jowasnotsurehowmuchmoneysheearnedinhercareerasasexworker,

butthemoneythatsheearnedinthebeginningofpursuingsexworkledherto

believethatfinanciallythiswasthejobthatshewantedtopursue.

IncontrasttoJo’sintroductiontosexwork,Ashleybecameasexworkerat

theageoffifteen.Shebecameinvolvedfromwatchinghergodsister.

Ashley:MyfirsttimeencounterwithsexworkwaswhenIwaswithmygod sister.Shedidn’ttellmewhatshewasdoing,butIknew.Onedaymysister walkedtothetrackandgotinsomeone’scar.Ifollowedherbutshedidn’t knowit.Shewentinsomecarandshortlyaftergotout.WhenIsawthis happenIthought,“Oh,that’swhatshewasdoing!”SoonerorlaterItriedit.I wenttothetrack.OnmyfirstdayImade$800.Atfifteenyou’relike,“Wow! Thisisalotofmoney!”WhenItouchedtheamountofmoneythatIhad,Iwas hooked.Whenyoufirststartyouthinkeverydayyou’regonnamakealotof moneylikethatbutyoudon’t. ForJoandAshley,theincometheyreceivedfromsexworkwasappealing.

WhenJoquitherjobinthelegaleconomy,shevaluedtheincomethatshereceived

asasexworkeroverwhatsheearnedinherpreviousjob.SimilaristrueforAshley.

15

Shebecameinvolvedinsexworkatayoungageandthemoneythatshemade

duringherfirstexperiencewasappealingenoughforhertocontinueit.

Ashley’sstoryisanexampleofhowfamilialtieswiththeunderground

economyledtoherinvolvementinsexwork.Hergodsisterwasasexworkerand

sheeventuallybecameinvolvedinsexworkfromwatchingher.Duringmy

interviewwithAshley,shesharedthatallofheroldersistersweresexworkersat

somepointintheirlivesandthatherbrothersanduncleswerepimps.Duetoher

familymembers’involvementwithsexwork,shebelievedthatitwas“inherblood”

tobeasexworker.AfamilymemberdidnotinfluenceJotopursuesexwork,but

someonetowhomshewasclosedid.

BeingASexWorker:MoralityVersusReality

Engaginginsexualactivitiesformoneyisillegal.Despitetheillegalityof

payingforsexinmanystatesintheUnitedStates,corporateAmericamediaoften

promoteshypersexuality.HypersexualitycanbeseeninAmericanmediain

commercials,musicandotherformsofadvertisements.Despitetheprevalenceof

sexinAmericanmedia,JoandAshleybelievedthatsexworkiscondemnedin

societybecauseofsocialemphasismonogamousrelationships.

Jo:PeoplethinkitiswrongthatIsellmybodyformoney.Idon’tthinkofit likethat.Itismyjob;itishowImakemoney.Manypeoplethinkit’snasty thatIsleepwithdifferentmenformoney.It’sthesamethingaswomen goingondatesandhookingupwiththeguylater.I’mdoingthesamething Ijustgetpaidforitandtherearenostringsattached. Ashley:Peoplestereotypegirlsandsexworkerstoomuch.Womenhaveallof theseboyfriendsandit’slike,youcould’vehadthesamesixguysinyourlife whocouldhavepaidyou. It’snotevenalwaysaboutthesex.Doingthisallowsyoutolearnalotabout divorcesandrelationships.Somemenjustwanttotalk.Theycouldwantto

16

talkbecausetheyaregoingthroughabreakup,adivorceorsometimesjust wantsomecompany.You’dbesurprised.Someofmyclientsarecollegekids. Crazyright?Likehereissomeregularguy.Whycan’thejustgoandgeta girlfriend? Someguysevenpaymetoslapthemandyellattheminpublic. Ashley,whohashadexperienceasasexworkeronandoffthestreetswas

completelyagainstunderagegirlspursuingsexwork.Experiencingsexworkatthe

ageoffifteencontributedtoheroppositionofyounggirlsgettinginvolvedinthe

industry.

Ashley:Sexworkisrough;Ihavehadsomehardtimesdoingitatayoung age.Itain’tforeveryone.ThatiswhyIamapartofsexworkeradvocacy groupsthatworktogettheyounggirlsoffofthestreets.IfIseeayounggirl onthestreetsIwillcalllawenforcement. Ida:Whyareyoustronglyagainstyounggirlspursuingsexworkwhenyou becameinvolvedatayoungage? Ashley:BecauseIknowhowharditcanbe.IrememberwhenIfirststarted mybrothers’friendswouldseemeandtellmetogohome.Icallthelittle girlswhotrytodoitthesedays“GreenGirls”.Theygetinvolvedthinkingthat theyaregoingtomakeallofthismoneyandthatthingsaregoingtobe dandywhenitisn’t. It’sdangerousoutthere;womengetraped,beatandrobbed.Andthenthey gethookedupwiththesepimpswhosellthemdreams.Thepimpsarealllike, “Yeah,stickwithmeandI’llgetyouthisandgetyouthat”[shesaysmockingly inamale’svoice].Thetruthis,yeah,theymaybeabletogetsomeofthestuff thattheypromise,buttherealityisthatthey[theyounggirls]cangetthose thingsontheirown.Peoplesaythatpimpsprotectthemandsavegirls’ moneybuttheycandothatontheirown. Thoseyounggirlsgoouttherethinkingtheyknoweverythingandtheydon’t. Theymessthingsupforeveryoneelsewhohavebeendoingthisforawhile. Thegirlsdon’tevenlistentothewomenwhohavebeeninthisgamefora minute.Oldermenalsopreyonyoungergirlsforthatreason.Ikindof supportsomeofthestingoperations,butIthinkpoliceshouldfocusmoreon gettingthoselittlegirlsoffthestreet.Theydon’tknowanybetter.They shouldbeinschoolordoingsomethingthatkidstheiragedo.Theydon’t realizethatthingsaregoodwhenyou’reanewfaceonthestreet,butthat’ll getoldrealquick.You’renot‘’thenewgirl’’forever.Whenyou’renotpretty

17

anymorenooneisgoingtocareaboutyou.Thinkaboutwhatyouwantin life.Ididn’tliveateenagelife,butIhadaneventfullife. AsidefromAshley’soppositiontoyoungergirlspursingsexwork,shealso

continuouslystatedthatsexworkisnotforeveryone.Shetoldmefivequestionsshe

suggestsanygirlinterestedinpursingsexworktotakeintoconsideration:

Ialwayssaythattherearefivethingsagirlshouldaskherself beforeconsideringescortingbecausetheoutsideofitseemsappealing:

1. Is she prepared for her family’s lack of acceptance? A lot of people do not agree with escorting. I mean, it’s someone’s daughter, sister, granddaughter who is doing it. A lot of people are not going to accept that. I know there are a lot of girls who don’t even speak to their families anymore because of it. Some girls out there don’t have any family and because of this, there are a lot of cold girls out there; they don’t care about anything. Luckily I have a great relationship with my family. They all know what I do.

2. If you have kids, is the job worth being away from them? Escorting requires a lot of travel; a lot of get up and go. I know girls who have nannies. I have babysat for some girls when they have gone out to work, but I couldn’t imagine leaving my kids, if I had some to do this. I helped raise my niece; kids need a lot of attention.

3. Is she willing to wait to have kids? Like I said, women travel a lot for this job. Moving around a lot does not create a stable environment for kids.

4. Think about not being in a relationship. A lot of people are not willing to accept that this is some girls’ job. It can create issues. Guys can say they are comfortable when they aren’t, jealously and guys thinking you’re cheating can be an issue, all types of things.

5. Save and invest in yourself. Girls have a lot of money going through their hands. Because of this, girls find themselves spending a lot of money and having nothing to show for it; then, they are spending their time trying to make back all of that money they spent.

Jo’sperspectiveonsexworkcontrastswithwhatsheperceivedassociety’s

notionofpropriety.Incontrast,Ashley’sviewalignswithwhatshebelievedtobe

inappropriateforyoungergirlswhobecomeinvolvedwithsexwork.Inasense,

Ashleyadvocatedfortheprotectionandpreservationofyounggirls’innocence.

Believingintheimportanceofprotectingyounggirls’innocenceisinlinewithwhat

manychildrenareexpectedtodosociallyatparticularages.Ashleyalsodiscussed

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howsexworkmighthaveanimpactonsocialrelationships.Atmanypointsofthe

interview,shealludedtoexperiencesofsexworkersinrelationtootherindividuals.

Ashley’semphasisonrelationshipswithotherpeoplenotonlyhumanizesand

showsexperiencesofasexworkerbutalsoreflecteddilemmasthatpeopledeal

withineverydaylife.

SelfRespect

Joreferredtoherselfasanescort.Assuch,shedistinguishedherselffrom

othersexworkers.FrommyinterviewswithJoandAshley,Iwasledtobelievethat

theterm“escort”inrelationtosexworkreferstoasexworkerwhoislikelytohave

wealthierclients.Asaresult,escortscanbeviewedasmorerespectablethanother

sexworkers.Joupholdsthisnotionwhenshestated,“I’manescort.Idon’tmind

tellingyouthat.I’mclassy.Beinganescort,youhavetolearnhowtobeclassy.I’m

notratchetoranythinglikethat.I’mnotonthetrack.”Drawinguponthisidea,it

couldbeassumedthatthereisahierarchyamongsexworkersespeciallywith

regardstohowtheyviewthemselvesaswellandhowothersmayviewthem.Josaw

herselfinthetopofthehierarchy.

Ieventuallylearnedthatthetermescortisoftenusedlooselyinthesexwork

industry;however,theindicationthatthereisahierarchybetweensexworkersis

stillprevalent.Ashleysupportedthisclaim.

Ashley:…It’sallthesamething.YouknowhoweveryonelooksuptoKim KardashianandAmberRose?Theydothesamething,everyoneelsehasbeen doing:theyaremeetingthesefamousmenandhavingsexwiththem.But becauseitisthem,theyhavemoneynowandarefamous;noonesays anythingaboutthem.Theyareorwereho’inglikeanyoneelse. Ida:So,whatisthedifferencebetweenanescortandasexworker?Dothey meanthesamething?

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Ashley:Itisjustaterm.Everyonewantsatitle.Itallmeansthesamething. Itisjustatitle.Icallmyselfacompanion,soIamaboveallofthem. [referencingsexworkers]Ashleyalsomentionedhowhavingself-respectenabledhertodealwithwork. Ashley:Therearetimeswhensomeguyswillbeverydisrespectfulandbe like“Comehereyoudirtylittlewhore.”Youdon’ttalktoanyonelikethat andIdefinitelydon’tseemyselfasthat. Ida:Howdoyoudealwiththosesituations? Ashley:Itdoesn’tbothermebecauseattheendoftheday,Iamgettinghis moneyandheisdoingwhateverIsay. Self-respectwasimportanttoJoandAshleyintheirinvolvementinsexwork.

Itwassignificanttothembecauseitenabledthemtomaintainasenseof

personhooddespitehowtheyfeltthatsocietylooksdownuponsexworkand

demonizeswomenwhodoit.

BothJoandAshleydiscussedhierarchiesinsexwork.Theyplaced

themselvesatthetopofthehierarchiesinthesexworkindustry.Thismaybe

becauseofthecompetitivenessintheindustry.Ashleysharedwithmethatsexwork

ishighlycompetitiveandthatwomeninvolvedintheindustryoftendomalicious

thingstooneanotherinefforttogetaheadorbelittleotherwomen.Shealsoshared

withmemanyexperiencesthatshehadinbrothelsandhotelswhenshetraveled

withothergroupsofwomen.Somewomenoutofthegroupwouldsteal,discard

otherwomenbelongingsandothertacticsthattheythoughtcouldpreventother

womenfromworking.

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JobSkills

Iwasinterestedinlearninghowandifparticularskillsvaluedinthe

traditionaleconomyarevaluedintheundergroundeconomy.Also,Iwantedto

learnhowparticipantsintheundergroundeconomyplacedimportanceon

particularskillsintheirjobs.Thepurposeofthiswastolearnwhichskillswere

consideredvaluableinthejobsintheundergroundeconomyandlearnifthevalue

ofparticularskillswereessentialtoparticipants’disengagementfromthelegal

economy.

Therealityofsexworkisthatitisaformofemploymentforindividuals.Jo

andAshleytreatedtheirjobsassexworkersasifitwereanyotheroccupationthe

legaleconomy.Itmaybedifficulttoviewskillsutilizedinsexworkasbeing

equivalenttoskillsneededinajobinthelegaleconomy,butinsomecasestheyare

applicable.WhenIaskedJowhattypeofskillssheutilizesinherworkasasex

worker,shedescribedskillsthatareessentialforanyjob.

Jo:Youneedpeopleskillsandlifeskills.Like,benice,berespectfulandsmile andthingslikethat.I’vebeenonmyownsinceIwasfourteensoIknowhow totakecareofmyself.Ofcourseyouneedtoknowhowtocount. ThethingaboutmeescortingisthatIhaveexperiencedoingthisandhaving alegaljob.IactuallyhavearesumebecauseIhavehadotherjobsandnot justthis.Iknowotherwomenwhodothis.Theydon’thavearesume andcan’tgetanotherjobbecausethisisalltheycandoandknowhowtodo. LuckilyforJo,shehadthemobilityandopportunitytoattainjobsinthelegal

economywhenevershechoseto.SimilartoJo,Ashleystatedsomeofthesameskills

neededinsexworkthatareapplicabletothelegaleconomy.Iwasimpressedwith

howAshleyutilizedparticularskillsinherjob.Ashleysolelyoperatedasasex

workerfromabusinessandmarketingstandpoint.

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Ashley:Youhavetohaveabusinessmindworkfromamoneyaspect.You havesomuchmoneycomingthroughyourhandsyouhavetoknowwhatto dowithitoryou’lljustspenditandnotknowwhathappenedtoit.Investit. Girlsthinktheycanbelikethedopeboysandsavetheirmoneyinashoebox, butno.Thatwon’twork.You’lljustspendit.Youcan’ttakeallofthatmoney tothebank.Ihaveanaccessoryline.Iinvestsomeofmymoneyinthat.I havesomeformerclientswhoinvestinmybusinesses.WhenIgotoschool,I paymytuition.ForonesemesterIlettheschoolpay,butotherthanthatIdo itmyself. Ispendeighthoursadayadvertisingmyself. Ida:Advertisingyourself? Ashley:Yes.Ihaveanactualwebsite.SoIspendalotoftimeeveryday updatingmywebsite,checkingmessages,everything. Ida:Isthathowyoureceiveclients? Ashley:Yes,Ireceiveclientsfrommywebsite.Ialsohaveajob.Ihavehad otherlegaljobstoo:IwasanIn-homeCareProviderandIworkedatMacy’s. See,girlsdon’tbethinking.Likewhatareyougoingtodoifyougetcaught withallofthatmoney?Youhavetohaveproofofhowyougotthatmoney.If youdepositallofthatmoneyintothebankyouhavetohavesomeprooffor it.Forsomegirls,this[sexwork]isalltheydo.Iknowwomenwhoareforty andsixtyyearsolddoingthisandthisisalltheyhavebeendoing.Idon’t knowhowpeopledoitfulltime.IworkandIescort.Idon’thavetoescort andIoftentakebreaksfromit.Imakemoneyoffofmyproducts.Youknow, thereisnoretirementplanorhealthplan.Youhavetobesmartabouthow youspendyourmoney. JoandAshleybothhadexperiencesinthelegaleconomyandAshleyhad

legaljobsduringthetimeofourinterview.Bothparticipantsillustratedthe

importanceofhavinglegalworkexperience.Havinglegalworkenabledthewomen

tomakeatransitionfromtheundergroundeconomy.Acquiringlegalwork

experienceillustratedthatJoandAshley’sworkintheundergroundeconomydid

nothindertheirmobilityintothelegaleconomy.Theyhadotherexperiencesaswell

asskillsthatcouldenablethemtoparticipateinthelegaleconomy.

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Lifestyle

JoandAshleyexplainedthatsexworkisthe“fastlife”meaningitis

unpredictable;moneyisspentasfastasitisearnedandtimeisspentinpursuitof

makingmoney.Duetothefast-pacedlifestylethatcomesalongwithsexworkitis

possibleforsomewomentodevelopcertainattitudesandbecomeentrappedin

differentlifestylesthatareprovidedbecauseofthenatureoftheirwork.For

example,Jodevelopedacallouseddemeanortowardslifethatcouldbedetrimental

toherwellbeing.Shedevelopedthisdemeanorbecauseoftheunpredictabilityof

herwork.

Jo:Thislifeisnoteasy.Youneverknowwhatcanhappentoyouwhen youmeetthesemen.Theycankillyou;theycandowhatevertheywant toyou.I’vebeenrobbed,stabbed,raped,everything.Youknow,whenyoudo this,youkindhavetobelike,“fuckit.” Ida:Youhavebeenindangeroussituationsfromescorting.Howareyouable tocontinuewiththisworkwiththepossibilitythatyoucouldbeindanger? Jo:Attheendoftheday,Iammakingmoney.Lifecouldbeworse.I’vebeen throughroughthings.That’sjustlife. Ashleyalsobelievedthatthelifestylethatcomesalongwithsexworkcouldleadotherwomentodevelopcallousfeelingsandinmanyinstancescommitmaliciousacts.Shehashaddangerousencountersaswell. Ashley:Itain’teasy.IrememberwhenIgotbustedforthefirsttimeinL.A. [LosAngeles].Iwas20.Thepoliceofficerwasniceandletmego.Hetoldme togetoutofthisbusinessbecauseitwasreallyroughandthathedidnot wanttoseemeagain.HesaidthatifIkeptdoingitthathewouldseeme again.IknewwhatIwasgettingmyselfintoandIdidnotseehimagain.I keptescortingandtravelingalot.IwouldgoeverywhereexceptL.A. Afterthatstory,recountedanotheraboutherexperienceswithothersexworkersatabrothel.

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Ashley:AnothertimethatIhadanencounterwithlawenforcementwas whenIwenttoabrothelinHouston[Texas]. Girlscanbecutthroat.Meandsomeothergirlswenttothisbrotheland eventuallywefellasleep.Idon’tknowwhywefellasleepbutwedid.When meandtheothergirlswokeup,ourclothesweremissingandwefoundour pursesinthetrash.Weknewthatsomeothergirlsstoleourstuff,sowewent togofindthem. Ida:Didy’allgetyourthingsback? Ashley:Wedid.Girlsinthisbusinessaresocompetitive.Theythoughtthat bytakingourthingsthatwewouldbeatadisadvantageandwouldhaveto makethatmoneyback,butwewerealreadyaheadofthem.Girlswillget stuckiftheythinktheyhavetocompete. Ashleybelievedthatthefastlifethatisassociatedwithsexworkcanenable

womenwhoareinvolvedinthisworktogetcaughtupinmaterialismorasshe

calledit,glamor.

Womengetcaughtupintheglamoraspectofit.WomenbuyalltheBrazilian hair[hairextensions]andredbottoms[ChristianLouboutinhigh-heeled shoes]andnotevertalkaboutpayingabill[laughs].Girlsjustspendupallof theirmoney. Socialmediahaschangedthegameaswell.Girlsgetonthereshowingoff.It’s [thesexworkindustry]notevendiscreetanymore.Sexworkissupposedto beundergroundbutgirlsthesedaysarepromotingit.Idon’tpromoteit. Despitethelifestylethatcouldcomealongwithsexwork,Ashleysharedthat

shetakesbreaksfromsexworkfromtimetotimeandreliesonherfamilytokeep

hergrounded.

Ashley:LuckilyIhavemyfamilyandtheirsupporttokeepmegrounded.I don’tunderstandhowgirlscandothisfor365daysayear.Sometimesyou havetogiveyourbodyandsoularest[laughs].Iusuallydon’tdoitfor toolongatatime.Itakevacationsinbetween.See,somegirlsdon’tknow whatthatis.Theythinkanytimetheytravelitisavacation,no.Imeana breakfromdrinking,abreakfromsmokingorwhateverelseitisthatyou usuallydo;thatisavacation.

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Ida:Itseemsthatthelifestyleisn’tappealingtoyou.Howdoyourefrainfrom beingcaughtupintheglamoraspectofit? Ashley:Istaytomyselfandkeepmyselfbalanced.Mynieceskeepmefrom pursuingitfulltime.Ihavealwayseitherworkedandescortedorwent toschoolandescorted,orhavedoneallthreeatonce.EversinceIwas youngerIknewthatIdidnotwanttopursueitfulltime.Ididnotgotoa traditionalpublicschoolsoIalwayshadfreetime. Ineverwantedtopursueitfulltimebecauseitwasafairytale.Peopleare caughtinitforthepursuitofmoney.Ifyouareonlyinitforthemoneyyou won’tsucceed.Whenyougetgreedy,that’swhenyougetcaught.So wheneverIsayIamgoingtomakeacertainamountofmoneyIquitandtake abreak.Theglamoriswasteful.Yougettothepointwhereyouhavesomuch moneyandnotknowwhattodowithit.IrememberonetimeIwasjust givingout$5toeveryhomelesspersonIsaw. Asidefromthefast-pacedlifestylethatcomesalongwithsexwork,Jo

believedthatbeingasexworkerwasworthwhilebecauseitwasameanstoallow

hertotakecareofherfamilyandlivehowshewantedto.Sheillustratedthisinour

interviewwhenshestated,“Imean,I’mfinebeinganescort.Ihavemyowncar,I

havemyownplaceandIhavenoroommates.Itakecareofmysononmyown.

Beinganescortallowsmetolivecomfortably.“SexworkhasenabledAshleyto

providefinanciallyforherfamilyaswell:“Ihavepaidoffalotofdebtsandhave

donealotformyfamily.Ipaidformymom’scondo.Idon’tevenhaveacar,butI

havepaiddownpaymentsformybrothers’andsisters’car.That’sapartofthegood

thatcomesoutofescorting.”

JoandAshleydiscusseddangersthatcancomealongwithpursuingsexwork.

Theystatedhowtheexperiencesofsexworkcouldenablesomewomenwhoare

involvedtodevelopparticularattitudessuchasbecomingcompetitiveorbecoming

cynicalduetotheknowndangersthatonecouldencounterinsexwork.Despitethe

lifestyleanddangersthatmaybeconfrontedinsexwork,theincomefromtheir

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workallowedthemtoprovidefortheirfamiliesfinanciallyandthepotential

negativeimpactsdidnotdetereitherwomanfromdiscontinuingsexwork.

TheabilitytoprovidefinanciallyinmanywaysshowshowJoandAshley’s

workintheundergroundeconomyhasenabledthemtoobtainsocioeconomic

mobility.AshleystatedthatshelivedinghettosgrowingupandJohadtotakeherto

takecareofherselfatayoungage.Theincomethatthesewomenobtainedfromsex

workallowedthemtolivebeyondthecircumstancesthattheywereonceapartof.

Thesewomenalsousedthesubstantialincomefromtheirtimeassexworkersto

financiallyprovideforthemselvesandtheirfamiliesinmanyways.

ImportanceofFamily

JoandAshleysharedthattheirinvolvementinsexworkrequiredthemto

travelalot.OftenJosharedthatsheflewouttodifferentstatestomeetclients.

AccordingtoJoandAshley,travelingcontributestothefast-pacedlifestylethat

comeswithbeingasexworker.Jostatedthatwhenevershetraveled,sheensured

thathersonwastakencareofbeforesheleftandwouldstayawayonlyfora

weekend.

AccordingtoJo,workneverdistractedherfromherdutiesasamother.She

believedthatsheisamotherbeforeanythingelse.Themonetaryaspectofsexwork

wasappealingtoherandiswhyshecontinuedtodoit.ForAshley,herfamilyplayed

anessentialroleinhowsheengagedinsexwork.Herfamilywassupportiveand

theywerewhatkeptherbalancedinherexperiencesasasexworker.Ashley

believedthatfamilysupportcouldenablewomenwhochoosetopursuesexworkto

endureit.

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Ashleywasfamilyoriented.Duringourinterview,sheoftendiscussedhow

muchherfamilymeantalottoherandcontributedtoherhiatusesfromsexwork.

Shehadniecesandnephewsandbelievedthatitwasimportantthatshebearole

modeltothem.Shesharedthatsheoftencallsthepoliceonyounggirlsshesees

pursuingsexworkbecauseshebelievedthattheyshouldnotdoitbecauseofthe

risksthatcomesalongwithit.Shesharedthatwheneversheseesyounggirlsonthe

street,theyremindherofhernieces.

ValuesandAspirations

DespiteJoandAshley’sjobsassexworkers,theybelievedthattheir

involvementinsexworkwasshortterm.Theyhadothergoalsthatdidnotalign

withthelifestylethatsexworkcanprovide.Theirshort-terminvolvementinthe

undergroundeconomyandthegoalsthattheyhadweresimilartogoalsthat

individualswhoworkinthelegaleconomymayhave.At23yearsold,Joaspiredto

haveacareer,businessesandalargerfamily.

Jo:IhavegoalsandthingsthatIwanttoaccomplish.Idon’twanttobean escortforever.Ican’tmakeacareeroutofthat. Ida:Whatisthemeaningofacareertoyou? Jo:Acareerissomethingthatyoudoforever.Thisisnotacareer.Ican’tdo thisfortherestofmylife.Ihaveafive-yearoldson.Heisyoungnowso workingnowislikeworkingthenightshiftforanyotherjob.Oncehegets older,he’llstartputtingthepiecestogetherandIdon’twanthimtogrowup andbelike,“Mymomisaprostitute[laughs].Shedoesn’thavearealjob.” Ida:Whatgoalsdoyouhave? Jo:Iwanttoownahouse,havemybusinessandhaveinvestments.Everyone hastogetsomewhereandhavegoalsintheirlives.Givemeaboutonemore yearandI’mout.Ineedtoearnabout$50,000or$100,000andIamout. Ida:Whatwouldyouseeyourselfdoingifyouwerenotescorting?

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Jo:Iwouldbeincollegerightnow.RightnowIcan’tgotocollegeandescort atthesametime.Idon’twanttobeenrolledinschoolthenkickedoutfor missingtoomanyclassesandthenI’llgetbehind.OnceIamreadytosettle downI’llgotocollege. Ashleytoo,aspiredtohaveafamilyandbusinessesofherown.Accordingto

her,havingafamilywouldendherinvolvementinsexwork.

Ida:Youhavebeeninvolvedinsexworkforalongtime.Whatwouldyousee yourselfdoingifyouwerenotdoingthis? Ashley:Iprobablywouldbeinschoolandworkingsomeninetofiveorgoing toschool.Igivemyselfaboutfourmoreyearsdoingthis.IfIhadafamilyof myownIwouldquitdoingthiscoldturkey.Idon’tseehowpeopledothis withkids.IfIweretogetpregnantnextweekIwouldjustquit.Iwanta familyoneday.Afamilywouldbemywayoutofthis;Idon’twanttodothis forever.IfIhadkids,IwouldexplaintothemwhatIdo,butmostlikelyI wouldn’tbedoingthisifIhadkids.Iwouldn’twantthemtobemadefunof becauseofmyjobasanescort. ThegoalsthatJoandAshleyhadweresimilartootherswhoworkinthe

legaleconomy.Inmanycasespeopleworkandwouldliketobeabletosustainand

provideforthemselvesandtheirfamilies.JoandAshleywerenotdifferent.They

aspiredtobewelloffsocioeconomically.Theirwaystopursuethesegoalsand

aspirationsmaynotinvolvelegalwork;however,theychosearoutethattheyfelt

wouldenablethemtoattaintheirgoals.JoandAshleyhadparticularperceptionsof

careers.Theybelievedthatsexworkwasnotaviablelong-termcareerforthem;

becauseofthis,theirgoalsinvolvedbeingapartofthelegaleconomyinthefuture.

JoandAshleyalsoemphasizedtheimportanceofmotherhood.Motherhood

oftenshapestheidentityofwomen.MotherhoodandfamilywereidealsofwhichJo

andAshleyplacedhighvalue.Bothwomenwerealsoawareofhowtheiridentities

asmothersandtheirjobsassexworkersconflictedwithwhattheybelievedare

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societalstandardsofpropriety;becauseofthis,theydidnotwanttopursuesex

worklongtermbecauseoftheeffectsitcouldhaveontheirchildren.Theirconcerns

ofhowtheirjobsassexworkerscouldaffecttheirchildrenrevealedtheirconcern

withsocietalstandardsofproprietyandideasofacceptabletypesofworkinthe

legaleconomy.Thewomenmentionedthattheycouldnotmakeacareeroutofsex

workemphasizingtheideathatcareerconnotestheideaoflongevity,whichholds

similarvalueinthelegaleconomy.

TakingPrecaution

AsJoandAshleydiscussed,sexworkisdangerous.DuetoAshley’sextensive

involvementinsexworkandhavingexperiencesonandoffofthestreets,she

strategicallykeptherselfunharmedandhaveavoidedconflictwithlaw

enforcement.Ashleyconsideredherselffortunateandsharedhowsheavoided

trouble.

Ashley:OnethingIcansayaboutthisisthatIamveryblessed.Ihaveonly encounteredthepolicethreetimes.Ihaveacleanrecordandhavenever beentojail.Manygirlscan’tsaythat.Theseyounggirlsgetintoitthinking theyknoweverything.Theystartdoingitforaboutsixmonthsandhavebeen tojailninetimesalreadywithintheirfirstsixmonths.Theydon’tthinkand failtorealizethattheymaynotbesoluckyeverytime. Ida:Howhaveyoustayedoutoftrouble? Ashley:It’sabouthowyoucarryyourselfandwhoyouarearound.Likeright now,ifyouwereintheroomwithmeandIgotcaught,youwouldgotojail too.Girlsthesedaysarenotdiscreet.Theytalktoomuch,bragandare obvious.That’swhyIamalwaysbymyself.Iseethosetypeofgirlsandbe like,“Oh,okay.Idon’tneedtobearoundthem.” Ida:Howdoyougetyourclients? Ashley:Ireceivereferencesfromothergirls[sexworkers]Iknow.Wealltalk tooneanotherandsometimeshavethesamemen.SoIcancallonegirlup andbelike,“Haveyouseen‘soandso’?”Idon’tworkwithclientswhomI

29

haven’tseeninmorethansixmonths.Inayear,Idon’tknowwhoyouare, whatyoudoandninetimesoutoften,Iwon’tevenrememberyourname. Thewomenhavetosticktogether.Networkingeachotheristheonlywaywe cankeepeachothersafe. Iscreenguys.Anothergirltaughtmethis. Ida:Whatdoyoumeanby“screen”? Ashley:Ilookthemup.Youhavetodoyourresearch.Iusealotofsourcesto seeifsomeoneiswhotheysaytheyare.Googleteachesyoualot[laughs]. Butscreeninghelpsmefishoutsomeguys.Ithelpsmekeepmoreofthe crazyguysoutofthewayandallowsmetoseewhoIamreallydealingwith. Ida:Doyouworkwiththesamemen? Ashley:Yes.Iworkwiththesamemen. Ida:Howdoyoukeepintouchwiththem? Ashley:Ihavetheircontactinfo.FromtimetotimeImaygetalittlegiftor sendthemalittlegifttoletthemknowthatIamthinkingofthem. Also,Itraveloncallandhavethepre-arrangedappointments.Ischedulemy appointmentsinadvance. Iamlikeachameleon.IblendinwhereeverIgo.WheneverItraveltoaplace Ilookupthetrends,whatthepeoplelooklikeandhowtheyinteractwith otherpeople.Forexample,IhaveneverbeentoBoston,butifIweretogoto acollegetownIwouldwearcollegegearorbusinessattire. Ibuildhotelpoints.Hotelsaresmart.It’showyoucarryyourself.Sometimes Iwearbusinessattireandamonthebusinesssideofthehotel.That’showa lotofhotelsintheWestCoastgotbustedandgetbustedalloftime.Girls werewalkingaroundlikeho’sinthehotellikeitwasVegas.Sexworkin Vegasislegal,onlyinbrothels.Soifyouareinahotelwalkingaroundin glitteryheels,youareaho.Ifyouaren’tho,itwillbeassumedthatyouare becausethatisnotashoeofaregularshoebuyer;thatisawhoreshoe.You can’tbeinwhoreattireandthinkthatyouarenotgoingtogetcaught.Some hotelmanagersdon’tcareaboutescortsbecauseitmakesthehotelmore money. IrememberonetimesomeoneatthehotelredflaggedmebecauseIam BlackandwaswithaWhiteman.Ihadalreadypaidfortheroom.Iwentinto checkinandthewomansaidthatImycardwasdeclined.Iwaslike,“No,my creditcardwasnotdeclinedbecauseIjustuseditinVegas.”Welookedlikea regularcoupletoo;Ihadonasundressandhehadonashirtandsomepants.

30

Hewasn’tevenoneofmyclients;hewasmyfriend.ButbecauseIwasa BlackwomanwithaWhitemanitwasassumedthatIwasanescort. Notbeinggreedykeepsmeoutoftroubletoo.Itrynottoseenomorethan threeguysadaybutsomegirlsworkdifferently.Ifyouhaveallthosemen comingbacktobacktoyourroom,thenyouareobvious.Iknowsomegirls whowillsay,“Girl,Iburnedoutmyroom.” Ida:Whatdoes“burnoutyourroom”mean? Ashley:Itmeansseeingtoomanymenbacktoback. Ida:Oh,okay.Isee. Ashley:Butyeah,beinggreedydefinitelygetsyoucaughtup.I’mlike,‘how didyouburnoutyourroom?Shouldn’tyougiveyourbodysomerest? [Laughs] BuildingrelationshipswithpoliceandstudyingtheirmaneuversalsohelpedAshleyremainoutoftrouble. Ashley:IcallthepolicewheneverIseelittlegirlsonthestreet.Idoitmostly becausetheydon’tbelongoutthereanditisn’talifeforthem.Ontheother hand,I’mlike,“Hmmm.MaybeifIgetclosetothisofficerandshowthatIam helpinggettingtheselittlegirlsoffofthestreetthenhewillbelesslikelyto knowthatIamanescortandwon’tbeworriedaboutme.” Iamalwaysonlinedoingresearchandreadingarticlesaboutsexworkers. WheneverItravelIlookupstingoperations.Soifthereareanycurrentsting operationsIwon’tgotothatplace.Thereisanationalstingeverysummer. Ida:Wow.Ididnotknowthat. Ashley:Yeah!Watchthenews.Ialsoknowthepoliceschedules.Iknowwhat timetheyaregoingtopatrolthestreets.Memorialdayisanothertimewhere thereisabigsting.It’softenintheSanJoseareaandtheygetallofthoselittle girls. Ida:Yeah,SanJosehasalotofissueswithsextraffickingofyounggirls. Ashley:Yeah.I’mnotagainstthestingsiftheyaregettingallofthoselittle girls.Butyeah,everyyearthereisabigstingusuallyinthesummer.Thecops trytomaketheirnationalquotafortheendoftheyearsothat’swhenalotof thebustshappen.

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Ithinkitwaslastyear,buttherewasathinglikearallyorsomethingfor OscarGrants’death.IthinkitwasattheFruitvaleBart,butthereweretons ofwomenoutthereonE14th.Theywereouttherebecausemorepolice officerswouldbeattherallyandnotpatrollingthestreet. Ida:Thatisreallystrategic! Ashley:Yeah,wemonitorthingslikethat. Ashleyrevealedmanysurvivalstrategiesusedtoprotectherselfandinmany

casesensuredthesafetyofothersexworkers.Sheillustratedthatbuilding

communityandhowcreatingsurvivalstrategiescanplayanessentialroleinhow

sheandotherwomenareabletothriveandprotectthemselvesinthesexwork

industry.

FindingLegalRoutesinSexWork

IntheUnitedStates,pursuingsexworkonthestreetisillegal.Nevadaisthe

onlystateintheUSthatallowslegalsexwork,whichisonlypermittedinlicensed

brothelsinelevencountiesinNevada(Prostitution.procon.org).Thebrothelsin

NevadamustupholdparticularstandardssuchashavingSTDtestingand

participantsarerequiredtousecondoms(Prostitution.procon.org).Despitethe

illegalityofsexworkinCalifornia,somewomeninvolvedinsexworkmaymask

theirparticipationintheindustrybyobtainingescortpermitsaccordingtoAshley:

“Youcangetalicensetobeanescort.Ijustfoundoutthatyoucangetthemin

Arizona.IwassomadwhenIfoundthisout.They’recheaptoo.They’reliketwenty

dollars.”

ArizonaandafewcitiesinCaliforniasuchasSanFranciscoandPalmSprings

offerescortpermits.Escortsarelegal,butsexworkisillegal.Inlegalterms,an

escortisdefinedas“anypersonwho,forafee,commission,hire,rewardorprofit

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accompaniesotherpersonstoaboutsocialaffairs,entertainmentorplacesof

amusementorconsortswithothersaboutanyplaceofpublicresortorwithin

privatequarters”(Sanfranciscocode.org).Oncesexualfavorsareinvolvedbetween

anescortandanotherindividual,itbecomesdefinedasprostitutionaccordingto

Californiapenalcode647(b)(findlaw.com).Thelegalityofescortscallsinto

questionwhysexworkisillegal.Itislegaltopayforcompanionship,butitisillegal

topayforsex.

AccordingtoAshley,becominginvolvedwithpornographysitesisalegal

outletforsexwork.Sexwebsitescouldplayanessentialroleinthechangeofthesex

workindustry.

Ashley:Ihaveafriendwhoisawebcammodel.Shecanactuallyfileitonher taxes.Somepornographywebsitesarelegal.Sheisworkingonthose companies’websitesasanindependentcontractor. Ida:Whatisawebcammodel? Ashley:Awebcammodelissomeonewhoisonasexwebsiteandpeoplepay towatchthem.Therearesomeprivateroomswhentheycaninteractwith someofthepeopletoo. Ida:Oh,Iunderstandnow. Ashley:Yeah,Ididnotknowaboutituntilmyfriendtoldmeaboutit.ThenI didmoreresearchonitandstartingtopayforthemtoseehowtheyworked. Ididitonceandmadealotofmoneyforlikethirtyminutes.It’sdifferent thantypicalescorting,butitmakesalotofmoneybytheminute.NowthatI havelearnedaboutthis,Icanfileitfortaxes. Webcammodelingseeminglyisanotherandmorerecentaspectofsexwork;

howeveritisunclearhowtomakethedistinctionbetweenwebcammodelingas

pornographyorassexwork.Nonetheless,webcammodelingillustrateshow

technologyshapesinteractionstodayaswellashowitischangingthesexindustry.

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Ifwebcammodelingisusedtosolicitsexforpaymentthroughpornography

websites,itisillegal;however,itseemsthatitcanbeusedasaployforparticipants

tomasktheillegalityofsexwork.

InterviewingJoandAshleyenabledmetolearnofdifferentexperiencesin

thesexworkindustryaswellaslearnhowtheirjobsintheundergroundeconomy

havebeenbeneficialtothem.Bothwomenhaddifferentexperiencesassexworkers;

however,sexworkhadbeenbeneficialtotheminsimilarways.Theirjobsallowed

themtohaveupwardsocioeconomicmobility.The“fastmoney”thattheyreceived

fromtheirworkallowedthemtofinanciallyprovideforthemselvesandtheir

families.JoandAshleyhadmobilitytoenterthelegaleconomyduetothefactthat

theyoncehadjobsinthelegaleconomyandhadskillsandexperiencesotherthan

whattheyhaveacquiredintheundergroundeconomy.Ashley’spart-time

involvementinsexworkandherlegaljobcouldenablehertohaveajobinthelegal

economyalone.BothJoandAshleyhadsimilargoalsandaspirationsandhadshort-

termplansofworkingintheundergroundeconomy.Accordingtothesewomen,

workintheundergroundeconomydidnotpermitlong-termviabilitythatwas

suitableforthem.

Chapter4:DrugDealing

DrugdealingiscommoninsomeareasinOakland.Contrarytotoday,there

usedtobeparticularareasinOaklandwheredrugdealerswouldstandonseveral

cornersandwaitforcustomerstoapproach,andmakeaquickexchangeofdrugs

andmoney.Today,drugdealersarelessvisibleinthesensethattheyarenot

standingonseveralcornersthatarecommonlyknownasareaswhereonecould

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purchasedrugs.Today,somedrugdealersmaystandoutside,buttheirpresenceas

drugdealersislessobviousthanitwasinearlieryearswhendrugdealerswould

occupydifferentstreetcorners.Drugdealerstodaycomeupwithdifferentwaysto

maneuver.Someoftheirtacticsareobviouswhereasforsome,theirmaneuversare

lessobvious.

Thedrugdealerswhoparticipatedinthisstudystatedthattheybecame

involvedindrugdealingbecausedruguseanddrugdistributionwerearoundthem

astheygrewup.Terrancewasa24-year-oldOaklandnativewhosoldprescription

drugsandmarijuana.Hebelievedthathisinvolvementinsellingdrugswasaresult

ofwhathewitnessedgrowingup.

Ida:Howdidyoubecomeinvolvedintheundergroundeconomy? Terrance:ItwasjustsomethingIgotinto.Mygrannysoldher prescriptionpillswhenIwasgrowingup;mymomdidit,my aunt,everyonedidit.Itwasnormal.SoIdidittoo.Themoney helpedpayforafewbillslikealightbillorsomethingeverynowand then. IfirststartedsellingmarijuanawhenIwas18andIhadtostart payingforthingsonmyown.Ipaidforlittlethingslikeaphonebillor apairofJordan’s[shoes]orthingsthatIwanted. Similarly,Mauricewhowasa33-year-oldmarijuanadealer,sharedthatthe

presenceofdrugsexistedinhischildhoodaswell.

Maurice:MymomdiddrugswhenIwasgrowingup.Ithinkmydad didtoo;Idon’tknow.Butgrowingup,Iwasalwaysarounddrugsand druguse,soeventuallyIwouldbecomeinvolvedinit.Imean,growing upitwasn’tlike“Oh,that’swhatIwanttodo.”Butitjustendeduplike that. Ida:Whatkindofneighborhooddidyouliveingrowingup? Maurice:IgrewupinahomeinBerkeley,buteventuallyImovedto Oakland.

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Ida:Didyougrowupinarich,middleclassorpoorneighborhood? Maurice:Igrewupinthe‘hood. ForpeoplelikeTerranceandMaurice,theexposuretodrugdistributionwas

somethingtheywereacclimatedtofromchildhood.ForTerrance,hisdrugdealing

wasaresultoftheeconomicdeprivationthathisfamilyenduredandaresultof

seeinghisfamilymembersengageinthedrugtradefacetoftheunderground

economytoearnasupplementalincome.LikeTerrance,familialtieswouldignite

Maurice’sinvolvementwithdrugdistribution.

Igrewupinafosterhome.OnedayCPS(ChildProtectiveServices) cameinandtookmyyoungersiblingsandme.Mymomanddadwere arguingonthisdayandCPScameinatthesametime.Mybrotherswere oldersotheystayed,buttheyoungerkidsweretakenaway. Igrewupinfosterhomesnotknowingwheremysiblingswere. EventuallyIwasadoptedandhadafostermom.Shetookcareofme thebestshecould.Ididnothaveafosterdad.Itwasjusther.So growingupIalwayswantedthatmalerelationship.Ifoundmyolder brothersandthingsstartedtogobadsincethen.Myolderbrothers solddrugs,soI’denduprunningerrands,baggingstuffup,anything justtobearoundthem.IfIhadnevermetmybrothers,Iwouldnothavebeen involvedindrugs.Myfostermotherkeptmeawayfromthatsideofmy familyandIknowwhy. Maurice’sinvolvementindrugdealingstartedfromhisdesiretobecloseto

hisfamilymembers.Hedidnotcommunicatewithhisolderbrothersaftertheir

separationinflictedbyChildProtectiveServices.Heandhisbrothersreunitedwhen

Mauricewas17yearsold.AccordingtoMaurice,hehadlongedtobereunitedwith

hisbrothersandhadspentyearstryingtofindthem.Anotherfactorthat

contributedtoMauricelongingtobearoundhisbrotherswastheissueofthelackof

malerolemodelsinhislife.Insuchinstances,youngmencanrelyuponeachother

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formentorshiporlookuptoothermalesasrolemodelswhomaynotbethebest

rolemodelsforthem(Fitch2009).Ineithersituation,theresultscanbedetrimental

tothewellbeingofyoungmen.ThisiswhathappenedtoMaurice.Mauriceshared

withmethathisfatherdidnothaveaconsistentpresenceinhislife.Heandhis

brothershadanabsentfatherandbeingadoptedbyafostermotherdidnotprovide

himamalerolemodeleither.Duetothelackofmaleleadershipinhislife,Maurice

soughtsuchinfluencesfromhisolderbrothers.

SkillsandWorkEthic

BothTerranceandMauriceexplainedhowtheyfeltthatskillsusedfordrug

dealingwerethesameskillsthattheybelievedareutilizedintypicalday-to-day

functionsofanyjobinthelegaleconomy.Theybelievedthatapplyingworkethicsas

iftheywereworkingatypicaljobinthelegaleconomycontributedtotheirsuccess

asdrugdealers.

Ida:Whatskillsdoyouthinkareneededforyourjobthatcanbe appliedtojobsinthelegaleconomy? Terrance:Youneedpeopleskills.Youhavetoknowhowtotalktopeopleand howtobefriendly.Whenyouarefriendlyandhavepeopleskills,peopleare morelikelytobuyfromyou.It’slikehavingasalesjob.Youneedtoneedto havenegotiationskillstoo.Youknow,youneedtoknowhowtonegotiate pricesandmakesurethatnooneisfinessingyou. Ida:Finessing?Whatdoesthatmean? Terrance:It’slikepersuadingforsomeone’sownbenefit;smoothtalking. LikeIcantrytopersuadeyoutobuysomethingfrommewhenIknowitisa badproduct.Youwon’tknowthatitisbad,butImakeyouthinkthatitis goodandyoubelievemebecauseofmyfinesse,persuasion. Youalsohavetoknowhowtocount;youdefinitelyhavetoknow howtocount.

37

Mauriceansweredthequestionsimilarly. Maurice:Wellmostimportantly,youhavetoknowhowtocountonthespot. Youhavetohavegoodsalesmanskills.It’slikeyouareacarsalesmanata cardealership.Youhavetoknowhowtosellyourproduct.Evenwhenitis bad,youhavetoknowhowtosellit.Youalsohavetobeabletohaveagood reputationwithpeople.Ifyouareknowntohaveagoodproduct,thenpeople willbemorelikelytobuyfromyou.It’saboutthequalityofyourproduct. BothTerranceandMauricetreatedtheirjobsasdrugdealersthesameasone

wouldbeexpectedtotreatajobinthelegaleconomy.JobskillsthatTerranceand

Mauricestatedthattheyusedintheirjobsasdrugdealersareusedinmanyjobsin

thelegaleconomy.AsTerranceandMauriceutilizedskillsnecessaryfordrug

distribution,Mauricedescribedtheworkethicthathascontributedtoworkingasa

drugdealerforthepastfifteenyears.

Maurice:IconsidermyselfaprofessionalbecauseIhavebeendoingthis forfifteenyears.I’veseentheinsandoutsofit.Youhavetoworklonghours todothis.MypolicyormythingthatItellpeopleisthatIamavailable aroundtheclock24hoursaday.IgetupearlyeverydaylikeIamactually goingtoanactualjob.Youhavetoworkyourwayup. Mauricetreateddrugdistributionasabusinesslikeanybusinessinthelegal

economy.Headoptedapolicyandbusinessphilosophyforhowhedidhiswork.The

timecommitmentthatheputforthindrugdealingalsohighlightstheadoptedwork

ethicthatisprevalentinworkinginotherjobsinthelegaleconomy.Inthelegal

economy,onecanreceiveapromotionorputforthalotofeffortinajobwiththe

hopesofadvancing.Mauriceillustratedasimilarideainhowhedescribesthehours

heworkinhisjobasadrugdealer.

DrugDealingExperiences

SimilartoJoandAshley’sexperiencesassexworkers,TerranceandMaurice

discussedhowtheirexperiencesasdrugdealerscouldallowthemtolivethe“fast

38

life”.Theybelievedthatthefastlifepromotesmaterialismandthatitcanleadone

tobecaughtupinthislifestyle.

Maurice:Whenyoubecomeinvolvedyouarechasingthemoney.Itisthefast life. Ida:Howwouldyoudescribethefastlife?

Maurice:Everythingisfast.It’scalledthefastlifebecauseyoulosethemoney asfastasyougetit.Eventuallyyouarelivingaboveyourmeans.Yougetalot ofmoneythenyoubuyacar;thenyou’realwaysgoingouttoeat;thenyou’re partying.Youspendalotoftimearoundabunchofgirlsbecausethey’re alwaysaroundbecauseyouhavemoney.Thenyougetintodrugs.Ismoke alotofmarijuana.Themoremoneyyouhavethemorebillsyouhave.But that’sforanyonewhohasmoney.Peoplewhoownhousesoraremiddle classhavemorebillsthansomeonewhoispoor.Thisisthecultureforpeople whoareinvolvedinit.Alotofdrugdealersareflashy.Theygetallofthis jewelry,carsandbigrimsbecausetheycandothat.Buttheyareoftentrying tomakethatmoneybackaftertheyspenditonallofthat.Theyareliving beyondtheirmeans.Idon’tpromotethatlifestylenordoIpromotewhatI do. Ida:Whatdoyouthinkcontributestothisideaoflivingbeyondone’smeans andattainingmaterialthings? Maurice:Moneymakestheworldgoaround.ThatishowitisinAmerica:The moremoneyyouhave,thebetteroffyou’llbe.Youcan’tdomuchwithout money.Whenyoudothis,it’sallaboutthemoney.Thisisallfortheneedof money.Theneedformoneyisthedirectresultofpoverty.Youhearpeople sayallofthetime,“Iwasjusttryingtofeedmyfamily.”ThatiswhatIam doing,Iamtryingtofeedmyfamily;andthatiswhatsomeofthepeopledo whentheyaredoingthis:theyarefeedingtheirfamiliesinwaysthatthey knowhow. TerrancesharedasimilarperspectiveasMaurice.

Peoplearealwayshustling.Peoplehavebeenhustlingsincethebeginningof time.Americaisthebiggesthustlerofalltime.Ifeellikehustlingoriginated inpoororurbancommunitiesanditwillalwaysexistthere.Peoplehustle tohavethingsthattheywouldn’thavefrombeingpoor.Peoplehustletohave cars,tohavethenicestclothesandpurses,anything.That’swhypeoplefrom the‘hoodwearalotofdesignerclothes.Wenormallycannotaffordthat.So wehustlesowecanhavethosethings.

39

TheneedformoneyplayedanessentialroleinTerranceandMaurice’s

involvementindrugdealing.Themoneytheywereabletoreceivefromdrugdealing

enabledthemtoattainthingstheyfelttheywouldnototherwisehavethe

opportunitytohave.MauricediscussedhisbeliefofhowhavingmoneyinAmerica

canenableonetobebetteroffsocioeconomicallyormerelyhavethemeanstoattain

thingsneeded.FromMaurice’sperspective,theneedformoneyenabledhimto

provideforhisfamilyfinancially.AccordingtoTerranceandMaurice,thisneedfor

moneycanalsoleadtoamaterialisticlifestyle.Theirprofitsfromdrugdealing

allowedthemtoattainluxuryaswellasprovidefinanciallyfortheirfamilies.

Employment

Terrancehadbeeninvolvedindrugdealingforfiveyearsasopposedto

Maurice’slong-terminvolvementoffifteenyears.Duringtheirinvolvementindrug

dealing,theyheldjobsinthelegaleconomyaswell.TerrancewasanIn-homeCare

Providerforhisauntandhadafewotherjobs.Despitethedualemploymentinthe

undergroundeconomyandinthelegaleconomy,continuingjobsintheinthe

undergroundeconomywasseeminglymoreworthwhileforthemen.Havingajobin

thelegaleconomyhelpedTerranceavoidencounterswiththelaw.

Terrance:ThisisnotallIdo.Ihavearegularjobtoo.Idoin- homecareformyauntsoafewdaysaweekIgocheckonherandhelpher withafewthings.Ithelpsmeslowdownfromrunningthestreets.Selling prescriptiondrugshelpmemakealittlemoremoneyotherthanwhatIdo forthein-homecare.IfIevergetintroublewiththelaworanything,Ican sayIhaveanactualjobbecauseIdo.What’sreallycoolaboutdoingthein- homecareisthatIhaveflexiblehours. AlthoughMauriceworkedasadrugdealerfull-time,hehadjobsinthelegaleconomy.

40

Maurice:InbetweenmytimesellingdrugsIhavehadafewlittlepart-time jobshereandthere.WhenIgraduatedhighschoolIwasaCertifiedNursing Assistant.IenjoyeddoingthatbecauseIgenuinelylikehelpingpeople.I knewthatIdidn’twanttogotocollegeandneededtomakemoneyquicksoI enrolledinaCNA(CertifiedNursingAssistant)Program.Itwasalittle9- monthprogramsoIhadworkshortlyaftertheprogramwasover.Ikept thatupforawhilebutIendedupgettingfiredbecauseofmydrugcharges. ThenIhadafewjobsafterthat.Butthelittlemoneyyougetfromthoselittle jobsisn’tmuchandisnotworthit.Youknowyouworkthoselittlejobsfor what,minimumwage?Youcan’tdomuchwiththat.IalwayssaythatifIcan sellwateroranythinglikethatlegallyandmakethesamekindofmoneyIdo now,Iwoulddothat. Terrancewascontentwithhavingajobinthelegaleconomybecausehehad

theflexibilitytoworkminimalhourswithhispart-timeposition.Healsohadajobin

thelegaleconomytoallayanysuspicionsofearninganillegalincome.Incontrast,

Mauricehadjobsinthelegaleconomybutfeltthatthepaythathereceivedfrom

jobsinthelegaleconomydidnotequatetowhathewasabletoearnasadrug

dealerintheundergroundeconomy.AlthoughTerranceandMauricehad

contrastingviewsonemploymentinthelegaleconomy,theybothenjoyedthe

flexibilitytoworkhoursthattheywouldlike.Mauricealsomentionedthathe

enjoyedhavingajobwherehecanworkhisownhours,whichwasamajor

attractionforhiminhisfifteenyearsheworkedasadrugdealer.

Theirinvolvementorpastinvolvementinthelegaleconomyillustrates

mobilityintothelegaleconomy.LikeJoandAshley,theyhadlegalworkexperience

andcouldbeapartofthelegaleconomy.Theyallhadtheabilitytotransitionfrom

workingtheundergroundeconomytothelegaleconomybutchosetoremain

workingintheundergroundeconomy.Joleftherlegaljobbecauseherincomeasa

sexworkerexceededwhatsheearnedfromherpreviousjob;Mauricebelievedthat

themoneyheearnedfromhislegaljobsdidnotequatetowhathewasabletoearn

41

asadrugdealer.AshleyandTerrancewerenotfullywithdrawnfromthelegal

economyandthathelpedthemavoidthelawbyhavingalegalsourceofincome.

StructuralRacismandItsEffectsonDrugDealing

Sincethe1980s,theUnitedStatesdeclareda“warondrugs”toeradicatethe

distributionofillegaldrugs.Theselawsdisproportionatelyaffectedthelivesof

BlackAmericansleadingthemtobeconvicted,arrestedandimprisonedfordrug

charges.Duringthe1980sdrugusewasprevalentinthesuburbsbutmandatory

sentencingtargetedBlacksandotherminoritiesinpoorneighborhoods(Buck1992,

Goode2002:1991)TheeffectsofthewarondrugscontinuetoimpactBlack

Americans.AccordingtotheFBIUniformCrimeReportsfrom2012,therewere

10,326arrestsfordrugabuseinCalifornia.Drugabuseviolationsconsistedofthe

saleandmanufacturingofdrugsaswellasthepossessionofdrugs.31.2percentof

thesearrestswereBlackAmericans.AsofDecember13th,2013,526,000Black

maleshavebeenconvictedondrugcharges(BureauofJusticeStatistics2013).The

alarmingdisproportionofhowBlackAmericansandBlackmenareaffectedby

punishmentfordrugdistributionwasnotsurprisingtoTerranceandMaurice.In

fact,theyusedthisknowledgeasajustificationforsellingdrugsaswellameansto

avoidlawenforcementasmuchaspossible.

Ida:Howdoestheillegalityofdrugsimpactyourwork?

Terrance:Iknowsellingmarijuanaisillegal,butasaBlackmanIcouldbe doingworse.I’mnotworriedaboutgoingtojailforsellingmarijuana.It’s allmoneyin“TheMan’s”pocketanyway.IfIgotojail,heisgoingtoprofit offit.Heprofitsoffofeveryonewhoisinjail.So,Imightaswellmakemy moneyanyway.Icouldgotojailforthingswayworsebuteitherwayheis goingtomakeaprofitoffofmybodyinjailanyway. Ida:Whois“TheMan”?

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Terrance:TheManisWhiteAmerica.Itmayormaynotbeoneperson;it couldbeagroupofpeople,butheorthosepeoplearewhatrunthecountry. Everythinginthiscountryisaboutprofitormakingsomekindofmoney.You seethatwiththeamountofBlackpeoplewhoareinjail.Ihavepeoplewho areinjailforpettystuff.Whitepeoplearen’tgoingtojailasmuchasBlack peopledo.It’sslavery.AllofthoseBlackpeopleareinjailfortheWhiteman orwhiteAmerica. Ida:Howhas“TheMan”or“WhiteAmerica”affectedyouandpeopleinyour community? Terrance:Themaniswhywehustleinthe‘hoodorurbancommunities.We learnitfromthem.Asamatteroffact,thepeoplewhostartedAmericawere thebiggesthustlersofalltime…fromslavery,tobootleggers,everything! Everythingisaboutmoney.MauricesharedsimilarsentimentsasTerrance.

Maurice:Itrymybesttostayoutoftrouble.Manygoodthingshavecomeout ofsellingmarijuanaandbadthingshavecomeoutofitaswell. Ida:Whatarethegoodandbadthingsthathavecomeoutofdrugdealing?

Maurice:Thegoodthingthathascomeoutofitisthatithelpsmeprovidefor myfamily.IhaveyoungersiblingsandIhaveasonwhowillbetwoin February.IamabletoprovidethingsthatIdidnothavegrowingup.Thebad thingaboutitisthatyoucangotojail.Ihavegonetojailforit.IhaveWhite friendswhodothesamethingandtheydon’tgotojaillikemyBlackfriends do.BecauseIamAfricanAmericanIammoresuspicious.Ihavetobemore carefulaboutthings.Myskincolor,myhair,everything.Ihavetotakemore caution.Ihavea50thousanddollarcar.Ihavetomakesureeverythingisup todateandeverything.Itiseasyforcopstopullmeoverandlookallintomy car.Ithashappenedbefore.They’relike,“Oh,hereisthisBlackmanwiththat kindofhairdrivingthatcar.Something’snotright.Let’spullhimover.”That doesn’thappentoWhitepeopleasoftenasitwillhappentoBlackpeople. TerranceandMauricereferredtotheracialinequalityinlawsthatthey

believedtoimpactBlackAmericans.Thediscussionofraceoftenisan

uncomfortableoneintheUnitedStates.OftenwhenraceisdiscussedintheUnited

States,itisdiscusseddichotomouslyinreferencetoWhitepeopleandBlackpeople

orWhitepeopleandpeopleofcolor.Thisdichotomousperspectiveofraceandthe

43

understandingofstructuralracismcaninfluencethemaneuversandschemasof

manypeopleofcolor.

AnexampleofthisperceptionofracialdichotomyintheUnitedStatesishow

Terrancereferredtocapitalismas“TheMan”.Referringtocapitalismas“TheMan”

stemsnotonlyfromtheperspectiveofraceandhowitisoftenviewedinAmerica,

butalsowithregardstointersectionalityofraceandclass.In2011,Latinosand

BlackAmericanshadhigherratesofpovertythanWhitesandAsians(PublicPolicy

ofCalifornia2011).Duringthatyear,23.6percentofLatinosand24.2percentof

BlackAmericanslivedinpovertyincontrasttothe9.8percentofWhitesand12.6

percentofAsians.Theideaof“WhiteAmerica”isaperceptionofWhiteAmericans

beingdisproportionatelywelloffsocioeconomicallyandhavingaccesstoresources

incontrasttothenumberofminoritieswholiveinpoverty.Duetothisidea,many

peopleinpoorcommunitiesmaypersonifycapitalismasaWhitemalewhohas

accessandcontrolresourcesthatpeopleinthesecommunitieslack.

AsTerrancesharedhisperspectiveofhowstructuralracismplaysapivotal

roleinlawenforcementandhowBlackpeoplearetreated,heexplainedhowhe

believedstructuralracismimpactedhisemploymentendeavors.

Terrance:Racismnotonlyexistwithpolice,it’swithjobstoo.Iappliedfora custodialjobwithBerkeley’sschooldistrict.Iwenttotheinterviewand everything.ButIdidn’tgetit.Youknowwhy?ItisbecauseIamBlack. Ida:Whydoyouthinkyourraceisthereasonwhyyoudidn’tgetthejob? Terrance:Icantell.Imetalloftherequirements:Ihaveahighschool educationandsomecollegeeducation.Iwenttoauniversityforafewyears untilIhadthataccident.IcantellthattheywereshockedtoseethatIwas thepersononthepaper.Theywerenotlookingtohireayoung,Blackmale. Thishashappenedtomewithotherjobstoo.Buthavingthisjobwithin- homecareanddoingmyhustlingontheside,Idon’thavetoworryabout

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nothavingajobbecauseIamBlack. ForTerrance,employmentintheundergroundeconomyenabledhimto

makemoneyandnotdealwiththepotentialimpactsofstructuralracismin

employment.AlthoughthereisnoevidencethatTerrancewasnotofferedajobin

thelegaleconomybecauseofhisrace,itisimportanttoacknowledgehowother

peoplelikeTerrancemaysharethosefeelingsandexperiences.Theimpactof

structuralracisminemploymentisanotherfactorthatcancontributeto

employmentintheundergroundeconomy.Participantsnotthisstudydidnotshare

thattheyweredeniedworkintheundergroundeconomybasedupontheirraceor

deniedworkinanyway.Ifonehasobtainedajobintheundergroundeconomyand

feelthatheorsheisincapableofobtainingajobinthelegaleconomybasedupon

race,employmentintheundergroundeconomycouldbemoreappealing.

LegalityVersusIllegalityandTheMarijuanaTrade

BothTerranceandMauricebelievedthatsellingMarijuanawasnotwrong.

Theybelievedthatitisdeemedwrongandconsideredacrimebecause

economically,societydoesnotprofitfromitincertainplaces.Theybelievedthat

oncethegovernmentisabletocontrolandregulateit,theperceptionofmarijuana

distributionwouldchange.

Terrance:It’sonlybadbecausetheWhitemanisn’tmakingmoneyfromit.If hemadeaprofittherewouldbenoproblems.Theonlyproblemtherewould beifmarijuanawaslegalinCaliforniaisthatitwouldputallofthedrug dealersoutofwork.Thentheywouldhavefindanotherhustleofcourse,but itwouldbeaproblembecauseforsomepeoplethisistheonlywaythey maketheirmoney.Honestly,Idon’tmindthatmarijuanaisillegal.Itkeeps moneyinpeoples’pockets. Maurice:It’snotwhatyoudo,it’showyoudoit.Therearealotofmarijuana

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clubsanddispensariesoperating.They’reregulated.It’saboutthesystem. Theylookatitasbeingbadbecausetheydon’tknowhowmuchweare makingorsellingandwearenotpayingtaxes.SobecauseWhiteAmerica isn’tregulatingthemarijuanatrade,they’regoingtosayit’sbad. TerranceandMauricebelievedthatthemoralityofsellingmarijuanaisnot

approvedbysocietyduetowhoismakingaprofit.Theybelievedthattheprofit

frommarijuanasaleswouldbedeemedadmissibleiflargersocietywereableto

controlitandmakeaprofitinsteadofthedrugdealers.Thisbeliefgoesbacktothe

ideaofthecontrolofresourcesandcapitalismthatTerrancealludedtopreviously

inwhathecalls“WhiteAmerica”.MauriceandTerrancebelievedthatthattheir

employmentasdrugdealersisproblematicbecauseitisafacetthatsocietyis

unabletocontrolorregulateeconomically.

Aspirations

DespitethefactthatMaurice’slifeasadrugdealermaycontrastwiththe

livesandworkofindividualsinthelegaleconomy,heaspiredtoonedaytohavea

lifedisassociatedfromtheundergroundeconomy.Hewaswellawareofthedangers

andconsequencesthatareriskedwhenonechoosesthejobofadrugdealer.The

possibilityofupwardsocioeconomicmobilityandfreedomtochooseworkhours

thatispermittedtodrugdealerswasnotappealingenoughtohimtowantto

continuewithdrugdealinglongterm.Contrarily,hebelievedthathisinvolvementin

drugdealingwouldbeshortterm.

Maurice:Idon’twanttomakeacareeroutofthis.Thisisjustastepping- stoneforbetterthings. Ida:Howisdrugdealingastepping-stoneformorethingsthatyouwouldlike toaccomplish?

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Maurice:It’sastepping-stoneforentrepreneurship.Iwanttoownbusinesses andotherthingslikethat.Ihaveason.Iwanttobeagoodfather.I’dalso likeajobworkingwithkidsortheelderly.Ireadsomewherethattheportof Oaklandhadsomeopeningsforlongshoremenjobs.I’ddothattoo. Ida:Howwouldyoufeelifyoursonwantedtobecomeinvolvedindrug dealingwhenhegotolder? Maurice:Hewouldn’tandhewon’t.Ikeepallofthatawayfromhim.Iwant himtogrowupandbeassquareaspossible.Idon’twanthimgrowingupto dothethingsthatIdo.That’swhyIprovidesohewon’thaveto. Ida:Whendoyouthinkyou’llpursuethosegoals? Maurice:Iwon’tbedoingthisfortoomuchlonger.WhenIgetalittlebit moremoneyandI’llbeout.That’swhysomepeopledothisforsolong. ImeansomepeoplelikeitbutIdon’t;Idon’tglamorizethislifestyle.Some peoplesay“Oh,I’llgetoutonceImakethismuch.”Thenpeoplework towardsthatgoal.Sometimestheygetit,sometimestheydon’t.Butpeople arecaughtupinthisbecauseit’sthechaseofadollar.Theycanmakethe amounttheysaythey’regoingtomakeandfeelthatsincetheyhave accomplishedthat,theycouldmakeevenmoremoney.LikeIsaid,some peopledon’tmaketheirgoalandcontinuetoworkatit;butIdefinitely knowthatIwon’tbedoingthistoomuchlonger. Mauriceuseddrugdealingasameanstoprovideforhisfamilyaswellasa

meanstoaccomplishgreatergoalsthathehad.Thepursuitofmoneyiswhat

Mauricebelievedtobeasignificantmotivationfordrugdealersandthatthispursuit

oftenleavesthementrenchedinamonetarycycle.Themonetarycycleofgaining

moneyandlosingmoneythensayingthattheyaregoingtodiscontinuedrugdealing

whentheymakeacertainamountofmoney;meettheirgoals,thencreategoalsto

exceedtheirpreviousstandardsandinturn,continuedrugdealinginefforttomake

moremoneyiswhyhebelievedsomepeopleareinvolvedinthedrugtradefora

longtime.Mauricerecognizedthisandhadgoalstoavoidthosecircumstances.

MauricesharedsimilargoalswithJoandAshley.Theyallbelievedthattheir

jobsintheundergroundeconomydidnotfittheirideasofacareer.Theybelieved

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thattheirinvolvementintheundergroundeconomywouldbeshorttermandthat

thelifestylethatcomesalongwiththeirjobswasnotsuitableforafamilyandcould

leavethementrappedinit.Jo,AshleyandMauricementionedhowchasingmoney

couldleadonetocontinuetobeengagedintheundergroundeconomybecausethey

aredriventomakemoremoney.Theyalsodiscussedhowtheirjobswillbeusedfor

themtoaccessupwardsocioeconomicmobilityandeventuallyleadlivesinthelegal

economy.

Community

Manypoorneighborhoodsareoftenviewedashavingthesame

characteristics:highrightsofcrime,aswellashighratesofdruguseand

distribution.Thedistributionofdrugsanddrugusecontributestoratesofcrimein

thesecommunities.Sincedrugdistributionisillegal,drugdealersareoften

perceivedascriminalswhopolluteneighborhoods.Contrarytothetypicalschema

ofhowdrugdealersareperceivedandhowtheexistenceofdrugsisviewedto

impactneighborhoods,TerranceandMauricehadadifferentperspectiveofhow

theybelieveddrugdealingimpactscommunities.

Terrance:Idon’tthinksellingdrugsistearingdownthecommunity.The drugdealersareacommunity;welookoutforoneanother.LikeifIdon’t havesomethinglikesomeweedtosell,I’mgoingreferthecustomertomy friend,sowelookoutforoneanother.Peoplewhoselldrugsarenotoutto teardownthecommunity. Ida:Ihaveoftenheardmanypeopleinthe‘hoodsaythatthere’sa“crabsin thebucket”mentality.Howisthatapplicabletodrugdealing? Terrance:[makesdisgruntledfaceoutofdisbelief]Somepeopledofeelthat way.Whomeversaythatarethecutthroatpeople,liketheyareallfor themselves.It’sthetotaloppositeofthat.It’slikecommunisminfact. Welookoutforeachother.Weareacommunitybecauseweareallinthis together,tryingtoaccomplishthesamethings.It’sallforacomeup.

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[pointingoffintothedistanceindifferentdirections]Heprobablyhassome billstopayandsomepeopletofeed,soI’mgonnahelphimoutandinturn, knowthatsamepersonisgoingtohelpmeifIneedanything.Like,hismom mayneedgroceriesoneday.IknowshehasfedmeandifIgotit,I’mgonna gethersomegroceries.Ifmyauntneedssomething,thesameguywhose momIgotgroceriesforisgonnahelpmyauntout.Noonecaresaboutthe ‘hood;thepeoplewhoareinitdo.Wehavetotakecareofeachotherbecause nooneelseis.TheManisn’tgoingtodoit,sowehavetodoit.Imean,noone wantstoliveinthe‘hood,butwewon’tdobetterifwedon’thelpeachother. AsTerrancereferredtohisnetworkofdrugdealersasacommunity,Maurice discussedhowheplannedtohelppoorcommunitieswiththeprofitsofhisdrugdealing. Terrance:WhenIwassellingdopeasakidIthoughtIwasdestroying communities;now,beinginvolvedinthemarijuanatradeIdon’tthinkIam impactingcommunitiesnegatively.Marijuanaisonlyconsideredbadbecause ofWhiteAmericaandtheyarenotmakingaprofitoffofmesellingit.Many peoplesmokeweedanditisn’tharmful.Mygoalistoactuallyopenupa barbershopanddetailshop.ThosearestaplesintheBlackandurban communities.Wedon’thavethosethingsinthecommunityanymore,things tocallourown.Thereisn’tanythinginthe‘hoodandit’shardtohave somethinggoingforyourselfwhenthereisn’tanythingthere.Idon’tsee whatIdoasbeingbadbecauseIamnothurtingorharminganyone.The youngergenerationthesedays,theyaretheonesharmingthecommunity. Theystealandhurtpeople.Theydonotworkforanything.Likeme,I’vebeen doingthisforawhileandworkedmywayup.Ididitwithoutmaliciously hurtinganyone.Iwanttogiveback.Ifyouareblessed,blessotherpeople;so IwanttotakewhatIhaveandhelpsomeoneelseinthe‘hood;theyneedit. Myfriend’sdadrecentlypassed.Hewas90andIwishIhadmoretimetotalk tohim.Heoncetoldmethatbackintheday,OaklandwasfilledwithBlack ownedbusinesses.Howhemadeitseem,itwaslikeOaklandwasequivalent toAtlantatodayhowAtlantahasagreatamountofsuccessful,Blackmiddle classfamilies.Oaklandlooksnothinglikethattodayespeciallywithallof thegentrification.IwouldliketohelpmoveOaklandbacktothewayit washowmyfriend’sdaddescribedit.Us,AfricanAmericansinOaklanddon’t havemuchofourown. Mauricealsodescribedthenetworkestablishedamongstparticipantsinthe

undergroundeconomy.

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Maurice:Peopleintheundergroundeconomyaretheirowncommunity.We allendupknowingeachotherbecauseweareallinvolvedinthesamekind ofthings.ImayknowsomeonewhohassomethingImayneedandvice versa.It’saboutnetworking. TerranceandMauriceillustratedhowtheybuilttheirownnetworksinthe

undergroundeconomyandplacedimportanceoncommunity.Terrance

emphasizedthatthereisanimportanceofbuildingcommunitybetweenotherdrug

dealersinneighborhoodsaswellastheimportanceofcommunityinpoor

neighborhoods.Fromhisexperienceinhisneighborhood,hebelievedthathelping

oneanotherisbestbecausenooneelsewill.InMaurice’sview,poorcommunities

lackresourcesandhebelievedthatthereisanimperativetoprovidewhathecalls,

“staples”inthecommunity.Hediscussedhowgentrificationhasanimpacton

communitiesinOakland.Mauricebelievedthatcreatingresourcesforpoor

communitiesinOaklandcouldbehelpful.

ConductingtheseinterviewswithMauriceandTerranceenabledmetolearn

alotaboutthempersonally.WhatwassignificantaboutourconversationsisthatI

learnedalotaboutwhoaretheyareandwhotheywanttobe.Learningaboutthem

undoubtedlyenabledmetolearnthattheyreallyarenodifferentthananyoneelse:

theyhavegoals,aspirationsandfamiliesthattheyprovidefor.

Chapter5:DayLabor

EstablishmentofDayLaborProgramandHiringZones

In1999,theCityOfOaklandimplementedtheDayLaborProgram.The

catalystforimplementingthisprogramarosefromthecomplaintsofvendors

statingthatonadailybasis,approximately200daylaborerswouldcongregateat

theintersectionsofFruitvaleAvenueandFoothillBoulevard(CityofOakland

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ProgramProposal2014).Thevendorsstatedthatthedaylaborersweredisrupting

theirbusinessesandrequestedthattheCityofOaklanddevelopasolutiontothe

disruption.Asaresult,theCity’sCommunityandEconomicDevelopmentAgency

(CEDA)developedasocialservicemodeldesignedtoaddresstheneedsoftheday

laborersaswellastheconcernsofindividualswhoownbusinessesinFruitvale

(CityofOaklandProgramProposal2014).ThepurposeoftheDayLaborProgram

wastoensurethatthedaylaborersaretoachieveself-sufficiencyandbeproductive

citizensinsociety(CityofOaklandProgramProposal2014).Theimplementationof

thisprogramledtothecreationofDayLaborHiringZones.ThereareDayLabor

HiringZonesignsthatdesignatetheseareas.

Figure5.1DayLaborHiringZoneSign

SpatialAnalysis

Thesesignsindicateparticularspacesorzoneswheredaylaborerswhoseek

employmentcanbeandwherepeoplecangotohirethem.Frommyobservations,

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thedaylaborhiringzoneswereambiguous.Baseduponthelocationsofthesigns,

thedaylaborhiringzoneshadunclearboundaries.Therewerenotclearconfines

illustratingwherethezonesbeginandend,justspacesinbetweenwherethesigns

existed.ThehiringzonesextendedforseveralblockslocatedoutsidetheFruitvale

andFoothillneighborhoods.Itseemsthatasolutiontoestablishingdaylaborhiring

zonestoaddresstheconcernsofbusinessownersinFruitvaleandFoothill

neighborhoodswastoensurelimitedspacewheredaylaborerscouldcongregatein

theseneighborhoods.ThisisproventobetruebecauseofthesignsonFoothill

Streetthatstatedthatthosewhosolicitdaylaborersonthepremisewouldbefined.

ThesesignsweredisplayedinaWalgreensparkinglot.AdjacenttotheWalgreens,

therewasanO’ReillyAutoPartsstore,whichsharedthesameparkinglot.Day

laborerscouldbefoundstandingneartheO’Reilly’sstoreanditsparkinglot,despite

thedisplayofsignsthatstatedthatthosewhosolicit,orseektoemploydaylaborers

inthatlocationcouldbefined.ThereweretwovisibleDayLaborHireZonesignson

Highstreetandoneontheintersectionof40thandSanLeandroStreet,butnoneon

FoothilloronFruitvalestreets,butdaylaborerscouldbefoundoutsideofthe

premiseswherethesignsweredisplayed.

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Figure5.2DayLaborSolicitationSign

Isawthreevisibledaylaborhiringzonesigns,butthereweresevenareas

whereIhadseendaylaborerscongregatetoseekwork.Theseareaswereneartwo

O’Reillyautopartsstores,agrassyareaintheentranceofaplazaneartheentrance

ofaHomeDepotparkinglot,agasstationacrossfromaMexicanmarketwhere

otherdaylaborerscongregated,alumberstoreandaweldingstore.Theareas

wherelaborerscouldbefoundwereusuallyfilledwithmendressedincasualjeans,

T-shirts,hoodiesandoftenhats.Theoldermenintheseareaswereoftendressedin

jeansthathadremnantsofpaintandbaseballcaps,whereastheyoungermenwhom

Ihadseenusuallyworeblackhoodies,jeansandwhiteT-shirts.Theyoungermen

whoIobservedintheseareaswereoftendressedmorecasuallythantheoldermen.

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MapprovidedbyGoogleandScribbleMaps

Figure5.3LocationsofVisibleDayLaborHiringZoneSigns

GovernmentalityandSurveillanceofDayLaborers

MichelFoucault(1970)coinedtheterm,governmentality.Hedefinedthis

termasinstitutions,procedures,analyses,reflections,calculationandtacticsusedto

exercisecomplexformsofpowerandusedasameansofsecurity(Foucault1970:

102-103).Theworkingsofgovernmentalitywereprevalentinhowdaylaborhiring

zoneswereestablishedtoregulatewheredaylaborerscouldseekworkaswellas

howandwheretheirpresencewasregulated.Thepurposeofthedaylaborhiring

zoneswastocreateaspacewheredaylaborerscouldseekwork;however,these

boundariesorzoneswerealienatingandrestricting.

Manyofthestoreswheredaylaborerssoughtworkhadaseparating

boundary.Spaceswithinthedaylaborhiringzoneshadgatesseparatingwherethe

daylaborssolicitedworkandwherethestoreswereactuallylocated.Thespatial

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configurationoftheboundariesbetweenthestoresandwherethedaylaborswere

allowedtoseekworkplacedthemnearthestreets.Permittingspacenearthestreets

fordaylaborerstooccupycouldbehelpfultothembecauseitcouldenablethemto

havevisibilityandpotentiallyincreasetheirlikelihoodoffindingwork,butitwas

alienatingandcouldillustratetheideathattheirpresencewasunwantednearthe

storeseventhoughlegallytheywereallowedtobeinthespace.

Visitingdaylaborhiringzonesenabledmetobecomeacquaintedwitha

securityguardwhowashiredtomanagedaylaborersatalawnwherethey

congregatedneartheentranceofaplazanearaHomeDepot.BythesecondtimeI

visitedthesitewithhopesofspeakingtodaylaborers,sevenmenabruptlyranupto

meseekingwork.Othermenwerenearthestreetandneartheentranceoftheplaza

yelling,“Labor”andtryingtosignaltopeoplepassingincars.Asthemenhuddled

aroundmeaskingforwork,someleftindisappointmentwhenIinformedthemthat

Iwasnotseekingtoemploythem.Thesecurityguardsteppedinandstarteda

conversationwithme.

Security:Doyouneeddaylaborersforanywork? Ida:No.Iamaresearcherwhoishopingtolearnabouttheexperiencesof daylaborers. Security:Oh.Youcantalktome.Askmequestions.Isawthattheyallranup toyou.Ididn’twantyoutobescared. Ida:Doyouworkhereeveryday? Security:Yes.Iwashiredtomakesurethattheydonotgonearthestore. Theycausealotoftrouble.Oftenthepolicecome. Youseethatlineoverthere?[pointingtothecrossingwalklinesonthe groundthatisnearthegrassyareawheremanyofthedaylaborers congregate]Theyarenotsupposedtocrossthatline.

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Ida:Youwerehiredjusttomakesurethatthedaylaborersdon’tgonearthe stores? Security:Yes.Istandherealldayandmakesuretheyaren’tnearthestores. Ida:Sotheyareonlyallowedinthatperimeterandnotallowedtomoveany further? Security:No.Theycannotgopastthat.Thisiswheretheyareallowedtobe. Thestoremanagersdonotwantthemneartheirstores.Yousee?TheyseeI amtalkingtoyouandtheyaremovingpasttheline.Pleaseexcuseme. [Hewalkstowardsthethreemenwhoaresittingclosertowardsthe entranceoftheplaza,whichisbeyondtheirboundary.Hemakesthemgetup andmove.Hesignalsforthethreeothermenacrossthestreettomoveback withintheirboundariesaswell]. Ida:Whycan’ttheygonearthestores? Security:Becausethestoremanagerscomplainthattheybotherthe customers. Daylaborhiringzonesillustratesgovernmentalitybecauselegallyday

laborersarerestrictedtofindworkwithinparticularareas.Lawregulatesday

laborers’presencebyprovidingaspacewheretheycanfindwork.Iftheydonot

adheretotheseregulations,theremaybeconsequencessuchasfines.Iftheworkers

areundocumented,theyriskdeportation.Thesecuritythatwashiredtoensurethat

thedaylaborersdonotgonearthestoreisanotherillustrationofgovernmentality.

Hewashiredjusttoensurethattheyarenotnearthestores.Hephysicallyregulated

thedaylaborerspresencebytellingthemwhentheysurpassedtheirboundaries.

Thedaylaborerswhosoughtworkoutsideofthisplazawerewithinthehiringzone,

solegallytheycouldbethere.Despitethefactthatthedaylaborerscouldbethere

legally,thestoremanagerswithintheplazahadthepowertokeepthemoutand

awayfromthebusinesses.Theestablisheddaylaborhiringzonesandthe

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conversationswiththesecurityguardreflectstheideaofthe“problemofday

laborers”thatHerreradiscussed.Hestatedthattheproblemofdaylaborersare

addressedbyrepressionandrestrictionofdaylaborersaswellasakinderformof

policingdaylaboractivitythroughtheestablishmentofdaylaborcenters(Herrera

2010:7).Thedaylaborersnearthisplazawerenotbeingpolicedbydaylabor

centers,butthesecurityguardandthestoremanagersthatdidnotwantthemnear

theirstoreswerepolicingthem.

Outsider’sPerspectivesofDayLaborers

Asopposedtomanyoftheotherjobsthatareavailableintheunderground

economy,daylaborisanoccupationthatwaversbetweenthelinesoflegalityand

illegality.Daylaborworkcanbelegalbecausetheworkconductedinthis

occupationdoesnotfallintothecategoryofcriminalityasotheroccupationsinthe

undergroundeconomy.Itisnotillegaltoemploydaylaborers;however,itisillegal

toworkintheUnitedStateswithoutdocumentation.Manyofthedaylaborersin

OaklandarenotUScitizensandareofLatinoorindigenousdescent.Duringthis

studyIexperiencedthatsomepeoplecouldhavedisgruntledattitudestowardsday

labors.AnexampleofthiswastheattitudeofanO’Reilly’semployeewhomIspoke

tooneday.TheemployeewasaWhitewomanwhoappearedtobeinher30s.

Ida:[offersleftoverdonutstoO’Reillyemployeesthatweregivenouttoday laborers] Employee:Youhavedonuts?Givethemtothedaylaborersoutthere.I’m surethey’lleatthem. Ida:IhaveofferedsometothemandIhaveextras. Employee:Oh.Wereyoulookingforoneofthemforwork?

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Ida:No.Iamaresearcherhopingtolearnoftheexperiencesofdaylaborers. Employee:Ohyeah?Therearetonsofthemouthere.Atonepointthey wouldbenearthestore.Wehadtoputagateupouttheretokeepthemout. Ida:Areyoutalkingaboutthatgatethat’snearthestreet? Employee:Yeah.Inthemorningtherearetonsofthemoutthere.Mencome loadthemupintrucksandtheygetpaidtwentydollarsanhour!Theyget paidmorethanIdo!BeforeIhadthisjob,Iwascollectingunemploymentand notmakingnearlyasmuchastheydo!Theyjustjumpinsomeone’struck andgetpaidthatmoney.I’msurprisedthattheydidn’ttakethedonuts.Then again,theygettakencareofaroundhere.Theyjuststandoutsidealldayand lookforwork.Theygetfoodfrompeoplearoundhereandeverything. Ida:Theygetfoodfromwhom?Peopleofferthemfood? Employee:Yeah!Thetacotrucksandrestaurantsaroundheregivethemfree food.It’scrazy.Theyjustcomehere,getworkandgettakencareofandhere Iamcomingtoworkeverydayandnotmakingasmuchasthem. AsIhadthisconversationwiththeemployee,frustrationanddisapprovalof

daylaborerswasexpressedvividlyinhertoneandinherfacialexpressions.After

shespokeaboutthedaylaborers,sheseguedintoadiatribeabouthowmanyother

immigrantshavecometoSanFranciscoandhavefoundwork.Fromour

conversation,itseemedthattheemployeehadminimalinteractionwiththeday

laborers.Iamunsurewhatcausedherdiscontentmentorfrustrationwithday

laborers;Iamunsureifshefeltthatthatsheshouldbepaidmorethantheday

laborersorbepaidequallyasmuch.Ineithercasetheemployeeseemedtobe

displeasedwithdaylaborers.

Thisconversationreflectedtheperspectiveofoneindividual,butitledmeto

thinkofhowotherslikeherselfmaysharesimilarperspectivesandhowsuch

perspectivescouldhaveanimpactonhowdaylaborersareabletoobtainworkand

experienceworkinOaklandandinmanyareasintheUnitedStates.

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Discrimination

Discriminationundoubtedlyisasignificantissuethatcanaffectmanyday

laborers.Discriminationagainstdaylaborersmanifestsandfunctionsonmultiple

levels.Itisexpressedstructurallyandsocially.Sociallydaylaborersmayexperience

discriminationfromtheattitudesthatsomepeoplemayhavetowardsimmigrants

generally.Theycanexperiencediscriminationstructurallywhenstoresforcethem

awayandhowtheyareconfinedtoseekworkinparticularareas.Inashort,video

recordedinterviewfromtheOaklandWorkers’Collectivewebsite,Roberto,a

memberofthecollectivediscussedhisexperienceswithdiscriminationfroman

employer.

Roberto:TherewasanemployerwhoonlyspokeEnglishandwiththatIhave learnedinESLclasses,Ihavemanagedtounderstandhim.Hetoldme thatheneededthreemorepeopleandtoldmetogolookforpeopleat HomeDepot.Ibroughtbackthreepeople.Theworkersdidnotagree withwhattheemployerwasgoingtopaythemandwantedtotalkto him.Itoldtheemployer,“Looktheywanttotalk”andheimmediately responded,“Whatdoyousay?ShouldIcallImmigrationonthem?”He didnotknowiftheywereundocumented.Ifeltterriblebyhimasking methatquestionitisasifhewereimplyingthatweareuseless.That wasasocialinjustice.HediscriminatedthembutIalsofeltasifhehad discriminatedagainstme.ThankstoGod,Iamdocumented.Butwhen peoplemakerandomassumptionsthatisaformofdiscrimination. Anothermemberfromthecollectiveexpressedhisexperienceswithdiscriminationfromanemployer. Butwithcompaniesfornotbeingfullydocumentedtherearetimes theyperhapstakeawayworkdaysandwe’llhavetostayathome withoutemployment.Theyaskalotfromus.Yes,wecannotspeak Englishfluently,buttheyalsojudgeusbaseduponappearance.They alsoseeweareLatino.Wehavesufferedwagetheftandithasnot beentheonlyform;oneemployer,buttwo,threeormore.

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Employerswerenottheonlyindividualswhodiscriminatedagainstdaylaborers.DuringavisittoaOaklandWorker’sCollectiveweeklymeetings,amemberstatedthatheexperienceddiscriminationfromotherLatinos. OtherLatinosarepeoplewhodiscriminate.Theythinkthatwearejust hangingoutonthecorners.Theythinkthatweneedtowork.Theydon’t realizethatthisishardwork.Wegetupearlytogotowork,gototrucksand negotiatehowmuchwegetpaid.Somepeopledonotwanttogotothe cornerandfindwork.Wehavetosomethingtoprovetoourownpeople. Experiencingdiscriminationcouldbeadeterrentforanyonewhoseeks

employment.Unfortunately,itisapartoftheexperiencethatmanydaylaborers

face.Discriminationexperiencedbydaylaborersisunfairformyriadreasons.Not

onlyisdiscriminationunjustandinhumane,itisunfairthatthereisapossibilitythat

daylaborerscanfacetherepercussionsofdiscriminationwhenitisotherswhoare

unfairtothem.Forexample,Robertomentionedthattheworkerswerediscouraged

fromnegotiatingpaymentfortheirworkbecausetheemployerassumedthatthe

workerswereundocumentedandthreatenedtocallimmigrationonthem.Ifthe

workerswereundocumentedandtheemployercalledimmigration,theworkers

wouldhavefacedtheconsequencesofthewrongfulactionsoftheemployer.That

situationillustrateshowdaylaborerscanbetakenadvantageofandhowinsome

casestheyaredefenseless.

ThememberoftheOaklandWorkers’Collectivestatementabourhowhefelt

thatdaylaborershavetoprovethemselvestootherLatinosrevealsanissueof

pride.Theissueofprideisprevalentinregardstohowthecollectivememberfelt

thatdaylaborershavetoprovethemselvestootherLatinosandhowhesaidthat

somemendonotwanttoseekworkonthestreets.Theissueofprideundoubtedly

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wasanissuethatthesemenhadtograpplewithdailywhentheysoughtworkand

triedtoearnaliving.Ittakespridegotothestreetstopursueworkwhenthereisa

possibilitythatworkisnotavailable.Italsotakespridetogotothestreetstoseek

workwhentherearepeoplewhoarefromsimilarcommunitiesasdaylaborers

thinkingthattheyarenotworkingornotworkinghardenough.

Illegality

Undocumentedcitizenshipisnottheonlyissueofillegalitythataffectsday

laborers.Hiringworkersinformallyisnotillegaleither.Whatisillegalaboutday

laboristhatemployersdonotalwaysadheretolegalandlaborstandards.The

ImmigrationReformandControlAct(IRCA)of1986requiresthatemployersverify

eligibilityofthosewhotheyemploybyfillingoutanI-9form(Gonzalez2007:4);but

thereareexceptionstothislaw.Employersdonottocheckemployees’legalrightto

workiftheyarehiringindependentcontractors,casualworkerswhoperformtasks

sporadically,orworkersprovidedbyathirdparty.(U.S.DepartmentofJustice1991,

Gonzalez2007:5).Basedupontheworkthatdaylaborersmaydo,theymaynotbe

inviolationoftheimmigrationact.Manyemployersdonotcheckthelegalstatusof

employees.Also,underCaliforniacommonlaw,daylaborersareconsidered

employeesundertheUnemploymentInsuranceCodeifthepersonwhoemploys

themhascontrolovertheworkers(EmploymentDevelopmentDepartment2004,

Gonzalez2007:5).Underfederallaw,daylaborersarecoveredbywageandsafety

regulationsundertheOccupationalSafetyandHealthAct(U.S.GeneralAccounting

Office2002,Gonzalez2007:5).

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Inmanycases,thereisabeliefthatoneoftheproblemsofdaylaborers’

presenceisthattheyareundocumented,wheninfacttherearelarger,structural

issuesofillegalitythataffectdaylaborers.Whatisproblematicaboutthestructural

issuesofillegalitythataffectsthedaylaborersisthatmanyofthemmaynotknow

thattherearelawstoprotectthem.Oneoffewpossiblewaysforadaylaborerto

learnthisisifhevisitsadaylaborcenterwherethereareresourcesforthem,but

manydaylaborerssearchforworkonthestreets.Anotherissueisthatmanyday

laborswhomayormaynotbedocumentedcitizenscouldbeafraidtochallenge

employersoutthefearoffacingconsequencessuchasnotgettingpaidorfearthat

theycouldbereportedtoimmigrationauthorities.

ChallengesofWorkingAsaDayLaborer

Inevitablytherearechallengesforanyjob.Oneofthemostsignificant

challengesfordaylaborersisobtainingwork.Inmanycasestherearemoreday

laborersthantherearejobsatthehiringzones,thuscreatingcompetition.Thereare

manymenwhooccupythehiringzonesforthesamereasons.Thismaybeareason

whymanymengetupearlyinthemorningtoseekwork.Theearliertheygetthere,

thegreaterchancetheywillhaveoffindingworkfortheday.Insomecases,mencan

findmorethanonejobinadayiftheyarethereearlyandreturntothehiringsite.A

daylaborfromtheOaklandWorkers’Collectivedescribedwhatitisliketoseek

workatahiringsiteinaninterview.

Wehaveashiftingschedule.Therehasbeenanemployerthathasgivenus fourtosixhoursofwork.Wehavegonetodifferentplacestowaitforwork between54thandInternational.AlsoHighStreet,BerkeleyandSan Leandrototrytogetatleastafewhoursofwork.

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Inthiscaseandinmanycases,daylaborersdonotalwayshavetemporary

jobswheretheyarecontractedtoworkforafewdays.Daylaborersspendtheir

daysmovingaroundtodifferentareasinpursuitoffindingwork.

Therearemanyotherchallengesthataffectdaylaborersaswell.Day

laborersfromtheOaklandWorkers’Collectivediscussedchallengestheyfacedwith

regardstobarrierstoemployment.

Roberto:Honestly,abarriertofindingworkhasbeenmyage.Ihavethe abilitytoliftaboutseventypoundstoonehundredpoundsbutthatis becauseIhavetotakecareofmyhealth.TherearesomepeoplewhothinkI amanincapableworker.Attimesthereareemployerswhojudgemebymy physicalappearanceandhesitatetohireme.Theydon’talwaysstopto considerhowwehaveagreatneedforemploymenttosurvive. AnotherbarriertofindingworkistheareainwhichIlive.Thereissomuch violencewhereIlive.Forexample,Iwillgetupearlyinthemorningto searchforworkandwhenIwalkout,twopeoplewhowanttostealmy cargreetme.Ihavenochoicebuttogivethemthekeys.ThenIhavetocall theemployertoletthemknowthatIdonothavemyowntransportationand willhavetotakethebusuptoacertainpointwhereIwillthenneedtobe pickedup.InthissituationIcan’ttakemyowntools.Whenoneexperiences allthesebarriersoneacknowledgesthattherearemanyopportunitiesinthis countrybuttherearealsomanythingsthatholdonebehind. ThismorningIgotuptodrivetoworkandwhatdoIcomeacross?The stickeronmylicenseplatewasstolen!Thingsseemsmallbutthe psychologicalandemotionalimpactonmeisbig.Why?Becausethepolice makesurethateverythingisinlineandifIampulledoverIwillnolonger makeittoworkontime.Thepolicearenotgoingtocareaboutyour situation.Onehastimeagainstthem.TherehavebeentimesIwanttodrive somewhereandwhenItrytoignitethecaritwon’tturnon.Thebatteryhas beenstolen.Thatisridiculous.Andwhatdoesthepolicesay?Theytellmeto putacameraoutsidemyhousetotrytocapturewhoitis.Whataresponse! SalvadorwasamemberofthecollectivewhohasbeenintheUnitedStatesfortwelveyears.HeobtainedUScitizenshipandwasverypassionateaboutorganizingandadvocatingforimmigrationrights.DespitethefactthathehasUScitizenship,hediscussedchallengesthatundocumentedworkersfaceinregardsto

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obtainingemployment. Salvador:Likeanyperson,oneabandonstheircountryinsearchofabetter future.ItalktoalotofpeopleandtheyfeelasiftheAmericandreamis escapingusanddisappearing.Eachdaytherearemoretaxes.Eachdaythere ismorecontroloverjobsbecausetheynowaskonetoverifythesocial securitynumber.It’sliketheyareclosingthedoorsonustoseewhatweare goingtodoanditislamentable. AsSalvadorfeltthattherearenowmorerestrictions,heassertedthatitismoredifficultfordaylaborerstofindjobsthanitwaswhenheusedtoseekworkonthestreets. Salvador:Itismuchharder.Formeithasbeeneleven…twelveyearssinceI havebeenhere.Iusedtowaitforworkinonecorner.Iwouldgetthereat 7amandanemployerwouldpickmeupforworkandIwouldreturntothe cornerat2pm.Iwouldeatsometacosatthetacotruckandthenat3or4 anotheremployerwouldpickmeupforwork.Iwouldgettwojobsinthe sameday. Carlos,anothermemberoftheOaklandWorkers’Collective,wasa39-yearolddaylaborerfromGuatemalawhohadrecentlycometotheUnitedStates.Duringaninterviewhesharedthatlanguagewasabarriertofindingemployment. Carlos:Ithasbeenverydifficult.Oneofthefirstthingswefindisthe languagebarrier.WedonotspeakEnglishwell.Wewaitforworkonthe street.Itcanbeveryhardtounderstandtheemployerswhendiscussing work. Juan,anothermemberoftheOaklandWorkers’Collectivealsostatedthatlanguagewasachallengeanddiscussedotherchallengesthatonemayexperienceasadaylaborer. Juan:ThefirstobstacleonecomesacrosswhenarrivingtotheUSisthe languagebarrierandlackofemployment.Anotherobstacleisthatwedon’t exactlyknowthetypesofjobswewillbegettingourselvesinto.Wemaynot knowhowtohandlesometools.Thereisahigherprobabilityofaccidents andwejustdonotknowallofthesafetyprecautionsyet.

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AnothermemberofthecollectivenamedRicardobelievedthatthelackof

citizenshipwasachallengeforhimasadaylaborer.Hesharedthisinhisinterview

ontheOaklandWorkersCollectivewebsite:“Atfirst,thehardestthingwasbeing

undocumentedbecauseonemustalwaysprovideasocialsecuritynumberandvalid

identification.”

Someofthechallengesthatthedaylaborersinthisstudyexperiencedwere

notaresultoftheiroccupations,butchallengestheyhadbecauseoftheir

socioeconomicstatus.AccordingtotheNationalDayLaborSurvey,onaverageaday

laborworksabout23hoursperweek,makes$11.32dollarsanhourandonaverage

earns$259dollarsperweek(Gonzalez2007:10).Manydaylaborerspursuethis

typeofworkbecauseitiswhattheyareafforded.Forexample,Robertodiscussed

howbeingavictimofmaliceinhisneighborhoodimpactedhisabilitytomaneuver

aswellashisjobperformance.Undoubtedly,Robertodidnotliveinthebest

neighborhoodandinfacthemayhavelivedinalowersocioeconomiccommunity.

Daylaborerscandealwithunpredictablecircumstanceswhentheysearchforwork;

asaresulttheyarenotalwaysaffordedtheopportunitytoachieveupward

socioeconomicmobilitybaseduponthejobopportunitiesthatareavailabletothem

andtheincomethattheyearnfromtheirwork.Therearemanydaylaborersthat

cometotheUnitedStatestoimprovetheireconomiccircumstances.Howeverin

somecases,workingasadaylabormaynotenableonetoachieveeconomicgrowth.

IssuesofSafety

Therearemanydangersthatcomealongwithbeingadaylaborer.A

significantdangeristhepossibilityofbeinginjured.Injuryinthedaylabor

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populationraisesmanyconcerns.Itisapublichealthissue.Also,manydaylaborers

refusetoreportthattheyare,eventhedisclosureofseriousinjuriesbecauseitcan

hinderthemfromworkingandobtainingincome.AccordingtoNationalDayLabor

Survey,seventypercentofdaylaborersreportedthattheirworkwasunsafeandten

percentofreportedhavingbeeninjuredatworkbeforethesurveywastaken

(NationalDayLaborSurvey2004,Gonzalez2007:14).Thepercentageofinjuries

reportedbythedaylaborersinthesurveywashigherthantheinjuryratefor

constructionworkersinCaliforniawhoseinjuryratewas6.5percent(Gonzalez

2007:14).

Asmanydaylaborersseekworkonthestreets,thereisapossibilitythat

otherscanharmthemortheycanencounterissueswithpoliceorotherauthorities.

Thestreetswheredaylaborersseekworkarepublic.TheplaceswhereIsawday

laborerscongregateinOaklandwerebusystreetswithlotsofactivitysoitwas

difficulttoknowwhopassedthroughthosespaces.Thiscouldimpactdaylaborers

becauseconsequentlytheycouldbeblamedformanyproblemsthathappenedon

thestreetswhenothersoccupiedthespaceaswell.Ilearnedthatmanydaylaborers

areoftenwearyoftheirpresenceonthestreetsastheysearchforworkbecauseit

canbringunwantedattentiontothemandcancreateunwantedencounterswiththe

police.

Pursuingworkonthestreetscancreateunexpectedexperiencesand

encountersforthedaylaborers.DuringameetingattheOaklandWorkers’

Collective,Ricardosharedanexperiencethathappenedtothreeofhisfriendswho

werealsodaylaborers.

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Ricardo:OnedaythreeofmyfriendswerelookingforworknearWalgreens. Somemenkidnappedthematgunpointandtookthemsomewhere. Theywereheldhostageforafewdays.Themenwhotookthemmade themcutupandbagupmarijuana.Myfriendsdidnotknowwherethey were.Themenwhotookthemwokethemupandtoldthemwhento gotosleep.Whenthemenweredonewiththem,theydroppedmy friendsoffwheretheywere.Theydidnotpaythemoranything. Suchexperiencescantraumatizedaylaborersandcreatenegativeimpactson

employmentandlifeintheUnitedStates.Pursuingworkonthestreetsisdangerous.

Manydaylaborersdonotknowwhatkindofworktheyaregettingthemselvesinto

orknowthepeoplewhoemploythem.Themenwhowerekidnappeddidnotreport

whathappenedtothemtothepolice.Theymightnothavereporteditformany

reasonsincludingthedesiretoavoidpolice.Idonotknowifthemeninthiscase

weredocumented;butiftheywerenot,contactingthepolicecouldhaveputthemat

riskofdeportation.Anotherconcernisthatthekidnapperscouldhavecomeback.

Safetyisasignificantissuethatcanimpactdaylabors.Thereisnocertaintyto

ensurethesafetyofthedaylaborersonthestreetsorintheirworkplaces.

ComingtoAmerica

TherearemanyreasonswhyindividualscometotheUnitedStates;

undoubtedlythedaylaborersthatambitiouslywakeupearlytopursueworkonthe

streetshaveapurpose.VideorecordedinterviewsfromtheOaklandWorkers’

CollectivewebsitesharedwhysomeofthemembersarehereintheUnitedStates.

Carlos:Icametothiscountrytoaccomplishmydreams.Whatis importantisforoneistodothethingsonedoesnothaveintheir country.Theopportunitiesthatarenotavailableoverthereareavailable here.Icameforeconomicgrowth.Mydreamisalsotoprovideaneducation tomychildrensothattheyaresuccessfulandhaveaprofessionwhenthey areolder. Felipe:Thereisnomoneysowethought,“Let’sgooverthere,there’snothing

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lefthere.”AndthatiswhyIamherefightingforlifeandhopingthingsgo well.Thewholetimepovertyhasbeenslowlykillingus.Wedonothave workinGuatemala;wearedamnedoverthere.WellIguesstherearejobs butonlyforlawyersandotherslikethat,andwellwedonothavethe educationforthosejobs.Theproblemisthatthegovernmentisathief becauseitdoesnotwanttohelpus.Itwantsallbenefitsforitselfandforgets aboutallofusinpoverty. Wellthingsherehavenotgoneverywellformeeither.Iamnotinglory.That iswhatIhadthought,butthingsherearealsodifficult.TherearedaysthatI work,andtherearedayswherethereisnowork.TherearetimesIgoto workwithsomeoneIdon’tknowandjustbecauseIdonotknowthemthey givemethirtydollarswhenIhaveworkedeighthours,butImanagetomake itwiththirtyorfortydollars.Ihavenochoicebuttosettlewithitbecause whereelseistheretogo?Iamintheirpocket.Inmyhomecountryitisthe same.NowIhavenowhereelsetogoandnooptionbuttoacceptit,maybe onedaytherewillbehope. Ricardo:Icametoseekabetterfutureformyfamilybecauselikeallpoor people,Ihadthehopeofprovidingabetterlifeformykidsandformy parentstobuildthemahomebackinourcountry.WeallknowthattheUS dollarisofhighervalueinourcountries.Atleastinmycountry,Iam Guatemalan.TheUSdollarisworthabouteightpesosofourcountry.Here, thankstoGodandtothesweatfromourbodies,wemakeaboutthreetimes morethanwhatwewouldmakehomeandwiththatwecansustainour families. Felipe,RicardoandCarloscametotheUnitedStatestopursuedifferent

opportunities.Theycameforeconomicopportunitiesandforbetterqualitiesoflife.

AlthoughtheyandmanyotherdaylaborersmaycometotheUnitedStateswith

hopesofattainingtheseopportunities,itcanbechallengingtoachievethesegoals.

Though,somedaylaborers’livesandincomesmightbeimprovedthanwhatthey

wereabletoobtainintheirhomecountries,suchimprovementscomewithother

determents.Oneofthegreatestdetermentsthatcanimpactdaylaborersishow

theyareabletosustainsocioeconomically.AccordingtotheNationalDayLabor

survey,in2004daylaborersearnedanaverageof$11.32dollarsperhour.Thiswas

anhourlywagethatwasbaseduponworkingaroundtwenty-threehoursperweek.

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Onaveragedaylaborersearnedabout$259perweek(Gonzalez2007:10).Thiswas

anaveragethatwasrepresentativeofdaylaborersalloverCalifornia.Theaverage

mayvariedbasedupongeographiclocation,wheredaylaborerspursuedworkand

howmanyhourstheyworkedaweek.Basedupontheweeklyaveragepresentedby

theNationalDayLaborSurvey,daylaborerswhoparticipatedinthesurvey

potentiallycouldhavemadearound$1,036permonth.Baseduponthisaverageof

$1,036amonthtoday,itdoesnotaccountforthecostoflivinginCalifornia,

especiallyifsomeofthemoneywillbesentasremittancesbacktohomecountries.

Felipementionedadilemmathatdaylaborerscouldface.Manyleavetheir

homecountriesinefforttoimprovetheirsituationsathomeandprovidefortheir

families.Manyofthemenlefttheircountriesbecausetheywerepoorandwantedto

seekbetteropportunities.InmanycasessomedaylaborerslikeFelipeleavetheir

lowsocioeconomicstatusesintheirhomecountriesonlytoenteranotherlow

socioeconomicstatusinAmerica.Inthissituation,itcouldbedifficultformanyday

laborerstoachieveupwardsocioeconomicmobilitywhentheyarenotearningan

incomethatcanpermitthemtodoso.AsillustratedbyFelipeandRicardo,

socioeconomicdeprivationexperiencedintheirhomecountrieswasamotivationto

comeandworkintheUnitedStates.Althoughmanydaylaborersmaynotreceive

anincomethatisenoughtosustainthemselvesintheUnitedStates,thelittlemoney

thattheyearncouldmakeadifferencetotheirfamiliesintheirhomecountries.As

Ricardomentioned,theUSdollarhasmorevalueforthecurrencyinhishome

country;therefore,workingasadaylaborerandpotentiallybeingpaidalower

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wagecouldbesignificantfinanciallyforafamilythatisinthedaylaborer’snative

country.

Masculinity AsIvisiteddaylaborhiringzonesandattendedtheOakland

Workers’CollectivemeetingsInoticedthatallofthedaylaborersweremen.The

genderrepresentationofdaylaborersreflectedgenderrolesinAmericancultureas

wellasthegenderrolesintheculturesthatmanydaylaborerswereapartof.These

genderrolescontributedtoideasofmasculinity.Manyoftheintervieweesinthe

videorecordedinterviewsofdaylaborersontheOaklandWorkers’Collective

websitediscussedhowthemenneededtotakecareoffamilies.Thiscorrelatedwith

thepatriarchaldefinitionsofmenthatdefinedthemasbreadwinners.Walteretal

(2004)article,“MasculinityandUndocumentedLaborMigration:InjuredLatinoDay

LaborersinSanFrancisco”discussedhowdaylaborers‘workethicreflectedhow

theysawthemselvesaspatriarchalprovidersandthatthepatriarchaldefinitionofa

maleastheprimaryprovidercreatedanimportancefordaylaborersbecauseofthe

dangerstheyenduredtofulfilltheirrolesasmen(Walteretal2004:1162-1163).

UndoubtedlythiswastruewithregardtothedaylaborersImet.Themenwentto

workeverydaydespitedangerousencounterstheycouldendureinaneffortto

providefortheirfamilies.

DaylaborersinOaklandhadvariedexperiences;butmanyofthemenfaced

similarchallengesofdealingwithdiscrimination,illegality,structuralinjusticesof

illegalityandissuesofsafety.Despitethesechallenges,thedaylaborerscontinued

toworkinefforttofulfilltheirpurposesofcomingtoAmerica,seeking

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opportunitiesandprovidingfortheirfamilies.Learningaboutthesemen’s

experiencesprovidedanewandvaluableperspectiveonthedaylaborersin

OaklandandelsewhereintheUnitedStates.

Chapter6:ReflectionsOnFieldwork

Thefieldofanthropologyisconcernedwithunderstandingpeople,cultures

andphenomenoninthecontextinwhichtheyexist.Theimportanceof

understandingpeopleandphenomenonwithinthecontextsthattheyexististhatit

providesanobjectiveunderstanding.Fromanobjectivestandpoint,Iwasableto

learnoftheexperiencesofindividualsinvolvedintheundergroundeconomyand

learnhowtheirexperiencescontributedtohowtheynavigateinsociety.Despite

whatIhavelearnedfromparticipants,thereweremanychallengesconductingthis

study.

ConductingResearchonMobileandHiddenPopulations

Participantsinthisstudyweremobile.Becauseofthis,itwasdifficulttokeep

trackandstayincontactwiththem.Workingwithindividualswhoweremobile

significantlyimpactedthetimelinethatIestablishedfordatacollection.For

example,thereweremanyindividualswhosaidtheywerewillingtobeapartofthe

study.Theywouldgivemeatimetocontactthem,andinmanycases,therewere

notavailableatthattime.Inothercases,myschedulewasnotconsistentwiththe

timesthatparticipantswereavailable.AsmentionedinChapter3,JoandAshley

traveledalot,soitwasdifficulttoarrangeinterviewswiththem,anditwasdifficult

togetincontactwithAshleyinparticular.Wewouldcalloneanotherandmisseach

other’scalls.ItwasnotuntilonedaythatIserendipitouslycalledherwithhopesof

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schedulinganinterviewwithherandshewasavailablethatday.Sincemy

interviewwithJo,Ihavebeenunabletogetincontactwithher.

WhenIvisitedthedaylaborerhiringsites,Iencounteredafewdaylaborers

whosaidthattheywerewillingtospeaktome.Someofthementoldmetocome

backataparticulartime,butwhenIwentback,theywerenotthere.Itwasdifficult

formetogetincontactwithsomeofthesemenbecauseofconflictingschedules.In

mostcases,Ididnotseethedaylaborersagain.Theeasiestgroupofparticipantsto

consistentlyseewasthedaylaborersattheOaklandWorkers’Collective.Itwas

easiertostayincontactwiththembecausetheyhadadesignatedtimeandplaceto

meet.LuckilyIwaswelcomedintothisspace.

Withtheexceptionofsomedaylaborers,theparticipantsinthisstudywould

beconsideredtobeapartofahiddenpopulation.Theywereapartofahidden

populationmostlybecauseoftheillegalityoftheirjobs.ItwasbestthatJo,Ashley,

TerranceandMauriceandwereinconspicuouswiththeirworkintheunderground

economy.Insomeinstances,daylaborerswouldalsobeapartofahidden

populationparticularlyiftheywereundocumented.Forexample,Ivisitedaday

laborersiteoneday.AdaylaborerapproachedmeandwhenItoldhimthatIwasa

researcher,heshookhisheadrepeatedly,said“Nopapers”andwalkedaway.In

suchinstances,itwouldbebestforsomeundocumenteddaylaborerstominimize

interactionswithoutsidersduetothepossibilitythattheirdocumentationstatus

couldbecomeknownandtheycouldpotentiallybedeported.Ontheotherhand,day

laborersinOaklandwerenotapartofahiddenpopulationbecausenotonlywere

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theyvisiblyseenonthestreets,butalsobecauselegallytheyhaddesignatedareas

wheretheycouldseekwork.

GenderDynamics

Inoticedgenderdynamicswheninteractingwithdaylaborers.WhenI

visiteddaylaborhiringsitesinefforttospeakwithdaylaborers,Iwasoften

mocked.IwouldspeaktothedaylaborersinSpanishandinmanyinstancesthe

menmimickedwhatIsaidinasoftervoiceandlaughedatme.Ialsonoticedthatit

wasdifficulttogetsomeofthemen’sattention.IfoundthistobetruewhenI

attendedanoutreacheventwiththeOaklandWorkers’Collective.Forthisevent,I

accompaniedthejobcoordinator,Marisol,andayoungmalevolunteertogoto

variousdaylaborhiringzones.Wedistributedriceandeggsinsmall,Chinese

takeoutboxes,andofferedwaterandcoffeetothedaylaborers.Thevolunteerand

Marisolspoketothedaylaborersabouttheservicesthatwereofferedatthe

OaklandWorkers’Collectiveandtriedtorecruitthemtobeapartofthecollective.

Thedaylaborersoftenspokedirectlytothemalevolunteerwhowaswithusinstead

ofMarisol.WhileIstoodnexttoherasthevolunteerheldconversationswiththe

daylaborers,sheexplainedtomethatthemenwereoftenreluctanttotalktoheror

listentoherbecauseshewasawoman.Duringafewofourconversationsatthe

OaklandWorkers’Collectivemeetings,shewarnedmethatIwouldencounter

difficultiestalkingtodaylaborersbecauseofthemasculineculturethatthemen

werefrom.

Marisol:Therearesomethingstheywon’ttalktoyouabout.Theywon’ttalk aboutcertainthingsthathurttheirfeelings.Itisbecausetheyare“men”. Theywon’tspeakofcertainthingsinfrontofothermenandtheydefinitely don’twanttotalkaboutanythingthatchallengestheirmanhood.Soyou’ll

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havetothinkofdifferentwaystoapproachquestions.Somethingsmake themuncomfortableandtheywon’ttalkaboutit. GenderalsoplayedaroleinhowthedaylaborersintheOaklandWorkers’

Collectiverespondedtoparticularquestions.Asthemendiscussedtheirjobsasday

laborers,theyalwaysemphasizedstrength.WhenIaskedthemenaboutchallenges

theyfacedasdaylaborers,theyoftendisregardedthequestionorbelievedthat

therewerenotanychallengesatall.Iftheytalkedaboutchallenges,theydidnot

explicitlysayitwasachallenge,butratheranissuethatwasresolved.Ifthemendid

notdiscussthechallengeinthismanner,theyoftenalludedtotheideathatasmen,

theydidnothavechallengesbecausetheirstrengthenabledthemtotriumph.The

waysinwhichgenderwasexpressedinthesomeofthemen’sresponsesillustrated

howmanyofthemenviewedthemselvesaswellasreflectedmasculineideologies.

RelianceonInformants

Anothersignificantchallengeinconductingthisstudywastherelianceon

informants.Informantsareundeniablysignificanttogaininsightaboutothers,learn

aboutdifferentcommunitiesandbuildrelationships.Theundergroundeconomyis

filledwithseveralnetworks.Duetotheillegalityofmanyofthejobs,thesenetworks

areclosedandindividualsinvolvedinthesecommunitiesarereluctanttowelcome

outsiders.Although,Ihaveknownindividualswhowereinvolvedinsomeaspectsof

theundergroundeconomy,Icouldnotsolelyrelyonthem.Fortunately,Iknewother

informantswhowereabletohelpandintroducemetoothers.Informantscanplaya

pivotalroleinmeetingotherpeople;however,itbecomesdifficultwhenan

informantdoesnotfollowthroughwithwhathesaidhewoulddo.Relyingon

informantscanbebeneficial,butalsocanbecripplingtotheexperienceofdoing

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research.Ifaninformantdoesnotfollowthrough,aresearchercouldbeputata

disadvantage.Gainingparticipantsforthisstudywasquitechallenging.Therewere

someindividualswhosaidthattheywerewillingtoparticipateanddidnot.Inother

casesaninformanthaddifficultyfindingwillingandavailableparticipantsthrough

hernetworks.Suchissuescanarisewhendoingresearch,butitwaschallengingfor

mebecauseIcouldnothaveconductedthisstudysolelyonmyown.

LimitationsandImplicationsforFurtherResearch

Asthisstudyhighlightedtheexperiencesofindividualsinvolvedinthe

undergroundeconomy,therearelimitations.Oneofthelimitationsistime.Timecan

beadisadvantagewhenworkingwithmobileandhiddenpopulations.I

encountereddifficultiesattemptingtointerviewasmanypeopleaspossibledueto

timeconstraintsandinmanycasestheavailabilityofparticipants.Becauseofthis,I

couldnotoptimallyincorporateasmanyinterviewsandasmuchdataasIhoped.I

alsohadtorelyonsecondarysourcesinsteadofinterviewingdaylaborers.IfIhada

greatertimeframetoworkonthisstudy,Imayhavehadthetimetobuildarapport

withdaylaborersandinterviewthemasIinitiallywantedtoinsteadofrelyingon

theuseofsecondarysources.ThetimerestraintthatIhadtoconductthisstudyhad

adetrimentaleffectonmyabilitytoincorporatemoreparticipants’experiences.

Anotherlimitationisdiscussingfewsectorsoftheundergroundeconomy.

Theundergroundeconomyisexpansiveandtherearemanymoresectorsthanwhat

isdiscussedinthisstudy.Also,althoughthisstudydiscussedexperiencesand

participationinthreesectorsoftheundergroundeconomyinOakland,eachsector

thatwasdiscussedhaspotentialtobeitsownethnographyorstudy.

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Thelimitationsinthisstudysuggestaneedfurtherresearch.Thereshouldbe

moreresearchonsectorsoftheundergroundeconomythatwerediscussedinthis

studyaswellasothersectors.Theundergroundeconomyhasasignificantimpact

onitsparticipantsaswellasonotherinstitutionssuchasbusinessesandlaw

enforcement.Theexistenceofthesesectorsoftheundergroundeconomywill

continuetochangeovertimeanditwouldbeinterestingtopursueresearchon

thesesubjectstocontributeknowledgeabouttheseareasaswellasprovide

knowledgeonindividuals’experienceswhoareinvolved.Itwillbeinterestingtosee

howthesesectorschangeovertimeinOaklandespecially,consideringtheeconomic

anddemographicchangesthatOaklandisexperiencing.

ApplicationsofResearchandAdvocacy

Thesignificanceofqualitativeresearchandethnographyisthatitcan

provideinsightintotheexperiencesofindividualsandinmanycasesallowsanin-

depthandobjectiveunderstandingofaphenomenon.Thisstudycanserveasa

resourceforunderstandingtheinvolvementoftheseparticularoccupationsinthe

undergroundeconomy.

Daylaborhiringzonesanddaylaborcenterswerecreatedassolutionstothe

presenceofdaylaborers.Thehiringzonesandcenterslessenedthepresenceofday

laborersinparticularneighborhoods,buttheycannotguaranteeimprovementsin

theconditionsthatdaylaborersexperience.TheOaklandWorkers’Collectivehasan

onlinereferralportalthatallowsindividualstoemploydaylaborersfromtheir

collective.Thecollectivealsohasajobreferralanddevelopmentcoordinatorwho

receivesinquiriesforworkfordaylaborers.Thecollectivehasarequirementof

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payingdaylaborersabasewageof$15perhourandaminimumlaborchargeof$45

perworker(oaklandworkerscollective.org).Thecollectivealsoprovidessafety

trainingforthedaylaborers.Asthecollectiveattemptstoprotectdaylaborersand

ensurethattheyaretreatedfairly,therearedaylaborerswhoarenotmembersof

thecollectivewho,thereforeareatriskofmistreatmentfromemployers.Members

ofthecollectivearenotexemptfromilltreatmenteither.Manyemployersviolate

laborlawsbuttheviolationsgounreported.Ifemployerscontinuetodisregard

laborlawsdaylaborerswillcontinuetobepaidlessforlongerhoursofworkornot

getpaidatallandcontinuetosufferotherformsofmistreatment.

RecentlytheminimumwageinOaklandincreasedfrom$9.00to$12.25

(SFGate2014).Thisincreaseisbeneficialfordaylaborersbecauseitcanenable

themtohavemoremoneyforremittancesandtheirlivingexpenses.Theminimum

wageincreaseisbeneficialonlytodaylaborerswhoarecontractedtoworkwith

companies;therefore,itdoesnothelpotherdaylaborerswhoreceiveworkonthe

street.Althoughthecityhasaminimumwagerequirement,manyemployersdonot

abidebyitandgetawaywithitbecausedaylaborersareoftenpaidunderthetable.

Fairwagerequirementsforalldaylaborersshouldbeenforced.

Safetyprecautionsandprotectionofdaylaborersshouldbeaddressedin

localandstatepolicies.Unsafeworkingconditionsareillegal.Inmanycases,day

laborersworkinunsafeconditionsbecausethatiswhattheyhavetodotoearn

money.Unsafeworkingconditionsalsoareunreported.Thereisaneedtoprotect

daylaborersingeneral.Forexample,Ricardomentionedthathisfriendswere

kidnapped.Thereisaneedforlawsthatinclusivelyallowdaylaborersandother

77

immigrantstotheUnitedStatestoknowthattheytooareunderthesame

protectionasothercitizens.

Asthereisagreatneedformoreadvocacyandpoliciestoprotectday

laborers,itisimperativethatthepoliciesareinclusiveanddonotfocuson

alienation.In2013,CaliforniaGovernorJerryBrownsignedAssemblyBill60,which

allowsimmigrantstoobtaindriver’slicenses.ThebillbecamelawinJanuary2015

(dmv.org2015).Thesedriver’slicensesaretolookdifferentthanactualdriver’s

licenseforUScitizens.Thedifferencesoflicensescreatetheconcernthatsome

immigrantsmaybetreateddifferentlyorbediscriminatedagainstbecausethey

haveadifferentlicense.Thosewhoareopposedtoimmigrantsobtainingdriver’s

licensesbelievethatitisunfairforsomeimmigrants,manyofwhommaybe

undocumented,tohavelicenses.Suchattitudescancontributetothediscrimination

againstimmigrantsanddaylaborerswhohavelicenses.

OnOctober21st,2014,OaklandCityCouncilunanimouslyvotedtoexpand

theNuisanceEvictionOrdinance.Thislawallowsthecitytoevictprivateproperty

tenantswhocausesproblemsintheircommunities,especiallythosewhoare

involvedinillegaldrugactivityorviolence(EastbayExpress2014).CityAttorney

BarbaraParkerproposedanamendmenttothelawtochangethelistofnuisances

thatarelistedinthelaw.Thelawwasexpandedtoincludesexworkers.One

concernbythosewhoopposethisordinanceisthatitenableslandlordstohavethe

powertoevicttenantsatwill,whichinturncouldenablemoreinstancesof

profiling.Alandlordcanevictatenantwhomayormaynotbeengagedinillegal

activitywithoutcause.Accordingtothedocument,“Oaklandhasasevereproblem

78

withnuisanceactivityassociatedwithgambling,illegallypossessingammunition

andengaginginprostitution,pimping,panderingandsolicitationatcommercialand

residentialproperties.Thesenuisancesareacitywideproblem…thesetenantsand

theirillegalactivitiesareanuisance”(NuisanceEvictionOrdinanceAmendment

September2014).

Insteadofcreatingmoreproductiveandreasonablewaystodealwithillegal

activityonpropertiesandcommunities,thereisalawthatfurtherincriminates

individualsandcanlegallyevictthemfromtheirspaces.Asillegalactivitiescreate

problemsforneighborhoods,evictinganddisplacingpeopleisnotasolutiontothe

problemsofthesecommunities.Infact,itcreatestheopportunityfortheseactivities

totakeplaceinotherareasorsurroundingneighborhoods.Thislawwasamended,

butitisvague.Specifictypesofillegalactivityarelistedasnuisancesin

communitiesinOaklandwhileothersarenot.Theambiguityofthisdocumentraises

manyconcernsaboutthepurposesofthislaw.Thislawisanotherformofstructural

marginalizationandundoubtedlywillhaveadetrimentaleffectonmany

communities.Thereneedstobemorediscussionaboutthislawandthepotential

detrimentaleffectsitcanhaveonneighborhoodsandmoreadvocacysothatother

lawssuchasthisonearenotenforcedtodisplaceanddisregardindividuals’

circumstances.

79

Chapter7:Conclusion

Thisstudydescribedtheexperiencesandreasonswhyparticipantsworked

intheundergroundeconomy.Findingsrevealedthatparticipantsinthestudyused

theundergroundeconomyasameanstoanendandthattheundergroundeconomy

servedasameansforparticipantstoprovideforthemselvesandtheirfamilies.

Thereweremultiplefactorsthatthatinfluencedparticipants’involvementin

theundergroundeconomy.Asdiscussed,familialtieswiththeunderground

economy,socioeconomicdeprivationandideasofopportunitywerefactorsthatled

participantstopursueworkintheundergroundeconomy.Ashleywitnessedhergod

sisterworkasasexworkerandnotedthatshehadfamilymemberswhowere

involvedinsexworkaswell.Terrancewitnessedfamilymembersselldrugsandhe

eventuallybecameinvolvedinthedrugtradeaswell.Mauriceeventuallybecame

involvedinthedrugtradeafterbeingintroducedtoitbyhisolderbrothers.

Socioeconomicdeprivationalsowasasignificantfactorinparticipants’involvement.

Terrancementionedthatthewomeninhisfamilysolddrugsandtheprofitsmade

wereusedtopayhouseholdbills.ManyofthedaylaborerssuchasRicardoand

Felipereportedfacingsocioeconomicdeprivationinthehomecountriesandthat

theycametoworkintheUnitedStateswithhopesofescapingpoverty.Manyday

laborersinthisstudybelievedthatworkingintheUnitedStatescouldprovide

betteropportunitiesfortheirfamiliesandanoverallbetterqualityoflife.

Asidefromthemotivespreviouslymentioned,participants’motivesfor

workingintheundergroundeconomywereundoubtedlyeconomicallydriven.The

needformoneyplayedapivotalroleintheworkthattheparticipantschose.As

80

mentionedpreviously,RicardoandFelipecametotheUnitedStatestoescape

povertyintheircountries;forexample,Ricardonotedthatthehighvalueof

AmericancurrencyversusGuatemalancurrencywasfavorableforhisfamilyat

home.Ashley,TerranceandMaurice,andthemajorityoftheparticipantsinthe

studymentionedthattheywerefrompoorneighborhoodsandpointedoutthatthe

moneytheyearnedfromtheirjobshelpedthemtakecareoftheirfamilies.

ForJo,AshleyandMaurice,workingintheundergroundeconomyhelped

themachieveupwardsocioeconomicmobility.Theseparticipantsmentionedhow

theywereabletohelptheirfamiliesfinanciallyandmentionedmaterialassetsthey

acquiredfromtheincometheyreceivedfromtheirjobs.Onthecontrary,workingin

theundergroundeconomywaslessofapathtoupwardsocioeconomicmobilityfor

someofthedaylaborers.FelipementionedhowheleftGuatemalainefforttoescape

povertybutfoundhimselfinsimilarcircumstancesintheUnitedStatesduetothe

lowwageshehadbeenpaidforhiswork.

Workingintheundergroundeconomydidnotimpactsomeofthe

participants’involvementinthelegaleconomy.Jo,Ashley,MauriceandTerrance

hadjobsinthelegaleconomyatsomepoint.Althoughtheseparticipantshadthe

abilitytoworkinthelegaleconomy,theincomethattheyearnedinthe

undergroundeconomyenabledthemtocontinuewiththeirworkinthe

undergroundeconomy.Onthecontrary,forsomedaylaborers,itwasdifficultto

acquireworkinthelegaleconomyduetocitizenshipstatus.Salvadoralludedtothis

pointwhenhementionedthatemployersaskforsocialsecurityidentificationfor

81

employeesandinturn,hebelievedthatthispreventsmanydaylaborersand

undocumentedindividualsfromhavingotheremploymentopportunities.

Despitetheparticipants’involvementintheundergroundeconomy,manyof

themaspiredtohavejobsandlivesthatwereapartofthelegaleconomyoneday.Jo

andMauriceaspiredtobeapartofthelegaleconomyoncetheyacquireda

significantincomethatallowedthemtolivecomfortablyandhavewhattheywished

tohave.Ashleyaspiredtojointhelegaleconomyandwithdrawfromthe

undergroundeconomyaswell.Jo,AshleyandMaurice’saspirationsofbeingpartof

thelegaleconomywereexpressedthroughhowtheyfeltmorallyabouttheirjobs

andprioritiestheyhadfortheirfamilies.

Forthisstudy,Iwasinterestedinlearninghowtheundergroundeconomy

impactedtheparticipants.Ilearnedthatperceptionsofstigmatizationand

structuralinequalitieshadanimpactonparticipants.Daylaborersinthestudy

facedimmeasurableamountsofinequalities.Manyofthedaylaborerswere

underpaid,discriminatedagainst,andstigmatizedbyothers.Structuralinequalities

impactedMauriceandTerranceaswell.AsBlackmen,theyweremorelikelytoface

harsherlegalchargesforthepossessionofmarijuanathananyotherraceinthe

UnitedStates.

Thisstudyhumanizesparticipantsbyrevealingwhytheparticipantsworkin

theundergroundeconomyinsteadoffocusingontheillegalityoftheirjobs,beitin

sexwork,drugdealingorlivingandworkinginthiscountrywithoutdocumentation.

Humanizingtheparticipantsisimportantbecauseitprovidesanopportunityto

showthattheyaremorethancriminalsandproblemstocommunities.Infact,they

82

aremulti-facetedindividualswithgoalsandaspirations.Theparticipantswere

businesssavvy;theyweremothers,fathers,auntsandunclesandmostimportantly,

theywereprovidersfortheirfamilies.Thesearerolesthatmanyofuscanrelateto.

Humanizingtheseparticipantsandacknowledgingtheirrolesasproviderscreates

theabilitytoconfrontstigmatizations.Confrontingthestigmatizationofviewing

participantsintheundergroundeconomysolelyascriminalsenablesustoview

themaspeopleandunderstandwhytheyareinvolvedininformaleconomicactivity.

Settingasidestigmasandstereotypesthatwemayhaveaboutdrugdealers,

sexworkersanddaylaborerscancreatepossiblesolutionstohowtheseindividuals

canbecomepartofthelegaleconomy.Manyoftheparticipantsinthestudy

mentionedhowtheywereoronceweresocioeconomicallydeprived.Thiswasa

reasonwhymanyoftheparticipantsworkedintheundergroundeconomy.A

possiblesolutionistocreatemorejobassistanceprograms.Creatingmorejob

assistanceprogramsforyouthandadultsinOaklandandtrainingthemfor

employableskillsforwellpayingjobsinthelegaleconomycandeterindividuals

frompursingworkintheundergroundeconomy.

Anotherissuewithregardtothestigmatizationofparticipantsinthe

undergroundeconomyisthechallengeforpeopletogetjobsbecauseoftheir

criminalrecords.MauricebrieflydiscussedthisinChapter4whenhementioned

thathewasfiredfromhisjobbecauseofhisdrugcharges.Ifmanyemployersdonot

hirepeoplewithcriminalrecords,workingintheundergroundeconomycouldseem

tobeaviableoptiontoearnanincome.Theinabilityforindividualswithcriminal

historiestoobtainjobsisanissuewithinourjudicialsystemthatneedstobe

83

changedtoencourageandenablethemtohavelegaljobsinsteadofresortingto

workintheundergroundeconomy.

Undoubtedlydaylaborersarevaluabletobusinessesandneighborhoodsin

Oaklandandthroughoutthecountry.AsmentionedinChapter6,thereisaneedfor

enforcedlocalandstatepoliciestoprotectdaylaborers.Ofthemanyformsofwork

intheundergroundeconomy,daylaboringislegalinOakland.Thisisimportant.

Daylaborersmaynotbeviewedascriminalsandendurethatstigmatization,butin

manycasestheyaremistreatedandcanbeviewedasaproblem.Examplesofthisis

howdaylaborersareconfinedtoparticularareastoseekworkandhowChapter5

discussedthesecurityguardwhowashiredtoensurethatdaylaborersdidnot

congregatenearstores.Despitethefactthatdaylaboringislegal,manydaylaborers

aremistreatedandsuffermanyadverseconsequencessuchaswagetheft.

Employersshouldabidebylaborlawsandshouldbeheldaccountablewhentheydo

not.

Itwouldbeunrealistictobelievethatparticipationintheunderground

economycanbecompletelyeradicated;howeverthesefewsuggestionscould

potentiallylessenindividuals’influencetopartakeintheundergroundeconomy.

Althoughtheparticipantsinthisstudymayhavecontrastingexperiences

fromthosewhohavethesamejobsastheydo,Iwantedtopresenttheexperiences

ofasexworkerwhocouldbefoundonInternationalBoulevardinsearchofclients;

theexperienceofadrugdealerwhocouldhavebeenamongthe1,376individuals

whowerearrestedinOaklandin2013fordrugpossessionandsale(CityofOakland

YearEndCrimeReport2013);andtheexperienceadaylaborercouldbefoundata

84

hiringzoneat6aminOaklandinsearchofworkfortheday.Alloftheseexperiences

arevalidtounderstandinghowandwhymanyindividualsengageinthe

undergroundeconomyinOakland.

85

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Buck,Pem.1992.WithOurHeadsintheSand:TheRacistRight,Concentration CampsandtheIncarcerationofPeopleofColor.TransformingAnthropology. (3)13-18.

Dow,LeslieM.1977.HighWeedsInDetroit.UrbanAnthropology.(6)111-128.

Feige,Edgar.1979.HowBigIstheIrregularEconomy?Challenge.(12)5-13

Ferman,PatriciaandFerman,Louis.1973.TheStructuralUnderpinningofthe IrregularEconomy.PovertyandHumanResourcesAbstracts.(8)3-17.

FederalBureauofInvestigation.CrimeStatistics.fbi.gov.CrimeStatistics.

Fitch,Kate.2009.TeenagersAtRisk.SafeguardingNeedsofYoungPeopleinGangs andViolentPeerGroups.NSPCCInform.

Flynn,MaryK.2010.OPDGoesUndercoverToGetYoungProstitutesOffTheStreet. OaklandNorth.

Gonzalez,Arturo.2007.DayLaborintheGoldenState.PublicPolicyInstituteof California.3(3):1-21.

Guttman,Peter.1977.TheSubterraneanEconomy.FinancialAnalystJournal(33)24- 27.

Goode,Judith.2002.HowUrbanEthnographyCounterMythsAboutthePoor.Urban Life.5thEdition.USA:WavelandPress,Inc.

Hart,Keith.1973.InformalIncomeOpportunitiesandUrbanEmploymentinGhana. JournalofModernAfricanStudies.11(1):61-89.

Herrera,JohnCarlos.2010.AttheDayLaborHiringZone:ThePoliticsofImmigrant IllegalityandRegulationofFormalLabor.InstitutefortheStudyofSocietal Issues,UCBerkeley.

Kane,Will.2014.OaklandVotesDownToGraduallyIncreaseMinimumWage. SFGate.

Losby,Janetal.2002.InformalEconomyLiteratureReview.CharlesStewartMott Foundation.

Levin,Sam.2014.Oakland’sThreattoSexWorkers.EastbayExpress.

86

Messerschmidt,Donald.1981.AnthropologistsAtHomeinNorthAmerica.Methods andIssuesintheStudyofOne’sOwnSociety.CambridgeUniversityPress.

Onlineresource:“OWCNews”.2014.postedbyOaklandWorkers’Collective. http://www.oaklanddaylabor.com/blog.php

Purser,Gretchen.2009.TheDignityofJob-SeekingMenBoundaryWorkamong ImmigrantDayLaborers.JournalofContemporaryEthnography38(1):117- 139.

Restrepo-Echavarria,Paulina.2015.MeasuringtheUndergroundEconomyCanBe Done,ButIt’sDifficult.TheRegionalEconomist.

SFWeeklyhttp://posting.sfweekly.com/media/pdf/oakland_nuisance_ordinance.pdf

SanFranciscoDecoded.http://police.sanfranciscocode.org/15.6/1074.1/

Srinivas,M.N..1966.SomeThoughtsonTheStudyofOne'sOwnSocietyIn SocialChangeinModernIndiabyM.N.Srinivas,pp.147-63.NewDelhi:Allied.U.S.DepartmentofJustice,HandbookforEmployers:InstructionsforCompleting FormI-9.ImmigrationandNaturalizationService,Washington,D.C.,1991.

Valenzuela,Able,Jr.,Theodore,Nick,Melendez,Edwin,andGonzalez,AnaLuz.2006. OntheCornerDayLaborintheUnitedStates.UCLACenterfortheStudyof UrbanPoverty,LosAngeles,CA.

Walter,Nicholas,PhilippeBourgois,andH.MargaritaLoinaz.2004.Masculinityand undocumentedlabormigration:InjureddaylaborersinSanFrancisco.Social Science&Medicine59:1159-68.

YearEndCrimeReport.2013.CityofOakland.

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AppendixA:InterviewConsentFormEnglish

AgreementtoParticipateinResearchResponsibleInvestigator:IdaWilson(Master’sofArtsinAppliedAnthropologygraduatecandidateatSanJoseStateUniversity.)TitleofStudy:UnderstandingFacetsoftheInformalEconomyinOakland.PurposeofStudy:Youhavebeenaskedtoparticipateinastudytounderstandthelivesofindividualswhoareinvolvedintheinformaleconomy.Theinformaleconomyiswaysinwhichpeoplemakealivingthatmaynotbedocumentedasataxableincome.Thepurposeofthisstudyisalsotounderstandhowindividualsareimpactedbytheinformaleconomyaswellastheskillsthataregainedfromparticipatingintheinformaleconomy.StudyProcedures:Youwillpartakeinanin-depthinterviewandwillbeaskedquestionsaboutyourexperiencesintheinformaleconomy.Theidentityoftheparticipantswillnotberevealedtotheextentpossiblebylaw.Fakenameswillbeusedtohidetheidentityofparticipants.Informationthatcanidentifytheparticipantwillnotbeused.Interviewswillbescheduledandtakeplaceattimesandlocationsthatareconfortablefortheparticipant.Interviewswillberecordedusingadigitalaudiorecorder.Thestudymaybepublished.Thereisnocompensationforparticipation.ParticipationRights:Yourparticipationinthisstudyiscompletelyvoluntary.YoucanrefusetoparticipateintheentirestudyoranypartofthestudywithoutanynegativeeffectonyourrelationswithSanJoseStateUniversity.Youalsohavetherighttoskipanyquestionyoudonotwishtoanswer.Thisconsentformisnotacontract.Itisawrittenexplanationofwhatwillhappenduringthestudyifyoudecidetoparticipate.Youwillnotwaiveanyrightsifyouchoosenottoparticipate,andthereisnopenaltyforstoppingyourparticipationinthestudy.ProceduresforMaintainingConfidentiality:Interviewswillbecodedwithfakenamesstoredonapasswordprotectedfileandstoredinalocksecuredfilecabinet.PromiseofConfidentiality:Iwillnotshareparticipants’informationwithanyone.Iwillnotuseanyinformationagainsttheparticipants.Risks:Aforeseeableriskisthediscomfortwithsharingpersonalinformation.Participantsareundernoobligationtosharepersonalinformation.Participantscanchoosenottoparticipateatanytime.Involvementinthisprojectmightsubjectparticipantstoincreasedriskbecauseofthepossibilityoflegallymandateddisclosure,whichmightaffecttheconfidentialityofdata.Iwillundertakespecialproceduresformitigatingthisincreasedrisk,includingthedestructionofallidentifyingdataaftertheiscomplete.Benefits:Thisstudycancontributetogeneralizableknowledgeandchangeperceptionsabouttheinformaleconomyandparticipants.

88

Questionsregardingtheresearchmaybeaddressedtotheprimaryinvestigator,IdaWilson,at(510)314-1123.ComplaintsabouttheresearchmaybepresentedtoDr.RobertoGonzalez,GraduateDirector,DepartmentofAnthropologyatSanJoseStateUniversity,atroberto.gonzalez@sjsu.edu.Questionsregardingsubjects’rightsorresearch-relatedinjurymaybeaddressedDr.PamelaStacks,AssociateVicePresident,GraduateStudiesandResearch,at(408)924-2427.Yoursignatureindicatesthatyouvoluntarilyagreetobeapartofthestudy,thatthedetailsofthestudyhavebeenexplainedtoyou,thatyouhavebeengiventimetoreadthisdocument,andthatyourquestionshavebeenanswered.Youwillreceiveacopyofthisconsentformforyourrecords. ______________________________________ __________________________________________________________Participant’sName(Printed) Participant’ssignature DateIcertifythattheparticipanthasbeengivenadequatetimetolearnaboutthestudyandaskquestions.Itismyopinionthattheparticipantunderstandshis/herrightsandthepurpose,risks,benefits,andproceduresoftheresearchandhasvoluntarilyagreedtoparticipate.____________________________________________________________________________________________________________SignatureofPersonObtainingInformedConsent Date

89

AppendixBInterviewConsentFormSpanish

Acuerdoparaparticiparenunainvestigación.InvestigadoraResponsable:IdaWilson(CandidataGraduadadelaUniversidadEstataldeSanJos(SanJoseStateUniversity)enMaestriaenArtesenAntropologíaAplicadaTítulodelEstudio:ComprendiendoFacetasdelaEconomíaInformalenOakland.PropositodelEstudio:Selehapedidoqueparticipeenunestudioparacomprendercomolosindividuossevenafectadosporlaeconomíainformalasícomolashabilidadesqueseobtienendelaparticipaciónenlaeconomíainformal.Laeconomíainformalesmanerasenlasquehacenunavidaquenopuedeserdocumentadacomouningresogravable. ProcedimientosdelEstudio:Setomaránparteenunaentrevistaenprofundidadyleharánpreguntasacercadesusexperienciasenlaeconomíainformal.laidentidaddelosparticipantesnoseránreveladaalamedidadeloposibleporlaley.Losseudónimosseránutilizadosparaocultarlaidentidaddelosparticipantes.Lasentrevistasseránprogramadasyserealizanadiscrecióndelosparticipantes.Lasentrevistasserángrabadasusandounagrabadoradeaudiodigital.Elestudiopuedeserpublicado.Nohaycompensaciónporsuparticipación.DerechosdeParticipación:laparticipaciónenesteestudioescompletamentevoluntaria.Ustedpuedenegarseaparticiparenelestudioensutotalidadodecualquierpartedelestudio,sinningúnefectonegativoensusrelacionesalaUniversidadEstataldeSanJosé.Ustedtambiéntieneelderechodeomitircualquierpreguntaqueustednodesearesponder.Esteformulariodeconsentimientonoesuncontrato.Setratadeunaexplicaciónporescritodeloquevaasucederduranteelestudio,sidecidenparticipar.Norenunciaaningunodelosderechossiusteddecidenoparticipar,ynoexistensancionesparadejardeparticiparenelestudio. ProcedimientosparaMantenerlaconfidencialidad:Lasentrevistassecodificaráconnombresfalsosalmacenadosenunarchivoprotegidoporcontraseñaysealmacenanenunarchivodeseguridadbloqueogabinete.Promesadeconfidencialidad:elinvestigadornocompartirálainformacióndelosparticipantesconnadie.Elinvestigadornoutilizaráningunainformacióncontralosparticipantes.Riesgos:Elúnicoriesgoprevisibleeslaincomodadconelintercambiodeinformaciónpersonal.Losparticipantesnotienenlaobligacióndecompartirinformaciónpersonal.Losparticipantespuedenoptarpornoparticiparencualquiermomento.Divulgarinformaciónsobrelaparticipaciónenlaeconomíainformalpuede

90

serunriesgoparaelparticipante.Participaciónenelproyectopodríapresentaralosparticipantesconelaumentodelriesgodebidoalaposibilidaddedivulgaciónobligatoria,loquepodríaafectaralaconfidencialidaddelosdatos.Elinvestigadorsecomprometerálosprocedimientosespecialesparamitigarelaumentoenelriesgo,incluyendoladestruccióndetodoslosdatosparasuidentificacióndespuésdelainvestigaciónsehacompletado.Beneficios:Esteestudiopuedecontribuiralconocimientogeneralizadoycambiarlaspercepcionessobrelaeconomíainformalylosparticipantes.)Puededirigirsuspreguntassobrelainvestigacionalainvestigadoraprincipal,IdaWilsonal(510)314-1123.DenunciassobrelainvestigacionsepuedenpresentaralDr.RobertoGonzalez,conjeserodelgraduadodelDepartamentodeAntropologiaenlaUniversidadEstataldeSanJoseal(408)924-5710.Preguntassobrelosderechosdelossujetos,orlesionesdebidosalainvestigacionsepuedenpresentaralaDra.PamelaStacks,VicepresidentaAsociada,EstudioseInvestigacionesGraduadosal(408)924-2427.Sufirmaindicaqueustedvoluntariamenteaserunapartedelestudio,quelosdetallesdelestudiosehanexplicadoausted,queselehadadotiempodeleerestedocumento,yquelaspreguntashansidocontestadas.Ustedrecibiráunacopiadeesteformulariodeconsentimientoparasuregistro. ________________________________________________________________________________________________nombredelparticipante Firmadeparticipante FechaCertificoqueelparticipantesehadadosuficientetiempoparaaprenderacercadelestudioyrealizarlaspreguntas.Miopiniónesqueelparticipanteentiendasusderechosylosefectos,riesgos,beneficiosyprocedimientosdelainvestigaciónyhaaceptadovoluntariamenteaparticipar._________________________________________________________________________________________________Firmadelapersonaobtenerelconsentimientoinformado Fecha

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AppendixC:NumberofArrestsInOaklandforSexWorkandCommercializedViceinYears2009-2014

StatisticsProvidedbyCityofOaklandYearEndCrimeReports2013and2014

In2009therewere643arrests,512arrestsin2010,264arrestsin2011,167arrestsin2012,230arrestsin2013and258arrestsin2014.

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

92

AppendixD:NumberofArrestsInOaklandforDrugPossessionandSaleInYears2009-2013

StatisticsProvidedbyCityofOaklandYearEndCrimeReport2013

3,869arrestsweremadein2009,2,907arrestsin2010,1,738arrestsin2011,1,332arrestsin2012and1,376arrestsin2013.

0

500

1,000

1,500

2,000

2,500

3,000

3,500

4,000

4,500

2009 2010 2011 2012 2013