the samaritans in flavius josephus. texts and studies in ancient judaism, vol. 129by reinhard pummer
TRANSCRIPT
The Samaritans in Flavius Josephus. Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism, vol. 129 byReinhard PummerReview by: Doug FinkbeinerJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 131, No. 1 (January-March 2011), pp. 183-184Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23044757 .
Accessed: 14/06/2014 19:31
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
.
American Oriental Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal ofthe American Oriental Society.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 185.44.78.105 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 19:31:22 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Brief Reviews of Books 183
from Greco-Roman philosophy, while ostensibly based
upon the Jewish Torah, and it was this method and this
theology that Alexandrian Christianity inherited from
Philo and imposed upon the primitive Christian tradi
tion. Thus Origen, an Alexandrian, who was trained in
the literalist, scholarly method of textual criticism, but
who was also a Platonist and adopted Philo's method of
allegorical interpretation, applied both methods to his
work on the Old Testament, the one in his learned com
mentaries, the other in his homilies. Just as in Homeric
studies, so among subsequent Christian scholars there
were two schools of interpretation, the literalists and the
allegorists, and from the time of Augustine onward the
allegorists won out.
From the perspective of modern critical scholar
ship, interpretation has to do with exegesis of the literal
sense of the text, and anything else is inappropriate. While some of the Church Fathers and scholars tried
to maintain some balance between the two modes of
interpretation, they are ultimately incompatible, and
for this reason, it seems to me, they should be treated
quite separately from each other. In the histories of
Homeric scholarship, a minimal amount of attention is
given to the philosophical and esoteric treatment of the
text, while most attention is given to the text-critical,
linguistic, and historical context of author and setting. Likewise, the literal/historical treatment of the biblical
text should be the primary focus of a history of biblical
interpretation. This would have resulted in a far greater focus on Jewish biblical scholarship in late antiquity and the Middle Ages and far less on the theologians from Augustine to John Wycliffe.
Apart from identifying the citations of the many his
torical sources, the books are sparse in documentation.
To make up for this there is an appendix of "Selected
Resources and Readings," but the bibliography does not
necessarily reflect the discussion in the text. There also seem to be a large number of "scribal" errors that should
be cleaned up in a second printing.
John Van Seters
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
The Samaritans in Flavius Josephus. By Reinhard
Pummer. Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism, vol. 129. Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2009. Pp. xv
+ 356. €109.
Reinhard Pummer, who teaches in the Department of Classics and Religious Studies at the University of
Ottawa, has written books and articles about the Samar
itans over several decades. Therefore, his latest work, The Samaritans in Flavius Josephus, comes from an
author well versed in the scholarly debates and issues
surrounding the Samaritans. Pummer argues that this
particular volume "is an attempt to understand Jose
phus' texts about the Samaritans in the light of the new
insights into the Jewish historian's methods and aims
and the results of renewed research into ancient texts
and archaeological remains" (pp. 1-2; cf. 65). His pri
mary purpose is to reconstruct Josephus' literary portrait of the Samaritans through an analysis of the passages in
Josephus which reference the Samaritans and "to under
stand them in the light of his objectives in writing War
and Antiquities" (p. 281). Although historical recon
struction and source criticism are not the primary focus
of his work, both approaches are threaded throughout Pummer's volume.
Before embarking on an analysis of the pertinent
passages in Josephus (chapters one through eight), Pum
mer discusses a potpourri of interrelated topics in his
lengthy introductory chapter. These topics include issues
directly connected to Josephan studies (e.g., Josephus'
terminology for the Samaritans, Josephus as an author
writing to a particular audience, previous Josephan studies on the Samaritans), as well as an overview of
early non-Josephan sources about the Samaritans (e.g., 2 Maccabees, the New Testament) and archaeological evidence concerning the Samaritans. Concerning termi
nological designations, Pummer argues that Josephus can use the Greek words "XanapsTc;" and "SanapgiTai"
interchangeably to refer either to the Samaritans, who
are "members of the Gerizim community," or the
Samarians, who are "pagan inhabitants of Samaria" (p.
256). I found his introductory chapter to be both infor
mative in subject matter and balanced in analysis. In chapters one through eight Pummer orga
nizes his analysis of the pertinent Josephan passages within a historically chronological framework. Thus, he begins with material from Antiquities rather than
War. Since the majority of Josephan references to the
Samaritans occur solely in Antiquities, synoptic com
parisons between War and Antiquities are limited to
chapters seven and eight. In the first six chapters Pum
mer explores references to the Samaritans at the time
of the exile (chapter one: Ant. 9.288-91; 10.183-85), the return from exile (chapter two: Ant. 11.19-20;
11.84-88; 11.97; 11.114-19; 11.174-75), Alexan
der (chapter three: Ant. 11.297-347), Tobiah (chapter four: Ant. 12.156, 168, 175), Antiochus IV Epiphanes
(chapter five: Ant. 12.257-64), and disputes in Egypt
(chapter six: Ant. 12.7-10; 13.74-79). While in chap ter seven Pummer examines the synoptic account of the
destruction of the Gerizim Temple (War 1.62-63; Ant.
13.254-56), he reserves the last chapter for an extended
discussion of both synoptic and solitary accounts from
the Roman period. These accounts include events con
nected with the Herod dynasty (War 1.562 // Ant. 17.20; War 1.592 II Ant. 17.69-70; War 2.111 II Ant. 17.342
44), the scattering of human bones in the temple area
(Ant. 18.29-30), Pontius Pilate (Ant. 18.85-89), ten
sions between the Samaritans and the Galileans (War 2.232-46 // Ant. 20.118-36), and the massacre of the
This content downloaded from 185.44.78.105 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 19:31:22 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
184 Journal of the American Oriental Society 131.1 (2011)
Samaritans on Mt. Gerizim (War 3.307-15). Pummer
ends his book with a summary of his findings. Pummer's volume is commendable on several
fronts. I found his organization of the individual chap ters to be clear and his handling of scholarly opinions to be thorough in the areas of archaeology (e.g., pp.
128-52), source criticism, and historical reconstruction.
Although he often argues for a particular interpreta
tion, he is careful to remain non-committal when the
evidence is unclear to him. For instance, sometimes he
contends that Josephus is clearly referencing the Samar
itans ("Samaritans must be intended . . . p. 256), and
other times he is uncertain whether Josephus is referring to the Samarians or the Samaritans ("it is more prudent to suspend judgment as to who the av8p£<; Eauapevrai were . . . p. 230). While he engages with a variety of
source-critical hypotheses throughout his volume (e.g.,
pp. 116-18, 129-31, 139-50, 205-6), he is suspicious of unsubstantiated theories (e.g., p. 165). Specifically, Pummer argues that Josephus' skill as an author often
obscures any hope of retrieving non-extant underly
ing sources (p. 285). In addition, throughout his work
Pummer weighs the value of particular passages for his
torical reconstruction (e.g., pp. 158, 166-78, 183-86,
188-96, 202-5, 209-10). In the end, he sees limited
value in reconstructing Samaritan history from Josephus
(p. 284). I found his negative stance toward historical
reconstruction to be viable but not highly persuasive.
My greatest disappointment with Pummer's work,
though, is his paucity of discussion in the area of lit
erary analysis. I don't mean to suggest that the work
is devoid of literary analysis. For instance, in chapter
eight his synoptic analysis of Josephus' works is com
mendable. Although I see a stronger anti-Samaritan bent
in Antiquities than Pummer does, I found his discus
sion on Josephus' portrait of the Samaritans as neutral
in War and more negative in Antiquities (pp. 282, 285) to be engaging and viable. He helpfully argues that
the Samaritan portrait stands as a foil for Josephus' more positive portrait of the Jews (p. 285). All of this
is beneficial. The problem is that he spends too little
time connecting this portrait to Josephus' larger literary
agenda. He claims that the purpose of his study is "to
analyze Josephus' passages about the Samaritans within
his oeuvre as a whole and to understand them in the
light of his objectives in writing War and Antiquities"
(p. 281). According to Pummer, this includes "paying close attention to the audience of his works" (p. 55).
However, he fails to meaningfully engage in a sus
tained discussion of the Samaritan portrait and larger
literary themes in Josephus' works. Although Pummer
highlights the importance of Josephus' audience in his
introduction (pp. 59-64), he fails to discuss them in the
remainder of his work. As I came to the end of chapters two, three, four, six, and eight, I found myself disap
pointed with the treatment of the literary dimension in
contrast to other concerns, such as historical reconstruc
tion and source criticism. While I agree that the Samari
tans occupy only a minor role in Josephus' oeuvre, Pummer should have spent more time making connec
tions to larger Josephan literary agendas in light of his
stated purpose at the beginning and end of his volume.
Nonetheless, I heartily recommend this well-researched
work on the Samaritans for both scholars and students.
Doug Finkbeiner
University of Pennsylvania
Les intellectuels bengalis et I'imperialisme britannique.
Bengali Intellectuals and British Imperialism. By France Bhattacharya. College de France Pub
lications de l'lnstitut de Civilisation Indienne, ser.
in-8°, vol. 78. Paris: De Boccard, 2010. Pp. 399.
In this descriptive and analytical, more than theo
retically inflected, volume, France Bhattacharya retraces
the lives and works of three Bengali intellectuals who
wrestled in distinct ways, not only with the political and
economic, but also and preeminently, the cultural weight of the colonial regime from the late eighteenth century to the end of the nineteenth. However much has already been written about Rammohan Roy, he remained an
indispensable part of this study, as the standard bearer for
social and religious reform. Bankim Chandra Chatterji is renowned as a man of letters whose words inspired the nationalist movement. Wedged between those two
Bengali intellectual stalwarts in Bhattacharya's book is
the more conservative Bhudev Mukherji, who remained
little known outside Bengal. From the juxtaposition of
these three personalities emerges an interesting map of
paths in which Bengali intellectuals chose to confront
the colonial mode.
After a brief introduction that sets the social stage of Calcutta and Bengal at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the volume reviews in three
parts of slightly increasing length the three protagonists in chronological order. The ambient world Rammohan
(1772-1833) knew was considerably different from that
of the other two. It was that of the Company Raj, when
what had been a mercantile enterprise was transformed
into a territorial power. It was a time when a wealthy
Bengali intellectual could take the lead in achieving
religious and social reforms, and arouse intense interest
when he traveled abroad. The imperial yoke was heavier
on Bhudev (1827-1894) and Bankim (1838-1894). By then the British in India had succumbed to the illusion of
permanence. Both Bengali thinkers, who were employ ees of the colonial government as a teacher and as a
civil servant respectively avoided voicing direct opposi tion to the political power of their masters. They could
even consider that, in the short term, British domination
might have some beneficial effect. But they refused to
This content downloaded from 185.44.78.105 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 19:31:22 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions