the boy who cried wolfowitz

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The Boy Who Cried WolfowitzClick Name for Bio ofJayne Lyn Stahl

Monday, 23 April 2007http://www.atlanticfreepress.com/content/view/1429/81/

by Jayne Lyn Stahl

It looks like Paul Wolfowitz, leader of the World Bank, and his mentor,George W. Bush, got a stay of execution from the board, or is that"bored," of directors, who put off deciding whether or not to give Wolfiethe proverbial ax until next week, a postponement Houdini would diefor. Wolfowitz who, some might argue, makes Attila the Hun look like asocialist, fate lies in the balance not for alleged attempts by his aides toabort family planning, and wreak havoc on envrironmental policies, butfor garden variety nepotism; giving a hefty raise, and promotion to his

"companion" (International Herald Tribune) a.k.a. mistress.

So, it isn't the fact that, as many assert, he was among the principals whomasterminded the masculine empire-building blueprint that led to thetoppling of Saddam Hussein, Baghdad, andmay well ultimately lead tothe decimation of Tehran, it comes down to the simple, inescapable, and

ludicrous matter of not being able to keep it in his pants, and not knowing what to do with it when hetakes it out.

How tired are we of these embarrassingly puerile, and inconsequential attacks on leaders which, moreoften than not, do little more than deflect attention away for the true high crimes and misdemeanors

for which they deserve censure? No one is suggesting, even for a minute, that Wolfie shouldn't stepdown, but the spotlight needs to be adjusted, and the focus squarely placed on meaningful, substantiveactivities like, for instance, the efforts by his aides to meddle with the bank's policies on contraceptionand family planning, as well as protecting the environment. Whether he orchestrated the transfer, andpay increase of his girlfriend or not pales in comparison with some of the other allegations madeagainst the man. What, do we have a pack of Puritans running the World Bank, too? If you're going todemand that he step down, do so for the right reasons.

Aren't we also tired of hearing all the mea culpas from defrocked celebrities? First, it was Mel Gibson,then Michael Richards, then Imus, now Alec Baldwin and his abusive voicemail message; puh-leeze...we have deranged youngsters who buy handguns on the Internet, then pump 100 plus rounds of

ammunition into their classmates, we have villages being blown to smithereens in Iraq, we have warships ready to move into Tehran, we have a president who signs nuclear cooperation treaties withIndia, then threatens nuclear annihilation in Iran, we have an attorney general who admits to beinginvolved in firing eight U.S.attorneys andsays he never read their performance reviews, who wants tohear about an irate message left by a celebrity on his eleven year old's answering machine, forchrissake?

How ready are we for both Big Al and Wolfie to resign, but whether or not Wolfowitz deserves to havethe blitzkrieg knocked out of him by the World Bank, and Big Al steps down, it's time to face the

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music. Anyone who tells you that the course we're on is going to be significantly altered by eitherman's resignation is flat out lying to you. We have a president who has already had the opportunity toappoint one too many Supreme Court justices to the bench and, if we let him have his way and hisstay, may yet have the chance to appoint, and annoint another. And, as a result of last week's ruling, awoman's right to choose is now officially on life supports. Moreover, thanks to some newfangledterror legislation, habeas corpus has become as vestigial as an appendix, and been disappeared by thesame government that brings you "enemy combatants" in lieu of prisoners of war, Abu Ghraib, andNSA electronic surveillance in defiance of FISA law. Surely, that has to mean more than Don Imus'rants, or those of Mel Gibson.

Mr. Gonzales was right; his stepping down really won't solve anything. Donald Rumsfeld's resignationdidn't bring us any closer to solving the quagmire that is Iraq nor, for that matter, did it prove to beViagra for this administration's flaccid approval ratings. Sadly, it is doubtful anything will change byWolfowitz' departure, either. One thing is certain: until we, as a civilization, start talking about thethings that matter, nothing else will.

--http://ladyjaynestahl.blogspot.com

Early life and education

Paul Wolfowitz was born in the university town ofIthaca,New Yorkto parents Jacob Wolfowitz andLillian Dundes. He was their second child. His father was a Professor of Mathematics at CornellUniversity.

Jacob Wolfowitz was aPolish national ofJewish descent whose parents fled to the United States in

1920 to escape the economic situation in Poland. Many of Wolfowitzs relatives left behind in Polandwould flee too or perish in the Holocaustsome 20 years later. Jacob Wolfowitz took his family withhim when he taught sabbatical semesters at UCLA and the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and in 1957, at the age of fourteen, Paul Wolfowitz spent a year living in Israel while hisfather was teaching at TheTechnion - Israel Institute of Technology inHaifa; Wolfowitzs sisterwould later emigrate permanently toIsrael. In 1961, Wolfowitz graduated from Ithaca High School,where he had worked on theTattlerstudent newspaper. Wolfowitz was excused from military servicein the VietnamWarthrough student deferments in order to pursue his academic studies.

[edit] Undergraduate Education

Wolfowitz was expected to follow in his fathers footsteps and, in 1961, he won a full scholarship toCornell University. James Mannhas speculated in his seminal biographical work on the lives ofvarious Bush policy advisors,Rise of the Vulcans that Wolfowitz's father believed it too good abargain to turn down, despite the younger man's desire to attend Harvard University.

Wolfowitz was a member of the Telluride Association, of which his sister had been the first femalemember. This organization, founded in 1910, aims to foster an everyday synthesis of self-governanceand intellectual inquiry that enables students to develop their potential for leadership and publicservice. Members receive free room and board in the Telluride House on the Cornell campus and learnabout democracy through the practice of running the house, hiring staff, supervising maintenance, and

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organizing seminars. During his senior year, Wolfowitz was also a member ofQuill and Dagger, aprestigious society at Cornell.

In 1963, professor of philosophy Allan Bloom served as a faculty member living in the house and hada major influence on Wolfowitz's political views with his assertion of the importance of politicalregimes in shaping peoples characters. That same year, Wolfowitz joined theMarch on Washingtonfor Jobs and Freedomled by Martin Luther King, Jr.. According to Mann, Jacob Wolfowitz did nottake well to his sons new found passion or his mentor Bloom; Wolfowitz "reflected that his father andBloom regarded each other with a mixture of wariness and admiration."

Wolfowitz graduated in 1965 with abachelor's degree in mathematics and chemistry, and got a tasteof government work as a management intern at the U.S. Bureau of the Budget. Ignoring his father'sadvice against pursuing a path in pure politics Jacob suggested economicsas a possiblecompromise Wolfowitz decided to go on tograduate school to study politics.

[edit] Graduate Education

Wolfowitz had hoped to attend Harvard University, but instead chose the University of Chicago as hewanted the chance to study under Bloom's mentor, Leo Strauss, who was teaching there at the time,and who, according to Mann, he thought "was a unique figure, an irreplaceable asset."

Wolfowitz enrolled in a couple of Strauss' courses, on Plato and Montesquieu, but according to Mannthey "did not become especially close," as the aging professor was winding down his career and wasto retire before Wolfowitz graduated. Fellow student Peter Wilson confirms that "Wolfowitz didn'ttalk much about Strauss in those days," but as Mann points out, "in subsequent years colleagues bothin government and academia came to view Wolfowitz as one of the heirs to Leo Strauss's intellectualtraditions."

Instead Wolfowitz came under the tutelage of ProfessorAlbert Wohlstetter, who had studiedmathematics with Wolfowitz's father at Columbia and was, according to Mann, "the sort of scholar ofwhom the mathematician Jacob Wolfowitz would have approved." Wohlstetter instilled in his studentsthe importance of maintaining US supremacy through advanced weaponry. Wohlstetter feared thatplutonium produced as a by-product of U.S.-sponsored nuclear-powered desalination plants to be builtnear the Israeli-Egyptian border could be used in a nuclear weapons program. He returned from a tripto Israel with a number ofHebrew language documents on the program that he handed over toWolfowitz, these would form the basis of Wolfowitz's doctoral dissertation.

In the summer of 1969, Wohlstetter arranged for his students Wolfowitz and Wilson, along with an oldacquaintance,Richard Perle, to join the Committee to Maintain A Prudent Defense Policy inWashington D.C. Set up by Cold Wararchitects Paul Nitze andDean Acheson, the lobbying groupwas designed to maintain support in theU.S. Congress for the antiballistic missile(ABM) system.The opposition to ABM in Congress had started employing scientific experts to argue against thesystem, so Nitze and Acheson turned to Wohlstetter and his young protgs to counter thesearguments. Together they set to work writing and distributing research papers and drafting testimonyforU.S. SenatorHenry M. Jackson. Nitze later wrote; The papers they helped us produce ran ringsaround the misinformed papers produced by polemical and pompous scientists. The senateeventually approved the ABM system by 51 votes to 50. U.S. PresidentRichard Nixon wouldhowever later sign the ABM Treaty, restricting the construction of such systems.

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From 1970 to 1972, Wolfowitz taught in the Department of Political Science at Yale University,where one of his students was Lewis Libby, who would become a long-term political associate as wellas a conspirator involved in the Valerie Plame affair, a scandal in the Bush administation. In 1972Wolfowitz earned his doctorate in political science with a thesis on the dangers posed by nuclearproliferation in the Middle East. In particular he highlighted:

The inefficiencies of international nuclear inspections.

The risk of materials being diverted to clandestine weapons programs.

The dangers of aiding a nation to develop nuclear technologies.

All of these factors would reappear in his later analysis ofIraq.

[edit] Personal life

Wolfowitz met anthropologist Clare Selgin Wolfowitz while they were both studying at CornellUniversity in the mid-60s. They married in 1968 and had three children. They separated in 2001,when there were rumors that Wolfowitz had an affair at the Institute for Advanced International

Studies.

[citation needed]

More recently, Wolfowitz has been romantically involved withShaha Ali Riza; see below. He nowlives in Chevy Chase, Marylandjust outside ofWashington, D.C.

[edit] Career

[edit] Arms Control and Disarmament Agency

Main article: Team B

In 1972 U.S. PresidentRichard Nixon under pressure from U.S. SenatorHenry M. Jackson, who wasunhappy with the SALT I strategic arms limitations talks and the policy of dtente, dismissed the headof the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency(ACDA) and replaced him with Fred Ikle. Iklebrought in a completely new team including Wolfowitz, who had been recommended by his old tutorAlbert Wohlstetter. Wolfowitz once again set to work writing and distributing research papers anddrafting testimony, as he had previously done at the Committee to Maintain A Prudent Defence Policy.He also traveled with Ikle to strategic arms limitations talks inParis and otherEuropean cities. Hisgreatest success was in dissuadingSouth Korea from reprocessingplutoniumthat could be divertedinto a clandestine weapons program, a situation that would re-occur north of the border during theGeorge W. Bush administration.

UnderPresidentGerald Ford, the American intelligence agencies had come under attack fromWohlstetter, among others, over their annually publishedNational Intelligence Estimate. According toMann: "The underlying issue was whether the C.I.A. and other agencies were underestimating thethreat from the Soviet Union, either by intentionally tailoring intelligence to support Kissinger'spolicy ofdtente or by simply failing to give enough weight to darker interpretations of Sovietintentions. In an attempt to counter these claims, the newly appointedDirector of CentralIntelligence, George H.W. Bushauthorized the formation of a committee of anti-Communist experts,headed by Richard Pipes, to reassess the raw data. Wolfowitz, who was still employed by the U.S.Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, was assigned to this committee, which came to be known as

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Team B. According to Mann, Wolfowitz viewed himself as Kissinger's opposite, his adversary in therealm of ideas.

The team's report, delivered in 1976 and quickly leaked to the press, stated that "All the evidencepoints to an undeviating Soviet commitment to what is euphemistically called the 'worldwide triumphof socialism,' but in fact connotes global Soviet hegemony," before going on to highlight a number ofkey areas where they believed the 'professional' analysts had got it wrong. Wolfowitz has sinceclaimed, "The B Team demonstrated that it was possible to construct a sharply different view ofSoviet motivation from the consensus view of the analysts, and one that provided a much closer fit tothe Soviet's observed behavior."[1]

Team B came to the conclusion that the Soviets had developed several terrifying new weapons ofmass destruction, featuring a nuclear-armed submarine fleet that used a sonar system that didn'tdepend on sound and was, thus, undetectable with current U.S. technology. The conclusions of TeamB about the Soviet Union's weapons systems have since been proven to be highly inaccurate andmisleading worst-case scenarios. According to Dr. Anne Cahn (Arms Control and DisarmamentAgency, 1977-1980) "If you go through most of Team B's specific allegations about weapons systems,and you just examine them one by one, they were all wrong."

Its conclusions about the Soviets' strategic aims with regard to nuclear warfare, on the other hand,were proven to be somewhat true.[2] Accordimg toRichard Pipes, writing inCommentary, Team Bshowed that the A Team suffered from 'mirror-imaging' [thinking that the Soviets necessarily belivedin MAD]; and that Soviet construction of MIRV'ed, highly accurate, high yield ICBMs wasinconsistent with the MAD policy of holding each other's cities hostage, but was instead suggestive ofa first-strike anti-missile policy.

But the Team B conclusions proved to be highly effective in discrediting the policy ofdtente and theSALT II strategic arms limitations talks and won overU.S. Secretary of DefenseDonald Rumsfeldand future U.S. PresidentRonald Reagan, giving Wolfowitz two very influential allies.[citation needed]

Another invaluable ally was Harvardgraduate student Francis Fukuyamawhom Wolfowitz invited towork for him as an intern over that summer.

[edit] Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Regional Programs

In 1977 underU.S. PresidentJimmy Carter, Wolfowitz made the move to The Pentagon to broadenhis experience of military issues as, according to Mann, he believed; The key to preventing nuclearwars was to stop conventional wars. Wolfowitz was employed as U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary ofDefense for Regional Programs for the U.S. Defense Department under thenU.S. Secretary ofDefenseHarold Brownwhere he was put to work on theLimited Contingency Study, ordered toexamine possible areas of threat to the U.S. in the third world.

One of the first seminars Wolfowitz attended after taking up the post was given by ProfessorGeoffreyKemp of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in which it was argued that the U.S. wasconcentrating too much on defending against the possibility of a Soviet invasion ofEuropethroughthe Fulda Gap inGermany and ignoring the far more likely possibility of them turning southward toseize the oil fields of the Persian Gulf. This warning struck a chord with Wolfowitz, according toMann, as it fit well with the conclusion he had just reached in the Team B intelligence review.Wolfowitz hired Kemp and Dennis Ross a Soviet specialist from the University of California to workwith him on preparing the study. We and our major industrialized allies have a vital and growing

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stake in the Persian Gulf region because of our need for Persian Gulf oil and because events in thePersian Gulf affect the Arab-Israeli conflict, the report stated, going on to conclude that Sovietseizure of the Persian Gulf oil field would probably destroyNATO and the US-Japanese alliancewithout recourse to war by the Soviets.

Wolfowitz then took the study one step further by questioning what would happen if another countryin the region were to seize the oil fields. He quickly identified that Iraq has become the militarilypre-eminent in the Persian Gulf, which was a worrisome development because of its:

Radical-Arab stance

Anti-Western attitudes

Dependence on Soviet arms sales

Willingness to foment trouble in other local nations

The study concluded Iraqs implicit power will cause currently moderate local powers toaccommodate themselves to Iraq and that Iraq may in the future use her military forces against suchstates as Kuwait orSaudi Arabia. To solve this the US must be able to defend the interests ofKuwait, Saudi Arabia and ourselves against an Iraqi invasion or show of force, and make manifest itscapabilities and commitments to balance Iraqs power, requiring an increased visibility for U.S.power. As Mann explains, Iraq was a subject to which Wolfowitz would return over and over againduring his career.

According to Ross no one believed that Iraq posed a serious or imminent threat to the Saudis, butWolfowitz had told him; When you look at contingencies, you dont focus only on the likelihood ofthe contingency but also on the severity of its consequences. Brown felt differently, worried that ifthe report leaked it would damage U.S. relations with Iraq and destabilize Saudi Arabia. The study didhowever have eventual effect. The whole thrust of the study according to Ross, was to say that [theU.S.] had a big problem, that it would take us a long time to get any significant military force into thearea. The studys recommendations laid the groundwork for what would become the U.S. CentralCommand (CENTCOM), conceived as Rapid Deployment Forcesfor the Persian Gulf, it would go onto play a key role in the 1991 Gulf Warafter the studys prediction apparently came true and thesubsequent 2003 invasion of Iraqfor which Wolfowitz was a major driving force.

In late 1979Jeanne Kirkpatrickbegan a migration ofneoconservatives from their traditional base inthe U.S. Democratic Partyover to theU.S. Republican Party and itsPresidential candidateRonaldReagan. Wolfowitz joined this exodus after receiving a phone call from his old boss Fred Ikle, thenworking on the Reagan campaign, in which he said Paul, youve got to get out of there. We want youin the new administration. A short time later, in early 1980, Wolfowitz resigned from the Pentagonand went to work as a visiting professor at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies(SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University. According to theWashington Post; "He said it was not he who

changed his political philosophy so much as the Democratic Party, which abandoned the hard-headedinternationalism of Harry Truman, Kennedy and Jackson."[3]The Times claims however that "he hasnot ceased being a registered Democrat."[citation needed]

[edit] State Department Director of Policy Planning

In 1980, following the election ofU.S. PresidentRonald Reagan, the newly appointed U.S. NationalSecurity AdvisorRichard V. Allen was put in charge of putting together the administration's foreignpolicy advisory team. Allen initially rejected Wolfowitzs appointment; He had worked for Carter. I

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thought he was a Carter guy, Allen later recalled; He was goner, as far as I was concerned, butfollowing discussions, instigated by former colleagueJohn Lehman, Allen offered him the position ofDirector of Policy Planningat theU.S. State Department. In this position Wolfowitz and his newlyselected staff, that included Lewis Libby, Francis Fukuyama, Dennis Ross,Alan Keyes, ZalmayKhalilzad, Stephen Sestanovichand James Roche, would be responsible for defining theadministrations long-term foreign goals.

Reagans foreign policy had been heavily influenced by a 1979 article in Commentaryby JeanneKirkpatricktitledDictatorships and Double Standards. In the article, written in the aftermath of theIranian Revolution, Kirkpatrick had argued that; We seem to accept the status quo in Communistnations (in the name of diversity and national autonomy) but not in nations ruled by right-wingdictators or white oligarchies, pointing out that the regimes that the Carter administration had pushedfor democratic reforms turn out to be those in which non-Communist autocracies are under pressurefrom revolutionary guerillas, such as key Cold Warallies Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of IranandAnastasio Somoza Debayle, dictator ofNicaragua. Although most governments in the world are,as they always have been, autocracies of one kind or another, no idea hold greater sway in the mind ofeducated Americans than the belief that it is possible to democratize governments, anytime, anywhere,under any circumstances, a belief which Kirkpatrick disagreed with as; Decades, if not centuries,

are normally required for people to acquire the necessary disciplines and habits. This is known as theKirkpatrick Doctrine

Wolfowitz famously broke from this official line by denouncingSaddam Hussein ofIraq at a timewhen Donald Rumsfeld, acting as Reagan's official envoy, was offering the dictator support in hisconflict with Iran. As James Mann points out "quite a few neo-conservatives, like Wolfowitz, believedstrongly in democratic ideals; they had taken from the philosopherLeo Straussthe notion that there isa moral duty to oppose a leader who is a 'tyrant.'" Other areas where Wolfowitz disagreed with theadministration was in his opposition to attempts to open up dialogue with the Palestinian LiberationOrganization (PLO) and to the sale ofAirborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircraft toSaudi Arabia. "In both instances," according to Mann "Wolfowitz demonstrated himself to be one of

the strongest supporters ofIsrael in the Reagan administration."

According to Mann however; "It was onChina that Wolfowitz launched his boldest challenge to theestablished order." Ever since Nixon and Kissinger had gone to China in the early 70s it had been U.S.policy to make concessions to China as an essential Cold Warally. The Chinese were now pushing forthe U.S. to end arms sales to Taiwan and Wolfowitz used this as an opportunity to undermine theKissingerian policy. Wolfowitz advocated a unilateralist policy claiming that the U.S. didnt needChinas assistance, and in fact that Chinese needed the U.S. to protect them against the far more likelyprospect of a Soviet invasion of China. Wolfowitz soon came into conflict with U.S. Secretary ofStateAlexander Haig, who had been Kissingers assistant at the time of the visits to China. Paul D.Wolfowitz, the director of policy planning... will be replaced, reported the March 30,1982issue of

theNew York Times as Mr. Haig found Mr. Wolfowitz too theoretical. This report proved to beuntrue and on June 25George Schultz replaced Haig as U.S. Secretary of State and Wolfowitz waspromoted.

[edit] State Department Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs

In 1982 Wolfowitz was appointed Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs bynew U.S. Secretary of StateGeorge Schultz who would become an influential mentor. At the time theReagans foreign policy was beset with difficulties caused by conflict between Schultz andU.S.

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Secretary of DefenseCaspar Weinberger. Wolfowitz was able to turn this to his favor by forming apowerful alliance with Weinbergers Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asia RichardArmitageand Gaston Sigurof theNational Security Council. Between them these three mencontrolled the administrations policy forAsia.

Jeanne Kirkpatrick, on a visit to the Philippines, had been eagerly welcomed by the dictatorFerdinandMarcos who quoted heavily from her 1979 CommentaryarticleDictatorships and Double Standardsand although Kirkpatrick had been forced to speak-out in favor of democracy the article continued toinfluence Reagans policy toward Marcos. Following the assassination of Philippine opposition leaderBenigno Aquino, Jr. in 1983 many within the Reagan administration including the President himselfbegan to fear that the Philippines could fall to the communists and the U.S. militarywould lose itsstrongholds at Clark Air Force Baseand Subic Bay Naval Station. Wolfowitz took this opportunity tore-orient the administrations policy, stating in an April 15,1985 article in The Wall Street Journalthat; The best antidote to Communism is democracy. This was already the administrations policy inEastern Europe and Wolfowitz has since argued that; You cant use democracy, as appropriately youshould, as a battle with the Soviet Union, and turn around and be completely hypocritical about itwhen its on your side of the line.

Wolfowitz claims that this policy did not deviate from that lain out by Kirkpatrick in her 1979 articleas the necessary disciplines and habits she wrote of were already in place. When we went to workon Marcos, it was not to dismantle the institutions of the Philippines; it was actually to get him to stopdismantling them himself, Wolfowitz later argued of the specifics of the policy; Military reform,economic reform, getting rid of crony capitalism, relying on the church, political reform: It was veryinstitutionally oriented. In pursuance of this policy Wolfowitz and his assistantLewis Libby madetrips to Manila where they called for democratic reforms and met with non-communist oppositionleaders but the approach was still very soft. As Wolfowitz later explained; If we had said, We areenemies of the Marcos regime. We want to see its demise rather than reform, we would have lost allinfluence in Manila and would have created a situation highly polarized between a regime that hadhunkered down and was prepared to do anything to survive and a population at loose ends, that

would have strengthened the communists. So at the same time Wolfowitz also fought against movesby the U.S. Congress to end military aide to the Marcos regime.

As Mann points out the Reagan administrations decision to support democratic government in thePhilippines had been hesitant, messy, crisis-driven and skewed by the desire to do what was necessaryto protect the American military installations, but it did eventually pay off when, following massivestreet protests, Marcos fled the country on a U.S. Air Force plane and Reagan reluctantly recognizedthe government ofCorazn Aquino. Wolfowitz has since claimed that this demonstrates thatdemocracy needs the prodding of the U.S. Wolfowitzs commitment to democracy would be put tothe test in his next posting.

[edit] Ambassador to the Republic of Indonesia

From 1986-89 Wolfowitz was theU.S. Ambassadorto the Republic of Indonesia while GeneralSuharto was president. Former foreign policy adviserDewi Fortuna Anwartold ABC News thatAmbassador Wolfowitz "was extremely able and very much admired and well-liked on a personallevel, but he never intervened to push human rights or stand up to corruption."[4]

After Suharto stood down in 1998 Wolfowitz himself stated that the General was guilty "ofsuppressing political dissent, of weakening alternative leaders and of showing favoritism to his

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children's business deals, frequently at the expense of sound economic policy" while ABC Newsclarifies that "at the time, thousands of leftists detained after the 1965 U.S.-backed military coup thatbrought Suharto to power were still languishing in jail without trial." ABC News goes on to claim that"tens of thousands of people inEast Timor, a country Suharto's troops occupied in 1975, died duringthe 1980s in a series of army anti-insurgency offensives." Director of the International NGO Forumon Indonesian DevelopmentBinny Buchoritold ABC News Wolfowitz "went to East Timor and sawabuses going on, but then kept quiet."[4]

Perhaps most significantly considering Wolfowitzs current position is ABC News' claim that "duringhis 32-year reign, Suharto, his family and his military and business cronies transformed Indonesia intoone of the most graft-ridden countries in the world, plundering an estimated $30 billion", much of thismoney is believed to have come from Wolfowitz's new employers, the World Bank. Binny Buchorisays that Wolfowitz "never alluded to any concerns about the level of corruption or the need for moretransparency." Officials involved in the AID program during Wolfowitz's tenure toldThe WashingtonPostthat he "took a keen personal interest in development, including health care, agriculture andprivate sector expansion"[5] and that "Wolfowitz canceled food assistance to the Indonesiangovernment out of concern that Suharto's family, which had an ownership interest in the country'sonly flour mill, was indirectly benefiting." According to The Washington Post Wolfowitz gave a

farewell speech to the American Chamber of Commerce in Jakarta in which he stated that "the cost ofthe high-cost economy remains too high, for the private sector to flourish, special privilege must giveway to equal opportunity and equal risk for all." Wolfowitz has since stated inThe Wall Street Journal"that he [Suharto] allowed this, and that he amassed such wealth himself, is all the more mysterioussince he lived a relatively modest life."

While The Washington Post has "Wolfowitz's colleagues and friends, both Indonesian and American"pointing to the "U.S. envoy's quiet pursuit of political and economic reforms in Indonesia" BinnyBuchori denies this stating that "he was an effective diplomat, but he gave no moral support fordissidents." ABC News quotes the head of the Indonesian National Human Rights CommissionAbdulHakim Garuda Nusantara as saying "of all former U.S. ambassadors, he was considered closest to and

most influential with Suharto and his family, but he never showed interest in issues regardingdemocratization or respect of human rights. Wolfowitz never once visited our offices. I also neverheard him publicly mention corruption, not once." Dewi Fortuna Anwar suggests that "at the time,Washington didn't care too much about human rights and democracy; it was still the Cold Warandthey were only concerned about fighting communism,"Jeffrey Winters fromNorthwestern Universitygoes even further by stating in The Guardian that Wolfowitz "had his chance, and he toed the Reaganhawkish line."[6]

However, in Wolfowitz's May 1989 farewell remarks at Jakarta's American Cultural Center, he statedthat "if greater openness is a key to economic success, I believe there is increasingly a need foropenness in the political sphere as well." As The Washington Post goes on to explain "this single,

unexpected sentence stunned some members of Suharto's inner circle." Wolfowitz has stated in anarticle he wrote in The Wall Street Journalfollowing the Indonesian 1998 Revolution that Suhartoblamed this "plea for greater political openness" as "the cause of the violent incidents that markedIndonesia's largely stage-managed elections in 1997."[7] Jeffrey Winters dismisses this saying in TheGuardianthat "it is really too much to claim that he played any kind of role in leading Indonesia todemocracy."[8]

In 1997 Wolfowitz was still publicly praising Suharto's "strong and remarkable leadership" intestimony on Indonesia before the U.S. House Appropriations Subcommittee on Foreign Operations.

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In the article for The Wall Street Journal, Wolfowitz wrote that "The tragedy for Mr. Suharto and hiscountry is that he would have been widely admired by his countrymen if he had stepped down 10years ago."[7] Wolfowitz goes on to explain, as his reasoning for his support, that "achieving peaceamong a population so diverse requires a strong leader and a unified military." In the aftermath of the2002 Bali bombing he stated that "the reason the terrorists are successful in Indonesia is because theSuharto regime fell and the methods that were used to suppress them are gone."[citation needed]

[edit] Undersecretary of Defense for Policy

From 1989-93 underU.S. PresidentGeorge H.W. Bush Wolfowitz served as U.S. Undersecretary ofDefense for Policy reporting to the then U.S. Defense SecretaryDick Cheney. Wolfowitz was chargedwith realigning U.S. military strategy in the post-cold warenvironment.

During the 1991 Persian Gulf WarWolfowitzs team were charged with the co-ordination and reviewof military strategy as well as the raising of $50 billion in allied financial support for the operation.Wolfowitz was present, alongside Cheney,Colin Powell and others, on 27 February1991 at themeeting with the President at which all agreed that the mission had been accomplished and the troopsshould be demobilised. At that time he did not believe it appropriate for US soldiers to push forwardinto Iraq to bring about regime change but did support the policy of encouraging Kurdish and Shiiterevolutionaries to rise up against theirdictator.

However on February 25,1998 Wolfowitz testified before a congressional committee that I think thebest opportunity to overthrow Saddam was, unfortunately, lost in the month right after the war.[9]Hewent on to explain that he was horrified in March as Saddam Hussein flew helicopters thatslaughtered the people in the south and in the north who were rising up against him, while Americanfighter pilots flew overhead, desperately eager to shoot down those helicopters, and not allowed to doso." He went on to state that [s]ome people might say and I think I would sympathise with thisview that perhaps if we had delayed the ceasefire by a few more days, we might have got rid of[Saddam Hussein].

In the aftermath of the war Wolfowitz and his assistantScooter Libby wrote the Defense PlanningGuidance to "set the nations direction for the next century" that many saw as a "blueprint for U.S.hegemony". At the time the official administration line was one ofcontainmentand the contents ofWolfowitzs highly controversial plan that included calls forpreemption and unilateralismprovedunpalatable to the more moderate members of the administration including Chairman of the JointChiefs of StaffColin Powell and the President himself, so Cheney was charged with producing thewatered-down version that was finally released in 1992. Although many of the ideas outlined in theinitial document have since re-emerged in the Bush Doctrine.

Wolfowitz fell out of favor underU.S. PresidentBill Clinton and left government for a short while.

[edit] Dean of the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies

From 1993 to 2001 Wofowitz centered himself in academia where he was dean of the Paul H. NitzeSchool of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins Universityand was instrumentalin adding more than $75 million to the endowment, adding an international finance concentration aspart of the curriculum and combining the various Asian studies programs into one department. He alsoput his years of political and defense experience to good use as a foreign policy advisor to Bob Dole

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on the 1996 U.S. Presidential election campaign and as a paid consultant for aerospace and defenseconglomerateNorthrop Grumman.

According to Kampfner "Wolfowitz used his perch at the Johns Hopkins School of AdvancedInternational Studies as a test-bed for a new conservative world vision" and in 1997 he became one ofthe charter members, alongside Donald Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney, Jeb Bush,Richard Perleamongstothers, of the Project for the New American Century (PNAC) a neo-conservativethink-tankfoundedby William Kristol andRobert Kagan with the stated aim of "American global leadership" throughmilitary strength. The PNAC advocatedpreemptiveU.S. military intervention against Iraqand other"potential aggressor states" to "protect our vital interests in the Gulf".[10]

Wolfowitz drafted thePNAC open letter to President Bill Clinton that began We are writing youbecause we are convinced that current American policy toward Iraq is not succeeding, and that wemay soon face a threat in the Middle Eastmore serious than any we have known since the end of theCold War. In the letter he criticises Clintons policy of containment; rejects the policy ofmultilateralism stating that we can no longer depend on our partners in the Gulf War coalition; anddismisses the effectiveness of inspectors as it is difficult if not impossible to monitor Iraqs chemicaland biological weapons production. He states that the policy jeopardizes the safety of American

troops in the region, of our friends and allies likeIsraeland the moderate Arab states, and a significantportion of the worlds supply of oil. He dismisses the UNstating that American policy cannotcontinue to be crippled by a misguided insistence on unanimity in theUN Security Council and theU.S. has the authority under existing UN resolutions to take the necessary steps, including militarysteps. He concludes that removing Saddam Hussein and his regime from power [] needs tobecome the aim of American foreign policy. The letter, signed by Wolfowitz and 17 other membersof the PNAC was submitted to Clinton on the eve of his 1998 State of the Union Address.

Later that year Wolfowitz testified before a congressional hearing that the current administrationlacked the sense of purpose to liberate ourselves, our friends and allies in the region, and the Iraqipeople themselves from the menace ofSaddam Hussein[11] and lamenting the decision at the end of

the 1991 Persian Gulf Warnot to delay the ceasefire until this had been achieved. During the courseof his testimony Wolfowitz urged for the administration to support the Iraqi opposition groups, inparticular the INCofAhmed Chalabi with arms, intelligence and financing as a way of overthrowingthe current regime without risking American troops. The pressure would eventually lead Clinton tosigning into law theIraq Liberation Act(1998) which maderegime change official U.S. policy andlater to the 1998 bombing of Iraq.

In 2000 the PNAC produced its magnum opus, the 90-page report onRebuilding America's Defenses:Strategies, Forces and Resources for a New Century. This advocated the redeployment of U.S. troopsin permanent bases in strategic locations throughout the world where they can be ready to act toprotect U.S. interests abroad. Many of the ideas outlined here would later re-emerge when Wolfowitz

returned to the Pentagon, but first he had to get there.

During the 2000 U.S. Presidential election campaign Wolfowitz served as a foreign policy advisor toGeorge W. Bush as part of a group led byCondoleezza Rice that called itselfThe Vulcans.

[edit] Deputy Secretary of Defense

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Wolfowitz is sworn in by David O. Cooke, director of Washington Headquarters Services, as the 28thDeputy Secretary of Defense, March 2, 2001.

Wolfowitz returned to government from 2001-05 underU.S. PresidentGeorge W. Bush serving asU.S. Deputy Secretary of Defensereporting to U.S. Secretary of DefenseDonald Rumsfeld. Almostimmediately upon confirmation he leapt into action in May 2001 during the height of Sino-Americantensions that surrounded the U.S.-China Spy Plane Incident. Wolfowitz defused a very tricky situationwhen he ordered the recall and destruction of 600,000 Chinese-made berets that had been issued totroops stating "U.S. troops shall not wear berets made in China." [12] Apart from this, Wolfowitz wasfor the most part sidelined in the early months of the administration as Bush seemed to follow thecontainmentpolicies of his predecessors (although formerU.S. Treasury SecretaryPaul O'Neilldenies this was the policy in Ron Suskind'sbookThe Price of Loyalty) the situation however wouldsoon change drastically.

According to Cobra II, during the initial months of the Bush Administration and prior to theSeptember 11th attacks, "Wolfowitz sought to enlist the Joint Staff's support to develop a strategy foraiding an anti-Saddam resistance. Saddam had drained the southern marshes in Iraq to deprive Shiiterebels of a sanctuary, so Wolfowitz wondered if the dams could be bombed to re-create them. The

Pentagon lawyers challenged whether such a strike would be consistent with the rules of war.Wolfowitz's view was that it would be more humane than leaving the Shiites to Saddam's mercy.Wolfowitz also wanted to know what it would take to arm and train Iraqi insurgents."

The terrorist attacks of9-11 proved to be a radical turning point in administration policy as Wolfowitzlater explained 9/11 really was a wake up call and that if we take proper advantage of thisopportunity to prevent the future terrorist use of weapons of mass destruction that it will have been anextremely valuable wake up call.[13]He went on to clarify that "if we say our only problem was torespond to 9/11, and we wait until somebody hits us with nuclear weapons before we take that kind ofthreat seriously, we will have made a very big mistake." In the first emergency meeting of the U.S.National Security Councilon the day of the attacks Rumsfeld asked Why shouldnt we go against

Iraq, not just al-Qaeda? with Wolfowitz adding that Iraq was a brittle, oppressive regime that mightbreak easily - it was doable and according to Kampfner from that moment on, he and Wolfowitzused every available opportunity to press the case. The idea was initially rejected, mainly at thebehest ofU.S. Secretary of StateColin Powellbut according to Kampfner Undeterred Rumsfeld andWolfowitz held secret meetings about opening up a second front against Saddam. Powell wasexcluded. Out of this came the creation of what would later be dubbed theBush Doctrine, centeringonpre-emption and American unilateralism, as well as the war on Iraq which the PNAC advocated intheir earlier letters but first there was Afghanistan to deal with.

The U.S. invasion of Afghanistan began on October 7, 2001 and victory was declared onMarch 6,2002. Shortly after the start of this conflict Wolfowitz demonstrated his belief in American

unilateralism when on October 10George Robertson went toThe Pentagon to offerNATO troops,planes and ships to assist Wolfowitz rebuffed the offer saying We can do everything we need to.Wolfowitz would later go on to publicly announce, according to Kampfner, that allies, coalitionsand diplomacy were of little immediate concern. 10 months later, onJanuary 15, 2003, withhostilities still continuing Wolfowitz made a fifteen-hour visit to the Afghan capital Kabul and metwith the new president Hamid Karzai. Wolfowitz stated Were clearly moving into a different phase,where our priority in Afghanistan is increasingly going to be stability and reconstruction. Theres noway to go too fast. Faster is better. Despite the promises, according toSeymour Hersh, little effort

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the boy who cried wolfowitz

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