the adult firesetter a typology

11
THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology James A. lnciardi S ince the early efforts by Lindesmith and Dunham (1941: 307-314),' the typing of criminals and their behavior systems has become a useful tool in systematizing our knowledge (see, for example, Clinard and Quinney, 1967; Roebuck, 1967; Gibbons, 1965). The arsonist, however, has not been the object of typing, a situation which is perhaps a reflection of the scarcity of such offenses as reported in official criminal statistics. The early writings on illegal firesetting date back to the latter part of the eighteenth century to a group of German theorists, who concluded that it was a phenomenon per- petrated by physically and mentally retarded girls, of rural areas, who were undergoing the stresses of puberty (see, for example, Platner, 1797; Henke, 1812). The concern of the early theorists was the classification of firesetters under the Mr. INCIARDI is Deputy Director of Research for the New York State Narcotic Addiction Control Commission, Division of Research, Treatment Evaluation and Basic Research. He is completing his doc- torate in Sociology at New York University, Graduate School of Arts and Science, and is an Instructor of Sociology at Washington Square College of Arts and Science. From 1962 to 1968 he was a parole officer with the New York State Division of Parole.

Upload: james-a-lnciardi

Post on 21-Jul-2016

218 views

Category:

Documents


1 download

TRANSCRIPT

Page 1: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

THE ADULT FIRESETTER

A Typology

James A. lnciardi

S ince the early efforts by Lindesmith and Dunham (1941: 307-314),' the typing of criminals and their behavior systems has become a useful tool in systematizing our knowledge (see, for example, Clinard and Quinney, 1967; Roebuck, 1967; Gibbons, 1965). The arsonist, however, has not been the object of typing, a situation which is perhaps a reflection of the scarcity of such offenses as reported in official criminal statistics.

The early writings on illegal firesetting date back to the latter part of the eighteenth century to a group of German theorists, who concluded that it was a phenomenon per- petrated by physically and mentally retarded girls, of rural areas, who were undergoing the stresses of puberty (see, for example, Platner, 1797; Henke, 1812). The concern of the early theorists was the classification of firesetters under the

Mr. INCIARDI is Deputy Director of Research for the New York State Narcotic Addiction Control Commission, Division of Research, Treatment Evaluation and Basic Research. He is completing his doc- torate in Sociology at New York University, Graduate School of Arts and Science, and is an Instructor of Sociology at Washington Square College of Arts and Science. From 1962 to 1968 he was a parole officer with the New York State Division of Parole.

Page 2: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

[I461 CRIMINOLOGY /AUGUST 1970

term “instinctive monomania” or “pyromania,” which, ac- cording to the prevailing legal codes, defined an individual as insane and not accountable for his actions. Twentieth- century reports have been undertaken by the disciplines of psychology and psychiatry, the most comprehensive being that of Lewis and Yarnell (1 95 1).

Not only has the literature relating to arson been domi- nated by disciplines other than sociology and criminology, but the majority of the late studies have concentrated upon the incendiary tendencies of juveniles.

The sample employed in this study, 138 cases, is com- prised of all sentenced arson offenders who were released on parole from the New York State prisons from 1961 through 1966 inclusive. The data were collected through the coopera- tion of the New York State Division of Parole,’ whose case records provided complete and detailed information re- garding the offenders’ personal, social, and custodial histories.

On the basis of the motivational patterns of the offenders, they were typed into six behavioral categories:

(1) revenge firesetters ( 2 ) excitement firesetters (3) institutionalized firesetters (4) “insurance-claim” firesetters (5) vandalism firesetters (6) firesetters who use arson to cover up another crime.

Each case was examined according to the social-case-history schedule developed by Roebuck (1967). Table 1 represents a few selected characteristics of the six types of firesetters.

THE REVENGE FIRESETTER

A total of 80 cases of this type were found, representing 58% of the sample. The revenge firesetter is defined as a

Page 3: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

lnciardi /THE ADULT FIRESETTER [1471

TABLE 1

BAS1 C PERSON A L CHARACTER I STI CS OF SIX TYPES OF FIRESETTERS

Type o f Firesettera Total

Total c a ~ s of type (80) (24) (10) (10) (9) (5 ) 138 1 2 3 4 5 6

Characteristic

Age 16-20 2 1-29 30-39 40-49 50 & Over

Sex Male Female

Ethnicity White

IQ 70 and below

Non-Wh i te

71-79 80-89 90-109

11B119 120-128

over 128

Problem drinker

Occupation: None Professional Businessman White collar Skilled laborer Semiskilled

laborer Unskilled laborer

(including farm hand)

No marital ties

2 0 5 3 1 6 3 3 8 28 12 5 5 3 2 55 2 1 5 1 2 - - 2 9 1 0 1 - 2 2 - 1 3 1 1 1 - - - 3

78 23 9 9 9 5 133 5

50 21 9 10 9 4 103 3 0 3 1 - - 1 35 1 4 4 - - 6 2 2 6

2 1 1 1 - -

1 4 - - - 2 1 17 2 3 4 - 1 1 2 31 2 0 9 2 4 - - 3 5 5 5 8 1 - - 19 3 2 - 3 - - 8 1 - - 1 - - 2

51 17 4 2 - 2 76

2 1 - - 3 2 8 2 - - 2 1 - - 1

1 2 1 - - - 4 4 - 4 3 1 - 1 2

13 1 1 1 1 - 1 7

- - - - - -

60 20 4 3 4 3 94

63 18 8 7 9 5 110

a. (1) Revenge firesetter; (2) Excitement firesetter; (3) Arson associated with another crime; (4) Insurance-claim firesetter; (5) Institutionalized firesetter; ( 6 ) Vandalism firesetter.

Page 4: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

[I481 CRIMINOLOGY I AUGUST 1970

person who, because of a quarrel or a feeling of hatred or jealousy, seeks revenge upon the victim by means of fire. He sets fire to the premises in which the victim is residing or burns the victim’s property. These arsonists are relatively young, having a median age of 28. Although they are not defective, their intelligence is below average, with a median IQ of 84. The revenge arsonists were reared in slum-urban areas, in economically dependent families, and although they were reared in more than one home with inadequate parental supervision, there was no overt conflict and hostility in the home, nor was there criminality. The fathers more often than not were heavy drinkers and showed little interest in them, with the mother being the dominant parental figure.

This type of arsonist rarely represented a disciplinary problem either in school or in the home, nor had he a history of running away from home. This offender began living “in the street” at an early age and was employed at street trades as a juvenile. Most of the offenders had no juvenile commitments, yet they had police contacts prior to their eighteenth birthday. Each led a nomadic life since he left the family group; each had no marital ties. Attitudes toward employment were poor and work habits irregular. Although not drug users and rarely gamblers, problem-drinking was a dominant characteristic.

The revenge firesetter appears t o be the most dangerous of all arsonists, is usually intoxicated at the time of his offense, and his alcoholism problem is generally serious and per- sistent, He sets afire occupied dwellings with little thought as to the safety of the inhabitants, thinking only of the revenge he must have on his subject. No elaborate devices are used in his crime, usually just matches and gasoline. Although his crime is premeditated, few steps are taken to cover his tracks. He is easily detected by alert investigators.

This arsonist more often than not violated his parole, usually less than six months subsequent to his release from prison. The violations were of a technical nature, a result of

Page 5: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

lnciardi /THE ADULT FIRESETTER [1491

his desire to live a nomadic life. The violations involved falsification of residence and employment, failing to report to his parole officer, or absconding from parole supervision. Many in this group were arrested for new crimes, but the crime was rarely arson. Only ten cases in the whole sample, all within this type, had long arrest histories involving firesetting.

THE EXCITEMENT FIRESETTER

A total of 24 cases were found in this category, repre- senting 18% of the sample. This firesetter can be defined as one who sets fires for the excitement connected with them. Some just like setting or watching the fire, while others enjoy watching the operations of the firemen and the fire equip- ment. Occasionally a volunteer fireman is found among them. As a group they are younger than the revenge firesetters, and are single with a median age of 23; they are almost always males. With a median IQ of 96, they are within the normal range of intelligence, and they are unskilled laborers. This arsonist is found in urban-slum areas, having been reared there in families partially dependent on public monetary assistance. They usually came from intact homes where the fathers played the dominant role. Although most had their first police contact prior to their eighteenth birthday, few had juvenile records. Their offenses took place at night and they rarely set ablaze anything but inhabited buildings. The excitement firesetter had a history of problemdrinking, and was usually intoxicated at the time of the offense.

Most of these individuals did well after they were released on parole. The few that did not usually violated at least a year after release when they were arrested for a new crime, rarely arson.

THE INSTITUTIONALIZED FIRESETTER

Representing 6.5% of the sample, this is a special category composed of eight residents of an institution for mental

Page 6: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

I1501 CRIMINOLOGY /AUGUST 1970

defectives, and one resident of an institution for epileptics. The median IQ of the group members is below 70, placing them in the defective range. They have grievances against the institution, and have learned that setting fires will get them transferred to another institution (see, for example, Cressey, 1958). Rather than burning institutional property, they often escape and burn farm buildings in the immediate vicinity, which usually insures a criminal complaint and conviction. The offenses take place in rural areas during the daylight hours.

The median age of these arsonists is 19; all are single. If there is any employment history at all, it is as an unskilled laborer. Most of the members of the group have been socialized in institutions since birth, and the few that spent their early years with their parents were most often deserted by one or both figures and transferred to a state institution.

This type of firesetter usually violated his parole within a year after he was released from prison. The violations were of a technical nature, with new arrests for arson present but rare.

THE INSURANCECLAIM FIRESETTER

The insurance-claim firesetter is defined as one who sets fires to his own property for monetary reasons-to collect the insurance on what has been destroyed. The ten cases comprise 7% of the sample. They are males with a median age of 29 and a median IQ of 110. This group is not only of higher age and intelligence level, but its members were reared in middle-income urban areas in financially independent father-dominated homes. Problemdrinking is not common in this group. The firesetters are of low employment status, being most often skilled and unskilled laborers with an occasional member of professional status. They have no marital ties. Although their first police contacts were before age eighteen, they were never committed as juveniles. As a

Page 7: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

lnciardi / T H E ADULT FIRESETTER [1511

rule they do not set fire to occupied dwellings. Their offenses generally take place in the daytime.

As parolees, the insurance-claim firesetters made good adjustments with extremely few violations. The violations that did occur were shortly after release from prison and were of a minor technical nature.

THE VANDALISM FIRESETTER

The vandalism group includes five cases and represents 4.1% of the sample. This firesetter is defined as an individual who willfully destroys property by fire solely for the purpose of fun and sport. The median age of this group of males is 18. The median IQ is 75, placing them in the dull-normal range of intelligence. As opposed to other firesetters who work alone, the vandalism firesetters usually have at least one accomplice. They are an urban phenomenon, and set their fires at night in churches and school buildings.

The members of this category of arsonists are slum dwellers, having been reared in mother-dominated, economi- cally self-sufficient homes. They are single. If they have a work record, it is of the unskilled-labor type. They had been juvenile-gang members, with their first police contact before age 18, but they were not committed as juveniles.

Within a year after the vandalism firesetters were released from state prison, they violated their parole due to technical infractions. Arrest for arson was very infrequent.

The activities of this type can be parallelled with what Martin (1961: 72-89) called wanton vandalism, which he described as destruction which occurs “simply as part of the play activity of children.”

ARSON ASSOCIATED WITH ANOTHER CRIME

This arsonist can be defined as one who sets fires on the premises where he has committed another crime. The crime is

Page 8: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

11521 CRIMINOLOGY /AUGUST 1970

usually burglary, and he attempts t o cover his traces or hide the fact that another crime has taken place. This group represents 7% of the sample and includes ten cases. These arsonists are usually males with a median age of 22. The median IQ is 112, placing them in the above-average intelligence range. They are reared in urban areas, less often in slums, and they usually come from socially intact, father-dominated, lower-middle-income homes. They are not problem drinkers. Their offenses take place at night in unoccupied dwellings or places of business. They are of the working class, but are semi-skilled or skilled laborers. These arsonists are single or separated from their wives at the time of the offense. Their first police contact was before their eighteenth birthday, but they d o not have juvenile criminal records. This group adjusts well t o parole supervision; a new offense for arson is quite rare.

SUMMARY

In general, the arsonists in this study were white males with a median age of 27 and a median IQ of 89.7. The offenders were usually residents of urban slums, having been reared in mother-dominated homes where one parental figure deserted the family, causing partial dependency on public monetary assistance. They had no marital ties, and were laborers, mostly unskilled. The arsonists began antisocial activities at a young age, having had police contacts prior to their eighteenth birthdays. They were not often committed as juveniles.

Arsonists usually set fire to multiple-dwelling units, and the fires commonly occur a t night when the buildings are inhabited. The extensive use of alcohol is common among the firesetters studies; the offenders were usually intoxicated at the time of their offense. Sexual perversion, on the other hand, was not particularly common (18% of the sample had

Page 9: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

lnciardi / T H E ADULT FIRESETTER [1531

reported instances of sexual maladjustment, the majority of the cases involving homos.exuality). Epilepsy was almost an insignificant factor, with only 8% of the sample (11 cases) having histories of convulsive disorders. None of these offenders experienced convulsions before, during, or after his crimes, and in most cases, the epilepsy was evident only during his infancy (Bloch and Geis, 1962: 337-342).

In contrasting the behavioral and early life-history charac- teristics of firesetters with those found in studies of other criminals (see, for example, Clinard and Quinney, 1967; Roebuck, 1967; Gibbons, 1965) it is observed that many of the categories are similar. It will also be noticed, however, that they manifest one behavioral system which is peculiar to few offenders. No marital ties, problem-drinking, irregular work habits, and a nomadic way of life were dominant charac- teristics of firesetters. This complex of traits was especially acute in revenge firesetters with a long arrest history (36% of the total sample); they were present in over 90% of the cases. This would suggest then, that this arsonist, the most com- mon type found, manifests many of the characterists of the wandering hobo.

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

A major problem in the study of arson is locating a sample. Arson offenses, at their final adjudication, may become malicious mischief, willful destruction of property, or even murder, thus reducing the detectable numbers should the researcher select cases after the criminal-justice process has been completed. A more efficient method of compiling a large sample of firesetters would involve following up police files or initial court records where offense categories are based upon classification at arrest rather than disposition.

The “professional” firesetters, who were notorious during the 1930s and were often associated with organized crime, did not appear in the author’s sample. A historical survey

Page 10: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

11541 CRIMINOLOGY I AUGUST 1970

regarding the prevalence of such firesetters in the past, as well as a follow-up study on those convicted, may also shed light on possible arson trends.

A cross-cultural survey and anthropological analysis of statistics and cases can give us a greater understanding of arson. Furthermore, we have no idea of how arson rates in the United States compare with those of any other country. Whether or not many countries have undertaken such studies of firesetting is not known, and the only recent research of this type, t o the author’s knowledge, was undertaken in Australia in 1955 (Lord, 1957).

Victim-offender relationships in revenge firesetting have received little attention. Common variables may exist which can give us a deeper insight into that type of arson.

Alcoholism and problemdrinking were factors in most of the arson cases. A comparative study of behavior patterns and personalities of arsonists, and alcoholics in general, may prove t o be of importance in the development of new treatment techniques for firesetters.

Lastly, although arsonists are in the minority as compared to the totality of criminal types, one incendiary fire can exact more damage than a multitude of thefts. An intensive analysis of parole violation and recidivism rates of convicted arson offenders could provide valuable information regarding their response t o supervision and their relative risk to the community.

REFERENCES

BLOCH, H. and G. GEIS (1962) Man, Crime and Society. New York: Random House.

CLINARD, M. and R. QUINNEY (1967) Criminal Behavior Systems: A Typology. New York: Holt, Reinhart & Winston.

CRESSEY, D. (1958) “The differential association theory and compulsive crimes.” In R. Nice (ed.) Crime and Insanity. New York: Philosophical Library.

Federal Bureau of Investigation (1967) Uniform Crime Reports. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.

Page 11: THE ADULT FIRESETTER A Typology

lnciardi /THE ADULT FIRESElTER [1551

GIBBONS, D. (1965) Changing the Lawbreaker. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:

HENKE, A, (1812) Lehrbuch der gerichtlichten Medicin. Berlin. LEWIS, N. and H. YARNELL (1951) Pathological Firesetting. New York:

LINDESMITH, A. and W. DURHAM (1941) “Some principles of criminal

LORD, F. (1957) Fire Alarm. London: Longmans, Green & Company. MARTIN, J. (1961) Juvenile Vandalism. Springfield, Ill.: Charles C Thomas. PLATNER, E. (1797) De amentia occulta alia observatio quaedam. Leipzig. ROEBUCK, J. (1967) Criminal Typology. Springfield, Ill.: Charles C Thomas.

Prentice-Hall.

Nervous and Mental Disease Monographs.

typology.” Social Forces 19 (March): 307-314.