A

TERM PAPER ON

TERRORISM IN NIGERIA

PRESENTED BY

ADEDEJI FRIDAY

2011

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TABLE OF CONTENT

Introduction

Definition of Terrorism

History of Terrorism in Nigeria

Causes of Terrorism in Nigeria

Religion Terrorism in Nigeria

Political Terrorism in Nigeria

Cases and Activities of Terrorist Groups in Nigeria

Politics of Combating Terrorism in Nigeria

Conclusion

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Introduction

Terrorism poses important political and diplomatic challenges. It is designed to call

attention, through the use of violence, to the causes espoused by terrorists, and to bring

about changes in policy favourable to those causes. Nigeria and its allies – and all other

affected nations- must deal with this threat to civilized order with all appropriate

measures, ranging from diplomatic to military.

One potential means for dealing with terrorism is law. Nigerians are particularly

attracted to the law as a means for repressing violence, and are committed domestically

to using law to control criminal conduct and to resolve disputes. They invoke the law

almost instinctively, and repeatedly, assuming that it regulates conduct and, in

particular, provides a system for bringing terrorists to justice. The time has come to ask,

frankly and honestly, why terrorism is so loudly condemned in Nigeria, and yet so

prevalent. How good is the law in fighting terrorism and how effective are the security

agencies in the country in their bid to quash terrorism.

While the events of 9/11 in the US serve to draw the attention of many to terrorism

globally, terrorism has had a long history in Nigeria. Jesse and Odi events in Nigeria are

two examples of state terrorism, which have placed Nigeria in the global terrorist map.

Recent is that of Kidnapping in the Niger Delta Region of the Country, the Bomb attacks

and Killing by the Boko Haram Muslim Sect e.t.c which has blown up Nigeria rank in the

world terrorist attack countries scale.

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Despite its prevalence, terrorism has manifested in different ways in Nigeria.

Domesticity of terrorism has added important dimensions to terrorist groups, terrorist

acts and the politics involved in combating it.

Although activities of different groups that target civilians are definitely terrorist in

nature, the attempts of the government in Nigeria to use this label may have created

some confusion, especially when political opponents, civil society groups, and

opponents of governments have also been branded terrorists. There have also been

doubts as to whether groups agitating for purely parochial interests of ethnic, religious

and social groups are terrorists groups because of how they have been classified by the

government. The UN consolidates a list, which lists individuals and entities linked to Al

Qaeda, Osama bin Laden, and the Taliban. Owing to the fact that none of the groups in

Nigeria has featured on this list, although there were instances of linkages between

groups in Northern Nigeria and the Taliban, Nigerian government has refrained itself

from branding these groups as terrorist groups.

Definition of Terrorism

The definition of terrorism has proved controversial. Various legal systems and

government agencies use different definitions of terrorism in their national legislation.

Moreover, the international community has been slow to formulate a universally

agreed, legally binding definition of this crime. These difficulties arise from the fact that

the term "terrorism" is politically and emotionally charged. During the 1970s and 1980s,

the United Nations attempts to define the term foundered mainly due to differences of

opinion between various members about the use of violence in the context of conflicts

over national liberation and self-determination." 4

According to Ambassador Chief Arthur C.I. Mbanefo, MFR, Permanent Representative of

Nigeria to the United Nations, "Terrorism is a global menace. It is, indeed, a scourge

which needs to be frontally confronted. It is a violation of our fundamental human

rights, especially the right to life and that of peaceful coexistence. The terror and

tragedies that terrorists unleash on innocent and unsuspecting citizens pose a serious

threat to the stability of all societies. It threatens existing democratic institutions.

Emerging democracies are very vulnerable to tragedies which such terrorist attacks

cause.

Since 1994, the United Nations General Assembly has repeatedly been using the

following political description of terrorism: "Criminal acts intended or calculated to

provoke a state of terror in the general public, a group of persons or particular persons

for political purposes are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations

of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that

may be invoked to justify them.

Terrorism is the use of force or violence against persons or property for the purpose of

intimidation, coercion, or ransom. Terrorists often use violence and threats to create

fear among the public, to try to convince people that their government is powerless to

prevent acts of terrorism, and to get immediate publicity for their causes.

Acts of terrorism can range from threats to actual assassinations, kidnappings, airline

hijackings, bomb scares, car bombs, building explosions, mailings of dangerous

materials, agroterrorism, computer-based attacks, and the use of chemical, biological,

and nuclear weapons—weapons of mass destruction (WMD).

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According to Hoffman who believes it is possible to identify some key characteristics of

terrorism. He proposes that:

By distinguishing terrorists from other types of criminals and terrorism from other forms

of crime, we come to appreciate that terrorism is :

ineluctably political in aims and motives

violent – or, equally important, threatens violence

designed to have far-reaching psychological repercussions beyond the immediate

victim or target

conducted by an organization with an identifiable chain of command or

conspiratorial cell structure (whose members wear no uniform or identifying

insignia) and

perpetrated by a subnational group or non-state entity.

A definition proposed by Carsten Bockstette at the George C. Marshall Center for

European Security Studies, underlines the psychological and tactical aspects of

terrorism:

Terrorism is defined as political violence in an asymmetrical conflict that is designed to

induce terror and psychic fear (sometimes indiscriminate) through the violent

victimization and destruction of noncombatant targets (sometimes iconic symbols).

Such acts are meant to send a message from an illicit clandestine organization. The

purpose of terrorism is to exploit the media in order to achieve maximum attainable

publicity as an amplifying force multiplier in order to influence the targeted audience(s)

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in order to reach short- and midterm political goals and/or desired long-term end

states."

Walter Laqueur, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, noted that "the

only general characteristic of terrorism generally agreed upon is that terrorism involves

violence and the threat of violence". This criterion alone does not produce, however, a

useful definition, since it includes many violent acts not usually considered terrorism:

war, riot, organized crime, or even a simple assault. Property destruction that does not

endanger life is not usually considered a violent crime, but some have described

property destruction by the Earth Liberation Front and Animal Liberation Front as

violence and terrorism.

The AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating Terrorism article 1 (3) defines

terrorism as any act which is a violation of the criminal laws of a State Party and which

may endanger the life, physical integrity or freedom of, or cause serious injury or death

to any person, any number or group of persons or causes or may cause damage to

public or private property, natural resources, environmental or cultural heritage and is

calculated or intended to:

(i) intimidate, put in fear, coerce or induce any government, body, institution, the

general public or any segment thereof, to do or abstain from doing any act, or to

adopt or abandon a particular standpoint or to act according to certain principles;

or

(ii) disrupt any public service, the delivery of any essential service to the public or to

create a public emergency; or

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(iii) create general insurrection in a State.

History of Terrorism in Nigeria

In the history of Nigeria, terrorism is dated back since 1952 when there were severe

killings in Kano State Nigeria powered by misconstrued and misdirected politicians. The

same has continued until the recent time in 1999, when the country witnesses

emancipation from the military rulers.

The history of terrorism is a history of well-known and historically significant individuals,

entities, and incidents associated, whether rightly or wrongly, with terrorism. Scholars

agree that terrorism is a disputed term, and very few of those labelled terrorists

describe themselves as such. It is common for opponents in a violent conflict to describe

the other side as terrorists. Those called terrorists can often be referred to as militants,

paramilitaries, guerrillas, resistance movements or freedom fighters. However, they are

united in the range of tactics they commonly employ which involves non-systemic

covert or semi-covert warfare, driven by an ideological basis often political religious or

socially based. They often seek to use propaganda of the deed to cause a psychological

impact alongside the actions themselves to drive the aspired change.

Historically, three waves of terrorist groups are discernible in Nigeria. The first of such

groups existed even before colonial rule. They were the age-grades, guild associations

and special interest groups performing one function after another in the overall

engineering of their respective polities. Examples include Ndinche, Modewa, Aguren,

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Eso, Akoda and Ilari and so on. The second wave relates to groups, essentially based on

kinship affinity, with presence in every part of Nigeria, including the northern region,

Fernando Po, and the Gold Coast. As Coleman had noted, such groups were formed as

people began moving from one area to the other in search of colonial jobs. As ethnic

associations, they were based on strong loyalty and obligation to their kinship group,

towns or villages. These associations were the ‘organizational expression of strong

persistent feeling of loyalty and obligation to the kinship group, the town or village

where the lineage is localized’.i Examples include the Calabar Improvement League,

Owerri Divisional Union, Igbira Progressive Union, Urhobo Renascent Convention, Naze

Family Meeting, Ngwa Clan Union, Ijo Rivers People’s League, Ijo Tribe Union, etc.

The third wave comprises of groups such as the O’Odua Peoples’ Congress(OPC), Arewa

Youth Consultative Forum, Movement for the Actualization for the Sovereign State of

Biafra, Anambra State Vigilante Service, Abia State Vigilante Service, Imo State Vigilante

Service, Niger-Delta Volunteers Force, Ogoni Youth, Ijaw Youth, Bakassi Boys, Egbesu

Boys, Onitsha Traders Organization, Mambilla Militia Group, Movement for the

Emancipation of the Niger Delta{MEND} and the BOKO HARAM. Attention shall be

devoted to the third wave in this paper, as only this relates to current trends in

terrorism in Nigeria.

Causes of Terrorism in Nigeria

Nigeria, like many nations in Africa, is not in short supply of groups and associations

agitating for one thing or the other. This paper limits its focus to groups agitating for

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political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic and religious interests of their peoples

and groups.

The first condition that can be considered a direct cause of terrorism is the existence of

concrete grievance among an identifiable subgroup of a larger population, such as an

ethnic minority discriminated against by the majority. In this case, are actions of

Nigerian government leaders that were dominated by the majority Northern leadership

such that it neglected the needs and aspirations of the Delta area? Was the purported

actions due to lack of political will; incompetence; or was it as a result of corruption

effects? Was it also in any case a result of corruption, such that the neglect was

perpetrated by the Delta leadership that saw self before the State?

The second condition that creates motivations for terrorism is lack of opportunity for

political participation. It is obvious in International Community that Regimes that deny

access to power and persecute dissenters create dissatisfaction. In this case, grievances

are primarily political, without social or economic overtones. In the case of Niger Delta,

we could all agree that there is an existence of a lack of opportunity for political

participation until recent changes adopted by the current government, but the question

still remain, as to whether the native Delta participants in the rulership of their

government activities will in turn positively impact their masses or will it be a negative

effect that is a down turn of corruption.

Other conditions that I will not discuss in this paper will include the religious overtone –

Muslim fundamentalist, Class warfare and Cultural divisions that encourages terrorism.

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Several factors underlie the growth and development of terrorist groups in Nigeria.

Economic recession of the 1980s, falling commodity prices, OPEC price increases,

privatization, economic liberalization, deregulation, currency devaluation, Cold War

politics, trade barriers, civil conflict, etc. are some of the notable examples. These

myriads of problems reduced government’s ability to fund welfare projects. The impact

of these policies ranged from job cuts, high inflation rates and unemployment to a

burgeoning informal sector.

Military dictatorship, especially under Generals Babangida, Abacha and Abubakar, not

only stifled opposition, but also introduced favouritism in government appointments,

promotion and allocation of developmental projects. These trends combined to make

crime and criminal activities rampant. The inability of law enforcement agencies to

curtail the spate of crime and violent conflicts in the country engendered a situation

whereby non-state actors, in their bids to provide security and other necessities,

contested crime control and community policing with law enforcement agents. This,

undoubtedly, was a flagrant abuse of the Nigerian Criminal Procedure.

Religion Terrorism in Nigeria

VIOLENT fundamentalism and extremism, especially in the name of religion, has grown

in northern Nigeria. From the 1980s after the Maitatsine sect unleashed terror on

innocent citizens and were eventually routed by the superior fire power of the federal

military government, Northern Nigeria has become a festering ground for a remarkable

number of radical Islamic sects that have demonstrated their readiness to inflict

violence and mayhem to pursue their agenda. The recent group – Boko Haram – has 11

being engaging themselves in the use of guns, bows and arrows, machetes and bombs

to unleash unimaginable terror on ordinary citizens, including young graduates on

national service. These have provoked, given the dominance of Muslims in the North,

similar dispositions among Christian groups in the north. It seems the political

leadership at both national and sub-national levels has not adequately taken account of

the remarkable growth of extremism since the return to democratic rule.

OVER time, in some parts of the North, religion-inspired violence has become more and

more vicious and better organised. The instruments of violence have also grown in

sophistication, just as intellectual capacity of the leadership of these extremist groups

has improved with the recruitment of university graduates, top government officials and

important elements from the upper rung of the society in the North.

FOR all practical purposes, it must be recognised that religious extremism and/or

terrorism has become a mark of many cities in northern Nigeria. It has become obvious

by the frequency and the systematic occurrence of these events that they are planned

to intimidate or cause terror in pursuit of religious, political and other goals. This is

certainly the perception of victims of these crimes. This conclusion is further justified by

the fact that perpetrators of these crimes usually go scot-free; they are never punished.

Where the government overwhelmed the perpetrators of the acts, the leaders of the

sect involved are usually eliminated in action, extra-judicially killed or set free. That is

why since the 1980s, no leader of these terror groups has had the chance to make a

case in the law court, fuelling rumours that people in high places have something to

hide concerning state sponsorship of such groups.

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THE intergovernmental conflict that led to the setting up of two parallel panels by the

Federal Government and the Plateau State government over the previous mayhem in

Jos also buttresses the view that there is more to these crises than meets the eye.

THE involvement of a Nigerian youth who has lived in several cities in the North, though

born to a wealthy Nigerian from Katsina, may be a harbinger of the arrival of a northern

network that has adopted extremism and terror as policy. The government must deal

with the issue of extremism in the North with all the seriousness it can muster. This

should involve detailed investigation into the various religious sects and radical groups

that hold the potential of unleashing terror. A strong intelligence network should be

established to keep a perpetual eye on their activities. Proactive and pre-emptive

measures must be the focus of intervention.

THIS also means that government at the state and national levels must cooperate to

address social, political and economic conditions that feed fundamentalism and

intolerance and make ordinary people available for recruitment. These conditions

include poverty, typified by widespread deprivation and hunger, lack of access to quality

education, unemployment, political manipulation of religion by the elite class and

struggles over control of state resources. All these conditions must be addressed fully to

bring an end to these crises not just in the North but in other parts of the country

Political Terrorism in Nigeria

As many people across the globe celebrate the year 2010, disgruntled terrorists are busy

maiming lives and properties. The case is same in the northern Nigeria where politically

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triggered crisis are the order of the day. The most recent of these traumas is that of the

Jos Plateau crisis that claimed about 460 lives of innocent people of which many are

Christians. Who are this terrorist?

Without mincing words, these terrorist are those who have no regard for human right.

Of course they are not like the average Nigerian who work all round the clock in search

of daily bread; they are the highly ranked politicians seeking for one selfish reasons or

the other.

In this time and age, it is ironical that while most nations of the world are pushing and

pursuing the frontiers of knowledge to improve their socio-economic wellbeing using

the pathway of science and technology, most states in the country belonging to the

sectarian alliance are seriously wishing to advance backwards into Stone Age when

ignorance held sway. This is the exact picture of what the Nigerian nation is passing

through.

Today, the Nigerian government own media campaign of civilian rule and democracy in

the country whereas the same class of cabals from different part of Nigeria has vowed

to keep ruling the nation.

These so called political leaders want to remain in power by all means in other to

continue their control of the nation’s economy. They still see politics as a do or die

affairs and they enforce themselves on the people by terrorizing the innocent Nigeria

and kill those that refuse them to have their ways – those they refer to as oppositions.

i J S Coleman, Nationalism and Development in Africa: Selected essay, USA, California: University of California Press, 2001, 15.

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They sponsors, fund and make use of different terrorist group to achieve this their

selfish agenda.

Internal terrorism still exists in the country and unless true democracy is practiced,

there would be no peace in the country. In a sad situation like this, the country would

continue to deteriorate and loss their cordial relationship with the international

community.

Cases and Activities of Terrorist Group in Nigeria

In the remaining part of this section, the study shall examine representative cases of the

activities of a few of these groups and associations. Beginning with the OPC, on 20

February 2001, two police officers and three members of the OPC were killed in clashes

between the police and OPC in Ikotun Egbe in Lagos after the police tried to disperse a

gathering of the OPC that was considered illegal. On 10 August 2001, one alleged

robber, Saheed Akanbi, was set ablaze by the OPC in the Agege area of Lagos state. ii

Akanni Arikuyeri was killed and nailed to a wooden cross on 10 August 2001 by the OPC

in the Idi-Oro area of Lagos. The alleged offence of this middle-age man was that he had

killed several members of the OPC and policemen who had attempted to stop his

robberies. In a similar vein, between 1 and 13 January 2002, 36 people were killed in

clashes between the OPC and the guards of Olowo’s palace at Owo. As a result of these

multiple killings, Ganiyu Adams was declared wanted by the police. iii Over the years

members of the OPC and the leaders, Dr. Fasheun and Ganiyu Adams, have been

ii “Detention by vigilance groups illegal”, say police, The Guardian (Nigeria), 10 February 2001, 2 & 5.iii “Reports of reprisal killings must be investigated”, Amnesty International Index: AFR 22/006/2001, New York, USA: United Nation’s Publication, 2001.

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arrested and detained ten times for these and many other activities. Only once were

they brought to trial.

By 2001, newspaper reports were replete with stories of the inhuman treatment,

extrajudicial killings and human rights violations perpetrated by the Bakassi Boys in Abia

state. In fact, 25 deaths were recorded on 30 October 2001, reportedly the work of the

Bakassi Boys because of late payment of rent. On 25 January 2002 at Umuleri

community, 11 suspected armed robbers were summarily executed by the Bakassi Boys.

As a result of its alleged nefarious activities, the mobile police raided five operations

bases of the Bakassi Boys and liberated 46 prisoners being held in different cells.

Irrespective of the claims of controlling crime and criminality, the activities of the

Bakassi Boys (Abia) included arson, kidnapping, extra-judicial killings, looting, unlawful

detention and disappearances. The police, and sometimes the communities, are in no

doubt that these groups are more of a menace than a partner in curbing crime and

criminality or fighting for ethnic goals. In February 2001, for example, Mr. Gilbert Okoye,

the leader of the Anambra state Bakassi Boys, was arrested and questioned by the

police over the murder of Ezeodumegwu Okonkwo, the chairperson of the All People’s

Party (APP), the main opposition party in Anambra state. iv Like Ezeodumegwu Okonkwo,

Odi Okaka Oquosa, an artist and a religious leader, was arrested and tortured by the

Bakassi Boys in Onitsha on 19 October 2000. His offence was that he had been paying

regular visits to the chairperson of the Bakassi Boys in Onitsha to persuade him to order

his boys to stop the human rights violations they had allegedly committed. He was

iv Amnesty International, Nigeria: Vigilante violence in the south and south-east in Amnesty International Index: AFR 44/014/2002, New York, USA: United Nation’s Publication, 2001.

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severely beaten for three days and eventually released through the intervention of his

relatives.

The Civil Liberties Organization (CLO) estimated the number of extra-judicial executions

committed by the Bakassi Boys in Anambra state at over 2 000 between April 2000 and

January 2002. Its report also stated that thousands who had been treated cruelly,

inhumanly or in a degrading way or tortured by the Bakassi Boys of Anambra state had

either lost their lives from injuries sustained or been stigmatized as criminals. Between 4

January and 15 March 2002 alone, an estimated 105 people were extra-judicially

executed by the vigilante service in Onitsha and its environs.

Between 15 and 31 July 2000, witnesses stated that over 30 people were killed and their

bodies dismembered with machetes and set ablaze in various locations in and around

Onitsha. Eddy Okeke, a religious leader from Nawgu, Anambra state, was reported to

have been beaten, kicked, whipped, mutilated and decapitated in the presence of

thousands of villagers on 9 November 2000. His hapless body was later doused with

petrol and set ablaze. He was allegedly ‘found guilty’ by the vigilante group of aiding and

abetting armed robbers.

On 9 May 2001, the Bakassi Boys announced the execution of 36 alleged robbers in

Onitsha after having detained and tortured them for weeks in ‘Chukin Mansion’, the

headquarters of the group in Onitsha market. On 9 July 2001, the Bakassi Boys, ignoring

the police request that the suspect be handed over, drove Okwudili Ndiwe, aka Derico, a

notorious alleged criminal, to a popular market in Onitsha where his head was severed.

On 11 August, eyewitnesses stated that eight people were dismembered and set ablaze

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in public at Lagos Motor Park, Sokoto Road, Upper Iweka, and other locations near

Onitsha. Another 20 people were killed in similar circumstances in Nnewi and Okija

between 25 and 30 November 2001.

As noted by the CLO, most of these killings were done with active connivance or

collaboration of the federal police and the Anambra State Vigilante Service. In fact,

more than 40 bodies were said to have been dumped in the Niger River in the presence

of the police.v In Imo, one of the states that ‘invited’ the Bakassi Boys, the CLO reported

that on 3 January 2001, the Bakassi Boys publicly executed an alleged criminal in front of

the St. Paul’s Catholic Church, near Owerri main market. The victim was killed with

machetes and the body was set ablaze. On the same day, another person was executed

and incinerated in Oshishi (wood market) by the Bakassi Boys in Owerri.

Also in January 2001, over a dozen suspected criminals met a similar fate at the hands of

the Bakassi Boys in Owerri. By February, when the Nigerian police raided the bases of

the Bakassi Boys, 46 members of the group and some suspected criminals held in illegal

detention centres were arrested. As noted by the police commissioner, the Bakassi Boys

created illegal detention camps and were killing innocent people on the streets without

proper investigation and were carrying unregistered arms. The arrested members were

v On 10 April 2002, an Amnesty International delegation witnessed members of the Anambra State Vigilante Service (AVS) trying to set alight a man inside the compound of the Government House of Anambra state, some 100 metres away from the state governor’s own office. The armed men were surrounding a man, apparently some 50 years of age. The man was on his knees, his arms tied behind his back and his face disfigured by recent beatings. He was bleeding profusely. Members of the vigilante service were shouting at the man, apparently insulting him. Then one of them poured petrol over the man’s body with the clear intention of setting him on fire. When they realised that strangers were watching the scene, they bundled their victim into a van, loaded the vehicle with machetes and guns, and drove away. The government of Anambra state refused to give an explanation for the incident and inform Amnesty International about the identity of the suspect and the treatment he received from the vigilante group after this incident.

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said to have since been released on bail. On 29 July 2002, Agence France Press reported

that the Bakassi Boys took machetes to four suspected armed robbers along the Owerri-

Port Harcourt road. Their bodies were said to have been set ablaze. vi In another

development, on 10 April 2000, V.O. (m), 20 years old, O. Ok. (m), 13 years old, O.O.

(m), 32 years old, Ch.b. (m), 19 years old, Ch.Ch (m), 24 years old and Ch.O. (m), 22 years

old were reported by Civil Liberty Organization to have been killed in Inland Town, near

Onitsha by a combined group of members of the federal police and Anambra State

vigilantes; their bodies were later dumped in the River Niger. The real names of the

victims are deliberately suppressed for security of their families. The same story was

happened in all the states in which the Bakassi Boys operated.

Organizations such as Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND), MASSOB

and many other groups in the Niger-Delta are famous for hostage taking, kidnapping for

ransom, pipeline vandalization, oil-theft, arson and ambush. Till date, more than five

hundred oil workers, politicians, actors, children, and other important personalities have

either been kidnapped or taken hostage. Initially, the groups and associations argued

that kidnapping and hostage taking were introduced to force experts involved in crude

oil exploration in the Niger-Delta areas to pressure Nigerian government to take decisive

steps towards ameliorating the environmental, social and political problems bedeviling

the area. More recently, the trends and patterns of hostage taking and kidnapping differ

markedly from using it as proxies to get government attentions, as the groups focus

more on the ransom paid to ensure release of the oil industry workers. Today, groups

target foreign nationals irrespective of whether they work in the oil industry or

vi Agence France Press, Vigilantes kill four suspected robbers in Nigeria, 31 July 2002.19

anywhere near the oil-producing areas or not. The primary intention is that when such

people are captured or kidnapped; their relatives and embassies would pay whatever

amount to ensure their release.

In January 2007, four foreign oil workers were abducted at a Shell Petroleum

Development Company (SPDC) location in Bayelsa State. In the early hours of Saturday

February 18, Ijaw youth launched series of coordinated and devastating commando-like

attacks on specifically selected and strategically located oil facilities and installations in

western Niger Delta. In March of the same year, Ijaw youths took hostage another nine

expatriate oil workers, while by April; thirteen expatriates were abducted in Port

Harcourt alone. Altogether, more than five thousand foreigners, most of whom are from

America, Britain, Thailand, Egypt, and the Philippines have been kidnapped and taken

hostage by Niger-Delta groups. These actions of the youths signaled a new dimension in

what is happening in the Niger-Delta, as the youths were ready to tell the world that the

Nigerian Government has lost control over what is happening within its borders, most

especially in the oil rich Niger Delta.

Before 2008, no group or organization ever dared the Nigerian Army, but now as leader

of MEND and most wanted militant in the Niger Delta, Ekpemupolo, aka Tompolo said

that their recently coordinated attacks are because they are ready to “take their future

in their own hands”, actions, which have since forced Nigerian government to set in

motion processes of negotiation that ultimately resulted in the on-going Amnesty

Programme.

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Since the beginning of 2008, kidnapping and hostage taking have ascended new heights.

Many Nigerian politicians, university lectures, kings and their chiefs, musicians and

movie industry workers have featured among the kidnapped. Anybody can be

kidnapped. More often than not, kidnappers and hostage-takers hardly kill victims,

although a number of deaths have been recorded. Whenever a person is kidnapped, the

family, company or embassy of the country of the victim is notified and a price is placed

on his or her head. Prices are quoted based on the worth of the victim. If a renowned

personality with clouts in government or oil magnate or, better still children of any of

these is kidnapped, the price is usually high. The former governor of the Central Bank,

Prof. Charles C. Soludo’s father was released after a whopping 200 million naira was

paid to kidnappers. Peter Edochie and Nkem Owoh, two of Nigeria’s famous movie

stars, were only released after 20 million and 1.4 million naira were paid.

The geography of kidnapping-for-ransom has also changed. From Niger-Delta to Lagos,

Ibadan to Kadunna, Adamawa to Ekiti, different people – male and female, old and

young, have been kidnapped in all these places. In all these places, allowances are

usually made for bargaining. Once agreement is reached and ransom is paid, the victim

is released. Deaths have occurred, but where deaths have occurred, as in the case of

Chief Irabor in Edo State, it was usually the case that injuries were sustained in the

process of capture or when victims attempted to escape. On some occasions, victims

have been killed when ransom was not paid or partly paid or to shield kidnappers from

being revealed.

Activities Of The Boko Haram Sect

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7 September, 2010 On that day Boko Haram frees over 700 inmates from a prison in Bauchi State.

December, 2010 Boko Haram is blamed for a market bombing, following which 92 of its members are arrested by the police.[35]

28 January, 2011 The Borno state candidate of the All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) for the April 2011 gubernatorial elections is assassinated, along with his brother, four police officers and a 12-year old boy. Boko Haram is blamed for these killings, other commentators note that the assasination of the ANPP governorship candidate Mr. Modu Fannami Gubio is politically motivated. No evidence is offered for Boko Haram's involvement. [36][37]

8 February, 2011 Boko Haram offer conditions for peace. The radicals demand that the Borno State Governor, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff, step down from office with immediate effect and also allow members to reclaim their mosque in Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State.[38] On 9th May 2011 Boko Haram rejects an offer for amnesty made by the governor-elect of Borno state, Kashim Shettima[39]

29 March, 2011 The police “thwarts a plot to bomb an [ANPP] election rally” in Maiduguri, Borno State (map). The threat is blamed on Boko Haram.

1 April, 2011 On the day before the original date of Nigeria’s legislative elections, suspected Boko Haram members attack a police station in Bauchi (map).

9 April, 2011 A polling center in Maiduguri is destroyed.15 April, 2011 The Maiduguri office of the Independent National Electoral Commission is

bombed, and several people are shot in a separate incident on the same day. Authorities suspect Boko Haram.

20 April, 2011 Boko Haram kills a Muslim cleric and ambushes several police officers in Maiduguri.

22 April, 2011 Boko Haram frees 14 prisoners during a jailbreak in Yola, Adamawa State (map)[40]

29 May, 2011 Boko Haram is blamed for a series of bombings in northern Nigeria that leave 15 dead.[41]

17 June, 2011 The group claims responsibility for a bombing attack on the police force headquarters in Abuja that occurred the previous day. Officials believe that the attack is the first suicide bombing in Nigeria's history and that it specifically targeted Police Inspector-General Hafiz Ringim.[42]

26 June, 2011 The sect carries out a bombing attack on a beer garden in Maiduguri, according to officials and witnesses. Militants on motorcycles throw explosives into the drinking spot, killing about 25 people.[43]

22

27 June, 2011 Another bombing in Maiduguri is attributed to the group. It kills at least two girls and wounds three customs officials.[44]

03 July, 2011 A bombing in a beer garden in Maiduguri is attributed to the group. It results in the death of at least twenty people.[45]

10 July, 2011 A bombing at the All Christian Fellowship Church in Suleja, Niger State.[46]

11 July, 2011 The University of Maiduguri temperory closes down its campus citing security concerns.[47]

12 August, 2011 Prominent Muslim Cleric Liman Bana is shot dead by Boko Haram. He dies after sustaining gunshot wounds. He walking home after conducting prayers at the main mosque in Ngala.[48]

26 August, 2011 The UN headquarters in Abuja are blown up by a suicide car bomber, leaving at least 21 dead and dozens more injured. A Boko Haram spokesman later claimes responsibility.[49] Four men are produced in an Abuja magistrates' court, they are charged with organising the bombing and are remanded in custody for a federal high court hearing.[50]

16 October, 2011 Police suspect that members of Boko Haram have shot and killed politician Modu Bintube outside of his home in Maiduguri.[51]

22 October, 2011 Spokesman Abu Qaqa indicats that the militant group has slain Alhaji Zakariya Isa, a Nigerian Television Authority journalist, claiming that he was a government informant.[52]

5 November, 2011 A series of coordinated attacks in Borno and Yobe states, primarily around Damaturu, kill at least 67 people, leaving a new police headquarters in ruins, and government offices burned. A Boko Haram spokesman tells The Daily Trust newspaper that it is responsible for the attacks and promises more.[53][54]

25 December, 2011 Boko Haram claims responsibility for bomb attacks on churches across Nigeria.[55]

5-7 January 2012 Boko Haram was widely assumed to be responsible for a string of attacks in northern Nigeria since publication of an ultimatum for Christians to leave the area. At least 37 people had died in attacks in towns across four states, and the group claimed responsibility for at least some of the attacks. According to the Red Cross, gunmen in Mubi, Adamawa state killed three people and then the following night killed 18 mourners. In Yola, local residents reported that eight people had died as gunfire opened on Christians leaving church. In a separate incident in Gombe, the group claimed responsibility for an attack on a church service that left at least six dead. Elsewhere, a Christian couple was killed in the Mairi ward

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of Maiduguri

These groups and association, in carrying out their activities, have used the following

means and methods:

(i) Chopping off hands and other body parts;

(ii) Burning victims to death, clubbing and matchetting victims to death;

(iii) Beheading and chopping body parts into pieces;

(iv) Burning homes, motor vehicle;

(v) Beating to death

(vi) Hostage taking, kidnapping, arrest and illegal detention; etc.

(vii) Ransom collection;

THE PREVENTION OF TERRORISM ACT 2011

The bill for an act to make provisions for and about offences relating to conduct carried

out or purposes connected with terrorism was passed by the Sixth National Assembly in

February 2011 and subsequently accented to by the President and Commander in Chief

of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic Nigeria, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan.

A critical look at these legislation show that it has the ability to prevent, prohibit and

combat acts of terrorism including the financing of terrorism in Nigeria. It is also evident

that they will facilitate and promote the effective implementation of the international

24

Convention on the prevention and combating of terrorism as well as the suppression of

the financing of terrorism.

For example, section 2(c) of the terrorism bill defines ‘act of terrorism’ as causing an

attack upon a person’s life which may cause serious bodily harm or death; kidnapping of

a person; destruction to a government or public facility, transport system, and

infrastructural facility including an information system, a fixed platform located on the

continental shelf, public place or private property likely to endanger human life or result

in major economic loss. The bill also went further to explain that a person who belongs

to or professes to belong to a proscribed organization has committed an offence and

shall on conviction be liable to imprisonment for a maximum term of 20 years.

But as good as these pieces of legislation are, little seems to be happening as regards

their implementation and hence the wanton destruction of property and loss of lives

across the country

The bill gives the police and security forces powers to seal off a property or vehicle

without a search warrant and allows judges to order the detention of suspects for up to

30 days if they feel it is in the interests of public safety.

All terrorism cases will now be heard at Nigeria's Federal High Court where, depending

on the severity of the charges, judges can pass sentences of up to 30 years in prison.

Anti-terror legislation in other parts of the world has been controversial, especially

when dealing with surveillance, which human rights groups and even the United Nations

have said can sometimes go beyond what is required to combat terror.

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Nigeria's bill gives the top law, police and government security officials the right to

access post, e-mails, phone calls or other data if they believe it is in the interests of

national security

Combating Terrorism in Nigeria

Evidence abounds to demonstrate that the activities of these groups enjoy tacit or

actual endorsement of the state. In fact, some states have increased the profile of these

groups by openly endorsing armed vigilante groups, either as the most reliable force in

the fight against crime and criminality, or as a critical part in the campaign. Such actions

have proven popular among a population often dismayed by the poor police record in

curbing crime and criminality. It must be noted that national and international human

rights organizations, the Nigerian press, the Nigerian Bar Association and individuals

have alleged that these groups carry out extra judicial executions, illegal detention and

other acts of terrorism for and with the direct support of politicians or political office

holders.

The nation’s constitution empowers only the Nigeria Police Force to perform policing

functions; the usurpation of police functions by vigilante groups is an aberration that

must not be allowed, regardless of the circumstances. In Anambra, Imo, Abia, Ebonyi,

Edo and Enugu states, Bills were initiated and passed by state assemblies establishing

vigilante services in these states. Consequently, governors in these states have openly

supported the establishment, activities and modus operandi of these ‘illegal’

associations or groups. In August 2001, Governor Lucky Igbinedion of Edo State publicly

announced a Bill establishing a vigilante group in the state. On 10 June 2002, the Ebonyi

26

State governor also publicly announced that he would soon sign into law a Bill

establishing the Bakassi Boys. The State Assembly has already passed the Bill. On 25

June 2001, Governor Tinubu of Lagos State announced plans to turn the OPC into the

state security service in a ceremony at the commissioning of the statue of Mrs. Kudirat

Abiola, the slain wife of M K O Abiola. 26 July 2001 witnessed a situation whereby the

state released and discharged unconditionally more than 100 OPC members the

Nigerian police had accused of criminal activities ranging from armed robbery to arson.

In this atmosphere of tacit and/or explicit official approval of vigilante and ethnic

militarism, it is puzzling to note that the federal government still acknowledges the

rights of individuals to fair hearing, fair trial and rights to life. The laws in Nigeria

recognize the fact that anyone who is deprived of his rights shall have the right to take

proceedings before a court, in order that the court may decide without any delay

whether such deprivation is lawful or not. As enshrined in all international conventions

entered into by the nation, everyone charged with a criminal offence shall have the right

to be regarded as innocent until proven guilty by a court of competent jurisdiction.

Therefore, it is unlawful for any state governor to set in motion machineries for setting

up and passing into law a Bill, which creates bodies and sponsors groups whose

activities are in clear violation of peoples’ fundamental rights and the laws of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Piqued by the activities of these associations and groups, President Obasanjo sought

parliamentary approval on 10 April 2002 to outlaw certain armed groups and

associations in Nigeria. Among other things, the Bill seeks to prohibits any group of

27

persons, association of individuals or quasi-military group to retain, organize, train, or

equip any person or group of persons for the purpose of enabling the group of persons or

association of individuals to use or display physical force or coercion in order to promote

any political objective or interest; ethnic or cultural interest; social, occupational or

religious interest.

A major criticism against the Bill deals with its ambiguous and unclear stance on parallel

organizations usurping police functions or any armed organizations allegedly created to

curb crime and criminality. The Bill is a good start to controlling and curbing ethnic and

vigilante militarism in Nigeria, but it is, nevertheless, silent on which groups or

associations qualify for proscription and which do not. The establishment and

endorsement of vigilante groups by legal statutes on the one hand, and on the other a

(federal) law calling for the proscription of these associations and groups create conflict

for law enforcement and foster an environment where crime and terrorism can thrive.

The government in Nigeria has, at different times, adopted different approaches to

combat terrorism. In the first instance, government has evaded the tendencies to dub

what is going on in the Niger-Delta area as terrorism, especially in order not to

complicate the situation, especially since the 9/11 events in the USA. In addition,

counter-terrorism has been employed. Odi and Jesse are two classic examples. In both

cases, government has responded by deploying terrorism against not only the terrorists

but the entire communities of Odi and Jesse. This action has complicated rather than

ameliorated the problem.

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In the specific case of the Niger-Delta, government has also used dialogue and

negotiation. For instance, at every turn when militants abduct foreign nationals,

negotiating teams to negotiate release of victims are raised by government. When nine

Shell workers, earlier mentioned, were kidnapped, the Federal Government raised a

negotiating team to negotiate with the Federated Niger Delta Ijaw Communities (FNDIC)

who coordinated their abduction. Chief James Ibori, the Governor of Delta State, went

the extra mile to talk to militant groups in Okerenkoko and Gbaramatu as well as the

FNDIC.

The most comprehensive action taken so far in curbing terrorism in Nigeria is the on-

going Amnesty Programme. The programme aims mainly at ensuring unconditional

pardon and cash payments to rebels who agree to lay down their arms within a sixty-

day period. The third component of the programme is the rehabilitation of the militants.

Government officials say that any militant who surrenders his or her arms would be

given about £255 a month in cash and food allowances during the rehabilitation period.

A major demand by the militants in the Niger-Delta, which was also supported by a

government appointed committee last year, was that Niger-Delta states should receive

25% of the country's oil revenue, as against the current 13%. So far, this critical

component of the yearnings of the people, which addresses the underlying problems in

the Niger-Delta region, remains to be addressed. Mr. Richard Moncrieff, West Africa

Project Director for the International Crisis Group notes that “The amnesty idea is a step

in the right direction, but there does not appear to be a substantial amount of planning

and political engagement behind it. Unless this happens, it would appear to be a half-

hearted measure."

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In all, 7000 men and women from different terrorist groups all over Ondo, Delta, Edo,

Cross-River, Rivers, Bayelsa, and the entire Niger-Delta region accepted the Amnesty

and laid-down their arms. However, the first drawback in the Amnesty Programme is

the fact that constitutionally, the President lacks the power to grant Amnesty to un-

charged, un-tried and un-convicted persons. Another drawback is the fact that

government has no comprehensive plan to rehabilitate these terrorists. This problem

reared its head almost immediately after the deadline for renouncing terrorism, when

ex-terrorists discovered that the much-talked-about training and empowerment

programme of government was not actually in place. Many of these men and women

have openly expressed regrets laying down their arms. It goes beyond saying that

Nigerian government lacks the capacity to rein in terrorists and, as such, faces the

danger associated with these men and women returning to their old ways.

Conclusion: Factors to Consider for Improved Cooperation With Nigeria in Fighting

Terrorism

From the above cases and examples, it goes without saying that while global attention is

focused on embassy-bombing, aircraft-hijack and 9/11 terrorists-attack kind of

terrorism, equally devastating terrorist activities are going on in Nigeria vis-à-vis Africa

without as much publicity and policy attention as embassy-bombing, aircraft-hijack and

9/11 terrorists-attack kind of terrorism are attracting. As noted by the UN, a terrorist act

is considered transnational if more than one territory can be identified with the

planning, preparation, targeting, execution and effects of that act. Invariably, what is

30

going on in Nigeria is terrorism, although government in Nigeria has shied away from

calling groups deploying terror activities in Nigeria as terrorist groups. Nevertheless, the

preparation, training, resources and effects of their activities affected nationals of

different countries. In addition, the transnationality of the effects of their activities is not

in doubt. For instance, their terrorists’ activities affected oil and gas production in both

Nigeria and globally. One hard fact the government in Nigeria cannot contest is the fact

the targets, whether Nigerians or nationals of other countries, are used as proxies to get

government in Nigeria to arrest environmental, economic and marginalization problems

in the Niger-Delta area. The same is true of the activities of the various vigilante and

ethnic-defender groups in other parts of Nigeria.

For development to be meaningful, it must be systematic, holistic and responsible. To

be meaningful and sustainable; development must not only be co-operative, but also

responsive and co-responsible. With plethora of evidence staring us in the face, we now

know that the 21st Century is different from other centuries before it. It is unlike the

19th Century, which, for Africa, marks its forceful and unprepared incorporation into the

vortex of international political economy. It is unlike the 20th Century and its Cold War

geo-politics. It is a century with its own rules. It has shrunk the divide between the

North and South, between the developed nations of the West and the developing

nations of Africa, Asia and Latin America. It globalizes not only products but also

thoughts. Its anti-gap capacity has made it possible for people, even in Lagos, to be

aware of events as they unfold in Laos. Nowhere is too remote and no news is too

unimportant. Our worlds have been wired and connected like never before.

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Consequently, development in Africa or anywhere for that matter must be co-

responsible.

Globally, we have reached a point where the cost of remedial action pale into

insignificance against the cost of continued inaction. Therefore the task of combating

domestic and transnational terrorism in Nigeria should not be left to Nigeria alone. It

must be a collective responsibility of all. To this end, the following intervention

opportunities are suggested for Nigeria’s friends and partners.

Intervention for Development: While not discounting the fact that Nigeria must solve its

own problems, it is essential to note that Nigeria has demonstrated little or no control

over the problems of underdevelopment and the unwholesome practices of the

multinational corporations involved in exploration of oil and gas in the Niger-Delta. In

their intercultural communications and multilateral cooperation with Nigeria,

international organizations and development partners must insist on minimum

benchmarks, especially from multinational corporations involved in mineral resources

extraction not only in Nigeria but also in other nations of Africa. This is fundamental in

two ways: (i) the global fight for a better environment and (ii) peace between mineral

extracting corporations and their host communities. Three interrelated factors are

critical to explain the importance of this suggestion. (a) Scarcity, which is understood as

the ratio of the human demand to nature’s ability to supply it; (b) politics of ownership,

management and control; and (c) the mineral resources extracting processes. Where

scarcity is underwritten by nature’s inability to meet demands, conflicts and wars in

these areas would require sustainable management efforts to save the areas. Where

scarcity is underwritten by uneven distribution of wealth, as we have in present day

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Nigeria, conflicts easily slip into terrorism, as groups seek better bargaining

opportunities with government and government, on its own part, seeks to protect itself

at all costs.

The politics associated with ownership, control and distribution of resources deals with

not only on how resources are managed by the state but also with what laws ownership

and control are guided. In Nigeria, like in most of Africa, three different and

antagonizing ownership and control structures exist. Pre-colonial ownership structure,

which placed ownership of resources on the people, the community and generations

unborn; and the colonial ownership structure, which vested ownership on government

and the community; exist side-by-side with a more modern ownership structure, which

removed the people and reposes ownership and control on the whims and caprices of

the elected officials. Poverty and underdevelopment have brought out the resiliency of

the pre-colonial ownership system. Given these antagonizing ownership systems, the

complexities associated with mineral resources extraction have become nuanced. All

these are compounded by multinational corporations’ use of obsolete equipment, which

leaves behind a depleted environment. The victims of terrorist activities in the Niger-

Delta and their families have since known how important is the need to do something

about all these.

Also in their intercultural communications and multilateral cooperation with the

government in Nigeria, international organizations and development partners should

remind the government in Nigeria of the need for justice in its enterprise with the

terrorists. Sacrificing justice on the altar of the need for peace is not a way out of any

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problem. The factor of agency is crucial to development and the current amnesty deal

must reflect just that. As things are, the deal, without justice, would embolden

recalcitrant groups. We cannot continue to act irresponsibly and hope to attract

investors to the nation.

While measures geared at engaging the terrorists in Nigeria must have local-contents

that reflect Nigeria’s national peculiarities, other nations with experiences and proven

local best practices in this area should also share such practices with Nigeria, as peace in

Lagos is peace in Washington and Copenhagen.

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References:

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