sundara, a. - the traditional date of asoka maurya - very important

7/28/2019 Sundara, A. - The Traditional Date of Asoka Maurya - Very Important

1/45

A version of this paper appeared in the last but one

issue of Puratattva. In my view, this is a major

contribution to our understanding of the chronology of

Bharatiya Itiha_sa. Dr. Adiga Sundara was the Head of

the Department of Archaeology and Ancient Indian

History in Karnataka University, Dharwar.

Kalyanaraman

The Traditional Date Of Asoka Maurya : Archaeological

Evidences In

Karnataka : A Consideration

A.Sundara*

Preliminary remarks.

In recent years, there is a trend rather striking, to revive

studies in and to pursue the earlier attempts,1 and to

examine the traditional history and its chronology as

known from the Puranas and other similar literary works

now on better scientific premises, by better scientific


2/45

methods and techniques and more comprehensively. A

dispassionate and systematic approach to and critical

review of the subject, may yield useful and factual

information for better understanding of the least known

history of the remote past of our country. I have been

trying to examine over some years the local or regional

traditions vis - a - vis archaeological findings thereat, in

north Karnataka and the results2 seem to be quite

encouraging. And this has led me to re-examine the

period of Asoka's, the Mauryan emperor, rule over

Karnataka too in relation to his ten minor; two major

edicts and versions of Kalinga separate edicts located in

eight places3 and the associated human settlements

nearby in the region.

The Problem :

William Jones4 after making a good and hard exercise

over the Puranic lists of the kings, had placed the ten

kings of the Mauryan dynasty beginning with ChandraGupta, between 1502 - 1365 B. C. and according to

another calculation, 1535 - 1219 B. C. Approximately

Asoka Maurya's period would be 1448 - 1409 or 1496 -

1457 B. C. the difference between the two calculations

being too big to reconcile.


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He found that the Puranic accounts thus were so

confusing and

varying not supported by any other contemporary

accounts and therefore

gave them up as unreliable. He thereafter turned his

attention to

the Greek accounts and after their perusal he thought

they were

acceptable. And in the course of his studies,

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

-----\

* 329, "Saundaryashri" Bharati Nagara, DHARWAD 580

001

he was able to identify Sandrokottas and Palibotra

referred to in Megasthenes' fragmentary Indica

respectively with Chandragupta Maurya known then


4/45

from the Bhagavata Purana and Pataliputra of the

Magadhan kingdom. These identifications,5 in 1783,

were considered to be a " Sheet anchor of Indian

History. " A little later, James Princep succeeded in

identifying Devanampiya Piyadasi of the earliest edicts

with Asoka Maurya and of the five alien names of the II

and XIII major edicts of the emperor with the

contemporary West Asian kings6 All these strongly

supported Jones' identifications. These were more or

less implicitly accepted and followed even by most of the

eminent Indian scholars till recently.

However, since then, a scholar here or there, now and

then such as Bulher, Troyer7 did question the validity of

these identifications and the latter on the basis ofRajatarangini, opined that Asoka ruled around 1260 B.

C. Some Indian scholars, especially in the recent years,

such as Narayana Sastri,8 Krishnamachari,9 Sri Rama

Sathe,10 S. D. Kulkarni,11 David Frawley,12 and others

have seriously questioned these identifications and the

relative chronology of the early Indian history,considering the possibilities of interpreting equally

rationally the same and other relevant references

leading to inferences quite different from those of Jones

and of others.


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Further, some scholars have been pointing out

inadequacies in and

other possible interpretations contrary to the theories of

William

Jones and others. For instance, Jones in the matter of

the

identification of Sandrokottas with Chandra Gupta

Maurya considered

the list of the kings from only one Purana i.e. the

Bhagavata in

which the traditional history is traced up to the end of the

Mauryan

rule. In some of the other Puranas, the history is

narrated up to

the end of the Gupta rule. In such accounts there are

two ChandraGuptas I and II in the Gupta dynasty whom Jones could

not consider

for the alternate equations because of the non

availability then, of

the relevant Puranas to him. Moreover, unfortunately, he

died in thevery next year after his announcement of the

identification. Further,

it is not explained as to why Megasthenese

is utterly silent in his account about Chanakya and his

role in

the foundation of the strong Mauryan kingdom and


6/45

especially his

remarkable efforts in making securely Chandra Gupta

Maurya king in

whose court the former is said to have been as an

ambassador from

Seleucus Nikator the Greek satrap. Further, absence of

Palibotra

as surname or for that matter any surname to their

personal names,

as stated clearly by Megasthenese, in the names of the

Mauryan

kings, is totally ignored. Although the name Magadha of

the Eastern

kingdom is too well known at least from the time of the

Kurus -

Pandavas of the Mahabharata, why

Megasthesese in spite his being present in the capital of

the kingdom refers to it in a general manner as "Prassi"

i. e. Prachya ( = Eastern ). While seriously making

efforts to identify Sandrakottas with ChandraguptaMaurya, why Jones did not even casually try to identify

the other Greek names of the kings who are said to

have immediately preceded and succeeded

Sandrokottas, known from the other classical Greek

accounts, is not indicated anywhere in his arguments.

With regard to Princep's identification of the five names


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mentioned in Asoka's major edicts nos II and XIII,

identified with the names of the West Asian kings

supposed to have been contemporaneous with Asoka by

Princep13 Madalasa Devi14 has argued that they are

actually the names of the Jana - rajyas in the

neighbourhood of Afghanistan not of the kings ruling

them in the west Asian regiion.

It is against this perspective a critical re - examination of

the findings from the archaeological excavations of the

sites with the Asokan edicts in Karnataka, seems to be

significant. The stratigraphy of the cultures revealed in

the sites, seems to have bearing on the problem relating

to the chronology of Asoka's rule over the region.

Karnataka : Archaeological evidence.

The existence of ten minor edicts of Asoka, the Mauryan

emperor, in as many as seven places since the firstdiscovery of a minor edict in Brahmagiri ( Molakalmur tk.

Chitradurga dt. ) in 1894 by B. L. Rice15 is too well

known. 1990 is an important year when for the first time

fragments of 13th and 14th major edicts and, curiously

enough, versions of two separate Kalinga edicts also,

were discovered, by chance of course, in Sannati (


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Chitapur tk., Gulbarga dt. ), the most remarkable and

prolific Buddhist site in the entire Karnataka first

reported by Kapatral Krishna Rao16 in 1956. In fact, that

the personal name of " Devanampiya Piyadasi "

mentioned in the edicts, was Asoka, was for the first

time known from the edict in Maski ( Lingsugur tk.

Koppala dt. ) discovered in 1915. It mentions "

"Devanam Piya Piyadasi raja Asokasa". The two minor

edicts in each of the two other places: Udegolam and

Nitturu ( Shiraguppa tk. Bellary dist. ) also contain the

personal name of the emperor. In particular, the most

noteworthy point in the Brahmagiri edict, is the mention

of the name of the place also as ' Isila ', the

administrative head - quarters of the mahamatras of the

king, in Suvarnagiri, the southernmost province of the

empire. It was in search of Isila in the place where theedict is located, in early 1930s Krishna,17 the then

Director of the State Dept. of Archaeology , discovered

an extensive habitation site with numerous megaliths

nearby. Also, he laid 16 trenches and excavated

stratigraphically in order to trace the Mauryan town site

and also a few megaliths nearby. Six cultural periods insequence were recognised as follows:

1. The Microlithic ( Roppa ) culture


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2. The Neolithic culture.

3. The Iron age Megalithic culture.

4. The Isila ( Mauryan ) culture.

5. The Satavahana culture.

6. The Early Kadamba - Chalukya culture.

Also, he could discern clear overlap between the last

phase of the neolithic and the beginning phase of the

Iron Age megalithic and the last phase of the latter with

the early phase of the early historical. Besides the burial

pottery and the iron objects from the megaliths

excavated were found to be similar to those from the

Iron Age culture of the habitation site. Unfortunately the

findings of his excavations were never fully publishedbecause of his premature death in 1947, but for a brief

report in the Annual report of the Dept. containing all the

points mentioned above. In the light of Krishna's

excavations Wheeler, the then Director General of

Archaeology in India, realised that the site is quite

promising for tracing the salient cultural milieu of theSouth Indian megalith builders and for fixing the relative

chronology of the culture, least known and utterly

confusing and erratic, then. He18 got excavated

stratigraphically the habitation site and ten megaliths :

six 'pit - circles' and four 'cist - circles' and undoubtedly,

succeeded in his attempts. The culture sequence of the


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site he had outlined from his excavations are :

1. The Polished - Stone Axe ( later known as the

neolithic in the

chalcolithic ) culture

2. The Megalithic culture and,

3. The 'Andhra' ( later known as Early historical )

culture.

However, in the objectives of the excavations and the

studies that followed thereon by Wheeler, the Asokan

edict and the Mauryan Isila phase were hardly eithertaken note of or considered. But , for arguing rather the

probable period of the entry of the megalith builders after

the collapse of the Mauryan empire and relatively the

decline and disappearance of the Mauryan

administration in the region, he had the edict in his mind.

Certainly, in addition to the South Indian megalithicproblems, the Mauryan cultural phase in the site

highlighted previously by Krishna, should also have

been equally one of the major objectives of Wheeler's

excavations. From his arguments and dating of

particularly the Megalihic culture, it is implied as a

corollary of his reasoning, though not stated, that the


11/45

edict is meant for the people of the Polished Stone - axe

culture. And this would indirectly indicate the people of

this culture at least in small number were literate. But,

other than the Sindhu - Sarasvati civilization, so for no

evidence of literacy or use of script, has been found in

any of the protohistoric Neolithic or Chalcolithic and

even in the immediately succeeding southern Iron Age

Megalithic and the northeren Iron Age cultural milieu

prior to the Mauryan. The general notion is that the

peoples of these cultural stages were non - literate. It

was in this context, later Haimendorf19 with regard to

Wheeler's arguments regarding the probable period of

the settlement of the megalithic people at Brahmagiri,

pointed out the anachronism in the situation : a Brahmi

edict for the pre - or non -literate community. He

observed that it was meant probably for the megalith -builders.

South of Brahmagiri, in Chandravalli, about 2 kms. from

Chitradurga the ancient site known from the beginning of

this century, particularly for numerous Satavahana coinsalso, was excavated by Krishna20 earlier in 1928 and a

good report was thereon published. Apart from neoliths

from the surface, he could recognise two cultural stages

that can be identified as the Megalithic and the Early

historical i.e. the Maurya - Satavahana. Also, remnants

of some brick buildings of the latter, were found. This


12/45

sequence of the cultures was more clearly confirmed in

Wheeler's excavations in the site. But no brick structures

were then discovered. In 1978, the site was again

excavated by the Archaeological Survey 21 and traces

of Neolithic culture ( in the Chalcolithic stage ),

preceding the Megalithic and remains of brick buildings

of the Early historical immediately succeeding the Iron

age megalithic, were revealed. It appears that in

Chandravalli, there was a continuous and regular human

settlement right form the Neolithic in the Chalcolithic

stage to the end of the Satavahana period as in

Brahmagiri, and beyond probably upto the early phase

of the Early Kadamba indicated by the Brahmi inscription

of the period of Kadamba Mayura V ( S )arma, the

founder and the first king of an independent kingdom in

Karnataka.

In 1954 excavations in Maski 22 with Asoka's edict, the

picture of the cultural sequence in character and

behavior is virtually the same as that in Brahmagiri but

for one varying feature: there is no overlap between theChalcolithic and the beginning of the Iron Age

Megalithic. However, there is no distinct cultural break

as such. Surface explorations by me23 in Jatinga

Rameshvara, about 5 km. from Brahmagiri, near the

edict, Koppala, Udegolam and Nitturu clearly and

unambiguously, disclosed the flourish of the three


13/45

cultures as found at the first three sites outlined above.

Koppala now a district head - quarters, with two copies

of the Asoka's minor edict, locally known as " Palki

gundu " and " Gavi matha " inscriptions also is found to

have an ancient site with the three cultures24 as in the

other sites briefed above. Besides, there is a separate

site with megalithic port - hole chambers in the

proximity.

Sannati is exceedingly rich in the Buddhist relics of the

Satavahana period, succeeding the Mauryan. The latter

is culturally now weakly known from a few objects such

as a highly polished ornate stone disc with standingfemale figurine of mother goddess in bas - relief

characteristic of the Mauryan period, almost exactly

similar to that on a gold leaf from Lauriya - Nandangarh,

and a few Northern Black Polished pottery pieces etc.

However, the Mauryan phase is distinctly represented by

the presence of the Asoka's major rock edicts nos. XIIIand XIV and the versions of the two separate Kalinga

edicts,.25 The phase here is of grater importance than

that in Brahmagiri with the administrative head - quarters

of the mahamatras. By far the most important is the

occurrence of a sculptural panel26 displaying a king

accompanied with two queens and an attendant holding


14/45

a parasol over his head. Below the bas - relief is a label

inscription "Rano Asoko" In the site were found a few

polished stone axes implying the existence of the

Neolithic in the Chalcolithic stage as well. The site was

continued to be prominent even during the Satavahana

period as evident from the inscriptions27 of the kings of

the dynasty, such as Gautami putra Satakarni, Vasisthi

putra Pulumavi, apart from the Buddhist stupas in the

adjacent locality namely Kanaginahal and sculptural

remains in profusion overshadowing even Banavasi,

another important Satavahana site in north Karnataka.

Further, though not in Sannati not far away from the

place in Shahabad area, were found the Iron Age

megalithic remains. All these appear to be quite

significant for understanding the Mauryan period in

Karnataka.

Such in brief is the cultural sequence almost invariable,

in all the sites with the Asoka's edicts, in Karnataka. In

fact, this is more or less the picture revealed in the other

sites nearby the Mauryan edicts,27 such as Sanganakal,Piklihal, Tekkalakota ( exclusively a single culture site

with the habitational cultural relics of the Neolithic in the

chalcolithic stage ) and Hallur covering more or less the

Krishna - Tungabhadra Doab and the Tungabhadra

valley region.


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An analysis.

From the above review of the explorations and

excavations in the areas with Asoka's edicts under study

the emerging points noteworthy are:

1. Generally, there is a clear overlap of the cultural

stages : between the Neolithic in the chalcolithic and the

immediately following Iron Age Megalithic; the latter and

the ' Andhra ' i.e. Early Historical excepting Maski

where there is clear break, very brief, between the

earliest and the next.

2. The early and late phases of the Iron Megalithic

culture are respectively overlapping with the late

Neolithic in the chalcolithic with the exception at Maski

and the Early historical phases and consequently, thereis no exclusively distinct Megalithic phase in Brahmagiri.

At Maski only, the early phase ( layer [ lr ]s 5 - 9, about

1.35 m. in thickness ) of the megalithic, is typical of the

culture.

The overlap, about 30 cms, of the culture with the Early

historical


16/45

is comparatively too small. In it was found a small lead

coin apparently of the Satavahana. The Early historical

excluding the overlap is about 60 cms.

3. The Early historical period, evidently comprises

two phases : the Maurya and the Satavahana. Though

the Satavahana phase is vindicated from coins largely of

the Satavahana at Sannati, especially Chandravalli as

well as Banavasi and Vadgaon - Madhavapur, the

Mauryan cultural phase immediately preceding the

Satavahana, is not identified in the sites and even at

Brahmagiri by Wheeler though Krishna did; Maski and

Sannati with Asokan edicts.

4. However, the 1947 Chandravalli stratigraphic

sequence appears to be quite clear in this respect and

indicate the two major phases of the Early historical :

Satavahana ( lrs 1 - 10 ) and pre - Satavahana without

any coins and with russet coated white painted potteryoverlapping with the Iron Age Megalithic phase ( lrs 11

-13NE ). But no such phases have been distinguished

so for in any of these sites. It may therefore be noted

that in particular lrs. 7 - 9 are found to have many coins

mostly of the Maharathis, feudatories to the Satavahana.

Even lr 10 has yielded a coin of a Maharathi. This


17/45

stratigraphic position of the coin evidence would imply

that the Satavahana rule over this region was a little

earlier i.e. before the Maharathis became their feudatory

and stratigraphically slightly earlier than the formation of

lr.10. Lr.11 is likely to be of the beginning of the

Satavahana power. And lr. 12 is relatively

contemporaneous with the Sunga - Kanva rule over

Magadha. Lr. 13 being the overlap of the Megalithic with

the Early historical corresponds to the Mauryan rule over

this part i. e. sometime after the beginning of the

Megalithic culture from layer 13NE .

There are, in this context, a few more points relating to

the site to be considered. The so called 'rouletted'pottery apparently of Roman import and datable to c. 1st

cent. A. D. on which Wheeler unduly depended for

dating, occurred in lr. 9. Recent researches28 on this

pottery, revealed that this pottery, with roulette design, is

not of Roman origin as taken to be by Wheeler, but was

manufactured in Chandraketugarh - Tamlook regionsometime in 3rd cent B. C. or a little earlier. Secondly,

one punch marked coin characteristic of the Mauryan

age, as a survival was found in lr. 7. and a silver Roman

coin of Tiberius , minted during 26 - 37 A. D. , in layer 5.

Thus in general, there is reliable consistency in the

stratigraphic position of the archeological and


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numismatic evidences. This approximate sequential

equation goes very well with those of Brahmagiri and

Maski. In the latter , MSK. 10, the occurrence of a lead

coin in the upper part of the overlap phase is significant.

Relatively the early part of the overlap phase

corresponds to Sunga - Kanva and upper part of the

typical megalithic phase, i.e. lr. 8 to the Mauryan phase.

Similarly, this phase, more or less coincides with lr. 7 of

Br. 21. Thus, there is rather striking agreement

regarding the stratigraphic position of the Mauryan

phase in all the sites.

5. In Vadgaon - Madhavpur, there is a pre -

Satavahana thick phase corresponding to Sunga -

Kanva and the Mauryan.

Stratigraphic chronology

Now the problem is fixing the date range of the

stratigraphic Mauryan phase. There are many C14

dates,29 some calibrated, eighteen for the Neolithic in

the chalcolithic and two for the Iron Age Megalithic in

North Karnataka. Especially the dates for the Periods II

and III of the Neolithic culture in the chalcolithic stage


19/45

from Watgal 30 are significant in the context.

Besides, there are eight Thermoluminiscence dates for

the pottery from the four excavated megaliths in

Komaranahalli31 ( Harihara tk. Davanagere dt. ). The

period of the culture, on average, is c. 1400 - 900. B. C.

This chronological range is applicable to the early

overlap phase of the Megalithic culture in North

Karnataka. Relatively the later part of the overlap phase

of the culture is datable to c.1000 - 400 B. C. On

average, especially in consideration of the recent dates

available for the Neolithic culture at Watgal ( Lingsugur

tk. ) the three phases of the Neolithic and the two

overlapping phases of the Iron Age Megalithic culture,

may be dated as follows :

I. Neolithic ; c. 3000 - 2750 B. C.

II. Neolithic in the chalcolithic stage


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Early phase : c. 2500 - 1700 B. C

Late phase : c. 1700 - 1000 B. C.

III. Iron Age Megalithic culture

Early Overlap : c.1400 - 900 B. C

IV. Iron Age Megalithic

Later phase : c. 1000 - 300 B. C.

The Megalithic culture in the middle Krishna -

Tungabhadra region with Brahmagiri, Maski, Hire -Benkal and other sites, may be dated to c. 1000 - 300

B. C. with a probability of an earlier beginning around

1200 B. C. in view of the C14 dates for the culture at

Veerapuram and Ramapuram32 ( Andhra Pradesh ) on

the one hand and of the intrusion of the chalcolithic

Jorwe culture33 from the upper reaches of the Bhima,along the river into the Krishna - Tungabhadra doab

around 1000 B. C. on the other. By this time, the

Megalithic culture had already emerged in the region. In

this context the occurrence of the Northern black

polished pottery pieces in the pre Satavahana context in

Sannati seems to be significant. For , further far south of


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this place in Anuradhapura ( Sri lanka ) , in the

excavations are found this pottery in the layers dated to

c. 5th cent. B. C. Dating therefore Sannati N. B. P. to a

phase a little earlier than 5th cent. B. C. would be

reasonable.

In the light of the critical analysis of the stratigraphy of

the Early historical stage and certain particular

antiquities therefrom discussed above, and the Mauryan

phase thereof in Karnataka, does not seem to be as late

as 3rd. B. C. and on the other hand may be dated to c.

800 - 600 B. C. with a possibility of its earlier beginning.

Epigraphical and numismatic implications

Further, there are a few epigraphical and numismatic

evidences that seem to be corroborative to the above

suggested dates to the Mauryan phase. The setting up

of the versions of the separate Kalinga edicts in Sannati,as discussed by me34 elsewhere, implies that it was

Asoka Maurya who got annexed the North Karnataka

region to his empire and among his military exploits

Kalinga war was probably the last that was unspeakably

the most ghastly that brought a profound change of

heart in remorseful Asoka. Consequently, Vijaya yatras


22/45

(=military campaigns ) were replaced by dharma yatras

campaigns for the spread of dharma. Versions of

compunctious appeal of the king to the conquered were

put up in not only Kalinga but also the other regions

conquered by him. It is in this way the versions of the

separate Kalinga edicts are found in Sannati also in

addition to the major edicts. Elsewhere in Karnataka so

for only the minor edicts are found. Comparatively

speaking therefore, Sannati probably had attained

already prosperity and importance and might be even

the capital city of a region attracting Asoka who

conquered it. There is an area in the vicinity of the

locality within the brick fort, locally known as "rana

mandala" ( = war site or field ). The fierce war fought by

Asoka, must have been so unforgettable that its memory

is preserved in the reference to the site of the war as'ranamandala" like Kuruksetra of the Mahabharata. If

the monolithic elephant in Dhauli could be symbolic of

His Majesty's sincere appeal to the conquered people of

Kalinga, the Asoka panel in Sannati with his personal

name may be owing to a reminiscent act of the people

from their memory of how the king appeared in personthere before their conquered fore-fathers; appealed to

them as narrated in the separate edicts recently found in

this place the versions of which were discovered for the

first time in Dhauli and Jaugada. This situation explains

as to why his personal name repeatedly occurs in his

minor edicts all over the region.


23/45

If this proposition is acceptable, why did he think of

conquering this region ? The plan of the conquest was

certainly for some distinct and substantial material gain.

In all probability, the Megalith - builders of this region,

were widely very well known for the production of steel

weapons of very high quality. In 'Kiskindha kanda' of

Srimadramayana, Rama , a prince who was to become

yuvaraja of the Ayodhya kingdom, excellent in martial

arts, while assuring Sugriva, the diffident and fearful

Vanara chief in exile in the matter of conquering Vali his

mighty brother, speaks of the weapons he has highly

superior manufactured in "Kartikeyavana" I haveelsewhere identified this place with the Kumarasvamy

hill near Sondur in Bellary dt. on the basis of the

archeological evidences of the region.35 The Brahmigiri

megaliths excavated in 1947, were found to contain

numerous iron objects of offence and defense. And the

iron tools from the excavated megaliths atKomaranahalli, Halingali, Rajur etc through scientific

analysis are found to be of steel of very high quality,

probably made out of the local iron ore, by lamination

technique36. This is further evident from the popular

Kannada word 'ukku' for steel i.e. wootz in German. Hire

- Benkal rock - painting no.1 located in the vicinity of the


24/45

megalithic tomb site, displays many horse riders as well

as individuals carrying weapons apparently of iron.

Mining of gold obviously in Hatti region within a small

distance from Hire - Benkal area the richest in megalithic

sites in north Krnataka and bead production were the

other industries of the megalith - builders as evident

from the occurrence 33 gold beads from Br. Mg. no IX.

and numerous tiny steatite beads from other megaliths

of the place. On account of the rich resources of these

two and the production of these two metals by Megalith

builders the region was so prosperous that attracted

Asoka's attention, I think.

Further there is one small but seemingly significant

epigraphicalreference to be considered. In particular, in Brahmagiri

edict, the

number of days of Asoka's dharma yatra is indicated by

number category ( varga such as eka varga, dasaka

varga, sataka varga etc ) )numerals not by word

numerals i.e 200 50 6 ( = 256 ) This practice was themost ancient prevalent since the time of the Rigveda up

to the early historical when place value ( sthana such as

eka sthana, dasaka sthana, sataka sthana etc. ) system

began in which case 200 50 6 would be written as 256 ).

Of course this practice was continued as late as 1st

cent. B. C./A.D. The probable period of the beginning of


25/45

the practice of place value system , if and when

ascertained, may be helpful in the matter. In the

Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, the expression "

janapadha bavanam cha therasa vasasatakatam

bhimdhati tramiradaha samghatam" generally is taken to

mean the breaking up of the Dravida confederacy that

lasted for 113 years. But the number may also possibly

mean "one thousand three hundred years 37. But, in

relation to the existing scheme of chronology for the

Mauryas, this is not accepted. Now, the implication

needs to be examined again.

Another important material evidence are thin flat, cut

punch marked coins without any legend, of silver, base

silver and copper, largely squarish that were in use inMauryan period as currency in commercial and other

transactions. The technique, form, scheme and

characteristic features of the coins readily remind the

Harappan copper tablets of somewhat bigger size

carrying a figure or design on one side and an inscription

on the other from Mohenjodharo. Square flat thincopper coins of the kind with figure on one side and

inscription on the other as found at 38 ( Andhra Pradesh

), were in use but in a limited scale even in the early

Satavahana phase. In the excavations at Chandravalli,

Vadgaon - Madhavpur and Banavasi very few

legendless punch marked coins, were found. A big


26/45

hoard of punch marked coins a little more than 5000, in

a copper pot carrying an inscription mentioning the

name of the owner, 'Chantasa' in 2nd cent Brahmi script

was by chance found in Sindhogi ( Koppal dt. ). It was

probably inherited as personal property by him. The

tradition of producing coins of this sort , seems to have

been developed in course of time from that of the

Harappan represented by the copper tablets .

But as rightly pointed in the course of my discussion on

the topic, Dr. Ajaya Mitra Shastry pointed out that there

is one insurmountable evidence that would go against

my study i.e the established dates of the west Asian

kings mentioned in the edicts of II and XIII who were

contemporaries to the Mauryan king. In this context it isvery necessary to examine the observations made by

Madalasa Devi Agrawal, mentioned above. For, the

monarch in the same strain in the edicts refers to the

kingdoms in the south and not to the kings' names, such

as the Chola, the Pandya, etc. It is therefore worth re-

carefully inscription of Kadamba Mayura varma byRajasekharappa39 almost totally replacing M. H.

Kishna's reading of the same, is a typical instance. A

careful reading may sometimes correct previous solid

erroneous reading.


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All these seem to be corroborative to the chronological

range of Asoka's rule suggested above on the basis of

the cultural stratigraphy and the material relics from the

layers. Further the Mauryan period seems to be nearer

to the end of the Harappan civilization. Hence there is

need to re-examine thoroughly and comprehensively the

traditional accounts of the history of our country in

general as given in the Puranas and of the Mauryan

history in space and time over a wider perspective such

as the excavations at Jaugada, Rajagriha, Pataliputra as

well as the chronology of the rulers of different dynasties

succeeding the Mauryas etc in particular for which

archaeological and epigraphical evidences are also

available. Relatively the antiquity and development of

the Brahmi script also, is required to be examined.

A. Sundara

Bibliography And Notes.

1. Sethna, K. D.; Ancient India in a New Light,


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Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi. 1989.

* " -- ; The Problems Of Aryan Origins, Aditya

Prakashan, Delhi. 1992

Deo, S. B. and Kamat, S. U. ; The Aryan Problem,

Bharatiya Itihasa Samkalana Samiti, Maharashtra, 1993.

David Frawley : The Myth Of the Aryan Invasion, The

Voice Of India, Delhi. 1996.

Pradhan,S. N; Chronology Of Ancient India, Cosmo

Publications,

Delhi. 1996. Probably first published in 1934 as

indicated in the

author's Preface to the book

Singh, G. P. ; Early Historical Tradition And

Archaeology, D. K.

Print World ( P ), Ltd. Delhi. 1994.


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Mujumdar, R. C. et.al. ; The Vedic Age, Bharatiya Vidya

Bhavan, Mumbai. 1951. Chapter XXIV

2. Sundara, A. ; " Prehistoric and Protohistoric

cultures of Dakshina Kannada, Perspectives On

Dakshina And Kodagu, Mangalore University, Konaje,

Mangalore. 1991. ( 41 - 63 )

* " -- : " Hidimba Pattana : Ondu Vimarshatmaka Tippani

" Itihasa Darshana,

vol. 7. Karnataka Itihasa Academy, Bangalore.( KIA ),

1992. ( Hidimba Pattana : A critical note )

* " -- ; Hampi: The Ancient Kishkindha "

Visvambhara, ( Probings In Orientology ) : Dr. V. S.Pathak Felicitation Vol. Harman Publishing House,

Delhi. 1995.

* " -- ; 'Srimadramayanada ' Kartikeya vana 'u,

Sondurina Kumarasvami Bettave ? Itihasa Darshana,


30/45

Vol. 10. KIA, 1995. ( 165 - 175 ). ( Is the Kartikeyavana

of the Ramayana, the Kumarasvami hill near Sondur ? ).

* " -- ; " The Krishna - Tungabhadra valley : The

Protohistoriic Kishkindha of the Vanaras. " a paper

submitted in the seminar on River Valley Cultures

organised by Indiragandhi Manava Samgrahalaya,

Bhopal, in Sept, 1998.

3. Krishnan, K. G : Uttankita Sanskrit Vidya Aranya

Epigraphs, The Uttankita Vidya Aranya Trust, Vol. II,

Mysore. 1987. Inscriptions nos.1 - 24.

4. Lord Teignmouth : The Works Of Sir William

Jones, ( in 13 Vols. ), Vol. IV. 1807.

5. Ibid


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6. Journal Of Asiatic Society Of Bengal, Vol. VII. (

156 ).

7. Troyer, M. (Tr.) Kalhana's Rajatarangini, 1859.

8. Narayana Sastri, T. S. : Age Of Sankara, Part I,

C.

9. Krishnamachariyar, M. : History Of ClassicalSanskrit Literature, 1937.

10. Sathe, Sriram, 1985 : Is Sandrokottas

Chandragupta Maurya ? Sahitya Niketan , Hyderabad.Sahitya Niketan Hyderabad., 1985 .

* " -- : Kings And Kingdoms, Sri Babasaheb Apte

Smarak Samiti, Nagpur, 1989.


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* " -- :Aryans : Who are they ? Bharatiya Itihasa

Samkalana Samiti, Hyderabad. 1991.

11. Kulkarni, S. D. Beginnings of Life, Culture And

History, Vol. I, 1988; The Puranas, Vol. II, 1993; Dharma

And Vedic Foundation, Vol. IV 1993; Glorious Epoch,

Vol. IX; 1995 ; and India Abroad, Vol. XVI, 1995. in the

Series of 17 volumes, Sri Bhagavan Vedavyasa Itihasa

Samshodhana Mandala, ( Bhishma ). Mumbai.

12. David Frawley : The Myth Of The Aryan Invasion,

The Voice Of India, New Delhi. 1996.

13. JASB, Vol. VII.

14. Madalasa Devi Agrawal : " Age Of Bharata war, "

Age Of Bharata War, ( Agrawal G. C. ), Delhi. 1979.


33/45

15. Rice, B. L. : Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. XI, Mk. 2.

Directorate of Archaeology & Museums, Govt. of

Karnataka, Mysore. ( DAM ). 1903. Inscription nos. Mk.

1 and 2.

16. Kapatral Krishna Rao : " Sri Chandralamba

Parameshvari, " Karnataka Samskriti ( Samshodhane ),

Usha Sahitya Male, Mysore. 1970 ( A collection of his

articles, reprinted ).

17. Annual Report of DAM, 1942. 100 - 09.

18. Ancient India, ( AI ) No. 4, Archaeological Surveyof India, Govt. India, New Delhi. ( ASI ), 1947. ( 181 -

310. Report on the Excavations at Brahmagiri and

Chandravalli in 1947 by Wheeler, R. E.

M. )


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19. Indo - Asian Culture, Vol. II, No. 3. 238 - 47.

20. Krishna M. H. : Excavations At Chandravalli,

DAM. 1931.

21. Indian Archaeology, A Review, 1977 - 78, ASI, (

IAR ). 27 - 29 ; fig. 5.

22. AI, No. 13, ASI, 1958. ( 04 - 141 ). ( Report on

the 1954 Excavations at Maski, Thapar, B. K. ).

23 Sundara, A. " Chitradurga Parisara : Ittichina

Puratattva Shodhanegalu " Manavia Bharati, Vol. 2.

Part. 1. Karnatak University, Dharwad. 1978. ( RecentArchaeological Investigations In Chitradurga Environs ).

24. -" -- ; " Koppala : Itihasa Purvakala, " Gavideepti,

Gavisiddheshvara Kripaposhita Vidyarthi Balaga,

Koppala. 1976. ( 97 - 103 ). ( Prehistoric Koppala )


35/45

25. Kartikeya Sarma : Early Brahmi Inscriptions From

Sannati, Harman Publishing House, Delhi. 1994.

26. Based on the paper presented with colour slides

by Dr. Jitendra Das, Superintendint Archaeologist,

Archaeological Survey of India, Bangalore Circle,

Bangalore in the last Annual Congress of South Indian

Numismatic Society held in Karnatak University,

Dharwad in Feb' 2000.

27. Sanganakal is located north - south between

Sannati and Brahmagiri. Piklihal is only about 25 km.

west of Maski and between the latter and Koppala, east

- west. Hallur was probably located in the south - west

corner of the southern province of the Mauryanprovince.

28. Gogte, V. D. : " The Chandraketugarh

-TamlookRegion of Bengal : Source of the Early Historic


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Rouletted ware from India and Southeast Asia"

Man And Environment, Vol. XXII, No.1 Journ of Indian

society for Prehistoric And Quaternary Studies, 1997.

Pune.

29 . The absolute scientific dates.

A. C14 dates for :

1. The Neolithic culture in the chalcolithic stage :

i. at Tekkalakota Period IA

3395 + 105

( 3490 + 105 )


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3465 + 105

( 3565 + 105 )

Period IB

3625 + 105

( 3730 + 105 ).

ii. at Kodekal Earliest phase.

2460 + 105 B. C.

iii. at Terdal . Earliest phase

3625 + 105

( 3720 + 105 )


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iv. at Hallur Tr. 1 Period IA

3560 + 105

( 3660 + 105 )

( c. 1700 B. C. on average )

Period IB

3280 + 105

( 3375 + 105 )

2895 + 100

( 2980 + 105 )

Tr. 2. Period IB


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3145 + 100

( c. 1195 B. C. )

v. at Budihal

Ash mound no.1 Period IA

7950 + 210

Layer 6: 3750 + 30

" 9. 3805 + 35

" 10. 3795 + 40

( i. e. c. 1800 - 1700 B. C. on average )

vi. at. Sanganakal Period IA

1590 + 110

1585 + 105


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1550 + 105

( The beginning of the culture in this site was around

1600

B. C. ).

vii. at Watgal Period IIA

4150 + 50

( On average 2563, 2524, and 2500 B. C. )

Period IIB

3910 + 60

( c. 2313 [ 2199 ], 2136 B. C. )

3510 + 100

( c. 1871 [ 1730, 1729 and 1685 ] 1530 B. C. )

The average date is 2300 - 2000 B. C.


41/45

2.. Iron Age Megalithic Culture

i. at Hallur : C14 dates

Overlap Phase

2820 + 100

( 2905 + 100 )

2970 + 105( 3055 + 105 )

The average date is 1105 + 105 B. C.

905 + 100. "

B. Thermoluminiscence dates

2. For the Iron Age Megalithic culture


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ii. at Komaranahalli.

Meg. I I : Black - and - red ware pottery

3300 + 290

c. 1440 B. C

3080 + 260.

c. 1100 B. C.

Meg III : Black - and - red ware pottery

3110 + 500

c. 1130 B C.

2910 + 470.

c. 930 B. C.


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Meg. IV Red ware pottery

3360 + 300

c. 1380 B. C.

3180 + 280

c. 1200 B. C.

Meg. IV All Black - ware - pottery

3300 + 400

c. 1320 B. C.

30, Shaffer Jim, et.al. : " The Watgal Excavations : An

Interim Report ," Man And Environment, Vol. 20, Part 2.

Indian Society For Prehistoric And Quaternary Studies,

Pune 1995.


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31. Nagaraja Rao, M. S. " Graves Of The Early Iron

Using People At

Komaranahalli - Recent Evidence. " Archaeology Of

Karnataka, DAM. 1990.

32. Moorthy, U. S.: Megalithic Culture of South India,

Socio - Economic perspectives, Ganga - Kaveri

publications, 1994. Varanasi. List of dates at the end.

33. Sundara, A. ; " Neolithic Cultural Pattern and

Movements in

North Mysore State", Journ. of Karnatak University,

Vols. VI. 1970. andVII, 1971

34. ---"------ : Op.cit., 1995.

35 Ibid

36. Agrawal, O. P. et. al. : "Iron Objects from South

Indian Megaliths

( Karnataka ) : A Technological Study and Significance",

Archaeology Of Karnataka, DAM, 1990.


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37. Krishanan, K. G. Op. Cit. 1989, Ins, no.67. pages

152,156 and 158, item.16.

38. I have noticed an illustration of a square flat coin

carrying a figure on one side and an inscription on the

other obtained from the early Satavahana phase of a

site, in a booklet on archaeology of Andhra Pradesh.

The booklet at my end is not readily traceable.

39. Rajasekharappa, B. : "Chandravvalli Shasanadhamele hosa belaku"

Kannada Sahithy Parishatpathrike, Vol. 69, no. 2. 1984.

Banagalore. ( New Light on Chandravalli Inscription. )

18

sundara, a. - the traditional date of asoka maurya - very important

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