some notes on andrew marvell

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SOME NOTES ON ANDREW MARVELL HILTON KELLIHER MARVELL BEFORE AND AFTER THE CONTINENTAL TOUR 1642 AND 1647 THE precise limits of Marvell's four-year tour of the Continent during the 1640s, attested in Milton's letter to Bradshaw of February 1653 and in poems such as Tleckno, an Engtish Priest at Rome', have been the subject of much speculation. Thanks to Mrs Burdon's article' in the previous number of this journal we now know that Marvell was in London at the end of February 1642, and a passage (lines 21-32) that occurs in the commendatory verses that he composed for publication in Lovelace's Lucasta has generally been taken as implying that he was back there before the book was licensed on 4 February 1648: The barbed Censurers begin to looke Like the grim consistory on thy Booke; And on each line cast a refornning eye. Severer then the yong Presbytery. Til! when in vaine they have thee all perus'd. You shall for being faultlesse be accus'd. Some reading your Lucasta., will alledge ^ You wrong'd in her the Houses Priviledge. Some that you under sequestration are. Because you write when going to the Warre, And one the Book prohibits, because Kent Their first Petition by the Authour sent. The implication of 'first Petition', however, is that there had been at least one other by the time that Marvell was writing. In May 1648 the Committee of the County tried to suppress a petition that had been drawn up by a Grand Jury at Canterbury, calling for, amongst other things, the restoration of the King to his rights.' On the 28th Sir Thomas Peyton handed to the Commons a letter requesting permission for twenty gentlemen to present the petition, but already parts of the County had risen with alarming success. It took Fairfax until the middle of June to restore order there, and Lovelace's committal to prison in London on the ninth of the month was evidently a precautionary measure by the Government. Though this petition was never presented, close resemblances to the 122

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Page 1: SOME NOTES ON ANDREW MARVELL

SOME NOTES ON ANDREW MARVELL

HILTON KELLIHER

MARVELL BEFORE AND AFTER THE CONTINENTAL TOUR1642 AND 1647

T H E precise limits of Marvell's four-year tour of the Continent during the 1640s, attestedin Milton's letter to Bradshaw of February 1653 and in poems such as Tleckno, anEngtish Priest at Rome', have been the subject of much speculation. Thanks to MrsBurdon's article' in the previous number of this journal we now know that Marvell wasin London at the end of February 1642, and a passage (lines 21-32) that occurs in thecommendatory verses that he composed for publication in Lovelace's Lucasta has generallybeen taken as implying that he was back there before the book was licensed on 4 February1648:

The barbed Censurers begin to lookeLike the grim consistory on thy Booke;And on each line cast a refornning eye.Severer then the yong Presbytery.Til! when in vaine they have thee all perus'd.You shall for being faultlesse be accus'd.Some reading your Lucasta., will alledge ^You wrong'd in her the Houses Priviledge.Some that you under sequestration are.Because you write when going to the Warre,And one the Book prohibits, because KentTheir first Petition by the Authour sent.

The implication of 'first Petition', however, is that there had been at least one other bythe time that Marvell was writing. In May 1648 the Committee of the County tried tosuppress a petition that had been drawn up by a Grand Jury at Canterbury, calling for,amongst other things, the restoration of the King to his rights.' On the 28th Sir ThomasPeyton handed to the Commons a letter requesting permission for twenty gentlemen topresent the petition, but already parts of the County had risen with alarming success. Ittook Fairfax until the middle of June to restore order there, and Lovelace's committalto prison in London on the ninth of the month was evidently a precautionary measure bythe Government. Though this petition was never presented, close resemblances to the

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circumstances of that of 1642, particularly in the proposed assembly of armed forces atBlackheath and the imprisonment of the messenger Peyton, make it even more likely tohave been what Marvell had in mind. Though a further petition,^ presented by 'diverswell-affected in the County' on 28 December, offisrs no such parallel we must in thiscontext consider the implication of Colonel John Pinchbacke's commendatory verses,which speak of Lovelace's poetry 'Making us quite forget our seven yeers paines / In thepast wars': the real mihtary conflict had of course begun in the summer of 1642.

Fortunately we no longer have to rely upon such inherently ambiguous evidence forascertaining the date of Marvell's return to England, for two related documents preservedin the Local History Department of Hull Central Library show that he was back byNovember 1647. It remains a mystery why such important testimony, surviving in thetown with which he had close connections throughout his life, should have for so longescaped the attention of scholars.^ The principal document is a counterpart deed recordingthe bargain and sale by 'Andrew Marvell of Kingstone super Hull . . . Gentleman' of landand other property in Meldreth, Cambridgeshire, to 'John Stacey of Orwell in the countyof Cambridge gentleman'. Marvell's signature appears at the foot of the deed, which isdated 12 November 1647 and bears traces of a seal (fig. i). Accompanying it is a smallerdocument of the same date, comprising on the one side a Latin bond signed by the poet(fig. 2), who bound himself at a penalty of eighty pounds faithfully to observe his part ofthe bargain, and on the other the customary English defeasance. As the bond includes thesignature or mark as witness of two local men, Mathew East and Henry Gosling,^ it isapparent that Marvell had made a journey to Meldreth for the purpose. In the principaldeed Gosling is named with one Robert Ashirst as Marvell's attornies to deliver seisinto Stacey, but on the verso is a note dated 23 December which shows that Marvell himselfwas present to do so in person. Possibly he had taken advantage of the intervening monthto visit London. It has long been known that the Marvell family hailed from Meldreth,but no-one suggested that the poet himself might still have owned property there. Whilehis father had been born and raised in the village his grandfather, having left to join theReverend Marvell in Hull rather than pay the two pounds at which he was assessed inCharles I's enforced loan of 1626-27, was buried in that town in 1628.* Presumably hishouse and lands were handed over on his departure to another member of the family, orelse were leased: in either case, ironically enough, his heir may still have been liable topay a share of the twenty two pounds at which Meldreth was assessed for Ship-Money in1639-40.^ We do not know, however, when and by what means—whether by deed of trustor simple inheritance—these possessions descended to the poet, but if it was by inheritance,when the Reverend Marvell died intestate in January 1641 his widow, young Andrew'sstepmother, may as his legal guardian have had some say in their disposal. However, thiswould not long have hindered his designs, as he legally came of age in March 1642.Probably not more than a year after this date he disposed of some part of his patrimony tothe purchaser mentioned in the Hull deeds, since the property there specified lay 'betweenethe lands late of the sayde Andrewe Marvell now John Stacey's on both sides'. The sumraised by this earlier transaction may have been sufficient to enable him to finance at least

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part ofthe tour ofthe Continent from his own resources rather than from those of a wealthy,but so tar determinedly anonymous, companion or pupil.

The registers of Orwell, the parish that borders on Meldreth to the north, make severalmentions of John Stacey and his wife Ann (or Anne) as the parents of three children whowere baptised between 1649 and 1652;' by March 1655 they had moved to Meldreth, forthree more children are recorded in the registers there between March of that year and1660/' John Stacey appears in the Hearth Tax Returns of 1673 as the owner of six hearthsin the village,"^ and was buried in November 1682, his wife surviving him until 1704."It would be interesting to know^ whether his purchase ofthe Meldreth property raised hissocial status rather sharply or whether the copyist merely made a mistake, for in the principaldeed 'yeoman' has been altered to 'gentleman', while the bond has the former. It seems tobe pure coincidence that a John Stacey, described in the Venns' Alumni Cantabrigiensesas *of Kent\ had matriculated at Trinity College two and a half years before Marvell,becoming a Fellow and in 1639 a Tutor there.'^ This man or another of the name isrecorded'-^ elsewhere as one ofthe Fellows ejected by Manchester in 1644, and seems tohave laid claim to a vicarage in Yorkshire at the Restoration. Stacey's desire to make thesecond purchase is readily understood, for having already bought two plots of land inMeldreth he would naturally wish to acquire the 'Close of land conteyninge by Estimationthree acres and a halfe bee it more or lesse' that separated them, the more especially perhapsas this strip included the 'Messuage or Tenement with a Crofte to the same adioyninge',in which he later took up residence. It is equally natural that Marvell should havereserved the most valuable portion, his grandfather's house, to the last: possibly he hadleased it to Stacey during his own absence abroad and promised him an option on itspurchase. The conveyance indicates the site of these remaining three and a half acres,their 'East end abuttinge uppon the kinges highe waye called the south end streete andthe west end uppon a certayne watercourse called Fulbrooke'. The land must thereforehave lain between the main north-south roadway through the village and the branch ofthe river Cam or Rhee that runs parallel with it, at a distance ranging from some 150 to300 yards to the east.'** Not surprisingly this sets the house in the strip on which stands thatknown before about 1886 as 'The Marvells' and thereafter as 'Meldreth Court' (fig. 3).

That Marvell should have been described in the deeds as 'of Kingstone super HullGentleman' is just what one might have expected. As the son of a minister of religion, anda Cambridge graduate of more or less independent means who had lately returned fromthe grand tour, his social position was secure. His return to Hull was almost inevitable, andhe may have taken ship there directly from the Low Countries rather than risk travellingoverland from London in the unsettled state of the country. All his family lived in thetown, and his brother-in-law Edmund Popple, in whose business he is rumoured to haveserved an apprenticeship,'^ was a member ofthe Corporation. At this time however, theresources and probably the tempers ofthe townspeople were stretched to breaking-pointby the garrison of soldiers that was billeted on them; religious life in Holy Trinity itselfwas divided between the moderate Puritanism ofthe Vicar William Styles, who was alsothe Reverend Marvell's successor at the Charterhouse, and the Presbyterianism of the

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%. J. Section of the tithe-map of Meldreth, 1820. Meldreth Court and its grounds are numbered 66; thename of the then owner and the acreage are recorded. Cambridgeshire Record Office

ambitious Lecturer John Shawe; while the damage inflicted on trade by piracy in 1647was considerable.'^ Plainly prospects in Hull were poor for a restless young man, and theMeldreth sale may have been undertaken in order to raise money sufficient to support himwhile he sought his fortune anew in London. Though the 'summe of lawfull money ofEngland . . . payd att and uppon the sealinge and delivery' of the deed is not specified, thefact that he bound himself in eighty pounds for the performance of this transaction mustof course mean that the sum for which the property changed hands was a lesser one, andcommon practice suggests that it would have been half. Even so, the financial advantageto Marvell was not small, for in 1624 his father had supported a wife and five children onan annual stipend of twelve pounds.'^

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Extracts from the Metdreth sale-documents (Hull Central Library)

Deed of Bargain and sale: recto

To all Christian people to whom this present writeinge shall come I Andrew Marvell of King-stone super Hull in the county of Kingstone super Hull Gentleman sende Greetinge in our lordgod ever lastingc Knowe yec that I the sayd Andrew Marvell for and in Consideration of acertaynesumme of lawfull money of England to mee in hand payd att and uppon the sealinge and deliveryof these presents by John Stacey of Orwell in the county of Cambridge [yeoman del.] gentleman,(The Receipt whereof I the sayde Andrewe Marvell doe hereby acknowledge) . . . Have givengraunted bargained soulde aliened enfeoffed & confirmed . . . unto the sayd John Stacey bis heiresand assigncs All that Messuage or Tenement with a Crofte to the same adioyninge And one Closeof land contcyninge by Estimation three acres and a halfe bee it more or lesse, situate lyinge &beinge in Meldreth in the county of Cambridge aforesayd betweene the lands late of the saydeAndrewe Marvell now John Staceys on both sides. The East end abuttinge uppon the kinges highewaye called the south end strcetc and the west end uppon a certayne watercourse called Fulbrooke. . . Now knowe yee further that I the sayde Andrewe Marvell have constituted & ordained and inmy steade and place by these presents doe putt and depute my trusty & welbeloved in ChristeHenry Goslinge & Robert Ashirst: my trustie & lawfull Attornies joyntly & eitber of themseverally for me & in my name . . . to take full & peaceable possession and seisone And suchpossession and seisone thereof soe had & taken . . . to deliver to the sayde John Stacey accordingeto thcTcnour formed effecte of these presents . .. In Witness-^htr to f\ the sayd Andrew Marvellhath hereunto putt my hande and seale the Twelfe daye of November in the three and twentiethyeare of the Raigne ot our Soveraigne Lord Charles . . . 1647.Sealed and delivered in the presence of [signature] Andrew Marvell

Verso

Sealed and delivered was this present deed & also possession state & seisin of the withinmentioned Messuage [or tenement was properly and peaceably taken and delivered by the withinnamed Andrew Marvell to the within named John Stacey according to the effect and true meaningof this deed notwithstanding the letter of attorney within inserted the three and twentieth day ofDecember 1647 in the presence of Mathew East and Henry Gosling].

(The section in square brackets., almost illegible in the original^ is quoted from the transcript6; East has signed his name and Gosling attached his mark.)

Bond: recto

Noverint universi per presentes me Andrew Marvell de Kingstone super Hull in comitiaKingston super Hull Generosum teneri et firmiter obligari Johanni Stacey de Orwell in comitiaCantabrigiensi yeoman in Octoginta libris bone et legalis monetae Angliae solvendis eidemJohanni Stacey aut suo certo Attornato executoribus administratoribus vel assignatis suis Adquam quidem solutionem bcne et fideliter faciendam Obligo me heredes executores et adminis-tratores mcas firmiter per presentes sigillo mco sigillatas Datum Duodecimo die Novembris

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Anno Regni domini nostri Caroli dei gratia Angliae Scotiae Fraunciiie et Hiberniac Regis fideidefensoris &c vicesimo tertio Annoque Domini 1647

Sigillatum et deliveratum in presentia

Mathew East & [signature] Andrew MarvellHenry 4. | Goslinge

^ 1 his mark.

On the verso of this bond occurs the normal English text of a defeasance.

MARVELL AS CIVIL SERVANT: 1657-1660

In February 1653 Milton had recommended Marvell in flattering terms as a possibleassistant in those duties of the Latin Secretaryship which his own blindness renderedburdensome to him, but it was not until September 1657 that Marvell secured a post inthe government's employ. By this appointment he became, at a salary of two hundredpounds a year, Latin secretary in the office of John Thurloe, Secretary to the Council ofState and one of the most powerful men in the Protectorate.'^ Thurloe owed his ownearliest preferment to Oliver St. John, under whom in March 1651 he was granted aposition during the embassy to Holland, while St. John's own appointment was celebratedhy Marvell, then tutor at Nun Appleton, in some Latin verses.'^ From December 1652 hewas head ofthe government's intelligence service and in May 1655 took control bothof inland and foreign posts. His loyalty to the House of Cromwell was absolute; besidesbeing numbered among Oliver's personal friends he had helped him to the Protectorshipand was anxious for him to accept the crown. Under Richard Cromwell his power evenincreased, but in April 1659 he unsuccessfully advised Richard against dissolving Parlia-ment. By May of the same year Thurloe was out of office^" and remained so until thefollowing February when he enjoyed a brief return to power. At the Restoration the offerof his services was rejected by Charles II and he found himself imprisoned for a time ona charge of high treason. On his release he divided his time between his house in Oxford-shire and his chambers at Lincoln's Inn, where it is more than likely that Marvell visitedhim/' and where he died in February 1668. Marvell's two years or so in the public servicegave him, especially under Thurloe, valuable first-hand experience of the managementof affairs in an efficient government with a dedicated and relatively incorruptible executive.Some record of his day-to-day duties in Whitehall has come down to us in the mass ofpapers that Thurloe concealed at the Restoration and that are largely preserved among theRawlinson manuscripts in the Bodleian Library and among Thomas Birch's collectionsin our own Department of Manuscripts. All of these were drawn on by Birch for his seven-volume Collection ofthe State Papers of John Thurloe (1742). The main purpose ofthepresent note is to record such as have been found of Marvell's autograph translations fromand into Latin of official letters and papers, together with various other items of corre-spondence written, or more often merely copied, by him for the Secretary. The list that

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follows is not put forward as a definitive one, and though it incorporates several items offoroii rn correspondence from the State Papers Domestic at the Public Record Office nosearch has been attempted in the sixty six volumes that are listed in the Calendar of StatePapers Domestic covering the years from 1657 to 1659. The documents are arranged asfar as possible in chronological order by the date that appears on them, or—in the case oftranslations—on the original; dates enclosed in square brackets are conjectural.

1657 I Sept, Translation of an official despatch to Thurloe from Hamburg. Rawl.MS. A 53, fols, 242-243,

8 Sept. As above: original preserved at fol. 304. Rawl. A 53, fols. 302-303.6 Nov, Translation of a letter of Marshall Turenne to Bordeaux, the French

Ambassador, from the camp at Rumingen. Printed in T, Birch,Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, vol. VI, pp. 578-579.Rawl, A 55, fols. 22I-222b.

9 Nov. *The Answer of [the] High Commissioners to the Lord Nieuport',with revisions in Thurloe's hand. Printed: T. Birch, op. cit., vol. VI,pp, 601-602. Rawl, A 55, fols, 249-25ob.

10 Nov. Translation of a letter of D'Ormesson from Calais, Printed: T. Birch,op, cit., vol. VI, pp, 5^4-5*^5- l^awi. A 55, fols. 255-257,

7-14 Dec, Translation of a proposal made by the Swedish to the English Com-missioners, Printed: T, Birch, op. cit., vol. VI, pp. 677-679. Rawl,A 56, fols, 65-66b.

[no date] Translation of 'A Memoriall from the Swedish Commissioners'.Latin original at fol, 152. Rawl. A 56, fol, 153,

14-16 Dec. Translation of the answer of the English to the Swedish Com-missioners, Printed: T. Birch, op, cit,, vol. VI, pp. 684-686. Rawl.A. 56, fols. i78-i79b,

19 Dec. Translation of 'The Answer of the Swedish Commissioners givenin to those of England', Latin original at fols, 244-245b. Printed:T. Birch, op. cit., vol. VI, pp, 696-697. Rawl, A 56, fols. 246-247.

1658 28 Jan, Letter of Thurloe to George Downing, Add, MS. 22919, fols. 11-12.[c. 20 Jan.- Translation of a tract entitled 'The Justice of the Swedish Cause and4 Feb.] the danger of the Protestant Cause involved therein', by *Mons'"

Frezendorp' (attribution in Thurloe's hand). Apparently notprinted. Add. MS, 4459, fols, i75-i96b,

18 Feb. Letter of Cromwell to the Marquess of Brandenburg. Latin transla-tion. Printed: T. Birch, op, cit,, vol, VI, p. 812. Rawl. A 57, fols.358-358b.

9 Apr. Papers, including the draft (fols, 380-382) of a letter for, and'Instructions to Philip Meadowe envoye extraordainary to hisMajesty of Sweden (fols, 385-387), with revisions in another hand.Printed: T. Birch, op. cit., vol. VII, pp. 63-64, where they are datedas above, Rawl. A 58, fols. 380-387.

20 Apr. 'His Highness Letter to the Duke of Venice on the behalfe of Col.Holdip'. Latin. Rawl. A 58, fol, 388.

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9 July 'Mr Sccretaryes Letter to Resident Downing concerning the Media-tion betwixt Portugal &: the States-Generall'. Printed: T. Birch, op.cit.. Vol. VII, p. 253. Rawl. A 60, fol. 88.

I Oct. Letter of Thurloe to Downing. Add. MS. 22919, fol. 51.[c. 3 Sept. 1658- Letter of Thurloe to Downing. Add. MS. 22919, fols. 52-53-25 March 1659]

1659 7 Jan. Letter of George Fleetwood and Johan Friederich von Friesendorffto the Council of State. Printed; T. Birch, op. cit., vol. VI, pp. 735-738 (and see vol. VII, pp. 813-816). Rawl. A 63, fols. 27-29b.

18 Feb. Letter of Thurloe to Downing. Add. MS. 22919, fols. 81-82.

How incomplete the list may be as a record of the scope of MarvelFs activities underThurloe one cannot at this stage even surmise. Certainly it takes no account of, for example,the occasions when he was called upon to act as interpreter or to receive state visitors, suchas the Dutch Ambassador Nieuport and the Brandenburg agent in London in August andSeptember 1658,-- functions for which his command of languages, and no doubt his tastes,aptly fitted him. The initial item in the list must have been translated within a day or twoof 2 September 1657, the date from which his duties are generally conjectured to havebegun. Not surprisingly, all the documents centre on England's relations with foreigncountries, in particular with Sweden and the States General of Holland. Into the formerclass fall all those that derive from Additional MS. 22919, ^ which comprises papers ofGeorge Downing, English resident at The Hague from December 1657, while the latterincludes MarvelFs longest known autograph manuscript, forty neatly-copied pages oftranslation from a political tract composed apparently by the Swedish envoy to England,Johann Friederich von FriesendorfF(fig. 4). This is accompanied in the volume in which itoccurs by a letter (Additional MS. 4459, fols. I94-I95b) that seems to date from some timebetween 20 January and 4 February 1658, since it mentions what must have been thesecond session of CromwelPs second Parliament. As the tract was aimed at persuadingthe Protector to lead his navy and tbat of Sweden against Holland and Spain tbis con-jecture receives apparent confirmation from a draft that survives elsewhere in Thurloe'sown hand of the heads of a treaty for a defensive and offensive alliance with Sweden thatis dated 25 March 1658.^ Although the present list gives no hint that Marvell was entrustedwith any very confidential duties, such as dealings with Thurloe's redoubtable intelligencenetwork, it is gratifying to discover that on at least one occasion he served as substitutefor Milton in the Latin Secretaryship, copying out on 18 February 1658 a letter of stateto the Marquess of Brandenburg. Normally it was Milton's duty to render such corre-spondence into Latin, and he had been responsible for the two letters that were sent toBrandenburg in the previous August and September; however, his second wife had diedon 8 February, the day before Cromwell dissolved Parliament and began ruling alone, andwe may assume that he was for a time unfitted for official business. The English versionof the letter that survives in MarvelPs hand may have been taken down by him at Crom-well's dictation, and it was almost certainly Marvell who rendered it into Latin for despatchabroad . 5

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On the restoration of the Long Parliament in May 1659 Thurloe lost his post and hisfunctions were assigned chiefly to the regicide Thomas Scott who had preceded him ashead ot the intelligence department, and who joined the Council of State on the 9th of thatmonth. It is difficult to believe that Marvell could have enjoyed working under thisferocious republican and opponent of the Cromwells,^^ or that Scott, if he knew of them,could have been very happy about his secretary's Oliverian affiliations. On the other handthe grant of lodgings in Whitehall-^ that was made to Marvell by the Council of State on14 July 1659 rather suggests that his efficiency at least had made him acceptable toThurloe's successor. The documents that follow have survived from this period of hisadministrative career.

1659 27 May Translation of a letter of Martin Boekell to the Council of State, P.R.O.SP82/9, fol, 219. French original at fol. 217.

[c. 30 June] 'Forme of the Ratification of the Treaty at the Hague as it is passed underthe greate Seale' (endorsement not in MarvelFs hand). English with Latindraft translation. See Cal. S. P. Dom. i6^8-i6$g, p, 393, and CommonsJournals^ VII, p. 699. Rawl. A 66, fol, 15,

11 July Translation of a letter of Martin Boekeil to the Council of State. P.R,O.SP82/9, fols, 237-238. Latin original at fols. 239-240.

20 July Translation of a letter of Martin Boekell to the same. P.R.O. SP82/9,fol. 243, Latin original at fol, 245,

28 July 'Translat: of the Letter from the Bayliffe of Dunkirke to L' Lockhart'.Printed: T. Birch, op, cit., vol, VII, pp, 699-700, Rawl, A 65, fols. 355-357.

4 Aug. 'Translat: of the further agreement upon the Treaty at the Hague' (fol.406), 'Read Aug: 9 1659' (fol. 405): see Commons Journals, VII, p. 754.Neither endorsement in Marvell's hand. Latin text printed: T. Birch,op, cit,, Vol, VII, p, 705, Rawl, A 65, fols, 403-406.

20 Aug. 'Translate of a Letter from the States Generall . . . concerning a Ship oftheirs assaulted, by the Portland'. P,R,O. SP84/162, fol. 322. Eatinoriginal at fol, 324.

Two items in this list afford us our most intimate glimpse of the secretary at work.A single page comprises both MarvelFs English copy of the 'Forme of the Ratification ofthe Treaty at the Hague' and his draft of it into Latin, with currente calamo revisions, thathe made on or about 30 June. The original Latin text of the letter from Martin Boekellto the Council of State, dated from London on 11 July 1659, bears a number of endorse-ments that mark its progress through official channels. Two of these note that this'Memorial of the Agent of Lubecke' was 'read. July. 12th. 1659. & referred to the Com-mittee for Dunkerke', while a third, which was evidently directed to Marvell, reads'S'', The Committee desire a Translate of this paper [:] they intend to sit this after Noon.'The last document on the above list was translated by Marvell two months before theCouncil of State was dissolved by the army. At its final meeting, on 25 October, theCouncil issued an order for payment to Milton and Marvell of eighty six pounds andtwelve shillings each in arrears of pay,-** a sum that represented their salaries for almost

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Fig. 4. The Justice ofthe Swedish Cause' in Marvell's autograph translation,about January 1658. Add. MS. 4459, fol. 175

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exactly the whole period since Thurloe's fall in the previous May. After this date MiltonIS not known to have had any further connection with the Council, though it met againbetween 3 January and 2() May 1660;-" all that could be surmised about Marvell is thathe 'made a Speech once in the ROTA',-^" the club founded by James Harrington for dis-cussion of political theories, which met at the Turk's Head in the New Palace Yardbetween November and 21 February 1660, when Monck readmitted to Parliament theMembers excluded in 1648.^' It was at this latter date also that Thomas Scott, who hadadhered to the Rump and acted in recent months as Secretary of State, finally fell frompower. Marvell, who had probably continued to act as his Latin Secretary during thatperiod, evidently outlasted him, since a recent Sotheby sale catalogue included a letterwritten and signed by him in Latin that shows him employed in negotiating on behalf ofthe Council a special treaty with Portugal, ^^

THE OXENBRIDGE EPITAPH: 1658

The third note in this series concerns a very different activity in which Marvell engagedduring his career in Whitehall. When in 1653 he accompanied Cromwell's ward WilliamDutton to Eton they had lodged in the house of John Oxenbridge, a Puritan Fellow of theCollege whose reminiscences seem to have prompted the poet to compose the lyric 'TheBermudas',-"*- Jane, Oxenbridge's ardently religious first wife, subsequently died at Etonand was buried in the Collegiate Church, commonly known as the Chapel, on 28 April1658. Marvell, then a Latin secretary, composed in that language what Anthony a Woodwas later to call a 'large canting inscription',-^-* presumably at the request of his bereavedfriend. The monument itself was, for the wife of a Puritan minister, an elaborate affair:a black marble stone, bearing Marvell's inscription, was set in some form of sculptedsurround that incorporated at the top a shield or cartouche with the arms of Oxenbridgeimpaling those of Butler, resplendent in full colours. It was placed near to Lupton'schantry on the north side of the Chapel, over the second ascent to the altar: possibly thestonemason was the same craftsman who had shortly before executed the monument forMary Bateman (d. 25 February 1658) that can still be seen in a position directly opposite,on the south wall. At the Restoration Oxenbridge was deprived of his Fellowship, and inan outburst of anti-Puritan feeling, his first wife's epitaph was covered over with paint;strangely enough, however, the heraldic banners in Lupton's chantry, over the tomb ofFrancis Rous, Cromwell's appointee Provost during MarvelFs time there, were not torndown until some time later. During Provost Godolphin's alterations to the interior of theChapel at the turn of the eighteenth century Jane Oxenbridge's monument was coveredby, or removed to make way for, wainscoting, and neither it nor the then adjacent one toOxenbridge's second wife (d. 1659) ^ now survives. The inscription on the latter need notbe claimed for Marvell, who may not have known the lady whom it commended.

The text of the epitaph was printed in Miscellaneous Poems (1681) as a simple piece of

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Janx Oxenbrigi.T Epicaphiiim.

J Uxta hoc l^armory hreVe MoytaUtatis JpeCjiIwn, ExuVtajacent J anx Oxenbrigix. - Qute jio!?ili, fi Jd dixijfe

B \ h C hgenert orta^ Johanni Oxenbrigio Colkgli Imjmfoclo nup-Jit, J^rofberorton deiticeps et advcrforum ci Confors fiieHf-pma. Qttemy ^eli^ionis catifa obcrranteiUy Ufquc ad incer^tarn Bermudx Inluhm Jecuta : Nee Mare ruajlumy neetempe/iates horrlda^ exhorruu: fedy delicato CorporCy quosnon-Labores ex antlaVtt ? qud non, obiVtt Iclnera ? . Tantum Ma-iki pottiit Ai7iory fed viagis DGU Tandem cumy {redeumeconfcientiarwn libcrtate) in patriam redna^ inagnam partemAngli^e cum 'Mhrito perVa^ata'-y .jni UtU6 -uudequaqUe de}ioV6 dijfcrtiinabat Evangelium. Jpfa maximum minifteriifu't deCitSy <jr antiqua modeftia eandem anhnarum captura7ndomiy quam iPe forts exenaiSy h'lc taHdem diVmo nutu cum /7-lo C07tfedic: Ubl pietatis erga Deum, conpigalis <jr 7naterruajfeBtiSy ergn proxhnos charltatisy omnium donque VirttUwnChriftianarumExem/»/w/?j degebat inimitabik,. jDo7iec quin-qne annorum hjdrope laboranSy perlenta i7icreme7Ua ultra hi'*vwxi cor ports viQdumintu77iult, '. Mma inten77i.j^ei plena yfi-dei i7ige7is^Stag7iant.i humorim diluVto tra7iquilt^\yehebatuKEttande77i^poft •^7,peregrinatlo7}is amioSyii A^x^Jnno 1658.Eyolayit ad^CaloSytanquam Columba.ex Arxa Corporis '. Cu-jus femper didciy femper anura'memort^y Mosrens, Maritusfofuit. F l e n t i b u s l h l h i b

i h ^ Maria«

Fig. 5. Text of the Oxenbridge epitaph as printed in Miscellaneous Poems, 1681. C.59.i.8

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i fi. I n

i

x

. 6. Copy ofthe Oxenbridge epitaph taken on 8 May 1661. Lansdowne MS.1233, fol. 99

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continuous prose (fig. 5), in curious contrast to those of the Trott family that follow itthere, and in this form it has been reprinted ever since. There are, however, independentof the Folio text, at least six other extant witnesses to the lines that were engraved on themonument. Four of these, preserved in the Department of Manuscripts, are written outlargely in the same form as that of the Folio: these are stated by the transcribers to havebeen taken from what one of their number, the Cambridge antiquary William Cole,described as a 'small ill-wrote' volume in the hand of one 'Taffy' Woodward who wasChapel Clerk at Eton before Godolphin's alterations. They are as follows: Cole's copy inAdditional MS. 5831, fols. 62-64, which includes an unsympathetic account of Oxen-bridge and a rambling one of Woodward; John Le Neve's in Harley MS. 3614, fol. 5b,from which the version published in his Monumenta Anglicana (1718) was printed; theReverend Roger Huggett's in Additional MS. 4843, fol. 153b; and probably also that ofThomas Baker in Harley MS. 7034, pp. 312-313, which shares the textual peculiaritiesof the rest. In addition to these a copy survives in Lansdowne MS. 1233, fols. 99-99b(fig. 6), that was taken down directly from the monument on 8 May 1661 by an unknowncollector- ^ who found 'On a faire marble stone nigh a north chappell a black marble thathad an inscription, now covered with paint.' Sir Henry Ellis recorded (fol. 6ib) that 'TheseNotes are conjectured by Mr. Douce to have been Strype's\ but they are not in his hand.They may, however, have been at one time in his possession, and it is fairly certain that themanuscript was available to Anthony a Wood who took from it the transcript that occursin Bodleian MS. Wood B.12, pp. 251-252. What distinguishes the Lansdowne copy fromthe rest, apart from a few variant readings, is that like the two other Latin epitaphs printedin Miscellaneous Poems, and which survived until 1912 in Laverstoke Church, Hampshire,it is set out in the periodic form in which lapidary inscriptions are normally found. Theerrors made by the transcriber, which were occasioned by haste and the faintness of thelines under their coat of whitewash, are easily emended. They comprise the omission,signalised by a gap in the text, of a word (degebat, \. 22 below) that he could not make out,the accidental substitution of Volabat for Evolavit (1. 28)—-the reading of the Woodwardmanuscript also—and the erroneous date of death as 1655 ('• ^l)- I^ o"^ or two places thereadings of the Lansdowne manuscript are confirmed by the Woodward manuscript, orrather its derivatives, to have differed from that published in the Folio, which is thus seento represent Marvell's draft and not the finished version.- " Further refinements, thoughwe cannot be absolutely certain that they were initiated by the author, were made beforethe stonemason began work: Collegii hums (\. 5) was replaced by the more precise CollegiijEtonensis; the removal of two small words in lines 6 and 20 ensured a more graceful flow;and a better balance was achieved by changes to the wording and order within lines 20and 21. The text that is printed here purports to restore only the lineation and readingsof the actual inscription; the punctuation follows exactly that of the Folio version althoughinitial capitals have been added throughout at the beginning of the lines (fig. 7). Thestonemason is unlikely to have taken pains to centre the verses on the slab: most probablyhe arranged them for his own convenience, as in the Trott (and many other contemporary)epitaphs. The fact that the dates were wrongly, though differently, transcribed in the

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Juxta hoc Marmor, breve Mortalttatis speculum^Exuvice jacent Janae Oxenbrigiae.Qucc nobili, si id dixisse attinet,

Paterno Butleriorum, materno Claveringiorum ^ w /-Johanni Oxenbrigio Collegii /Etonensis socio nupsit.

Prosperorum deinceps et adversorum Consors fidelissima.

Quem, religionis causa oberrantem.Usque ad incertam Bermudae Insulam secuta:

Nee Mare vastum, nee tempestates horridas exhorruit:Sed, delicato Corpore,

Quos non Labores exantlavit? quce non, obivit Itinera?

Tantum Mariti potuit Amor, sed magis Dei.Tandem cum, (redeunte conscientiarum libertate) in patriam

Magnam partem Angliae cum Marito pervagata;

Qui Icetus undequaque de novo disseminabat Evangelium.Ipsa maximum ministerii sui decus,

& antiqua modestiaEandem animarum capturam domi, quam illeforis exercens.

Hie tandem divino nutu cum illo consedit:Pietatis erga Deum, charitatis erga proximos,

Conjugalis (^ materni affectus, omnium VirtutumChristianarum Exemplum degebat inimitabile.

Donee quinque annorum hydrope laborans.Per lenta incrementa ultra humani corporis modum intumuit.

Anima interim spei plena, Jidei ingens,Stagnanti humorum diluvio tranquille vehebatur.

Et tandem, post 37, peregrinationis annos, 23 Apr. Anno 1658Evolavit ad Ccelos, tanquam Columba ex Arcd Corporis:

Cuius semper dulci, semper amarce memorise,Mcerens Maritus posuit.

Flentibus juxta quatuor liberis,Daniele, Bathshua, Elizabetha, Maria.

Fig. 7, Reconstructed inscription on Jane Oxenbrrdge's monument

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Woodward and Lansdowne versions proves, of course, that they were cut in Arabic ratherthan Roman numerals.

A discerning editor might have guessed from the way in which the epitaph falls naturallyinto periods that it was composed as lapidary verse, but there is every reason to supposethat it was set up in Miscellaneous Poems to follow exactly MarvelFs own copy. Possiblyhe intended the rather precise punctuation as an indication of the periods. All the epitaphsincluded in the volume occur within the compass of a single gathering, and were probablytherefore set by a single compositor working from copies retained by the author when hesubmitted the texts to the bereaved relatives. The Trott epitaphs also show variations,made principally for the sake of the style, in the versions that were actually cut on themonuments: Marvell merely did not trouble to record on his own copies the final changes,arrived at perhaps in conjunction with the recipients. If further evidence were needed itis to be found in the reliable assertion of Mary Marvell (or Palmer) that the contents of thecollection were printed 'according to the exact Copies of my late dear Husband, under hisown Hand-Writing, being found since his Death among his other Papers'. The survivalof a covering letter with one of the epitaphs confirms both her testimony and the supposi-tion that these texts are drafts or fair-copies made at almost the final stage of revision.

MARVELL'S DEATH IN GREAT RUSSELL STREET: 1678

When Professor F. S. Tupper published^^ his account of Mary Palmer alias Marvell in1938 scholars learned for the first time why it was that Marvell, who was known to havelodged in Maiden Lane, in the parish of St. Paul, Covent Garden, was buried two daysafter his death on 16 August 1678 in the Church of St. Giles-in-the-Fields. The reasonwas that he had died in Great Russell Street, in a house that 'about the month of June'1677 he had persuaded his former landlady Mary Palmer to lease from one John Morris.His purpose in taking the house was to conceal from their creditors and the law EdwardNelthorpe and Richard Thompson, two friends of his who were partners in a recentlybankrupted firm of city merchants, and the household included at various times ail thosementioned above, along with Thompson's wife Dorothy and a servant; Mrs Palmer actedas housekeeper and Marvell provided her with money for this purpose, as well as payingthe lease. At the same time he kept his 'money bonds bills Jewells writeings and othergoods' at the lodging in Maiden Lane,^^ and it was from here, rather than from the Blooms-bury house, that he sometimes addressed his letters.

Mary Palmer's (sub-) lease does not seem to have survived but among the archives ofthe Bedford Estate^ is preserved the document which records on 20 September 1676 LadyRachel Vaughan's lease to John Morris, described as 'nailor' of the parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields,''^ for the term of forty-two years at an annual rent of five pounds of two houses'on the North Side of a Newstreete in Bloomsbury . . . knowne by the name of GreateRussell Streete'. These houses, which had been erected on a building-lease taken by

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Morris himself, were part of a block of dwellings that was being gradually extended west-wards from Montague House and that occupied part of the area between the main gate ofthe present British Museum and Bloomsbury Way. They are described in turn as:

All that Messuage or Tenement . . . Conteyning in front Towards the South Twenty Foote ofAssize mor or less Together with a yard or Backside behinde the same as the same is now fencedand inclosed with a Brickwall the whole length of the said Tenement and yard Conteyning fromNorth to South One hundred and Fifty Foote of Assize or thereabouts and doth adioyne Eastupon a Tenement lately erected by Lancelott Arnold and West upon a Tenement lately erected byJames Blagrave [which, being of the same description as the above] doth Adioyne East upon aTenement now erecting by Edward Botledge and West Upon a Tenement erecting by RalphMason . . .

From the details given it can be deduced that one of them was the fifth house westward inthe terrace, which in September 1676 consisted of eight completed dwellings; the otherwas the tenth, flanked on both sides by houses still under construction at that time. Thebacks of all the houses are shown in Gasselin's view (fig. 8) of about the turn of theeighteenth century,'^- when a further block stretched as far as the present Tottenham CourtRoad. About 1780, at the period when Bedford Square was being laid out and CharlotteStreet, now Bloomsbury Way, was made, the houses were wholly rebuilt on the sameground-plan: they are clearly depicted in Harwood's map of about 1792-99. All that atpresent remains of the block is the group of five houses now numbered 89 to 93, whichcorrespond to the seventh to eleventh houses in MarvelFs day, the first six having beenacquired and demolished by the Trustees of the Museum for the purpose of extending theforecourt and building the Director's Residence. The exact site of the fifth house isbounded by the west wall of the Residence and the east stanchion of the small gate besideit, while the tenth house was swallowed up, in 1874-75, in the single property that nowstands (numbered 92 and 93) on the corner of Bloomsbury Way. Numbers 89 to 91 remain,however, substantially as they appeared after the changes of 1780-81.

These bare details are best understood in the context of Bloomsbury's early develop-ment.''^ Between 1657 and 1660 Thomas Wriothesley, 4th Earl of Southampton, had buihhimself a new mansion in his still largely rural Manor of Bloomsbury. Its position may begauged from the fact that soon after it was finished he began the formation of a piazza,completed in 1665, in front of his house, on the site of the present Bloomsbury Square.At the same time a new way was cut through the fields from Southampton House toTottenham Court Lane, as it was then called, and this was soon lined on its southern sidewith buildings: further new streets ran offit southwards. In May 1667 Southampton died,leaving as his heirs three daughters, among whom his property was willed to be dividedequally. The Manors of Bloomsbury and St. Giles fell, quite literally, by lot to his seconddaughter. Lady Rachel Vaughan, the widow of Francis, Lord Vaughan, heir to the2nd Earl of Carbery. Two years after her father's death Lady Rachel married again,making an agreement with her mother, the dowager Countess, that she and her newhusband should take over Southampton House. Between 1671 and 1681 forty building

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leases were granted by Lady Vaughan, as she continued to style herself, and her husbandon the south and north sides of what in 1674 was first called Great Russell Street. Thelargest single grant was made in 1675 to Ralph, 3rd Baron Montague of Boughton andMaster of the Great Wardrobe to Charles II, who commissioned Robert Hooke to buildMontague House there, on the site of the present British Museum: it was completed in1680, the terms of the agreement, by which everything at the back was to be left as openas possible, being rigorously adhered to. Westward from this point was extended a lineof houses along the north side of the street, and though the map of London published in1681/2 by William Morgan shows only seven houses, with gardens, on this block hissurvey must have been finished in 1676, since by the following June at least eleven werestanding.

Though we do not know precisely in which of the two houses mentioned above Marvelldied, his choice of residence, or more strictly retreat, is readily explicable. Writing in1664-65 Dr Everard Maynwaring commended Bloomsbury for its salubrious positionin his treatise on scurvy;"^ in Strype's 1720 edition of Stow, Great Russell Street waspraised- ^ ^ot only for its healthful climate but for its noble architecture and genteelinhabitants:

a very handsome large and well built Street, graced with the best Buildings in all Bloomsbury,and the best inhabited by the Nobility and Centry, especially the North side, as having Gardensbehind the Houses: and the Prospect of the pleasant Fields up to Hamstead and Highgate. Inso-much that this Place by Physicians is esteemed the most healthful of any in London.

The street that Marvell 'pitched upon' as a hiding-place for his bankrupt city friends had,however, several features to recommend it beyond its combination of the amenities of thetown with the outlook of the country, with cattle grazing in the fields to the rear. In thefirst place, since this was a fast and only newly developing area of London the suddenappearance of several newcomers would excite less comment than elsewhere. Moreover,for people who were unable to move about too freely the long walled gardens, stretchingover a hundred feet from the back of the house and abutting on open fields, would permitoccasional recreation with security. Finally, of course, the house itself was evidently largeenough to accommodate six persons living in five separate units; the houses immediatelyon either side of Southampton House, that are shown in Sutton NichoIIs' view*^ of 1746,had three main storeys together with rooms in the attic. The reasons for Marvell's choiceare thus evident enough, but one further detail may perhaps have been more than merelycoincidental: the principal lessees of the house, and indeed of the whole of Bloomsbury,were Lady Vaughan and her husband the Honourable William (later Lord) Russell, knownafter his execution in 1683 for his part in the Rye House Plot as 'the patriot'.^^ In 1660'Mr Russeir had been elected M.P. for Tavistock, the family borough that he representeduntil 1679. As a member of the Country Party he was strongly opposed to the King'ssubservient policy towards Louis XIV, and in 1675 took part in an attempt to overthrowDanby who was suspected of complicity therein. In February 1677 he moved for anaddress to the Throne on the question of Parliament's legality after the long prorogation;

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this was the line that earned a period in the Tower for the four Lords whom Marvell com-mended in An Account of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government (1677). Finally,we may remark that in 1678 Russell carried a proposal for a committee of the whole Houseto consider 'the apprehensions we are under of popery and a standing army'. It will readilybe seen that Marvell could scarcely have made a more appropriate choice of ground-landlord, for Russell is likely to have turned a blind eye to the semi-private affairs of histenant, neighbour and fellow-Member. There is, moreover, a legend—if it is no more—that Russell at his death possessed a portrait of Andrew

1 Pauline Burdon, 'Marvell after Cambridge',The British Library Journal., IV, i (Spring 1978),pp. 42-48.

2 Commons Journals., V, p. 576; Cat.S.P.Dom.1648-g, pp. 63, 85; S. R. Gardiner, History of theGreat Civil War, 2nd ed. (1893), IV, pp. 133-142.

3 Commons Journals., VI, pp. 103, 130.4 Preserved W\t\\ them is a typescript transcription

made in 1956 by Michael Craze of Felsted. I amvery grateful to Mr Geoffrey Oxley, the Hull CityArchivist, for bringing them to my attention; toR. G. Roberts, Director of Leisure Services forHumberside County, for permission to publishmy findings, and to the staff of Hull CentralLibrary (particularly Jill Crowther) for theirkindness on several occasions.

5 Their names are traceable in the Bishop'sTranscripts of the Meldreth Register 1599-1683: a typescript with index made by T. P. R.Layng in 1972 is available for consultation in theCambridgeshire County Record Oflfice.

6 L. N. Wall, 'Andrew Marvell of Meldreth',Notes ^Queries (Sept. 1958), pp. 399-400.

7 Add. MS. 39814, fol. 260b (from the collectionsof the Reverend Walter Jones, Vicar of Wendy-cum-Shingay).

8 Register of the Parish of Orwell . . . 1560-1653,ed. R. W. Whiston (Sedbergh, 1912).

9 See above, note 5.10 Add. MS. 39814, fol. 266: Stacey became Mel-

dreth's third biggest householder, George Pikeowning eleven and Henry Blayne eight hearths.

11 From Layng's copy of the Meldreth Register1678-1851 (see above, note 5).

12 StttdAsQ Admissions to Trinity College, Cambridge,compiled by W. W. Rouse Ball and J. A. Venn,vol. 2(1913}, p. 333.

13 Walker Revised, ed. A. G. Matthews (Oxford,1948), pp. 41, 398. The other John Stacey, also

of Kent, matriculated on 5 July 1647: see RouseBall and Venn, op. cit., p. 400.

14 Visible on the 1:2500 Ordnance Survey Map(Cambridgeshire sheet 53/15), surveyed in 1886and published in the following year.

15 H. M. Margoliouth, 'Andrew Marvell: somebiographical points'. Modern Language Review,x v i i (1922), pp. 351-361.

16 V.C.H. York: East Riding, vol. i (1969), chapteron 'Hull in the i6th and 17th Centuries' passim.

i-j N. J. Miller, Winestead and its Lords (Hull,[1932]), pp. 201-202.

18 The date of his appointment and his salary havebeen inferred from Bodleian MS. Rawl. A 62,fol. 49 by H. M. Margoliouth, Poems and Lettersof Andrew Marvell (3rd ed. rev. by P. Legouis,Oxford, 1971), II, p. 380,

19 H. M. Margoliouth, ed. cit., I, p. 99.20 Letter of Thurloe to Lockhart, 9 May 1659

[Cal.S.P.Dom. 1658-g, p. 342).21 There Marvell may have become acquainted

with a correspondent of later years, Philip,4th Baron Wharton, whose autograph accountof Thurloe's death, extracted from his letter toan unknown correspondent, survives in BodleianMS. Carte 80, p. 782, from which it was printedin Notes £$" Queries, 8th ser., XI (January 1897),p. 83.

22 H. M. Margoliouth, ed. cit., II, pp. 380-381.23 Two letters of 11 February and 25 March 1659

that Marvell wrote to Downing over his ownsignature, at the request of Thurloe, are printedby H. M. Margoliouth, ed. cit., II, pp. 307-308.

24 T. Birch, Collection of the State Papers of JohnThurloe (1742), vol. VII, pp. 23-24.

25 This is all the more probable as the letter does notfigure in Literae Pseudo-Senatus Anglicani (1676)with the rest of Milton's state letters.

26 In Marvell's letter to Downing of 11 February1659 (see above, note 23) an account is given of

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Scott's opposition in the House to Thurloe'sbill to conrtrni Richard Cromwell in the Pro-tectorate: Miirvell of course sides with hissuperior.

27 CaiS.P.Dom. /659-60, p. 27: the Order Bookis missing.

28 Lif} Records nf John Milton, cd. J, M. French(New Brunswick, 1956), vol. IV, pp. 280-281.

2t) Ca/.S.P.Dom. i6^g-6o, pp. xxv-xxvii.30 R[ichard] L[eigh], The Transproser Rehearsed

(Oxford, 1673), p. 146.31 John Aubrey's Brief Lives, ed. by Andrew Clark

(Oxford, i8c>8), I, pp. 289-291.;i2 Sale catalogue of 24-25 July 1978, lot 108. The

letter is addressed to Francisco Melo e Torres,the Portuguese Ambassador whose first arrival inLondon had coincided exactly with Marvell'sown appointment in September 1657: it is datedfrom Whitehall and sealed with a signet incor-porating the head of a Caesar, perhaps Marvell'sown seal,

33 H. M. Margohouth, ed. cit., I, pp. 17-19.34 AthencE Oxonienses., 3rd ed., ed. Philip Bliss

(1817), III, p. 1027,35 Copies follow Jane Oxenbridge's epitaph in the

manuscripts listed below, p. 137.36 The clues to his identity are tantalising. He plainly

had access to some of the best antiquarian collec-tions of his time, notably the papers of JamesChaloner the regicide (see fol. 80) and the manu-script that is now Bodleian MS. Dodsworth 161(fol. 68b), but their then owners are unknown.He also mentions as an acquaintance anotherantiquary, 'M.H,' (fol, 109).

37 Undequaque (1. 15) for the classical undique isslightly surprising: Forcellini's Lexicon recordsit as occurring in an epitaph of St. Leonianus{Jacoh Sirmondt , , , Opera Varia^ Venice, 1728,vol. II, col, 77) in the phrase/»<?«£• vultu omnibusundequaque vementibus ignotus. Marvel! had nodoubt encountered it elsewhere.

38 'Mary Palmer, alias Mrs. Andrew MarvelP,

Publications of the Modern Language Associationof America, vol. LIII (1938), pp. 367-392.

39 P.R.O. C6/276/48(2); partly printed in theBritish Library Catalogue Andrew Marvell: Poet(^ Politician, 1978, item 113.

40 Much of the research that produced the detailspublished below was undertaken by MrsMarie P. G. Draper, the Bedford Archivist, towhom the writer's grateful thanks are due.

41 Morris had also, on 6 January 1662/3, 'eased twomessuages in Hart Street (Bloomsbury Market),being described as blacksmith. The VestryMinutes of St. Giles show him as a LowerChurchwarden in March 1667/8, an UpperChurchwarden in the following year, and anOrdinary Vestryman by November 1669. Thisinformation was kindly supplied by Dr. JaneSayer.

42 British Museum Prints and Drawings 1860-7-14-4: see E. Croft-Murray and P. Hulton,Catalogue of British Drawings (London, i960),vol. I, p. 328.

43 The account of the formation of Great RussellStreet that follows draws heavily on GladysScott Thomson's The Russells in Bloomsbury

i66g-iy2i (London, 1940).44 From Morbus Polyrhizos, 1665, 4, quoted by

Thomson, op. cit., p. 52: the British Library'scopy of Maynwaring's treatise was destroyed inthe war.

45 John Stowe, A Survey of the Cities of London andWestminster., rev. by John Strype (London,1720), vol. II, Bk. IV, p. 85.

46 British Museum, Department of Prints andDrawings, Crace Port. XXVIII, 68.

47 The details that follow are abstracted fromRussell's entry in the D.N.B.

48 See C. H. T. Hawkins sale catalogue, secondportion, Christie's 10-16 May 1904, lot 1056, andthe Catalogue of a Collection of Miniatures lent.. .by Henry J. Pfungst (London, South Kensing-ton Museum, 1915), p. 5.

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