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75 AD



SOLON

638-539 B.C.

Plutarch



ranslated by John Dryden

Plutarch (46-120) - Greek biographer, histo

and philosopher,

sometimes known as the encyclopaedis

antiquity. He is most

renowned for his series of character stu

arranged mostly in

pairs, known as “Plutarch’s Lives of the N

Grecians and

Romans” or “Parallel Lives.” Solon (75 ADstudy of the life of

he Athenian lawgiver, Solon.



SOLON

DIDYMUS, the grammarian, in his answe

Asclepiades concerning Solon’s Tables of mentions a passage of one Philocles, who s

hat Solon’s father’s name was Euphorion, co

o the opinion of all others who have w

concerning him; for they generally agree that he

he son of Execestides, a man of moderate wand power in the city, but of a most noble s

being descended from Codrus; his mother

Heraclides Ponticus affirms, was cousin

Pisistratus’s mother, and the two at first were

riends, partly because they were akin, and because of Pisistratus’s noble qualities and be

And they say Solon loved him; and that is the rea

suppose, that when afterwards they differed a

he government, their enmity never produced an

and violent passion, they remembered theikindnesses, and retained “Still in its embers

he strong fire” of their love and dear affection

hat Solon was not proof against beauty, n

coura e to stand u to assion and meet it



Hand to hand as in the ring,” we may conjectu

his poems, and one of his laws, in which there

practices forbidden to slaves, which he w

appear, therefore, to recommend to freePisistratus, it is stated, was similarly attached to

Charmus; he it was who dedicated the future of

n the Academy, where the runners in the sa

orch race light their torches. Solon, as Herm

writes, when his father had ruined his estate in dbenefits and kindnesses to other men, thoug

had friends enough that were willing to contribu

his relief, yet was ashamed to be beholden to ot

ince he was descended from a family who

accustomed to do kindnesses rather than rehem; and therefore applied himself to mercha

n his youth; though others assure us that he trav

ather to get learning and experience than to m

money. It is certain that he was a lover of knowle

or when he was old he would say, that he “Eacgrew older, and learnt something new;” and ye

admirer of riches, esteeming as equally wealth

man “Who hath both gold and silver in his h

Horses and mules, and acres of wheat-land,



him whose all is decent food to eat, Clothes t

back and shoes upon his feet, And a young wife

child, since so ‘twill be, And no more years tha

with that agree;” and in another place “Wealth I w

have, but wealth by wrong procure I wouldustice, e’en if slow, is sure.” And it is pe

possible for a good man and a statesman, wi

being solicitous for superfluities, to show s

concern for competent necessaries. In his tim

Hesiod says,- “Work was a shame to none,” nodistinction made with respect to trade,

merchandise was a noble calling, which bro

home the good things which the barbarous na

enjoyed, was the occasion of friendship with

kings, and a great source of experience.

Some merchants have built great cities, as P

he founder of Massilia, to whom the Gauls, nea

Rhone, were much attached.

Some report also, that Thales and Hippocrate

mathematician traded; and that Plato defraye

charges of his travels by selling oil in Egypt. So

oftness and profuseness, his popular rather



chiefly esteemed the political part of mora

physics, he was very plain and antiquated

appears by this: “It is the clouds that make the

and hail, And thunder comes from lightning w

ail; The sea is stormy when the winds have bBut it deals fairly when ‘tis left alone.”

And, indeed, it is probable that at that time T

alone had raised philosophy above mere pra

nto speculation; and the rest of the wise men o called from prudence in political concerns

aid, that they had an interview at Delphi,

another at Corinth, by the procurement of Peria

who made a meeting for them, and a supper

heir reputation was chiefly raised by sendingripod to them all, by their modest refusal,

complaisant yielding to one another. For, as

tory goes, some of the Coans fishing with a

ome strangers, Milesians, bought the draught

venture; the net brought up a golden tripod, whey say, Helen, at her return from Troy, upon

emembrance of an old prophecy, threw in t

Now, the strangers at first contesting with the fis

about the tripod, and the cities espousing the qu



o far as to engage themselves in a war, A

decided the controversy by commanding to pre

t to the wisest man; and first it was sent to Milet

Thales, the Coans freely presenting him with th

which they fought against the whole body oMilesians; but Thales declaring Bias the

person, it was sent to him; from him to another

o, going round them all, it came to Thales a se

me; and, at last, being carried from Miletu

Thebes, was there dedicated to Apollo IsmeTheophrastus writes that it was first presente

Bias at Priene; and next to Thales at Miletus, an

hrough all it returned to Bias, and was afterw

ent to Delphi. This is the general report, only s

nstead of a tripod, say this present was a cupby Croesus; others, a piece of plate that

Bathycles had left.

t is stated, that Anacharsis and Solon, and S

and Thales, were familiarly acquainted and shave delivered parts of their discourse; for, they

Anacharsis, coming to Athens, knocked at So

door, and told him, that he, being a stranger,

come to be his guest, and contract a friendship



him; and Solon replying, “It is better to make fr

at home,” Anacharsis replied,

Then you that are at home make friendship

me.” Solon, somewhat surprised at the readine

he repartee, received him kindly, and kept

ome time with him, being already engaged in p

business and the compilation of his laws; w

when Anacharsis understood, he laughed at hi

magining the dishonesty and covetousness ocountrymen could be restrained by written

which were like spiders’ webs, and would catch

rue, the weak and poor, but easily be broken b

mighty and rich. To this Solon rejoined that

keep their promises when neither side cananything by the breaking of them; and he would

his laws to the citizens, that all should understa

was more eligible to be just than to break the

But the event rather agreed with the conjectu

Anacharsis than Solon’s hope.

Anacharsis, being once at the Assembly, expre

his wonder at the fact that in Greece wise

poke and fools decided.



Solon went, they say, to Thales, at Miletus,

wondered that Thales took no care to get him a

and children. To this, Thales made no answer fo

present; but a few days after procured a strang

pretend that he had left Athens ten days agoSolon inquiring what news there, the man, acco

o his instructions, replied, “None but a young m

uneral, which the whole city attended; for he wa

on, they said, of an honourable man, the

virtuous of the citizens, who was not then at hbut had been travelling a long time.” Solon re

What a miserable man is he! But what wa

name?” “I have heard it,” says the man,

but have now forgotten it, only there was a greaof his wisdom and his justice.” Thus Solon

drawn on by every answer, and his fears heighte

ll at last, being extremely concerned, he menti

his own name, and asked the stranger if that y

man was called Solon’s son; and the stra

assenting, he began to beat his head, and to do

ay all that is usual with men in transports of

But Thales took his hand, and, with a smile,



These things, Solon, keep me from marriage

earing children, which are too great for even

constancy to support; however, be not concern

he report, for it is a fiction.” This Hermippus re

rom Pataecus, who boasted that he had Aesoul.

However, it is irrational and poor-spirited not to

conveniences for fear of losing them, for upo

ame account we should not allow ourselves twealth, glory, or wisdom, since we may fear t

deprived of all these; nay, even virtue itself,

which there is no greater nor more des

possession, is often suspended by sicknes

drugs. Now Thales, though unmarried, could nree from solicitude unless he likewise felt no

or his friends, his kinsman, or his country; yet w

old be adopted Cybisthus, his sister’s son. Fo

oul, having a principle of kindness in itself,

being born to love, as well as perceive, thinemember, inclines and fixes upon some stra

when a man has none of his own to embrace.

alien or illegitimate objects insinuate themselve

his affections, as into some estate that lacks l



heirs; and with affection come anxiety and

nsomuch that you may see men that use

trongest language against the marriage-bed

he fruit of it, when some servant’s or concub

child is sick or dies, almost killed with grief,abjectly lamenting. Some have given wa

hameful and desperate sorrow at the loss of a

or horse; others have borne the death of virt

children without any extravagant or unbeco

grief, have passed the rest of their lives like and according to the principles of reason. It i

affection, it is weakness that brings men, una

against fortune by reason, into these endless

and terrors; and they indeed have not even

present enjoyment of what they dote uponpossibility of the future loss causing them con

pangs, tremors, and distresses.

We must not provide against the loss of weal

poverty, or of friends by refusing all acquaintancof children by having none, but by morality

eason.

But of this too much.



Now, when the Athenians were tired with a ted

and difficult war that they conducted agains

Megarians for the island Salamis and made a

hat it should be death for any man, by writin

peaking, to assert that the city ought to endeao recover it, Solon, vexed at the disgrace,

perceiving thousands of the youth wished

omebody to begin, but did not dare to stir fir

ear of the law, counterfeited a distraction, and b

own family it was spread about the city that hemad. He then secretly composed some el

verses, and getting them by heart, that it might s

extempore, ran out into the market-place with a

upon his head, and, the people gathering about

got upon the herald’s stand, and sang that

which begins thus “I am a herald come from Sa

he fair, My news from thence my verses

declare.”

The poem is called Salamis; it contains an hun

verses very elegantly written; when it had been

his friends commended it, and especially Pisist

exhorted the citizens to obey his direc



nsomuch that they recalled the law, and renewe

war under Solon’s conduct. The popular tale is

with Pisistratus he sailed to Colias, and, findin

women, according to the custom of the country t

acrificing to Ceres, he sent a trusty frienSalamis, who should pretend himself a reneg

and advise them, if they desired to seize the

Athenian women, to come with him at on

Colias; the Megarians presently sent off men i

vessel with him; and Solon, seeing it put off fromsland, commanded the women to be gone,

ome beardless youths, dressed in their clo

heir shoes and caps, and privately armed

daggers, to dance and play near the shore ti

enemies had landed and the vessel was in power.

Things being thus ordered, the Megarians

ured with the appearance, and, coming to the s

umped out, eager who should first seize a prizhat not one of them escaped; and the Athenian

ail for the island and took it.

Others say that it was not taken this way, but th



rst received this oracle from Delphi: “Those he

hat in fair Asopia rest, All buried with their fac

he west, Go and appease with offerings of the

and that Solon, sailing by night to the is

acrificed to the heroes Periphemus and Cychand then taking five hundred Athenian voluntee

aw having passed that those that took the i

hould be highest in the government), with a nu

of fisher-boats and one thirty-oared ship, anch

n a bay of Salamis that looks towards Nisaeahe Megarians that were then in the island, he

only an uncertain report, hurried to their arms

ent a ship to reconnoiter the enemies. This

Solon took, and, securing the Megarians, mann

with Athenians, and gave them orders to sail tsland with as much privacy as possible; mean

he, with the other soldiers, marched agains

Megarians by land, and whilst they were fig

hose from the ship took the city. And this narrat

confirmed by the following solemnity, that afterwards observed: An Athenian ship used to

ilently at first to the island, then, with noise a

great shout, one leapt out armed, and with a lou

an to the promontory Sciradium to meet those



approached upon the land. And just by there st

a temple which Solon dedicated to Mars. Fo

beat the Megarians, and as many as were not

n the battle he sent away upon conditions.

The Megarians, however, still contending, and

ides having received considerable losses,

chose the Spartans for arbitrators. Now, many a

hat Homer’s authority did Solon a conside

kindness, and that, introducing a line intoCatalogue of Ships, when the matter was t

determined, he read the passage as fol

Twelve ships from Salamis stout Ajax brought,

anked his men where the Athenians fought.”

Athenians, however, call this but an idle storyeport that Solon made it appear to the judges

Philaeus and Eurysaces, the sons of Ajax, b

made citizens of Athens, gave them the island

hat one of them dwelt at Brauron in Attica, the

at Melite; and they have a township of Philaidawhich Pisistratus belonged, deriving its name

his Philaeus. Solon took a farther argument ag

he Megarians from the dead bodies, which, he

were not buried after their fashion, but accordi



he Athenian; for the Megarians turn the corp

he east, the Athenians to the west. But Herea

Megarian denies this, and affirms that they like

urn the body to the west, and also that the Athe

have a separate tomb for everybody, butMegarians put two or three into one. However, s

of Apollo’s oracles, where he calls Salamis Io

made much for Solon. This matter was determ

by five Spartans, Critolaidas, Amomphar

Hypsechidas, Anaxilas, and Cleomenes.

For this, Solon grew famed and powerful; bu

advice in favour of defending the oracle at Delp

give aid, and not to suffer the Cirrhaeans to pro

t, but to maintain the honour of the god, gomost repute among the Greeks; for upon

persuasion the Amphictyons undertook the wa

amongst others, Aristotle affirms, in his enumer

of the victors at the Pythian games, where he m

Solon the author of this counsel. Solon, howwas not general in that expedition, as Herm

tates, out of Evanthes the Samian; for Aesc

he orator says no such thing, and, in the Del

egister, Alcmaeon, not Solon, is named



commander of the Athenians.

Now the Cylonian pollution had a long

disturbed the commonwealth, ever since the

when Megacles the archon persuaded

conspirators with Cylon that took sanctua

Minerva’s temple to come down and stand to

rial. And they, tying a thread to the image,

holding one end of it, went down to the tribuna

when they came to the temple of the Furieshread broke of its own accord, upon which, as

goddess had refused them protection, they

eized by Megacles and the other magistrate

many as were without the temples were sto

hese that fled for sanctuary were butchered aaltar, and only those escaped who m

upplication to the wives of the magistrates.

But they from that time were considered u

pollution, and regarded with hatred. The remaof the faction of Cylon grew strong again, and

continual quarrels with the family of Megacles

now the quarrel being at its height, and the pe

divided, Solon, being in reputation, interposed



he chiefest of the Athenians, and by entreaty

admonition persuaded the polluted to submit

rial and the decision of three hundred noble citi

And Myron of Phlya being their accuser, they

ound guilty, and as many as were then alive banished, and the bodies of the dead were du

and scattered beyond the confines of the count

he midst of these distractions, the Megarians f

upon them, they lost Nisaea and Salamis a

besides, the city was disturbed with superstears and strange appearances, and the p

declared that the sacrifices intimated some villa

and pollutions that were to be expiated. Upon

hey sent for Epimenides the Phaestian from C

who is counted the seventh wise man by thosewill not admit Periander into the number. He se

o have been thought a favourite of he

possessed of knowledge in all the supernatura

itual parts of religion; and, therefore, the men o

age called him a new Curies, and son of a nynamed Balte. When he came to Athens, and

acquainted with Solon, he served him in

nstances, and prepared the way for his legisla

He made them moderate in their forms of wo



and abated their mourning by ordering s

acrifices presently after the funeral, and takin

hose severe and barbarous ceremonies whic

women usually practised; but the greatest b

was his purifying and sanctifying the city, by cepropitiatory and expiatory lustrations,

oundations of sacred buildings, by that m

making them more submissive to justice, and

nclined to harmony. It is reported that, looking

Munychia, and considering a long while.

he said to those that stood by, “How blind is m

uture things!

or did the Athenians foresee what mischiefwould do their city, they would even eat it with

own teeth to be rid of it.” A similar anticipatio

ascribed to Thales; they say he commande

riends to bury him in an obscure and contem

quarter of the territory of Mileteus, saying thould some day be the marketplace of

Milesians. Epimenides, being much honoured

eceiving from the city rich offers of large gifts

privileges, requested but one branch of the sa



olive, and, on that being granted, returned.

The Athenians, now the Cylonian sedition was

and the polluted gone into banishment fell into

old quarrels about the government, there bein

many different parties as there were diversiti

he country. The Hill quarter favoured democracy

Plain, oligarchy, and those that lived by the Sea

tood for a mixed sort of government, an

hindered either of the other parties from prevaAnd the disparity of fortune between the rich an

poor, at that time, also reached its height; so tha

city seemed to be in a truly dangerous condition

no other means for freeing it from disturbances

ettling it to be possible but a despotic power. Apeople were indebted to the rich; and either

lled their land for their creditors, paying them a

part of the increase, and were, therefore, c

Hectemorii and Thetes, or else they engaged

body for the debt, and might be seized, and eent into slavery at home, or sold to strangers; s

for no law forbade it) were forced to sell

children, or fly their country to avoid the crue

heir creditors; but the most part and the brave



hem began to combine together and encourage

another to stand to it, to choose a leader, to lib

he condemned debtors, divide the land, and ch

he government.

Then the wisest of the Athenians, perceiving S

was of all men the only one not implicated i

roubles, that he had not joined in the exactio

he rich and was not involved in the necessiti

he poor, pressed him to succour the commonwand compose the differences. Though Phania

Lesbian affirms, that Solon, to save his country’

rick upon both parties, and privately promise

poor a division of the lands, and the rich secur

heir debts.

Solon, however, himself says, that it was reluc

at first that he engaged in state affairs, being a

of the pride of one party and the greediness o

other; he was chosen archon, however, Philombrotus, and empowered to be an arbi

and lawgiver; the rich consenting because he

wealthy, the poor because he was honest. T

was a saying of his current before the election



when things are even there never can be war

his pleased both parties, the wealthy and the

he one conceiving him to mean, when all have

air proportion; the others, when all are abso

equal. Thus, there being great hopes on both she chief men pressed Solon to take the govern

nto his own hands, and, when he was once se

manage the business freely and according t

pleasure; and many of the commons, perceiv

would be a difficult change to be effected by laweason, were willing to have one wise and just

et over the affairs; and some say that Solon

his oracle from Apollo “Take the mid-seat, an

he vessel’s guide; Many in Athens are upon

ide.” But chiefly his familiar friends chid himdisaffecting monarchy only because of the nam

f the virtue of the ruler could not make it a l

orm; Euboea had made this experiment wh

chose Tynnondas, and Mitylene, which had m

Pittacus its prince; yet this could not shake Soesolution; but, as they say, he replied to his frie

hat it was true a tyranny was a very fair spot,

had no way down from it; and in a copy of vers

Phocus he writes”



hat I spared my land, And withheld from usurp

and from violence my hand, And forbore to fix a

and a disgrace on my good name, I regret

believe that it will be my chiefest fame.” From w

t is manifest that he was a man of great repu

before he gave his laws. The several mocks

were put upon him for refusing the power, he rec

n these words: “Solon surely was a dreamer, a

man of simple mind; When the gods would giveortune, he of his own will declined; When th

was full of fishes, over-heavy thinking it, He dec

o haul it up, through want of heart and want of w

Had but I that chance of riches and of kingshione day, I would give my skin for flaying, an

house to die away.” Thus he makes the many

he low people speak of him. Yet, though he ref

he government, he was not too mild in the affa

did not show himself mean and submissive tpowerful, nor make his laws to pleasure those

chose him. For where it was well before, he ap

no remedy, nor altered anything, for fear

Overthrowing altogether and disordering the s



he should be too weak to new-model

ecompose it to a tolerable condition; but wh

hought he could effect by persuasion upon

pliable, and by force upon the stubborn, this he

as he himself says “With force and justice woboth in one.” And, therefore, when he was afterw

asked if he had left the Athenians the best laws

could be given, he replied, “The best they

eceive.” The way which, the moderns say

Athenians have of softening the badness of a by ingeniously giving it some pretty and inn

appellation, calling harlots, for example, mistre

ributes customs, a garrison a guard, and the ja

chamber, seem originally to have been So

contrivance, who called cancelling dSeisacthea, a relief, or disencumbrance.

For the first thing which he settled was, that

debts remained should be forgiven, and no ma

he future, should engage the body of his debtecurity. Though some, as Androtion, affirm tha

debts were not cancelled, but the interest

essened, which sufficiently pleased the peopl

hat they named this benefit the Seisacthea, tog



with the enlarging their measures and raising

value of their money; for he made a pound, w

before passed for seventy-three drachmas, go

hundred; so that, though the number of pieces i

payment was equal, the value was less; wproved a considerable benefit to those that we

discharge great debts, and no loss to the cred

But most agree that it was the taking off the d

hat was called Seisacthea, which is confirme

ome places in his poem, where he takes honohimself, that “The mortgage-stones that covered

by me Removed,- the land that was a slave is

hat some who had been seized for their deb

had brought back from other countries, where

ar their lot to roam, They had forgot the languaheir home; and some he had set at liberty

here in shameful servitude were held.”

While he was designing this, a most vexatious

happened; for when he had resolved to take odebts, and was considering the proper form a

beginning for it, he told some of his friends, Co

Clinias, and Hipponicus, in whom he had a

deal of confidence, that he would not meddle wit



ands, but only free the people from their debts;

which they, using their advantage, made haste

borrowed some considerable sums of money,

purchased some large farms; and when the law

enacted, they kept the possessions, and wouleturn the money; which brought Solon into

uspicion and dislike, as if he himself had not

abused, but was concerned in the contrivance

he presently stopped this suspicion, by releasin

debtors of five talents (for he had lent so maccording to the law; others, as Polyzelus

Rhodian, say fifteen; his friends, however, were

afterward called Chreocopidae, repudiators.

n this he pleased neither party, for the rich angry for their money, and the poor that the land

not divided, and, as Lycurgus ordered in

commonwealth, all men reduced to equality. He

rue, being the eleventh from Hercules, and h

eigned many years in Lacedaemon, had got a eputation and friends and power, which he c

use in modelling his state; and applying force

han persuasion, insomuch that he lost his eye

cuffle, was able to employ the most effectual m



or the safety and harmony of a state, by

permitting any to be poor or rich in

commonwealth. Solon could not rise to that i

polity, being but a citizen of the middle classes

he acted fully up to the height of his power, hanothing but the good-will and good opinion o

citizens to rely on; and that he offended the

part, who looked for another result, he declar

he words “Formerly they boasted of me vainly

averted eyes Now they look askance uponriends no more, but enemies.”

And yet had any other man, he says, receive

ame power “He would not have forborne, n

alone, But made the fattest of the milk his own.”

Soon, however, becoming sensible of the good

was done, they laid by their grudges, made a p

acrifice, calling it Seisacthea, and chose Sol

new-model and make laws for the commonwgiving him the entire power over everything,

magistracies, their assemblies, courts, and cou

hat he should appoint the number, times of mee

and what estate they must have that coul



capable of these, and dissolve or continue any o

present constitutions, according to his pleasure

First, then, he repealed all Draco’s laws, ex

hose concerning homicide, because they wer

evere, and the punishment too great; for death

appointed for almost all offences, insomuch

hose that were convicted of idleness were to

and those that stole a cabbage or an apple to s

even as villains that committed sacrilege or muSo that Demades, in after time, was thought to

aid very happily, that Draco’s laws were writte

with ink but blood; and he himself, being once a

why be made death the punishment of

offences, replied, “Small ones deserve that, have no higher for the greater crimes.” Next, S

being willing to continue the magistracies in

hands of the rich men, and yet receive the pe

nto the other part of the government, too

account of the citizens’ estates, and those that worth five hundred measures of fruit, dry and l

he placed in the first rank, calling

Pentacosiomedimni; those that could keep an h

or were worth three hundred measures, were na



Hippada Teluntes, and made the second class

Zeugitae, that had two hundred measures, we

he third; and all the others were called Thetes

were not admitted to any office, but could com

he assembly, and act as jurors; which ateemed nothing, but afterwards was foun

enormous privilege, as almost every matte

dispute came before them in this latter cap

Even in the cases which he assigned to the arc

cognisance, he allowed an appeal to the coBesides, it is said that he was obscure

ambiguous in the wording of his laws, on purpo

ncrease the honour of his courts; for since

differences could not be adjusted by the letter,

would have to bring all their causes to the judwho thus were in a manner masters of the law

his equalisation he himself makes mention in

manner: “Such power I gave the people as migh

Abridged not what they had, now lavished

Those that were great in wealth and high in placcounsel likewise kept from all disgrace.

Before them both I held my shield of might, An

not either touch the other’s right.”



And for the greater security of the weak comm

he gave general liberty of indicting for an a

njury; if any one was beaten, maimed, or suf

any violence, any man that would and was able

prosecute the wrong-doer; intending by th

accustom the citizens, like members of the s

body, to resent and be sensible of one anot

njuries. And there is a saying of his agreeable t

aw, for, being asked what city was best mode

That,” said he, “where those that are not injure

and punish the unjust as much as those that

When he had constituted the Areopagus of t

who had been yearly archons, of which he hi

was a member therefore, observing that the penow free from their debts, were unsettled

mperious, he formed another council of

hundred, a hundred out of each of the four t

which was to inspect all matters before they

propounded to the people, and to take carenothing but what had been first examined shou

brought before the general assembly. The u

council, or Areopagus, he made inspectors

keepers of the laws, conceiving that



commonwealth, held by these two councils

anchors, would be less liable to be tosse

umults, and the people be more quiet.

Such is the general statement, that Solon inst

he Areopagus; which seems to be confir

because Draco makes no mention of

Areopagites, but in all causes of blood refers t

Ephetae; yet Solon’s thirteenth table contains

eighth law set down in these very words: “Whobefore Solon’s archonship were disfranchise

hem be restored, except those that,

condemned by the Areopagus, Ephetae, or in

Prytaneum by the kings, for homicide, murde

designs against the government, were in banishwhen this law was made; and these words see

how that the Areopagus existed before So

aws, for who could be condemned by that co

before his time, if he was the first that institute

court? unless, which is probable, there is sellipsis, or want of precision in the language, a

hould run thus:- ”Those that are convicted of

offences as belong to the cognisance of

Areopagites, Ephetae, or the Prytanes, whe



aw was made,” shall remain still in disgrace, w

others are restored; of this the reader must judg

Amongst his other laws, one is very peculia

urprising, which disfranchises all who stand n

n a sedition; for it seems he would not have any

emain insensible and regardless of the public g

and securing his private affairs, glory that he ha

eeling of the distempers of his country; but at

oin with the good party and those that have theupon their side, assist and venture with them, r

han keep out of harm’s way and watch who w

get the better. It seems an absurd and foolish

which permits an heiress, if her lawful husban

her, to take his nearest kinsman; yet some sayaw was well contrived against those who, cons

of their own unfitness, yet, for the sake of the po

would match with heiresses, and make use of la

put a violence upon nature; for now, since she

quit him for whom she pleases, they would eabstain from such marriages, or continue them

disgrace, and suffer for their covetousness

designed affront; it is well done, moreover, to co

her to her husband’s nearest kinsman, tha



children may be of the same family.

Agreeable to this is the law that the bride

bridegroom shall be shut into a chamber, and

quince together; and that the husband of an he

hall consort with her thrice a month; for though

be no children, yet it is an honour and due affe

which an husband ought to pay to a virtuous, ch

wife; it takes off all petty differences, and wi

permit their little quarrels to proceed to a rupture

n all other marriages he forbade dowries t

given; the wife was to have three suits of cloth

ttle inconsiderable household stuff, and that wa

or he would not have marriages contracted for

or an estate, but for pure love, kind affection

birth of children. When the mother of Dion

desired him to marry her to one of his citi

Indeed,” said he, “by my tyranny I have broke

country’s laws, but cannot put a violence upon tof nature by an unseasonable marriage.”

disorder is never to be suffered in a commonw

nor such unseasonable and unloving

unperforming marriages, which attain no due e



ruit; any provident governor or lawgiver might s

an old man that takes a young wife what is sa

Philoctetes in the tragedy “Truly, in a fit state th

marry!

and if he find a young man, with a rich and e

wife, growing fat in his place, like the partrid

emove him to a young woman of proper age. A

his enough.

Another commendable law of Solon’s is that

orbids men to speak evil of the dead; for it is

o think the deceased sacred, and just, n

meddle with those that are gone, and polit

prevent the perpetuity of discord. He like

orbade them to speak evil of the living in

emples, the courts of justice, the public offices,

he games, or else to pay three drachmas to

person, and two to the public. For never to be a

control passion shows a weak nature anbreeding; and always to moderate it is very

and to some impossible. And laws must loo

possibilities, if the maker designs to punish fe

order to their amendment, and not many t



purpose.

He is likewise much commended for his

concerning wills; before him none could be m

but all the wealth and estate of the dece

belonged to his family; but he by permitting the

hey had no children to bestow it on whom

pleased, showed that he esteemed friendsh

tronger tie than kindred, affection than nece

and made every man’s estate truly his own. Yallowed not all sorts of legacies, but those only w

were not extorted by the frenzy of a disease, cha

mprisonment, force, or the persuasions of a

with good reason thinking that being seduced

wrong was as bad as being forced, and between deceit and necessity, flattery

compulsion, there was little difference, since

may equally suspend the exercise of reason.

He regulated the walks, feasts, and mourning owomen and took away everything that was e

unbecoming or immodest; when they w

abroad, no more than three articles of dress

allowed them; an obol’s worth of meat and drink



no basket above a cubit high; and at night they

not to go about unless in a chariot with a torch b

hem. Mourners tearing themselves to raise pity

et wailings, and at one man’s funeral to lame

another, he forbade. To offer an ox at the gravenot permitted, nor to bury above three piece

dress with the body, or visit the tombs of

besides their own family, unless at the very fun

most of which are likewise forbidden by our law

his is further added in ours, that those thaconvicted of extravagance in their mournings a

be punished as soft and effeminate by the cen

of women.

Observing the city to be filled with personsocked from all parts into Attica for security of l

and that most of the country was barren

unfruitful, and that traders at sea import nothi

hose that could give them nothing in exchang

urned his citizens to trade, and made a law thon be obliged to relieve a father who had not

him up to any calling. It is true, Lycurgus, hav

city free from all strangers, and land, accordi

Euripides- “Large for large hosts, for twice



number much,” -

and, above all, an abundance of labourers a

Sparta, who should not be left idle, but be kept

with continual toil and work, did well to take o

citizens from laborious and mechanical occupa

and keep them to their arms, and teach them

he art of war. But Solon, fitting his laws to the

of things, and not making things to suit his laws

nding the ground scarce rich enough to mahe husbandmen, and altogether incapabl

eeding an unoccupied and leisured mult

brought trades into credit, and ordered

Areopagites to examine how every man g

ving, and chastise the idle. But that law wamore rigid which, as Heraclides Ponticus del

declared the sons of unmarried mothers not ob

o relieve their fathers; for he that avoids

honourable form of union shows that he doe

ake a woman for children, but for pleasure, andgets his just reward, and has taken away

himself every title to upbraid his children, to who

has made their very birth a scandal and reproac



Solon’s laws in general about women are

trangest; for he permitted any one to ki

adulterer that found him in the act-but if any

orced a free woman, a hundred drachmas wa

ne; if he enticed her, twenty; except those thahemselves openly, that is, harlots, who go open

hose that hire them. He made it unlawful to s

daughter or a sister, unless, being yet unma

he was found wanton. Now it is irrational to p

he same crime sometimes very severely without remorse, and sometimes very lightly, an

t were in sport, with a trivial fine; unless there b

ttle money then in Athens, scarcity made t

mulcts the more grievous punishment. In

valuation for sacrifices, a sheep and a bushel both estimated at a drachma; the victor in

sthmian games was to have for reward an hun

drachmas; the conqueror in the Olympian,

hundred; he that brought a wolf, five drachmas;

whelp, one; the former sum, as DemetriusPhalerian asserts, was the value of an ox, the l

of a sheep. The prices which Solon, in his sixte

able, sets on choice victims, were naturall

greater; yet they, too, are very low in comparis



he present. The Athenians were, from the begin

great enemies to wolves, their fields being bett

pasture than corn. Some affirm their tribes di

ake their names from the sons of Ion, but from

different sorts of occupation that they followedoldiers were called Hoplitae, the craft

Ergades, and, of the remaining two, the far

Gedeontes, and the shepherds and gra

Aegicores.

Since the country has but few rivers, lakes, or

prings, and many used wells which they had

here was a law made, that, where there w

public well within a hippicon, that is, four furlong

hould draw at that; but when it was farther offhould try and procure a well of their own; and i

had dug ten fathoms deep and could find no w

hey had liberty to fetch a pitcherful of four ga

and a half in a day from their neighbours’; fo

hought it prudent to make provision against but not to supply laziness. He showed skill i

orders about planting, for any one that would

another tree was not to set it within five feet o

neighbour’s field; but if a fig or an olive not w



nine; for their roots spread farther, nor can the

planted near all sorts of trees without damag

hey draw away the nourishment, and in some c

are noxious by their effluvia.

He that would dig a pit or a ditch was to dig it a

distance of its own depth from his neighb

ground; and he that would raise stocks of bees

not to place them within three hundred feet of t

which another had already raised.

He permitted only oil to be exported, and those

exported any other fruit, the archon was solem

curse, or else pay an hundred drachmas him

and this law was written in his first table,

herefore, let none think it incredible, as some a

hat the exportation of figs was once unlawful

he informer against the delinquents calle

ycophant. He made a law, also, concerning

and injuries from beasts, in which he commandmaster of any dog that bit a man to deliver hi

with a log about his neck, four and a half feet lo

happy device for men’s security. The law conce

naturalizing strangers is of doubtful characte



permitted only those to be made free of Athens

were in perpetual exile from their own countr

came with their whole family to trade there; th

did, not to discourage strangers, but rather to

hem to a permanent participation in the privileghe government; and, besides, he thought t

would prove the more faithful citizens who had

orced from their own country, or voluntarily for

t. The law of public entertainment (parasitein

name for it) is also peculiarly Solon’s; for if anycame often, or if he that was invited refused,

were punished, for he concluded that one

greedy, the other a contemner of the state.

All his laws he established for an hundred yearswrote them on wooden tables or rollers, na

axones, which might be turned round in ob

cases; some of their relics were in my time still

een in the Prytaneum, or common hall at Ath

These, as Aristotle states, were called cyrbeshere is a passage of Cratinus the comedian

Solon, and by Draco, if you please, Whose Cy

make the fires that parch our peas.” But some

hose are properly cyrbes, which contain



concerning sacrifices and the rites of religion, a

he others axones. The council all jointly swo

confirm the laws, and every one of the Thesmoth

vowed for himself at the stone in the market-p

hat if he broke any of the statutes, he wdedicate a golden statue, as big as himse

Delphi.

Observing the irregularity of the months, and tha

moon does not always rise and set with the sunoften in the same day overtakes and gets b

him, he ordered the day should be named the

and New, attributing that part of it which was b

he conjunction to the old moon, and the rest t

new, he being the first, it seems, that understoodverse of Homer “The end and the beginning o

month,” and the following day he called the

moon. After the twentieth he did not coun

addition, but, like the moon itself in its wan

ubtraction; thus up to the thirtieth.

Now when these laws were enacted, and s

came to Solon every day, to commend or disp

hem, and to advise, if possible, to leave out or



omething, and many criticized and desired h

explain, and tell the meaning of such and su

passage, he, knowing that to do it was useless

not to do it would get him ill-will, and desiro

bring himself out of all straits, and to escapdispleasure and exceptions, it being a hard thin

he himself says “In great affairs to satisfy all s

as an excuse for travelling, bought a trading ve

and, having leave for ten years’

absence, departed, hoping that by that time his

would have become familiar.

His first voyage was for Egypt, and he lived, a

himself says

Near Nilus’ mouth, by fair Canopus’ shore,”

pent some time in study with Psenoph

Heliopolis, and Sonchis the Saite, the most lea

of all the priests; from whom, as Plato says, ge

knowledge of the Atlantic story, he put it into a p

and proposed to bring it to the knowledge o

Greeks. From thence he sailed to Cyprus, whe

was made much of by Philocyprus, one of the



here, who had a small city built by Demo

Theseus’s son, near the river Clarius, in a s

ituation, but incommodious and uneasy of ac

Solon persuaded him, since there lay a fair

below, to remove, and build there a pleasantemore spacious city. And he stayed himself,

assisted in gathering inhabitants, and in fitting it

or defence and convenience of living; insomuch

many flocked to Philocyprus, and the other

mitated the design; and, therefore, to honour She called the city Soli, which was formerly na

Aepea.

And Solon himself, in his Elegies, addr

Philocyprus, mentions this foundation in twords: “Long may you live, and fill the Solian th

Succeeded still by children of your own; And

your happy island while I sail, Let Cyprus sen

me a favouring gale; May she advance, and

your new command, Prosper your town, and me safe to land.” That Solon should discourse

Croesus, some think not agreeable with chrono

but I cannot reject so famous and well-attest

narrative, and, what is more, so agreeab



Solon’s temper, and so worthy his wisdom

greatness of mind, because, forsooth, it doe

agree with some chronological canons, w

housands have endeavoured to regulate, and y

his day, could never bring their differing opinioany agreement. They say, therefore, that S

coming to Croesus at his request, was in the s

condition as an inland man when first he goes to

he sea; for as he fancies every river he meets

o be the ocean, so Solon, as he passed througcourt, and saw a great many nobles richly dre

and proudly attended with a multitude of guards

ootboys, thought every one had been the king,

was brought to Croesus, who was decked with

possible rarity and curiosity, in ornaments of jepurple, and gold, that could make a grand

gorgeous spectacle of him. Now when Solon c

before him, and seemed not at all surprised

gave Croesus those compliments he expected

howed himself to all discerning eyes to be ahat despised the gaudiness and petty ostentat

t, he commanded them to open all his trea

houses, and carry him to see his sumptuous furn

and luxuries, though he did not wish it; Solon



udge of him well enough by the first sight o

and, when he returned from viewing all, Cro

asked him if ever he had known a happier man

he.

And when Solon answered that he had known

Tellus, a fellow-citizen of his own, and told him

his Tellus had been an honest man, had had

children, a competent estate, and died brave

battle for his country, Croesus took him for an illellow and a fool, for not measuring happiness b

abundance of gold and silver, and preferring th

and death of a private and mean man befor

much power and empire. He asked him, how

again, if, besides Tellus, he knew any other more happy. And Solon replying, Yes, Cleobis

Biton, who were loving brothers, and extre

dutiful sons to their mother, and, when the

delayed her, harnessed themselves to the wa

and drew her to Juno’s temple, her neighboucalling her happy, and she herself rejoicing;

after sacrificing and feasting, they went to rest

never rose again, but died in the midst of

honour a painless and tranquil death. “What,”



Croesus, angrily, “and dost not thou recko

amongst the happy men at all?” Solon, unw

either to flatter or exasperate him more, replied,

gods, O king, have given the Greeks all other g

moderate degree; and so our wisdom, too, cheerful and a homely, not a noble and k

wisdom; and this, observing the nume

misfortunes that attend all conditions, forbids

grow insolent upon our present enjoyments,

admire any man’s happiness that may yet, in coof time, suffer change. For the uncertain future

yet to come, with every possible variety of for

and him only to whom the divinity has cont

happiness unto the end we call happy; to salu

happy one that is still in the midst of life and hawe think as little safe and conclusive as to crow

proclaim as victorious the wrestler that is yet i

ing.” After this, he was dismissed, having

Croesus some pain, but no instruction.

Aesop, who wrote the fables, being then at S

upon Croesus’s invitation, and very much estee

was concerned that Solon was so ill received

gave him this advice: “Solon, let your converse



kings be either short or seasonable.” “Nay, rat

eplied Solon, “either short or reasonable.” So a

me Croesus despised Solon; but when he

overcome by Cyrus, had lost his city, was t

alive, condemned to be burnt, and laid bound he pile before all the Persians and Cyrus himse

cried out as loud as possibly he could three t

O Solon!” and Cyrus being surprised, and sen

ome to inquire what man or god this Solon

who alone he invoked in this extremity, Croesushim the whole story, saying, “He was one of the

men of Greece, whom I sent for, not to be instru

or to learn anything that I wanted, but that he s

ee and be a witness of my happiness; the lo

which was, it seems, to be a greater evil thaenjoyment was a good; for when I had them

were goods only in opinion, but now the loss of

has brought upon me intolerable and real evils

he, conjecturing from what then was, this that no

bade look to the end of my life, and not rely and proud upon uncertainties.” When this was told C

who was a wiser man than Croesus, and saw i

present example Solon’s maxim confirmed, h

only freed Croesus from punishment, but hono



him as long as he lived; and Solon had the glor

he same saying, to save one king and ins

another.

When Solon was gone, the citizens began to qu

Lycurgus headed the Plain; Megacles, the so

Alcmaeon, those to the Seaside; and Pisistratu

Hill-party, in which were the poorest people

Thetes, and greatest enemies to the rich; inso

hat, though the city still used the new laws, yooked for and desired a change of governm

hoping severally that the change would be bett

hem, and put them above the contrary faction.

Affairs standing thus, Solon returned, andeverenced by all, and honoured; but his old

would not permit him to be as active, and to spe

public, as formerly; yet, by privately conferring

he heads of the factions, he endeavoure

compose the differences, Pisistratus appearinmost tractable; for he was extremely smooth

engaging in his language, a great friend to the

and moderate in his resentments; and what n

had not given him, he had the skill to imitate; so



he was trusted more than the others, b

accounted a prudent and orderly man, one that

equality, and would be an enemy to any that m

against the present settlement. Thus he deceive

majority of people; but Solon quickly discoverecharacter, and found out his design before any

else; yet did not hate him upon this, but endeavo

o humble him, and bring him off from his amb

and often told him and others, that if any one

banish the passion for pre-eminence from his and cure him of his desire of absolute power,

would make a more virtuous man or a more exc

citizen.

Thespis, at this time, beginning to act tragedieshe thing, because it was new, taking very much

he multitude, though it was not yet made a mat

competition, Solon, being by nature fond of he

and learning something new, and now, in his

age, living idly, and enjoying himself, indeed,music and with wine, went to see Thespis himse

he ancient custom was, act: and after the play

done, he addressed him, and asked him if he

not ashamed to tell so many lies before su



number of people; and Thespis replying that it

no harm to say or do so in play, Solon vehem

truck his staff against the ground: “Ah,” said h

we honour and commend such play as this, we

nd it some day in our business.” Now Pisistratus, having wounded himself, was bro

nto the marketplace in a chariot, and stirred u

people, as if he had been thus treated by

opponents because of his political conduct, a

great many were enraged and cried out, Scoming close to him, said, “This, O

on of Hippocrates, is a bad copy of Ho

Ulysses; you do, to trick your countrymen, wh

did to deceive his enemies.” After this, the pewere eager to protect Pisistratus, and met

assembly, where one Ariston making a motion

hey should allow Pisistratus fifty clubmen for a g

o his person, Solon opposed it, and said mu

he same purport as what he has left us in his po

You dote upon his words and taking phrase;”

again “True, you are singly each a crafty soul, B

ogether make one empty fool.”



But observing the poor men bent to g

Pisistratus, and tumultuous, and the rich fearfu

getting out of harm’s way, he departed, sayin

was wiser than some and stouter than others;

han those that did not understand the detouter than those that, though they understo

were afraid to oppose the tyranny. Now, the pe

having passed the law, were not nice with Pisist

about the number of his clubmen, but took no n

of it, though he enlisted and kept as many awould, until he seized the Acropolis. When that

done, and the city in an uproar, Megacles, with a

amily, at once fled; but Solon, though he was

very old, and had none to back him, yet came

he marketplace and made a speech to the citi

partly blaming their inadvertency and meanne

pirit, and in part urging and exhorting them not

amely to lose their liberty; and likewise then s

hat memorable saying, that, before, it was an e

ask to stop the rising tyranny, but now the grea

more glorious action to destroy it, when it was b

already, and had gathered strength. But all b

afraid to side with him, he returned home,



aking his arms, he brought them out and laid th

he porch before his door, with these words: “I

done my part to maintain my country and my l

and then he busied himself no more. His fr

advising him to fly, he refused, but wrote poemshus reproached the Athenians in them: “If now

uffer, do not blame the Powers, For they are g

and all the fault was ours, All the strongholds yo

nto his hands, And now his slaves must do wh

commands.”

And many telling him that the tyrant would tak

fe for this, and asking what he trusted to, th

ventured to speak so boldly, he replied, “To m

age.” But Pisistratus, having got the commanextremely courted Solon, so honoured him, ob

him, and sent to see him, that Solon gave him

advice, and approved many of his actions; fo

etained most of Solon’s laws, observed

himself, and compelled his friends to obey. Anhimself, though already absolute ruler, b

accused of murder before the Areopagus, c

quietly to clear himself; but his accuser did

appear. And he added other laws, one of whi



hat the maimed in the wars should be maintain

he public charge; this Heraclides Ponticus rec

and that Pisistratus followed Solon’s example in

who had decreed it in the case of one Thersi

hat was maimed; and Theophrastus asserts twas Pisistratus, not Solon, that made that

against laziness, which was the reason tha

country was more productive, and the city tranqu

Now Solon, having begun the great work in vhe history or fable of the Atlantic Island, whic

had learned from the wise men in Sais, and tho

convenient for the Athenians to know, abandon

not, as Plato says, by reason of want of time

because of his age, and being discouraged agreatness of the task; for that he had leisure eno

uch verses testify, as “Each day grow older,

earn something new;” and again “But now

Powers, of Beauty, Song, and Wine, Which are

men’s delights, are also mine.” Plato, willinmprove the story of the Atlantic Island, as if it w

air estate that wanted an heir and came with s

tle to him, formed, indeed, stately entrances, n

enclosures, large courts, such as never



ntroduced any story, fable, or poetic fiction;

beginning it late, ended his life before his work

he reader’s regret for the unfinished part is

greater, as the satisfaction he takes in that wh

complete is extraordinary. For as the city of Ateft only the temple of Jupiter Olympius unfinishe

Plato, amongst all his excellent works, left this

piece about the Atlantic Island imperfect.

Solon lived after Pisistratus seized the governmas Heraclides Ponticus asserts, a long time

Phanias the Eresian says not two full years

Pisistratus began his tyranny when Comias

archon, and Phanias says Solon died u

Hegestratus, who succeeded Comias. The storyhis ashes were scattered about the island Sa

s too strange to be easily believed, or be tho

anything but a mere fable; and yet it is g

amongst other good authors, by Aristotle,

philosopher.



THE END

solon - plutarch

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