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ZsxÅ@gõ~tEzg®WgegW`ÌŠ*ÃZ,Zßw�ÛZë™@ìA X6¿cZƒ™Š*Zð»‘Zg{0$ËìZknZ#Ö0ÃgÎw0u

Æ«Gƒñzg®WgegÅñ�ŠÏ~ËZzgzg®WgegÅ¢zg]7XZsîzg®WgegÆ�7g~Š*ÐÕz*Z»°Æ{8ZzgÂx

)zZ]zZ»sÆÎfÅi]z4»W¸iƒZZzg¢„ZsxÅZkZ½Cƒð¤‰ÜägzxZzgÃgkÅŠzâV¬@Z¡à¤!VÃ½™ŠcZzgZy¤!VÃ‡Úu“ÐŠzegƒ*7ZX-VŠ*~Zsîzg®Wgeg»Îf™ŠcŠXZkzg®WgegÆÎfÐ$Z*ZzgÕz''e»{ØƒŠZzgZqZ,ÎZÑZòçÑ}»W¸iƒZT~íÔyÔZg»YZzg°w„°wåX�ZyÆãŠ~£t»ŸðåXT~ÎZÑZò¸Z2Å0‡Zg~Ô¬@ZðÆªxÔ6Zð’ñ!bÔÝòÐ�]ÔhÅçz-ZzgÕÐ�]Æ¯~ZßwŠØ‰¸XZsîzg®WgegÆ~ZßßVÆ�#ñgZ”+ÆÇÜÄ~166YJ›âVäæ¸VÃìHz;VÆ)²:Zzg¤Z:¸Z2Ã™c™ŠcŠXZzgz;VÅW!Š~Ã„ZMZg~ÑqHŠX

ÇÜÄgZ”{ZzgŠzg´ZðÐá™�¢6)ñ�Š{�,œ~{~ÆZzZb(J›âVäZsîzg®WgegÆZßßVÆ_.ÎZÑZò(„~úcV™ŠZgZŠZHZzg›âVÆCÙÃ<äZ4ZßßVÃæÃgnƒñZKŠZ¼z{gz0ÎVÃúŠcX







»_· A Z°Îw æ 2X]hSã)bÆÚø~§>Å)~ZzgÎZÑZòZÌ»ŠzuZU]hZã A §]Z°Îw

)bÆjZáÐZY¤ƒ@ìXW`Z+¬@R6Fë{)b~Ðá™CÙoÅ)u»g~�Y"3‹-)é GEEG] (UNO) y~ƒðìÔZZx�{

è JZyZã)bÆiÆn6.y�X1t|¾e (NGOs)

ZZy»!ì�¬@Zã)bñ�Š{Šzg~6.ã»!0gì�äŒÛWyz<Åx]ZzgZÎ{õÅßg]~Zy»i A §]t~

aŠ{œcVI„«�ÛâŠcåXZ[øg~f)ŠZg~Zy)~)b»iˆlÐYzZáiÃ*ÇZzg¥z/¿™*ìXW` A ™*7É!gÇ{Ö~

: ÎZÑZòR66.yÁZëZã)b~ÐPZqŠg`fs�

(Establishing Universal Values) 1XWÃ¹RŠZg»ªx`ÆŠzg»tZ˜ì�ÎZÑZò©]Zzg(ÏgzZ*ÅãŠZy W

ZŠZg6gÄŠ~ˆ�£òZzgözŠ¢ŠZ]„Å™«™äzZà�XZsxZL'×Z`ÆÒpÐözŠZzg£ò¢ŠZ]»D™äzZàZŠZgÅOñWÃ¹ZzgZãZŠZg»Z}Âx§]ìXZk|»Z‹Zs™DƒñZqf!®

qì:Christianity and Islam -offer universal values to thecommunity of mankind. When aliens are made insocieties about 'cultural authenticity', they are mostoften made about religious totems.(1)


(1) Simon Murden, Culture in World Affairs in John Baylis &

Steve Smith's The Globalization of World Politics, OUP,

2001, p. 457.






LL|áZzgZsxµâqZycWÃ¹ZŠZg7™D�XZçÑ}~ZbÁÜÐpDp>Ø»_cHY@ìÂZÒz9Zk»mèI¶*]Ðƒ@ìXóó

¡~Z%Âtå�W`Zq¬ŠÑ:Ô²:ZzgZ+âZi¬@Âx»ªxZsx„»£ƒ@‰�ZsxÆ„»Z’ZðŠzg~g;XpZsxÆZLZk¡~£ÐZ�Zs»³tì�¬@ÂxÅúZyZZxz^

Æ;ðV~¬ˆ�W`J#Ô—ãZzg'Z5ðÈ~VÐWiZŠ7ƒmXZkZ%»ZÖgW`Æf!(Ï®,Å’kzVÐÌƒ@ì

A universal civilization, Huntington argues, is purelya Western dream; civilizations have been maintainingand even reinforcing their distinctions throughout thelate 20th century However, if civilizations do adaptto meet new condi tions, especially materialconditions, as the modern view might suggest and iflife within the world's major civilizations is graduallyencountering similar, if not identical, materialconditions, then those civilizations should tend toconverge, at least to some degree, in the face ofthose similar challenges.(1)

LL4545»4èXEHEYHEÆ_.¬@�d{µf!pZ[ìX7g~�,œ~ÆŠzgZy�’ZLZqÐiZ]Ã‡ìgpZzgZ7*Ç™äÆa]z4™Cg�X@ëZ¤�’6qÑ]ÃZ(g™BÔSî

âŠ~ßg�wÃ6�]hNÃ?m™}ÇZzgZ¤Š*Å(~�'V


(1) Christian Stracke; The Clash of Civilizations and the

Remaking of the World Order, Journal of International

Affairs, Vol. 51, 1997.






~i0Ï’góZk§bÅÍ)zâŠ~ßg�w»‚o™}ÂZy�'VÃÁZiÁZkŠgZJZyZq‰{»‚o™äcZ‰ƒY*ecXóó

¸zzì�f[Æ£Šx6F(Ï�»ZWZyZZxÆ„z¿~(ZzZãÃW@ìX†-g\Æ(Ï§i„z¿Ã³™ä~FjZßVÐ§b34545»4è XEHHEYHEÅ„äã~™ŠZgZŠZH:

Huntington's focus upon an Islamic threat to the EUparalleled the approach of European strategists. Hisexplicit identification of a "danger" to the Union fromoutside and from inside was not an approach thatsenior EU figures pursued publicly: it did howevercomplement the position taken by populist politiciansand by organizations of the extreme Right.(1)

LL34545»4è XEHHEYHE»ZsòŠ*Ã-g8-2Æaç{ŒÛZgŠb-g8ÕiÆáZi~g;X-g8-2ÆaZ0gzyZzgÛzyÅ§sÐç}ÅZkzZã¶0„Z(Ã:å&7g~-2ÅZd†]JwZzgZ(g™pX@ëZk¸�ÃZâ¾e¢zgB�ZÐZ•ðŠZN!izÆúZò(+ZâVÔ¡VäZ(gHXóó

²W`Æ¬@(Ï©*)ZkZ%»¾èì�ÎZÑZò©]ÅãŠZ,ZŠZg6g¿Yñ�’ñ!bÅŸðƒVXZk»2ÅZÌÃÒy™DƒñZqf!®qì:


(1) Philip Marfleet, The "Clash" Thesis: War and Ethnic

Boundaries in Europe, Arab Studies Quarterly, vol. 25,

2003.






For the furtherance of peace in this world and thereception of human rights into all cultures, thesedifficult questions should be discussed in a dialogicalway, that is, openly with mutual understanding,reciprocal witnessing and critical questioning. In sucha dialogue western individualism will be subject tocorrection.(1)

LLŠ*~ZðÆ�ÛzrZzgÓxp:V~Zã£tÆ�ÛzrÆnZyÂÎZÑ]ÃkÓCîg6ikcÑäÅ¢zg]ìªzW

îg6!bZ~xzƒÔ!bÞŠÂVZzgW~ÎZÑ]Æfg)XZqZ,kã~Z�x»gf!¦g�ÛŠÃZKo™*ƒÏXóó

t¦g�Š*»ñ�Š{¬@ÂxT„6Fìz{FjZßVÐûÃìW`f[ÆÐZË®+~¬xƒg;ìX¸zzì�§b34545»4è XEHHEYHE»7™Š{ÃtW»¶:Ì0g;ì:

Even Huntington's most ardent admirers have viewedthe thesis in this light: Robert Kaplan, for example,sees it as an analysis of American security needs set"in the most tragic, pessimistic terms.(2)

LL4545»4èXEHEYHEÆ¹6�læZbÌZkÆÃØÃWÅÃÐŠÙ

�X}gZ'^45Ó4è GFGEÔZÐZ%OD»Z(‹tŒÛZgŠêì�¹„ZOCZzgâ-kÁZ0ZiÐHŠìXóó


(1) Abd Allah Ahmad Na'im, Human Rights and religiousValues, p. vii.

(2) Philip Marfleet; The "Clash" Thesis: War and EthnicBoundaries in Europe, Arab Studies Quarterly, Vol.25, 2003.






Z0g,qÑ]Z+ÃWÃ¹ZŠZg6FÂxÅZô`Üs—gÑÅ«™Š{x]6FÂx„7g~™YìXT»ƒÐ(Z A Z™x

o]£tZã»!�egR[ÁZßŠZqìX

2X£ŠxÅOñkãÅ¢zg](Preferring Dailogue on Clash)

`Å]h(Ï„äÎZÑZò©]ZzgÎZÅ)ÓÿgzZ*pÄÃ WŒÛZgŠcìXCÙxÅZKúcVZzgZÐZŠ~pDÙ|ƒCìÒ†î E˜V}pDZŠZg~Z%sz§ŠzZµƒÇÔpDÙ|ÃFßŠ¶Æ*ðt£Šx6ÈƒÇXpÄÆZk™ŠZg»f™™DƒñZqf!'qì:

Toynbee 's inf luence on Huntington i s clearthroughout his treatment of what civilizations areand why they are important. Civilizations, Huntingtonexplains, are broad cultural entities that uniteindividuals around common mores, traditions andinstitutions. As such, they are "the most enduring ofhuman assoc iations," and are therefore thefoundations of long-term historical continuityBecause civilizations are, after blood and tribe, themost important factors binding individuals togetherinto potential political identities, they are naturallythe most important actors in the field of globalpolitics.(1)

LL�'VÅâÎZzgZyÅZÌÒy™äÆ7g}¿ÆŠzgZy


(1) Christian Stracke, The Clash of Civilizations and the


Affairs, vol. 51, 1997.






34545»4è XEHHEYHE6IZí!»ZW(ZzZãìX34545»4è XEHHEYHEÅzŸsÆ_.�’zWpD��Z�ÛZŠÃœu�YZŠZgÔîg§hVÔgzZc]ZzgZŠZgzV6�™C�XZk§bÐtZãëW°ZzgzZÕÅŠk0ãŠ,�ZzgZkntîsZ~Š@g]öÅãŠÌ

�Xaè�’pyZzg\ÆgºÆˆZ�ÛZŠÃ—(ÏèÙ|~Ý™ä™äzZàƒÐñWF+úZï�ÔÎŠgCîg6t¬@(„ÆyZy~¹„ZëúZï�Xóó

@g]Zg»Y6ÃgpzZáZIDÐtZ%7æ{7�f[»£Šx»t¦g*7Éœ-V6Z*ì:

The clash thesis is not novel. It draws upon atradition that emerged in Europe at the birth of thenation-state and accompanied European expansionacross the world. T h i s wa s the idea that,notwithstanding the intense rivalry between suchstates, people of Europe held in common attributessuperior to those of all other human beings.Expressed in the "civilizing" missions of specific statesthese gave meaning to colonialism and had the effectof complementing ideologies of nation which were ofimmense importance in cohering unstable domesticpopulations. The idea of a civilizing Europe was asimportant "at home" as it was abroad: it was indeed a"security" measure much like Huntington's defense ofU.S. interests in the 1990s. Here "civilization" has anideological function in the classical sense: it is partof a body of ideas which endorse relations ofinequality and of domination of a majority of people







by a small number of others.(1)

LL£Šx»ÃtÃð5!]7XZkÅãŠZkgzZe6ì�-g\~¸ò(„ÅZ’ZYÐz�Š~WðZzgŠ*6-g8ÂWÆ‚B(fˆXt¦g-Vå�Zygc2VÆâÎ”hg‡"Æ!z�Š-g\ÆßÍVä†¬ÝZ+Ð¼ÃëS:]Z(g™BX

¼{mgc2VÆ�RuÆZÖgÆ_.ZrVäâW!ŠeÃpŠcZzgxÅŠ™äzZáÃc]6Zk»ZWƒZ��)x£òW!Š~Æ!bg*Æªx~úcVZÌ»qïåXZq�d5k-g\»¦gAZ0gzyo¬xåZÚÛzyoÌXtšµZq§b»™õZŠZxå6�0991YÅŠ;ð~34545»4è XEHHEYHEäZ%O¢ŠZ]»ŠÃqHXŒV¯»sV~�d»ZqÃcC¿ìXtZy¦gZ]6Œì�))zc:©]ZzgZÒîW!Š~6Šzu~¸xÆPßÍVÆjÅÂ}™D�Xóó

pDÙ|ÅãŠ6aZƒäzZáñ�Š{¬@£ŠxÅa,”w’ÃÑhps~ñ�Š�Xf!Š*)øp÷ZLpDÂxcZsxÅpDZŠZgÃZqç{¦g™C�:

For Huntington, the clash of civilizations was anh i s tor ic de v e l opme nt . Th e h i s to r y o f theinternational system had been essentially about thestruggles between monarchs, nations, and ideologieswithin Western civilization. The end of the cold warinaugurated a new period, where non-Westerners


(1) Philip Marfleet, The "Clash" Thesis: War and Ethnic

Boundaries in Europe , Arab Studies Quarterly, vol. 25,

2003.






were no longer the helpless recipients of Westernpower, but now counted amongst the movers ofhistory. The rise of civilizational politics intersectedfour long-run processes at play in the internationalsystem:

1. The relative decline of the West.

2. The rise of the Asian economy and its associated'cultural affirmation ', with China poised tobecome the greatest power in human history.

3. A population explosion in the Muslim world, andthe associated resurgence of Islam.

4. The impact of globalization, including the extraordinary expansion of transnational flows ofcommerce, information, and people.

The coincidence of these factors was forging anew international order.(1)

LL34545»4è XEHHEYHEÆ_.�'V»£ŠxZq@g]¿ìXÎZÑZòÂxÅ@gõ÷ƒVÔ¸ñVZzgf!�d~ÌÃc]ÆâÎ]z46ŒìXuŠkÆ{8äZq6Šzg»W¸iHX˜V)f!¤!VÆ‚t¡"cgzæŠÇgZWJw™äzZá„:¸ÉZ[z{@gõÅw•»zÌ¸X�R(„Æ²z`äÎZÑZòÂx~4îsZ~Š¥z/¿úZïÃOWH:

£˜f[»izZw 1X


(1) Simon Murden, Sulture in World Affairs in John Baylis &


2001, p. 461-2.






Z.ðu»²z`ÔZk»uÆ‚BpD¬zyƒDƒñ 2XZã@gõÅxF+¤‰Ü“»Zky

›Š*~W!Š~»ZŸ†ZzgZsx»²z` 3X

¬KeÆZWZ]T~ÎZÅ+)é´ˆg]ÔZ:¬]ZzgßÍV 4XÅ)©à;ƒZzgnŠ!�áï�XZyÓxúZïÅàz‰Üñ�ŠÏZq6ÎZÑZòÂxÃú

Š}g„ìXóóZÏ¦gÃŠzu}£x6t®-VÒV™@ì

Huntington observed that Islam had particularly'bloody borders', a situation that would continue untilMuslim population growth slowed in the second orthird decade of the twenty-first century. At the'macro-level ', a more general competition forcapabilities and influence was evident, with theprincipal division between the 'West' and, to varyingdegrees, the 'Rest'. According to Huntington, thehegemony of the West was most contested by thetwo most forceful non-Western civilizations, the Sinicand Islamic. Resistance to the West was most evidentover issues such as arms control and the promotion ofWestern political values. Western efforts to projecttheir democracy and human rights were widelyregarded as a form of non-imperialism.(1)




2001, p. 462.






LL4545»4èXEHEYHEäÒyH�Zsx�g{mpãuuzV»qïìXtßg�wYg~gìÏ@z4Zå,œ~ÅŠzu~cŠ~Š;ð~

›âVÅW!Š~~ZŸ†Á:ƒYñX(~R6f[Zzg†Š*ÆŠgxyzZã„Æ‚BZ3Ó43ð XGGVZzgZWgÎccÀò£¨(ZzZãìX4545»4è XEHEYHEÆ_.f[Å'F~ÃŠz¹„¤!g)f!

�'VªìÔZzgZsòÆ£«»‚oìXZ)b}fZÌZzgf[Å(ÏZŠZgÆ�Ûzr~ZyÅ§sÐ'×ZØ¹„úcVìXóó

@ëf[»�R£Šx»t¦gZL@g]:©Æ´z{Zyè´V»%ƒy5ÌT»ZkÃbÃúŠ¶zZáDg�:

Huntington's anti-modern perspective, which rejectsthe dominant modern notion of history as progressand instead proposes history as continuity, is evenmore radically anti-modern considering his generaltreatment of civi lizations as actors. Any trulymodern, post-Wittgenstein understanding ofcivilization would necessarily include the concept ofcivilization as construct, which implies first theinherent artificiality of any civilization and secondthe constant potential for the innovation ofcivilizational content. Such a view of innovationwithin civilizations is perhaps best seen in a standardmodern understanding of the history of Westerncivilization as a progressive fusion of classical,Christian and Enlightenment ideals, the latter beingrooted in the past but in some important sense newand unprecedented. Under this modern conception,







Western civilization, with all its internal divisions andconstant innovational struggles, would have anextraordinarily difficult time trying to behave as aunitary actor.(1)

LL34545»4è XEHHEYHE»)]hÚø�@gõÆF¹5kƒäÅ]h¸¦gÅÔ™@ìZzgZkÆOñZÐZqöŒÛZgŠêìXt�dÃZq¬ïKÆ¦gÐÌicŠ{]he#³¦gìX�d»

ÃðÌz&»4k5é HYEHíÆˆ»]hû�dÆ‚|ƒäÆ¦g6ŒìX�Zzi�dÅZ0gzã¡ÎZzgU3�dÆZºZq

ÅxZq6ŒìX�d~ZºZq»Z(¦g4îg6f!�dÅ@gõÆ]hû~Š¬YYìX�¯»Ô|ðZzggz×ìàÆ¦gZ]ÅF¹5kWöl6ŒìXX~ÐWyZ™Åa,Ââè~�pFZëjZßVÐt*Zzg°*ZÅ3�.ç EEGìX]h¦gZ]Æ_.f!�dZKÓxFZ0gzã„ZzgxZºZ¦]z4Æ!ZqzZu¬ïÆîg6gz/¿ƒäÆa)©à)]ÐŠzegìXóó

Z0g,qÑ]tZ0Zi{™*ÃðÂZ%7�Z¤ñ�Š{¬@qÑ]WÐ(DgìÂZk¬@£Šx»Z�xHƒÇÍcW`Z+ÃZK’ÆnZqZ,¬@ÂxÅ¢zg]ìTÅãŠ£ŠxÅOñk?ƒXZzgt¢z]

iÃ^Öç]�ÖoÒ×Ûè‰ç]ðenßß^ ÜsZsx7g~™YìTä¬ŠyÐ»šg«™ÆZqzWãŠ�ÛZë™Š~X æenßÓÜ


(1) Christian Stracke; The Clash of Civilizations and the


Affairs, vol. 51, 1997.






3XSsx»�gÂx§]Sšr(Presentation of Islam as Code of Life)

Z+ÆnŠ+§]ƒäÆ*ðTZOŠÃƒ*eìåW`:Üsz{ZOŠZIZsxÆ;V®ŠìÉŠzu~�’ZkZOŠÐu�ágÃWC�:

However, no civilization is completely distinct fromthe influence of others and in particular, all havebeen affected by the model culture and modernitypioneered in the west.(1)

LL@ëÃð�dÌåîg6ZµêZzgŠzuzVÆZWZ]ÐWiZŠ7ÉƒZkVà×Zzg]heÐOW�T»W¸i

f[äHXóó¸zz�ZsxÆ!g}~ZÖg™Dƒñf!®+ZsxÃZK

W»¶:¯D�ÂZy»Z0Zi{ZK�dÅ'F~ÃªCÙ™DƒñZsxÅ(ZsxÆ�R™ŠZg F. Fukuyama $ÅuzVÃgä4ìX¯Ãcâ)

Æ!g}~ZÖg™Dƒñqì:Islam represented a systematic and coherentideology. . . with its own code of morality anddoctrine of political and social justice. The appeal ofIslam [was] potentially universal; reaching out to allmen as men. . . And Islam has indeed defeatedliberal democracy in many parts of the Islamic world,


(1) Simon Murden, Sulture in World Affairs in John Baylis& Steve Smith's The Globalization of World Politics,OUP, 2001, p. 458.






posing a grave threat to liberal practices even incountries where it has not achieved political powerdirectly. . . Despite the power demonstrated by Islamin its current revival, however, it remains the casethat this religion has virtually no appeal outsidethose areas that were culturally Islamic to beginwith. The days of Islam's cultural conquests, it wouldseem, are over. It can win back lapsed adherents,but has no resonance for the young people _Berlin,Tokyo, or Moscow. And while nearly a billion arecu ltu ra l ly Is l amic-one-f i f th of the world 'spopulation-they cannot challenge liberal-democracyon its own territory on the level of ideas. Indeed, theIslamic world would seem more vulnerable to liberalideas in the long run than the reverse. (1)

LLZsxZq±Zzg%1oÃ›§]ìT»ZCŸ$�î E0ZÜtZzg(ÏZzg�YZ»s»ÂxìX)Z’U(ZsxÅ=qWÃ¹¶�¬xZâVJâX)Šzg]h~(šµZsxä›Š*ÆF”V

~WiZŠìw/geÃ“Š~ZzgZkÐtZy˜´~ÌWiZŠìwgzlÆaç{U"ƒZ˜Vt'Z{gZ„(Ï¸]7qÝ™eX@ëñ�Š{Z§ð]z4ÆŠzgZyZsxÅ§sÐ¸]ÆZÖgÆ!z�Š|¸ì�Zkè<Ø~Zy˜´Ð!CÙ˜VZsxpDîg6ÑzqƒZÃðæ7XZ,4ì�ZsxÅpD

:q]»iâ:¦g[ìt¼ß�V»DgzZhZ�ÛZŠ»ŠwÂÛYìpZk~'ÞÔIYZzgâjÆâ�ZâVcÃðœZñ


(1) Simon Murden, Sulture in World Affairs in John Baylis& Steve Smith's The Globalization of World Politics,OUP, 2001 p. 461.






!i‚ñ�Š7XŠ*~ZqtªŠ*ÅW!Š~»0vZV8~îGpDîg6ZsòƒDƒ�Ì›y_w/geÃZL´º~ÌÃc]ÅãŠ6½7™MXšµz‰Ü¦gäÆ‚B‚BZsòŠ*_w¦gZ]Ã“Š¶ÅOñZyÆ‚t¬bZzg*ÂZVU"ƒC¬YñÏXóó

ZÐZsxÆ_.Šzu~�'VÃ�ÛzrZzg„qÝƒZìZsxÅ�Rw“uz2]ZzgZ‹ZŸ]ÅiŠ~ìXZk»ãŠ~:Z°gzx]ZzgãŠ~ZŠg»z{�Ûtì�ZsxZzgŠv�'V~qbì:

In reality, the differences between civilizations randeep: they were about man and God, man andwoman, the individual and the state, and notions ofrights, authority, obligation, and justice. Culture wasabout the basic perceptions of life that had beenconstructed over centuries.(1)

LL|~�'V~ñ�ŠZ%Ã]¹�}�XtZyZzg}ZÔ%ŠZzgúg]Ô�ÛŠZzggc„Ô¦gZ]Zzg£tÔZ(gÔZ¤®ZzgZ»sÐ0�X×i0ÏÆZyãŠ~¦gZ]Ð0ì�

œ-VÆ¿Æ¼g5kƒñXóóZsxÃŠg7Zk½Æ7ÃZkZ%Å¢z]ìW`)~»çV

Ã-gnƒñŠÑbz'Z�Æ‚BZsxÃ�gÂx§]Š*Æ‚t7HYñX








4X¬@'ŠZ“Æ×»�Ûzr(Culture of Tolerance at International Level)

`Å]hŠ*ZZ‡qZ•I~ÆgD*]Æ�'ŠZ“Æ W×ÐøzxƒCYg„ìXZygD*]~ZqãŠ6ÏÌìT»:(ÏÔZOŠ~Ô�YZzgèIøzxV�:

Fundamentalism is more than a political protestagainst the West or the prevailing establishment. Italso reflects deep-seated fear of modern institutionsand has paranoid visions of demonic enemieseverywhere. It is alarming that so many people in somany different parts are so pessimistic about theworld that they can only find hope in fantasies ofapocalyptic catastrophe. Fundamentalism shows agrowi n g s e n se o f g r i ev a nc e , r e s en tme n t,displacement, disorientation, and anomie that anyhumane, enlightened government must attempt toaddress.(1)

LLãŠ64f[cñ�ŠZ_545Òg.3ï HGEIEHÆÜs(ÏZî`ÐicŠ{Ì¼ìXt]hZŠZgzVÐ�}psZzgCÙ§s“ƒñŠ7VÃZLrT»f)ŠZgK»1ÌìXt!]¹p+uì�Š*ÆZãicŠ{”V~ZãßvŠ*Æ!g}~Zãâ-k�

�Z7Ë*�ãZz[Æ¦gZ]~„ZyÅ™yÃWCìXãŠ64Dc]ÔgfÏÔÅg~ZÙqÔ[�Zzg"Ÿ$ŒÀö E

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In much of the post-cold war discourse on culturalconflict, it was Islam that came into the frame.Islam, seem to represent a particular source ofconflict both as a homeland and as a diaspora.Certainly, Islamic peoples were locked in violentconflicts against adjoining civilizations and secularstates across the Balkans, West and East Africa, theMiddle East, the Caucasus, Central Asia, India,Indonesia, and the Philippines, with their efforts topromulgate Islamic law a particularly explosiveissue.(1)

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ay:¸bpîGZ°‚!Ô9931&9791X30. Abd Allah Ahmad Na'im, Human Rights and religious

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